This is a modern-English version of The Native Races [of the Pacific states], Volume 1, Wild Tribes: The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, Volume 1, originally written by Bancroft, Hubert Howe. It has been thoroughly updated, including changes to sentence structure, words, spelling, and grammar—to ensure clarity for contemporary readers, while preserving the original spirit and nuance. If you click on a paragraph, you will see the original text that we modified, and you can toggle between the two versions.

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Transcriber's Note:

Transcriber's Note:

Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation in the original document have been preserved.

Obvious typos have been corrected. Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation in the original document have been kept.

Italics in the footnotes citations were inconsistently applied by the typesetter.

Italics in the footnote citations were applied inconsistently by the typesetter.

The following changes were made or suggested:
Page xlix: "Viena" is a possible typo for "Vienna"
Page xlix: "Megico" is a possible typo for "Mejico"
Page 18: The opening quote mark is missing in the quote ending "in company,"
Page 37: "Aläsku" should possibly be "Aläksu"
Page 104: "von 10 bis 12 Pud" should possibly be "von 10 bis 12 Pfund"
Page 105: "mit grellen Farben" should possibly be "die mit grellen Farben"
Page 203: Viaye changed to Viage
Page 210: "Some of women would with difficulty" is apparently missing a word
Page 212: Crane's Topog. Mem. possibly should be Cram's
Page 283: Farnham's Trav., pp. 81-; is missing an end page reference
Page 401: "galeon" should possibly be "galleon"
Page 413: Footnote 591 is missing its anchor
Page 417: Footnote 597 is missing its anchor
Page 420: Footnote 601 is missing its anchor
Page 468: "to the west fork of Walker's river the south.'" is apparently missing a word
Page 606: headquarters possibly should be headwaters
Page 699: gray colors possibly should be gay colors
Page 763: looses possibly should be loses

The following changes were made or suggested:
Page xlix: "Viena" might be a typo for "Vienna"
Page xlix: "Megico" might be a typo for "Mejico"
Page 18: The opening quote mark is missing in the quote ending "in company,"
Page 37: "Aläsku" might need to be "Aläksu"
Page 104: "von 10 bis 12 Pud" might need to be "von 10 bis 12 Pfund"
Page 105: "mit grellen Farben" might need to be "die mit grellen Farben"
Page 203: Viaye changed to Viage
Page 210: "Some of women would with difficulty" seems to be missing a word
Page 212: Crane's Topog. Mem. might need to be Cram's
Page 283: Farnham's Trav., pp. 81-; is missing an end page reference
Page 401: "galeon" might need to be "galleon"
Page 413: Footnote 591 is missing its anchor
Page 417: Footnote 597 is missing its anchor
Page 420: Footnote 601 is missing its anchor
Page 468: "to the west fork of Walker's river the south.'" seems to be missing a word
Page 606: headquarters might need to be headwaters
Page 699: gray colors might need to be gay colors
Page 763: looses might need to be loses

THE WORKS

OF

THE WORKS

OF

HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.

HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.

VOLUME I.

VOLUME 1.

THE NATIVE RACES.

Vol. I. Wild Tribes.

SAN FRANCISCO:
A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS.
1883.

SAN FRANCISCO:
A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS.
1883.

Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1882, by
HUBERT H. BANCROFT,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.

Registered under the Act of Congress in 1882, by
HUBERT H. BANCROFT,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress in Washington.


All Rights Reserved.

All rights reserved.

THE WORLD

THE WORLD: The white part showing THE PACIFIC STATES.

THE WORLD: The white area representing THE PACIFIC STATES.

View larger image

PREFACE.


In pursuance of a general plan involving the production of a series of works on the western half of North America, I present this delineation of its aboriginal inhabitants as the first. To the immense territory bordering on the western ocean from Alaska to Darien, and including the whole of Mexico and Central America, I give arbitrarily, for want of a better, the name Pacific States. Stretching almost from pole to equator, and embracing within its limits nearly one tenth of the earth's surface, this last Western Land offers to lovers of knowledge a new and enticing field; and, although hitherto its several parts have been held somewhat asunder by the force of circumstances, yet are its occupants drawn by nature into nearness of relationship, and will be brought yet nearer by advancing civilization; the common oceanic highway on the one side, and the great mountain ramparts on the other, both tending to this result. The characteristics of this vast domain, material and social, are comparatively unknown and are essentially peculiar. To its exotic civilization all the so-called older nations of the world have contributed of their energies; and this composite mass, leavened by its destiny, is now working out the new problem of its future. The modern history of this West antedates that of the East by over a century, and although there may be apparent heterogeneity viii in the subject thus territorially treated, there is an apparent tendency toward ultimate unity.

In line with a broader plan to create a series of works about the western part of North America, I present this depiction of its original inhabitants as the first. To the vast territory stretching along the western coast from Alaska to Darien, including all of Mexico and Central America, I will arbitrarily refer to it, due to a lack of a better term, as the Pacific States. Extending almost from the North Pole to the equator and covering nearly one-tenth of the Earth's surface, this latest Western Land offers a new and enticing field for knowledge seekers. Although its various parts have been somewhat separated by circumstances, its inhabitants are naturally drawn into closer relationships, which will become even stronger with advancing civilization; the common ocean highway on one side and the great mountain ranges on the other both support this outcome. The characteristics of this vast area, both material and social, are relatively unknown and distinctly unique. All the so-called older nations of the world have contributed to its exotic civilization, and this blended mass, influenced by its destiny, is now figuring out the new challenges of its future. The modern history of this West predates that of the East by over a century, and while there may seem to be diversity in the subject at hand, there is a clear trend towards eventual unity.

To some it may be of interest to know the nature and extent of my resources for writing so important a series of works. The books and manuscripts necessary for the task existed in no library in the world; hence, in 1859, I commenced collecting material relative to the Pacific States. After securing everything within my reach in America, I twice visited Europe, spending about two years in thorough researches in England and the chief cities of the Continent. Having exhausted every available source, I was obliged to content myself with lying in wait for opportunities. Not long afterward, and at a time when the prospect of materially adding to my collection seemed anything but hopeful, the Biblioteca Imperial de Méjico, of the unfortunate Maximilian, collected during a period of forty years by Don José María Andrade, litterateur and publisher of the city of Mexico, was thrown upon the European market and furnished me about three thousand additional volumes.

To some, it might be interesting to know about the resources I have for writing such an important series of works. The books and manuscripts I needed didn’t exist in any library in the world, so in 1859, I began collecting material related to the Pacific States. After gathering everything I could find in America, I made two trips to Europe, spending about two years researching thoroughly in England and major cities across the Continent. Once I had exhausted every available source, I had to wait for new opportunities. Shortly after, just when the chances of significantly expanding my collection seemed bleak, the Biblioteca Imperial de Méjico, belonging to the unfortunate Maximilian and collected over forty years by Don José María Andrade, a writer and publisher from Mexico City, was put up for sale in Europe and gave me about three thousand additional volumes.

In 1869, having accumulated some sixteen thousand books, manuscripts, and pamphlets, besides maps and cumbersome files of Pacific Coast journals, I determined to go to work. But I soon found that, like Tantalus, while up to my neck in water, I was dying of thirst. The facts which I required were so copiously diluted with trash, that to follow different subjects through this trackless sea of erudition, in the exhaustive manner I had proposed, with but one life-time to devote to the work, was simply impracticable. In this emergency my friend, Mr Henry L. Oak, librarian of the collection, came to my relief. After many consultations, and not a few partial failures, a system of indexing the ix subject-matter of the whole library was devised, sufficiently general to be practicable, and sufficiently particular to direct me immediately to all my authorities on any given point. The system, on trial, stands the test, and the index when completed, as it already is for the twelve hundred authors quoted in this work, will more than double the practical value of the library.

In 1869, after collecting around sixteen thousand books, manuscripts, pamphlets, maps, and bulky files of Pacific Coast journals, I decided to get to work. But I quickly realized that, like Tantalus, even though I was surrounded by resources, I felt starved for useful information. The facts I needed were so mixed with irrelevant material that trying to explore different topics in the detailed way I intended, with only one lifetime to dedicate to the task, was simply unfeasible. In this situation, my friend, Mr. Henry L. Oak, the librarian of the collection, stepped in to help. After numerous discussions and a few setbacks, we developed an indexing system for the entire library’s subject matter that was broad enough to be useful yet specific enough to lead me directly to all the important sources on any topic. The system has proven effective, and once the index is finished, which it already is for the twelve hundred authors quoted in this work, it will more than double the library's practical value.

Of the importance of the task undertaken, I need not say that I have formed the highest opinion. At present the few grains of wheat are so hidden by the mountain of chaff as to be of comparatively little benefit to searchers in the various branches of learning; and to sift and select from this mass, to extract from bulky tome and transient journal, from the archives of convent and mission, facts valuable to the scholar and interesting to the general reader; to arrange these facts in a natural order, and to present them in such a manner as to be of practical benefit to inquirers in the various branches of knowledge, is a work of no small import and responsibility. And though mine is the labor of the artisan rather than that of the artist, a forging of weapons for abler hands to wield, a producing of raw materials for skilled mechanics to weave and color at will; yet, in undertaking to bring to light from sources innumerable essential facts, which, from the very shortness of life if from no other cause, must otherwise be left out in the physical and social generalizations which occupy the ablest minds, I feel that I engage in no idle pastime.

Of the importance of the task I've taken on, I can confidently say that I hold it in the highest regard. Right now, the few valuable insights are so buried under a mountain of irrelevant information that they're not very useful to those exploring different fields of study. My job is to sift through this mass, pulling out important facts from heavy books and fleeting articles, from the archives of monasteries and missions, that are valuable to scholars and interesting to the general reader. I need to organize these facts logically and present them in a way that’s practically beneficial to anyone seeking knowledge in various areas. This is no small task and comes with great responsibility. While my work may resemble that of a craftsman rather than an artist, creating tools for others to use and providing raw materials for skilled individuals to shape as they wish, I believe that by uncovering essential facts from countless sources—facts that, due to the brevity of life, would otherwise be overlooked in the broad generalizations that occupy the sharpest minds—I’m engaging in something far from a trivial pursuit.

A word as to the Nations of which this work is a description, and my method of treating the subject. Aboriginally, for a savage wilderness, there was here a dense population; particularly south of the thirtieth parallel, x and along the border of the ocean north of that line. Before the advent of Europeans, this domain counted its aborigines by millions; ranked among its people every phase of primitive humanity, from the reptile-eating cave-dweller of the Great Basin, to the Aztec and Maya-Quiché civilization of the southern table-land,—a civilization, if we may credit Dr Draper, "that might have instructed Europe," a culture wantonly crushed by Spain, who therein "destroyed races more civilized than herself."

A note about the nations this work describes and how I approach the topic. Originally, this area was a wild and untamed place, but it supported a large population, especially south of the thirtieth parallel, x and along the coastal regions north of that line. Before Europeans arrived, millions of indigenous people lived here, representing every aspect of early human society, from the cave-dwelling, reptile-eating inhabitants of the Great Basin to the advanced civilizations of the Aztecs and Maya-Quiché in the southern highlands—a civilization, as Dr. Draper suggests, "that could have taught Europe," a culture brutally destroyed by Spain, which "ended races more civilized than itself."

Differing among themselves in minor particulars only, and bearing a general resemblance to the nations of eastern and southern America; differing again, the whole, in character and cast of features from every other people of the world, we have here presented hundreds of nations and tongues, with thousands of beliefs and customs, wonderfully dissimilar for so segregated a humanity, yet wonderfully alike for the inhabitants of a land that comprises within its limits nearly every phase of climate on the globe. At the touch of European civilization, whether Latin or Teutonic, these nations vanished; and their unwritten history, reaching back for thousands of ages, ended. All this time they had been coming and going, nations swallowing up nations, annihilating and being annihilated, amidst human convulsions and struggling civilizations. Their strange destiny fulfilled, in an instant they disappear; and all we have of them, besides their material relics, is the glance caught in their hasty flight, which gives us a few customs and traditions, and a little mythological history.

Differing from each other in only small ways, and sharing a general resemblance to the nations of eastern and southern America; yet as a whole, their character and features are completely different from any other people in the world. Here we find hundreds of nations and languages, with thousands of beliefs and customs that are remarkably different for such a separated group of humanity, yet surprisingly similar for the inhabitants of a land that includes nearly every type of climate on Earth. When faced with European civilization, whether Latin or Germanic, these nations disappeared, and their unwritten history, which stretched back for thousands of years, came to an end. For all this time, they had been rising and falling, nations overtaking nations, destroying and being destroyed, amid human upheavals and struggling civilizations. Their unusual fate achieved, they vanished in an instant; and all we have left of them, aside from their physical remains, is the fleeting glimpse we caught during their rapid decline, which gives us a few customs and traditions, along with a bit of mythological history.

To gather and arrange in systematic compact form all that is known of these people; to rescue some facts, xi perhaps, from oblivion, to bring others from inaccessible nooks, to render all available to science and to the general reader, is the object of this work. Necessarily some parts of it may be open to the charge of dryness; I have not been able to interlard my facts with interesting anecdotes for lack of space, and I have endeavored to avoid speculation, believing, as I do, the work of the collector and that of the theorizer to be distinct, and that he who attempts to establish some pet conjecture while imparting general information, can hardly be trusted for impartial statements. With respect to the territorial divisions of the first volume, which is confined to the Wild Tribes, and the necessity of giving descriptions of the same characteristics in each, there may be an appearance of repetition; but I trust this may be found more apparent than real. Although there are many similar customs, there are also many minor differences, and, as one of the chief difficulties of this volume was to keep it within reasonable limits, no delineation has been repeated where a necessity did not appear to exist. The second volume, which treats of the Civilized Nations, offers a more fascinating field, and with ample space and all existing authorities at hand, the fault is the writer's if interest be not here combined with value. As regards Mythology, Languages, Antiquities, and Migrations, of which the three remaining volumes treat, it has been my aim to present clearly and concisely all knowledge extant on these subjects; and the work, as a whole, is intended to embody all facts that have been preserved concerning these people at the time of their almost simultaneous discovery and disappearance. It will be noticed that I have said little of the natives or their deeds since the coming of the Europeans; xii of their wars against invaders and among themselves; of repartimientos, presidios, missions, reservations, and other institutions for their conquest, conversion, protection, or oppression. My reason for this is that all these things, so far as they have any importance, belong to the modern history of the country and will receive due attention in a subsequent work.

To collect and organize everything known about these people in a clear and concise way; to save some facts, xi maybe, from being forgotten, to uncover others from hard-to-reach places, and to make all of this accessible to both science and the general audience is the goal of this work. Some parts may seem a bit dry; I haven't been able to sprinkle my facts with engaging stories due to space limitations, and I've tried to steer clear of speculation, thinking that the roles of the collector and the theorizer are separate. I believe that those who try to push their favorite theories while trying to share general knowledge can't really be trusted to provide unbiased information. Regarding the territorial divisions in the first volume, which focuses on the Wild Tribes, and the need to describe the same traits for each group, there may seem to be some repetition, but I hope this will be seen as more of a perception than a reality. While there are many similar customs, there are also many subtle differences, and since one of the main challenges of this volume was keeping it within reasonable limits, I haven't repeated descriptions unless absolutely necessary. The second volume, which focuses on the Civilized Nations, explores a more captivating subject. With plenty of space and all available resources, it’s the writer's fault if this section doesn't blend interest with value. As for Mythology, Languages, Antiquities, and Migrations, which the last three volumes discuss, I've aimed to present clearly and succinctly all existing knowledge on these topics. The work as a whole strives to capture all facts that were documented regarding these people at the time of their almost simultaneous discovery and disappearance. You might notice that I've said little about the natives or their actions since the arrival of Europeans; xii regarding their wars against invaders and conflicts among themselves; about repartimientos, presidios, missions, reservations, and other institutions for their conquest, conversion, protection, or oppression. The reason is that all these aspects, as far as they matter, belong to the modern history of the country and will be given appropriate consideration in a future work.

In these five volumes, besides information acquired from sources not therein named, are condensed the researches of twelve hundred writers, a list of whose works, with the edition used, is given in this volume. I have endeavored to state fully and clearly in my text the substance of the matter, and in reaching my conclusions to use due discrimination as to the respective value of different authorities. In the notes I give liberal quotations, both corroborative of the text, and touching points on which authors differ, together with complete references to all authorities, including some of little value, on each point, for the use of readers or writers who may either be dissatisfied with my conclusions, or may wish to investigate any particular branch of the subject farther than my limits allow.

In these five volumes, along with information from unnamed sources, I've summarized the research of twelve hundred writers. A list of their works, including the editions I used, is included in this volume. I've tried to present the main ideas clearly and fully in my text, and I've made an effort to evaluate the worth of different sources when forming my conclusions. In the notes, I provide extensive quotes that support the text and address areas where authors disagree, along with complete references to all sources, including some that are less relevant, for readers or writers who might be unhappy with my conclusions or want to explore any specific aspect of the topic more deeply than I could cover.

I have given full credit to each of the many authors from whom I have taken material, and if, in a few instances, a scarcity of authorities has compelled me to draw somewhat largely on the few who have treated particular points, I trust I shall be pardoned in view of the comprehensive nature of the work. Quotations are made in the languages in which they are written, and great pains has been taken to avoid mutilation of the author's words. As the books quoted form part of my private library, I have been able, by comparison with the originals, to carefully verify all references after xiii they were put in type; hence I may confidently hope that fewer errors have crept in than are usually found in works of such variety and extent.

I have given full credit to all the authors I’ve used material from, and if, in a few cases, a lack of sources has forced me to rely quite a bit on the few who have covered specific topics, I hope I’ll be forgiven considering the broad scope of this work. Quotations are presented in the languages they were originally written in, and I have made a great effort to avoid altering the author’s words. Since the books I referenced are part of my personal collection, I have been able to compare them to the originals and carefully check all citations after xiii they were typeset; therefore, I’m optimistic that fewer mistakes have slipped in than are typically found in works of such diversity and scale.

The labor involved in the preparation of these volumes will be appreciated by few. That expended on the first volume alone, with all the material before me, is more than equivalent to the well-directed efforts of one person for ten years. In the work of selecting, sifting, and arranging my subject-matter, I have called in the aid of a large corps of assistants, and, while desiring to place on no one but myself any responsibility for the work, either in style or matter, I would render just acknowledgment for the services of all; especially to the following gentlemen, for the efficient manner in which, each in his special department, they have devoted their energies and abilities to the carrying out of my plan;—to Mr T. Arundel-Harcourt, in the researches on the manners and customs of the Civilized Nations; to Mr Walter M. Fisher, in the investigation of Mythology; to Mr Albert Goldschmidt, in the treatise on Language; and to Mr Henry L. Oak, in the subject of Antiquities and Aboriginal History.

The effort put into preparing these volumes will be recognized by few. The work on just the first volume, with all the material at my disposal, is equivalent to the focused efforts of one person for ten years. In selecting, sorting, and organizing my topics, I've enlisted the help of a large team of assistants. While I want to take full responsibility for the work, both in style and content, I must acknowledge the contributions of everyone involved, especially the following individuals, who have effectively dedicated their skills and energy to my vision: Mr. T. Arundel-Harcourt for his research on the customs and traditions of civilized nations; Mr. Walter M. Fisher for his investigation into mythology; Mr. Albert Goldschmidt for his work on language; and Mr. Henry L. Oak for his focus on antiquities and aboriginal history.

CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.

CHAPTER I.
Cultural Introduction.

 page.

page.

Facts and Theories—Hypotheses concerning Origin—Unity of Race—Diversity of Race—Spontaneous Generation—Origin of Animals and Plants—Primordial Centres of Population—Distribution of Plants and Animals—Adaptability of Species to Locality—Classification of Species—Ethnological Tests—Races of the Pacific—First Intercourse with Europeans1

Facts and Theories—Hypotheses about Origin—Unity of Race—Diversity of Race—Spontaneous Generation—Origin of Animals and Plants—Original Centers of Population—Distribution of Plants and Animals—Species Adaptation to Local Environment—Species Classification—Ethnological Tests—Pacific Races—First Contact with Europeans1

CHAPTER II.
HYPERBOREANS.

General Divisions—Hyperborean Nations—Aspects of Nature—Vegetation—Climate—Animals—The Eskimos—Their Country—Physical Characteristics—Dress—Dwellings—Food—Weapons—Boats—Sledges—Snow-Shoes—Government—Domestic Affairs—Amusements—Diseases—Burial—The Koniagas, their Physical and Social Condition—The Aleuts—The Thlinkeets—The Tinneh35

General Divisions—Hyperborean Nations—Aspects of Nature—Vegetation—Climate—Animals—The Eskimos—Their Country—Physical Characteristics—Clothing—Homes—Food—Weapons—Boats—Sleds—Snowshoes—Government—Household Matters—Entertainment—Diseases—Burials—The Koniagas, their Physical and Social Condition—The Aleuts—The Thlinkeets—The Tinneh35

CHAPTER III.
COLOMBIANS.

Habitat of the Columbian Group—Physical Geography—Sources of Food Supply—Influence of Food and Climate—Four extreme Classes—Haidahs—Their Home—Physical Peculiarities—Clothing—Shelter—Sustenance—Implements—Manufactures—Arts—Property—Laws—Slavery—Women—Customs—Medicine—Death—The Nootkas—The Sound Nations—The Chinooks—The Shushwaps—The Salish—The Sahaptins150

Habitat of the Columbian Group—Physical Geography—Sources of Food Supply—Impact of Food and Climate—Four Main Classes—Haidahs—Their Home—Physical Features—Clothing—Housing—Food—Tools—Manufacturing—Arts—Property—Laws—Slavery—Women—Traditions—Medicine—Death—The Nootkas—The Sound Nations—The Chinooks—The Shushwaps—The Salish—The Sahaptins150

CHAPTER IV.
CALIFORNIANS.

Groupal Divisions; Northern, Central, and Southern Californians, and Shoshones—Country of the Californians—The Klamaths, Modocs, Shastas, Pitt River Indians, Eurocs, Cahrocs, Hoopahs, Weeyots, xvi Tolewahs, and Rogue River Indians and their Customs—The Tehamas, Pomos, Ukiahs, Gualalas, Sonomas, Petalumas, Napas, Suscols, Suisunes, Tamales, Karquines, Tulomos, Thamiens, Olchones, Runsiens, Escelens, and others of Central California—The Cahuillos, Diegueños, Islanders, and Mission Rancherías of Southern California—The Snakes or Shoshones proper, Utahs, Bannocks, Washoes and other Shoshone Nations322

Group Divisions: Northern, Central, and Southern Californians, and Shoshones—Land of the Californians—The Klamaths, Modocs, Shastas, Pitt River Indians, Eurocs, Cahrocs, Hoopahs, Weeyots, xvi Tolewahs, and Rogue River Indians and their Customs—The Tehamas, Pomos, Ukiahs, Gualalas, Sonomas, Petalumas, Napas, Suscols, Suisunes, Tamales, Karquines, Tulomos, Thamiens, Olchones, Runsiens, Escelens, and others from Central California—The Cahuillos, Diegueños, Islanders, and Mission Rancherías of Southern California—The Snakes or Shoshones proper, Utahs, Bannocks, Washoes, and other Shoshone Nations322

CHAPTER V.
NEW MEXICANS.

Geographical Position of this Group, and Physical Features of the Territory—Family Divisions; Apaches, Pueblos, Lower Californians, and Northern Mexicans—The Apache Family: Comanches, Apaches Proper, Hualapais, Yumas, Cosninos, Yampais, Yalchedunes, Yamajabs, Cruzados, Nijoras, Navajos, Mojaves, and their Customs—The Pueblo Family: Pueblos, Moquis, Pimas, Maricopas, Pápagos, and their Neighbors—The Cochimis, Waicuris, Pericuis, and other Lower Californians—The Seris, Sinaloas, Tarahumares, Conchos, Tepehuanes, Tobosos, Acaxees, and others in Northern Mexico471

Geographical Location of this Group and Physical Features of the Area—Family Divisions: Apaches, Pueblos, Lower Californians, and Northern Mexicans—The Apache Family: Comanches, Apaches Proper, Hualapais, Yumas, Cosninos, Yampais, Yalchedunes, Yamajabs, Cruzados, Nijoras, Navajos, Mojaves, and Their Customs—The Pueblo Family: Pueblos, Moquis, Pimas, Maricopas, Pápagos, and Their Neighbors—The Cochimis, Waicuris, Pericuis, and Other Lower Californians—The Seris, Sinaloas, Tarahumares, Conchos, Tepehuanes, Tobosos, Acaxees, and Others in Northern Mexico471

CHAPTER VI.
Indigenous Groups of Mexico.

Territorial Aspects—Two Main Divisions; Wild Tribes of Central Mexico, and Wild Tribes of Southern Mexico—The Coras and others in Jalisco—Descendants of the Aztecs—The Otomís and Mazahuas Adjacent to the Valley of Mexico—The Pames—The Tarascos and Matlaltzincas of Michoacan—The Huaztecs and Totonacos of Vera Cruz and Tamaulipas—The Chontales, Chinantecs, Mazatecs, Cuicatecs, Chatinos, Miztecs, Zapotecs, Mijes, Huaves, Chiapanecs, Zoques, Lacandones, Choles, Mames, Tzotziles, Tzendales, Chochones and others of Southern Mexico615

Territorial Aspects—Two Main Divisions: Wild Tribes of Central Mexico and Wild Tribes of Southern Mexico—The Coras and others in Jalisco—Descendants of the Aztecs—The Otomís and Mazahuas next to the Valley of Mexico—The Pames—The Tarascos and Matlaltzincas from Michoacan—The Huaztecs and Totonacos from Vera Cruz and Tamaulipas—The Chontales, Chinantecs, Mazatecs, Cuicatecs, Chatinos, Miztecs, Zapotecs, Mijes, Huaves, Chiapanecs, Zoques, Lacandones, Choles, Mames, Tzotziles, Tzendales, Chochones, and others from Southern Mexico615

CHAPTER VII.
Wild Tribes of Central America.

Physical Geography and Climate—Three Groupal Divisions; First, the nations of Yucatan, Guatemala, Salvador, Western Honduras, and Nicaragua; Second, The Mosquitos of Honduras; Third, the nations of Costa Rica and the Isthmus of Panamá—The Popolucas, Pipiles and Chontales—The Descendants of the Maya-Quiché Races—The Natives of Nicaragua—The Mosquitos, Poyas, Ramas, Lencas, Towkas, Woolwas, and Xicaques of Honduras—The Guatusos of the Rio Frio—The Caimanes, Bayamos, Dorachos, Goajiros, Mandingos, Savanerics, Sayrones, and Viscitas living in Costa Rica and on the Isthmus684

Physical Geography and Climate—Three Group Divisions: First, the nations of Yucatan, Guatemala, El Salvador, Western Honduras, and Nicaragua; Second, the Mosquito Coast of Honduras; Third, the nations of Costa Rica and the Isthmus of Panama—The Popolucas, Pipiles, and Chontales—The Descendants of the Maya-Quiché Races—The Natives of Nicaragua—The Mosquitos, Poyas, Ramas, Lencas, Towkas, Woolwas, and Xicaques of Honduras—The Guatusos of the Rio Frio—The Caimanes, Bayamos, Dorachos, Goajiros, Mandingos, Savanerics, Sayrones, and Viscitas living in Costa Rica and on the Isthmus684

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Abbot (Gorham D.), Mexico and the United States. New York, 1869.

Abbot (Gorham D.), Mexico and the United States. New York, 1869.

Abert (J. W.), Report of his Examination of New Mexico. 1846-7. (30th Congress, 1st Session, Senate Executive Doc. 41.) Washington, 1848.

Abert (J. W.), Report of his Examination of New Mexico. 1846-7. (30th Congress, 1st Session, Senate Executive Doc. 41.) Washington, 1848.

About (Edmond), Handbook of Social Economy. New York, 1873.

About (Edmond), Handbook of Social Economy. New York, 1873.

Acazitli (Francisco de Sandoval), Relacion de la Jornada que hizo. Indios Chichimecas de Xuchipila. In Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii.

Acazitli (Francisco de Sandoval), Account of the Journey Made. Chichimeca Indians of Xuchipila. In Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., vol. ii.

Acosta (Joaquin), Compendio Histórico del Descubrimiento, etc. de la Nueva Granada. Paris, 1848.

Acosta (Joaquin), Historical Summary of the Discovery, etc. of New Granada. Paris, 1848.

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THE NATIVE RACES
OF THE
PACIFIC STATES.

THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLES
OF THE
PACIFIC STATES.


WILD TRIBES.

WILD TRIBES.


CHAPTER I.

Cultural Overview.

Facts and Theories—Hypotheses concerning Origin—Unity of Race—Diversity of Race—Spontaneous Generation—Origin of Animals and Plants—Primordial Centres of Population—Distribution of Plants and Animals—Adaptability of Species to Locality—Classification of Species—Ethnological Tests—Races of the Pacific—First Intercourse with Europeans.

Facts and Theories—Hypotheses about Origin—Unity of Race—Diversity of Race—Spontaneous Generation—Origin of Animals and Plants—Primordial Centers of Population—Distribution of Plants and Animals—Adaptability of Species to Local Environments—Classification of Species—Ethnological Tests—Races of the Pacific—First Contact with Europeans.

Facts are the raw material of science. They are to philosophy and history, what cotton and iron are to cloth and steam-engines. Like the raw material of the manufacturer, they form the bases of innumerable fabrics, are woven into many theories finely spun or coarsely spun, which wear out with time, become unfashionable, or else prove to be indeed true and fit, and as such remain. This raw material of the scholar, like that of the manufacturer, is always a staple article; its substance never changes, its value never diminishes; whatever may be the condition of society, or howsoever advanced the mind, it is indispensable. Theories may be only for the day, but facts are for all time and for all science. When we remember that the sum of all knowledge is but the sum of ascertained facts, and that every new 2 fact brought to light, preserved, and thrown into the general fund, is so much added to the world's store of knowledge,—when we consider that, broad and far as our theories may reach, the realm of definite, tangible, ascertained truth is still of so little extent, the importance of every never-so-insignificant acquisition is manifest. Compare any fact with the fancies which have been prevalent concerning it, and consider, I will not say their relative brilliance, but their relative importance. Take electricity, how many explanations have been given of the lightning and the thunder, yet there is but one fact; the atmosphere, how many howling demons have directed the tempest, how many smiling deities moved in the soft breeze. For the one all-sufficient First Cause, how many myriads of gods have been set up; for every phenomenon how many causes have been invented; with every truth how many untruths have contended, with every fact how many fancies. The profound investigations of latter-day philosophers are nothing but simple and laborious inductions from ascertained facts, facts concerning attraction, polarity, chemical affinity and the like, for the explanation of which there are countless hypotheses, each hypothesis involving multitudes of speculations, all of which evaporate as the truth slowly crystallizes. Speculation is valuable to science only as it directs the mind into otherwise-undiscoverable paths; but when the truth is found, there is an end to speculation.

Facts are the basic building blocks of science. They are to philosophy and history what cotton and iron are to fabric and steam engines. Just like the raw materials for manufacturers, they serve as the foundation for countless ideas, woven into many theories that can be finely or coarsely crafted, which eventually fade away, become outdated, or prove to be accurate and enduring. This foundational material for scholars, like that for manufacturers, is always essential; its essence never changes, and its value never decreases. Regardless of societal conditions or how advanced our thinking becomes, facts remain crucial. Theories may be temporary, but facts are timeless and vital for all scientific inquiry. When we recognize that the entirety of knowledge is simply the sum of verified facts, and that each new fact discovered contributes to our global knowledge, it’s clear how critical even the smallest addition is. Think about any fact alongside the popular myths surrounding it, and consider—not their shine, but their significance. Take electricity as an example. Countless explanations have been offered for lightning and thunder, yet there's only one fact. As for the atmosphere, many howling demons have supposedly controlled the storms, while many cheerful deities have supposedly stirred the gentle breezes. For the singular, sufficient First Cause, a multitude of gods have arisen; for each phenomenon, countless causes have been proposed; with every truth, numerous falsehoods have battled, and with every fact, various fancies have emerged. The in-depth studies of modern philosophers are essentially thorough and systematic conclusions drawn from established facts, such as those about attraction, polarity, chemical affinity, and so on. For these, countless hypotheses exist, each involving many speculations, all of which dissipate as the truth eventually becomes clear. Speculation holds value for science only by guiding the mind toward discoveries that might otherwise remain hidden; however, once the truth is discovered, speculation ceases to hold relevance.

So much for facts in general; let us now look for a moment at the particular class of facts of which this work is a collection.

So much for general facts; let’s now take a moment to consider the specific type of facts that this work gathers.

TENDENCY OF PHILOSOPHIC INQUIRY.

Tendencies in philosophical inquiry.

The tendency of philosophic inquiry is more and more toward the origin of things. In the earlier stages of intellectual impulse, the mind is almost wholly absorbed in ministering to the necessities of the present; next, the mysterious uncertainty of the after life provokes inquiry, and contemplations of an eternity of the future command attention; but not until knowledge is well advanced 3 does it appear that there is likewise an eternity of the past worthy of careful scrutiny,—without which scrutiny, indeed, the eternity of the future must forever remain a sealed book. Standing as we do between these two eternities, our view limited to a narrow though gradually widening horizon, as nature unveils her mysteries to our inquiries, an infinity spreads out in either direction, an infinity of minuteness no less than an infinity of immensity; for hitherto, attempts to reach the ultimate of molecules, have proved as futile as attempts to reach the ultimate of masses. Now man, the noblest work of creation, the only reasoning creature, standing alone in the midst of this vast sea of undiscovered truth,—ultimate knowledge ever receding from his grasp, primal causes only thrown farther back as proximate problems are solved,—man, in the study of mankind, must follow his researches in both of these directions, backward as well as forward, must indeed derive his whole knowledge of what man is and will be from what he has been. Thus it is that the study of mankind in its minuteness assumes the grandest proportions. Viewed in this light there is not a feature of primitive humanity without significance; there is not a custom or characteristic of savage nations, however mean or revolting to us, from which important lessons may not be drawn. It is only from the study of barbarous and partially cultivated nations that we are able to comprehend man as a progressive being, and to recognize the successive stages through which our savage ancestors have passed on their way to civilization. With the natural philosopher, there is little thought as to the relative importance of the manifold works of creation. The tiny insect is no less an object of his patient scrutiny, than the wonderful and complex machinery of the cosmos. The lower races of men, in the study of humanity, he deems of as essential importance as the higher; our present higher races being but the lower types of generations yet to come.

The focus of philosophical inquiry increasingly shifts toward the origins of things. At first, the mind is almost completely dedicated to meeting immediate needs; then, the mystery of the afterlife sparks questions, and thoughts about an eternity in the future demand focus. However, it isn't until knowledge progresses considerably that we realize there is also a past eternity that deserves careful examination—without this examination, the future's eternity will remain a closed book. As we stand between these two eternities, our view is limited to a narrow but gradually expanding horizon. As nature reveals her secrets to our questions, an infinity stretches out in both directions, an infinity of tiny details as well as an infinity of vastness; for so far, efforts to probe the ultimate building blocks of matter have proven as pointless as attempts to grasp the nature of the universe itself. Now, humanity, the greatest creation, being the only rational being, stands alone in the midst of this vast sea of undiscovered truths—ultimate knowledge continually slipping from reach, foundational causes pushed further away as nearby problems are solved. In studying humanity, we must explore in both directions: backward as well as forward; we must derive our understanding of what humanity is and will become from what it has been. Thus, the exploration of humanity’s intricacies takes on monumental significance. Under this perspective, every aspect of early humans holds importance; there isn't a custom or trait of primitive cultures, no matter how trivial or repulsive to us, from which valuable lessons cannot be learned. Only by studying barbaric and partially developed societies can we understand humans as a developing species and recognize the various stages our savage ancestors went through on the path to civilization. For the natural philosopher, there is little concern regarding the relative significance of the many works of creation. The tiny insect is scrutinized just as patiently as the incredible and intricate machinery of the universe. The lower races of humanity are considered just as crucial as the higher; our current advanced races are merely the lower forms of future generations.

Hence, if in the following pages, in the array of 4 minute facts incident to the successive peoples of which we speak, some of them appear small and unworthy of notice, let it be remembered that in nature there is no such thing as insignificance; still less is there anything connected with man unworthy of our most careful study, or any peculiarity of savagism irrelevant to civilization.

Hence, if in the following pages, in the array of 4 detailed facts about the various peoples we discuss, some may seem trivial and not worth mentioning, keep in mind that in nature, nothing is truly insignificant; even more so, nothing related to humanity is unworthy of our careful examination, nor is any aspect of savagery irrelevant to civilization.

ORIGIN OF MAN.

Origin of Humanity.

Different schools of naturalists maintain widely different opinions regarding the origin of mankind. Existing theories may be broadly divided into three categories; in the first two of which man is considered as a special creation, and in the third as a natural development from some lower type. The special-creation school is divided on the question of unity or diversity of race. The first party holds by the time-honored tradition, that all the nations of the earth are descended from a single human pair; the second affirms, that by one creative act were produced several special creations, each separate creation being the origin of a race, and each race primordially adapted to that part of the globe which it now inhabits. The third theory, that of the development school, denies that there ever were common centres of origin in organic creation; but claims that plants and animals generate spontaneously, and that man is but the modification of some preexisting animal form.

Different schools of naturalists have very different views on the origin of humanity. Current theories can be broadly divided into three categories; the first two see humans as a special creation, while the third considers them a natural evolution from a lower form. The special-creation school is split on the issue of whether there is unity or diversity among races. One side adheres to the long-standing belief that all nations on Earth descend from a single human pair; the other asserts that multiple special creations arose from one creative act, with each unique creation being the ancestor of a race, and each race being originally suited to the region it currently inhabits. The third theory, from the development school, rejects the existence of common origins in organic creation; it argues that plants and animals generate spontaneously, and that humans are simply modifications of some earlier animal form.

HYPOTHESES CONCERNING ORIGIN.

THEORIES ABOUT ORIGIN.

The first hypothesis, the doctrine of the monogenists, is ably supported by Latham, Prichard, and many other eminent ethnologists of Europe, and is the favorite opinion of orthodox thinkers throughout Christendom. The human race, they say, having sprung from a single pair, constitutes but one stock, though subject to various modifications. Anatomically, there is no difference between a Negro and a European. The color of the skin, the texture of the hair, the convolutions of the brain, and all other peculiarities, may be attributed to heat, moisture, and food. Man, though capable of subduing the world to himself, and of making his home under climates and circumstances the most diverse, is none the 5 less a child of nature, acted upon and molded by those conditions which he attempts to govern. Climate, periodicities of nature, material surroundings, habits of thought and modes of life, acting through a long series of ages, exercise a powerful influence upon the human physical organization; and yet man is perfectly created for any sphere in which he may dwell; and is governed in his condition by choice rather than by coercion. Articulate language, which forms the great line of demarcation between the human and the brute creation, may be traced in its leading characteristics to one common source. The differences between the races of men are not specific differences. The greater part of the flora and fauna of America, those of the circumpolar regions excepted, are essentially dissimilar to those of the old world; while man in the new world, though bearing traces of high antiquity, is specifically identical with all the races of the earth. It is well known that the hybrids of plants and of animals do not possess the power of reproduction, while in the intermixture of the races of men no such sterility of progeny can be found; and therefore, as there are no human hybrids, there are no separate human races or species, but all are one family. Besides being consistent with sound reasoning, this theory can bring to its support the testimony of the sacred writings, and an internal evidence of a creation divine and spiritual, which is sanctioned by tradition, and confirmed by most philosophic minds. Man, unlike animals, is the direct offspring of the Creator, and as such he alone continues to derive his inheritance from a divine source. The Hebraic record, continue the monogenists, is the only authentic solution of the origin of all things; and its history is not only fully sustained by science, but it is upheld by the traditions of the most ancient barbarous nations, whose mythology strikingly resembles the Mosaic account of the creation, the deluge, and the distribution of peoples. The Semitic family alone were civilized from the beginning. A peculiar 6 people, constantly upheld by special act of Providence from falling into paganism, they alone possessed a true knowledge of the mystery of creation. A universal necessity for some form of worship, a belief inherent in all mankind, in an omnipotent deity and a life beyond the grave, point to a common origin and prophesy a common destiny. This much for the monogenists.

The first hypothesis, the theory of monogenists, is well-supported by Latham, Prichard, and many other notable ethnologists in Europe, and is the favored view among traditional thinkers throughout Christian communities. They argue that the human race, having originated from a single pair, is one family, despite various differences. Anatomically, there’s no difference between a Black person and a European. Skin color, hair texture, brain structure, and all other distinctions can be attributed to heat, moisture, and diet. Humans, while capable of adapting to and dominating diverse environments, remain products of nature, influenced and shaped by the conditions they seek to control. Climate, natural cycles, physical surroundings, ways of thinking, and lifestyles, over long periods, have a significant impact on human physical development; yet, humans are perfectly suited for any environment and are influenced by choice rather than force. Articulate language, which distinguishes humans from animals, can be traced back to a common origin. The differences between human races are not fundamental differences. Most of the plant and animal life in America, except those from polar areas, is quite different from that of the Old World; however, people in the New World, despite evidence of ancient origins, are fundamentally the same as all racial groups on Earth. It is well-known that hybrids in plants and animals are often sterile, but the mixing of human races does not produce sterile offspring; thus, since there are no human hybrids, there are no separate human races or species—everyone is part of one family. This theory not only aligns with sound reasoning but also is backed by sacred texts and the internal evidence of a divine and spiritual creation, which is supported by tradition and endorsed by many philosophical thinkers. Humans, unlike animals, are the direct offspring of the Creator, and therefore, they uniquely inherit a legacy from a divine source. According to monogenists, the Hebrew record provides the only authentic explanation for the origin of all things; its history is not only fully supported by science but also upheld by the traditions of ancient, less developed nations whose mythology closely resembles the Biblical account of creation, the flood, and the dispersal of peoples. The Semitic people were civilized from the beginning; upheld by divine intervention, they alone possessed true knowledge of the mystery of creation. A universal need for some form of worship and a belief shared by all humanity in an all-powerful deity and an afterlife indicate a common origin and hint at a shared destiny. That’s the essence of the monogenists.

The second hypothesis, that of the polygenists, holds that there was not one only, but several independent creations, each giving birth to the essential, unchangeable peculiarities of a separate race; thus constituting a diversity of species with primeval adaptation to their geographical distribution. Morton, Agassiz, Gliddon, and others in America, stand sponsors for this theory. The physiological differences of race, they say, which separate mankind into classes, do not result from climatic surroundings, but are inherited from original progenitors. They point to marked characteristics in various peoples which have remained unchanged for a period of four thousand years. In place of controverting divine revelation, they claim that Mosaic history is the history of a single race, and not the history of all mankind; that the record itself contains an implied existence of other races; and that the distribution of the various species or races of men, according to their relative organisms, was part of the creative act, and of no less importance than was the act of creation.

The second hypothesis, supported by polygenists, suggests that there wasn’t just one creation, but several independent creations, each leading to the unique, unchangeable traits of different races; this resulted in a variety of species adapted to their geographical locations. Morton, Agassiz, Gliddon, and others in America advocate for this theory. They argue that the physiological differences among races, which categorize humanity into different groups, aren’t due to environmental factors but are inherited from original ancestors. They highlight significant characteristics in various groups that have remained unchanged for four thousand years. Instead of challenging divine revelation, they assert that Mosaic history refers to the history of a single race, not all of humanity; they argue that the record itself suggests the existence of other races; and that the distribution of the different species or races of humans, based on their respective traits, was part of the creative process, just as significant as the initial act of creation.

The third hypothesis, derived mainly from the writings of Lamarck, Darwin, and Huxley, is based upon the principle of evolution. All existing species are developments of some preëxisting form, which in like manner descended by true generation from a form still lower. Man, say they, bears no impress of a divine original that is not common to brutes; he is but an animal, more perfectly developed through natural and sexual selection. Commencing with the spontaneous generation of the lowest types of vegetable and animal life,—as the accumulation of mold upon food, the swarming of maggots in meat, 7 the infusorial animalcules in water, the generation of insect life in decaying vegetable substances,—the birth of one form arising out of the decay of another, the slow and gradual unfolding from a lower to a higher sphere, acting through a long succession of ages, culminate in the grandeur of intellectual manhood. Thus much for this life, while the hope of a like continued progress is entertained for the life to come. While the tendency of variety in organic forms is to decrease, argue these latter-day naturalists, individuals increase in a proportion greater than the provisional means of support. A predominating species, under favorable circumstances, rapidly multiplies, crowding out and annihilating opposing species. There is therefore a constant struggle for existence in nature, in which the strongest, those best fitted to live and improve their species, prevail; while the deformed and ill-favored are destroyed. In courtship and sexual selection the war for precedence continues. Throughout nature the male is the wooer; he it is who is armed for fight, and provided with musical organs and ornamental appendages, with which to charm the fair one. The savage and the wild beast alike secure their mate over the mangled form of a vanquished rival. In this manner the more highly favored of either sex are mated, and natural selections made, by which, better ever producing better, the species in its constant variation is constantly improved. Many remarkable resemblances may be seen between man and the inferior animals. In embryonic development, in physical structure, in material composition and the function of organs, man and animals are strikingly alike. And, in the possession of that immaterial nature which more widely separates the human from the brute creation, the 'reasonable soul' of man is but an evolution from brute instincts. The difference in the mental faculties of man and animals is immense; but the high culture which belongs to man has been slowly developed, and there is plainly a wider separation between the mental power of the lowest 8 zoöphyte and the highest ape, than between the most intellectual ape and the least intellectual man. Physically and mentally, the man-like ape and the ape-like man sustain to each other a near relationship; while between the mammal and the mollusk there exists the greatest possible dissimilarity. Articulate language, it is true, acting upon the brain, and in turn being acted upon to the improvement of both, belongs only to man; yet animals are not devoid of expedients for expressing feeling and emotion. It has been observed that no brute ever fashioned a tool for a special purpose; but some animals crack nuts with a stone, and an accidentally splintered flint naturally suggests itself as the first instrument of primeval man. The chief difficulty lies in the high state of moral and intellectual power which may be attained by man; yet this same progressive principle is likewise found in brutes. Nor need we blush for our origin. The nations now most civilized were once barbarians. Our ancestors were savages, who, with tangled hair, and glaring eyes, and blood-besmeared hands, devoured man and beast alike. Surely a respectable gorilla lineage stands no unfavorable comparison.

The third hypothesis, mainly inspired by the writings of Lamarck, Darwin, and Huxley, is based on the principle of evolution. All current species are developed from earlier forms, which similarly descended from even lower forms. They argue that humans show no sign of a divine origin that isn’t also found in animals; we are just another type of animal, more advanced due to natural and sexual selection. Starting with the spontaneous generation of the simplest forms of plant and animal life—like mold on food, maggots in meat, microscopic organisms in water, and insects arising from decaying plants—the emergence of one form from the decay of another indicates a slow and gradual evolution from simpler to more complex organisms, culminating in the remarkable intelligence of humans. This idea applies to our current life, while hope for ongoing progress is also held for the next. According to these modern naturalists, while variety in organic forms tends to decrease, the number of individuals increases faster than the available resources. A dominant species, under favorable conditions, can multiply quickly, outcompeting and eliminating other species. Thus, there is a constant struggle for survival in nature, where the strongest—those best adapted to survive and enhance their species—will thrive, while the weak and less fortunate are eliminated. During courtship and sexual selection, the competition for dominance continues. In nature, the male typically pursues; he is equipped for battle, with features like musical abilities and decorative traits to attract females. Both savage humans and wild animals capture their mates over the remains of defeated rivals. In this way, the more favored individuals of either sex mate, leading to natural selections that cause continuous improvement through constant variation. Many notable similarities can be observed between humans and lower animals. In embryonic development, physical structure, material composition, and organ function, humans and animals are remarkably similar. Moreover, the non-physical essence that separates humans from animals, known as the 'reasonable soul,' is simply an evolution of animal instincts. The disparity in mental capabilities between humans and animals is vast; however, human advanced culture developed slowly, and there is a clear greater separation between the mental abilities of the simplest zoöphyte and the highest ape, than between the most intelligent ape and the least intelligent human. In terms of physical and mental attributes, the ape that resembles humans and the human that resembles apes are closely related, whereas there is a huge difference between mammals and mollusks. True spoken language, which influences the brain and, in turn, is affected to improve both, is exclusive to humans; nevertheless, animals are not without ways to express feelings and emotions. It has been noted that no animal has ever made a tool for a specific purpose; however, some animals use stones to crack nuts, and the accidental shard of flint likely became the first tool for early humans. The main challenge lies in the high moral and intellectual abilities that humans can achieve; however, this same principle of progress can also be seen in animals. We have no reason to be ashamed of our origins. The most civilized nations today were once barbaric. Our ancestors were savages, with matted hair, wild eyes, and bloodied hands, who consumed both humans and animals. Surely, a respectable gorilla lineage is not a bad comparison.

Between the first and the last of these three rallying points, a whole continent of debatable land is spread, stretching from the most conservative orthodoxy to the most scientific liberalism. Numberless arguments may be advanced to sustain any given position; and not unfrequently the same analogies are brought forward to prove propositions directly oppugnant. As has been observed, each school ranks among its followers the ablest men of science of the day. These men do not differ in minor particulars only, meeting in general upon one broad, common platform; on the contrary, they find themselves unable to agree as touching any one thing, except that man is, and that he is surrounded by those climatic influences best suited to his organization. Any one of these theories, if substantiated, is the death-blow 9 of the others. The first denies any diversity of species in creation and all immutability of race; the second denies a unity of species and the possibility of change in race; the third denies all special acts of creation and, like the first, all immutability of race.

Between the first and the last of these three rallying points, there’s a whole continent of debatable land spread out, ranging from the most conservative beliefs to the most scientific liberal views. Countless arguments can be made to support any given position, and it’s not uncommon for the same analogies to be used to prove opposing propositions. As has been pointed out, each school of thought includes some of the smartest scientists of the day. These individuals don’t just differ in minor details; they often find themselves unable to agree on any single issue, except that humans exist and that they are influenced by the climatic conditions that best suit their nature. If any one of these theories is proven, it would effectively invalidate the others. The first theory denies any diversity of species in creation and the idea of immutable race; the second denies a unity of species and the possibility of change in race; the third denies all special acts of creation and, like the first, all immutability of race.

PLANTS AND ANIMALS.

Plants and animals.

The question respecting the origin of animals and plants has likewise undergone a similar flux of beliefs, but with different result. Whatever the conclusions may be with regard to the origin of man, naturalists of the present day very generally agree, that there was no one universal centre of propagation for plants and animals; but that the same conditions of soil, moisture, heat, and geographical situation, always produce a similarity of species; or, what is equivalent, that there were many primary centres, each originating species, which spread out from these centres and covered the earth. This doctrine was held by early naturalists to be irreconcilable with the Scripture account of the creation, and was therefore denounced as heretical. Linnæus and his contemporaries drew up a pleasing picture, assigning the birth-place of all forms of life to one particular fertile spot, situated in a genial climate, and so diversified with lofty mountains and declivities, as to present all the various temperatures requisite for the sustenance of the different species of animal and vegetable life. The most exuberant types of flora and fauna are found within the tropical regions, decreasing in richness and profusion towards either pole; while man in his greatest perfection occupies the temperate zone, degenerating in harmony of features, in physical symmetry, and in intellectual vigor in either direction. Within this temperate zone is placed the hypothetical cradle of the human race, varying in locality according to religion and tradition. The Caucasians are referred for their origin to Mount Caucasus, the Mongolians to Mount Altai, and the Africans to Mount Atlas. Three primordial centres of population have been assigned to the three sons of Noah,—Arabia, the Semitic; India, the Japetic; and Egypt, the Hamitic 10 centre. Thibet, and the mountains surrounding the Gobi desert, have been designated as the point from which a general distribution was made; while the sacred writings mention four rich and beautiful valleys, two of which are watered by the Tigris and Euphrates, as the birth-place of man. It was formerly believed that in the beginning, the primeval ocean covered the remaining portion of the globe, and that from this central spot the waters receded, thereby extending the limits of terrestrial life.

The question about the origin of animals and plants has also seen a shift in beliefs, but with different outcomes. Regardless of the conclusions about the origin of humanity, today's naturalists generally agree that there wasn't a single universal center for the propagation of plants and animals; instead, similar environmental conditions of soil, moisture, heat, and geography lead to similar species emerging. Essentially, this means there were multiple primary centers that each originated species, which then spread from these centers and populated the Earth. Early naturalists considered this idea to conflict with the biblical account of creation and thus labeled it as heretical. Linnæus and his contemporaries created an appealing image, suggesting that all forms of life originated from one specific fertile location in a favorable climate, featuring tall mountains and varied landscapes to provide all the different temperatures needed for various species of plants and animals. The most abundant types of flora and fauna are found in tropical regions, gradually decreasing in diversity and abundance towards the poles; meanwhile, humans at their best are found in the temperate zone, where their physical features, symmetry, and intellectual abilities decline in either direction. The hypothetical cradle of humanity is located in this temperate zone, varying based on religion and tradition. Caucasians are said to originate from Mount Caucasus, Mongolians from Mount Altai, and Africans from Mount Atlas. Three original centers of population have been assigned to Noah's three sons—Arabia for the Semitic line, India for the Japhetic line, and Egypt for the Hamitic line. Tibet and the mountains around the Gobi desert are suggested as the starting point for general distribution; meanwhile, sacred texts mention four rich and beautiful valleys, two of which are fed by the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, as the birthplace of humanity. In the past, it was believed that in the beginning, the primordial ocean covered most of the Earth, and from this central spot, the waters receded, allowing terrestrial life to expand.

Admitting the unity of origin, conjecture points with apparent reason to the regions of Armenia and of Iran, in western Asia, as the cradle of the human race. Departing from this geographical centre, in the directions of the extremities of the continent, the race at first degenerated in proportion to distance. Civilization was for many ages confined within these central limits, until by slow degrees, paths were marked out to the eastward and to the westward, terminating the one upon the eastern coast of Asia, and the other upon the American shores of the Pacific.

Recognizing the common origin, speculation suggests that the areas of Armenia and Iran in western Asia are where the human race began. As people spread out from this central location, they gradually became less advanced the farther they traveled. For a long time, civilization was limited to these central regions until, over time, routes were established leading east and west, with one ending on the eastern coast of Asia and the other on the Pacific shores of America.

PRIMORDIAL CENTERS.

PRIMAL CENTERS.

Concerning the distribution of plants and animals, but one general opinion is now sustained with any degree of reason. The beautifully varied systems of vegetation with which the habitable earth is clothed, springing up in rich, spontaneous abundance; the botanical centres of corresponding latitudes producing resemblance in genera without identity of species; their inability to cross high mountains or wide seas, or to pass through inhospitable zones, or in any way to spread far from the original centre,—all show conclusively the impossibility that such a multitude of animal and vegetable tribes, with characters so diverse, could have derived their origin from the same locality, and disappearing entirely from their original birth-place, sprung forth in some remote part of the globe. Linnæus, and many others of his time, held that all telluric tribes, in common with mankind, sprang from a single pair, and descended from the stock which was preserved by Noah. Subsequently this opinion was 11 modified, giving to each species an origin in some certain spot to which it was particularly adapted by nature; and it was supposed that from these primary centres, through secondary causes, there was a general diffusion throughout the surrounding regions.

Regarding the distribution of plants and animals, there is now only one general opinion that holds any level of reason. The beautifully diverse systems of vegetation that cover the inhabitable earth arise in rich, spontaneous abundance; the botanical centers at similar latitudes produce resemblances in genera without being identical species; their inability to cross high mountains, wide seas, or inhospitable areas, or to spread far from the original center—this all clearly indicates that such a vast number of animal and plant species, with such diverse characteristics, could not have originated from the same location and then completely disappeared from their birthplace to emerge in some distant part of the globe. Linnæus and many others of his time believed that all earthly species, like humanity, originated from a single pair and descended from the stock preserved by Noah. Later, this view was 11 adjusted, assigning each species an origin in a specific location to which it was well-suited by nature; it was thought that from these primary centers, through secondary factors, there was a general spread throughout the surrounding areas.

A comparison of the entomology of the old world and the new, shows that the genera and species of insects are for the most part peculiar to the localities in which they are found. Birds and marine animals, although unrestricted in their movements, seldom wander far from specific centres. With regard to wild beasts, and the larger animals, insurmountable difficulties present themselves; so that we may infer that the systems of animal life are indigenous to the great zoölogical provinces where they are found.

A comparison of the insect life in the Old World and New World shows that the types and species of insects are mostly unique to the areas where they live. Birds and marine creatures, despite being able to move freely, rarely travel far from their specific locations. When it comes to wild animals and larger species, there are significant challenges that arise, leading us to conclude that the systems of animal life are native to the major ecological regions where they exist.

On the other hand, the harmony which exists between the organism of man and the methods by which nature meets his requirements, tends conclusively to show that the world in its variety was made for man, and that man is made for any portion of the earth in which he may be found. Whencesoever he comes, or howsoever he reaches his dwelling-place, he always finds it prepared for him. On the icy banks of the Arctic Ocean, where mercury freezes and the ground never softens, the Eskimo, wrapped in furs, and burrowing in the earth, revels in grease and train-oil, sustains vitality by eating raw flesh and whale-fat; while the naked inter-tropical man luxuriates in life under a burning sun, where ether boils and reptiles shrivel upon the hot stone over which they attempt to crawl. The watery fruit and shading vegetation would be as useless to the one, as the heating food and animal clothing would be to the other.

On the other hand, the balance that exists between the human body and the ways nature satisfies its needs clearly shows that the diverse world was created for humans, and that people can thrive in any part of the earth they inhabit. No matter where he comes from or how he gets to his home, he always finds it ready for him. On the icy shores of the Arctic Ocean, where mercury freezes and the ground never thaws, the Eskimo, bundled in furs and digging into the ground, thrives on grease and whale oil, staying alive by eating raw meat and whale fat; while the naked person in the tropics enjoys life under a scorching sun, where the air gets so hot that reptiles wither on the blazing stones they try to crawl over. The watery fruits and lush plants would be completely useless to one, just as the hot food and animal skins would be to the other.

The capability of man to endure all climates, his omnivorous habits, and his powers of locomotion, enable him to roam at will over the earth. He was endowed with intelligence wherewith to invent methods of migration and means of protection from unfavorable climatic influence, and with capabilities for existing in almost 12 any part of the world; so that, in the economy of nature the necessity did not exist with regard to man for that diversity of creation which was deemed requisite in the case of plants and animals.

The ability of humans to tolerate all kinds of climates, their flexible eating habits, and their ability to move around freely allow them to travel wherever they want on Earth. They were given intelligence to develop ways to migrate and protect themselves from harsh weather conditions, along with the skills to adapt to nearly any environment; thus, in nature's design, there wasn't a need for the same diversity of species for humans as there was for plants and animals.

The classification of man into species or races, so as to be able to designate by his organization the family to which he belongs, as well as the question of his origin, has been the subject of great diversity of opinion from the fact that the various forms so graduate into each other, that it is impossible to determine which is species and which variety. Attempts have indeed been made at divisions of men into classes according to their primeval and permanent physiological structure, but what uniformity can be expected from such a classification among naturalists who cannot so much as agree what is primeval and what permanent?

The classification of humans into species or races, in order to identify the family they belong to based on their characteristics, along with questions about their origin, has sparked a lot of differing opinions. This is because the various forms gradually blend into one another, making it hard to tell which is a species and which is a variety. Efforts have been made to categorize humans into classes based on their ancient and stable physiological traits, but what kind of consistency can we expect from such classifications when experts can't even agree on what is ancient and what is stable?

The tests applied by ethnologists for distinguishing the race to which an individual belongs, are the color of the skin, the size and shape of the skull,—determined generally by the facial angle,—the texture of the hair, and the character of the features. The structure of language, also, has an important bearing upon the affinity of races; and is, with some ethnologists, the primary criterion in the classification of species. The facial angle is determined by a line drawn from the forehead to the front of the upper jaw, intersected by a horizontal line passing over the middle of the ear. The facial angle of a European is estimated at 85°, of a Negro at 75°, and of the ape at 60°. Representations of an adult Troglodyte measure 35°, and of a Satyr 30°. Some writers classify according to one or several of these tests, others consider them all in arriving at their conclusions.

The tests used by ethnologists to identify the race an individual belongs to include skin color, skull size and shape—usually assessed by the facial angle—hair texture, and the nature of facial features. The structure of language also plays a significant role in determining racial connections and is considered by some ethnologists to be the main criterion for classifying species. The facial angle is calculated by a line drawn from the forehead to the front of the upper jaw, intersected by a horizontal line through the middle of the ear. The estimated facial angle for a European is 85°, for a Black person it's 75°, and for an ape it's 60°. Depictions of an adult Troglodyte measure 35°, and a Satyr measures 30°. Some authors categorize based on one or more of these criteria, while others take all of them into account when forming their conclusions.

SPECIFIC CLASSIFICATIONS.

SPECIFIC CATEGORIES.

Thus, Virey divides the human family into two parts: those with a facial angle of from eighty-five to ninety degrees,—embracing the Caucasian, Mongolian, and American; and those with a facial angle of from seventy-five to eighty-two degrees,—including the Malay, Negro, and Hottentot. Cuvier and Jaquinot 13 make three classes, placing the Malay and American among the subdivisions of the Mongolian. Kant makes four divisions under four colors: white, black, copper, and olive. Linnæus also makes four: European, whitish; American, coppery; Asiatic, tawny; and African, black. Buffon makes five divisions and Blumenbach five. Blumenbach's classification is based upon cranial admeasurements, complexion, and texture of the hair. His divisions are Caucasian or Aryan, Mongolian, Ethiopian, Malay, and American. Lesson makes six divisions according to colors: white, dusky, orange, yellow, red, and black. Bory de St Vincent arranges fifteen stocks under three classes which are differenced by hair: European straight hair, American straight hair, and crisped or curly hair. In like manner Prof. Zeune designates his divisions under three types of crania for the eastern hemisphere, and three for the western, namely, high skulls, broad skulls, and long skulls. Hunter classifies the human family under seven species; Agassiz makes eight; Pickering, eleven; Desmoulins, sixteen; and Crawford, sixty-three. Dr Latham, considered by many the chief exponent of the science of ethnology in England, classifies the different races under three primary divisions, namely: Mongolidæ, Atlantidæ, and Japetidæ. Prichard makes three principal types of cranial conformation, which he denominates respectively, the civilized races, the nomadic or wandering races, and the savage or hunting races. Agassiz designates the races of men according to the zoölogical provinces which they respectively occupy. Thus the Arctic realm is inhabited by Hyperboreans, the Asiatic by Mongols, the European by white men, the American by American Indians, the African by black races, and the East Indian, Australian and Polynesian by their respective peoples.

Thus, Virey divides the human family into two groups: those with a facial angle of eighty-five to ninety degrees—comprising Caucasians, Mongolians, and Americans; and those with a facial angle of seventy-five to eighty-two degrees—covering Malays, Negros, and Hottentots. Cuvier and Jaquinot 13 make three classes, placing Malays and Americans among the subdivisions of Mongolians. Kant establishes four divisions based on skin color: white, black, copper, and olive. Linnæus also identifies four: European (whitish), American (coppery), Asiatic (tawny), and African (black). Buffon proposes five divisions and Blumenbach also identifies five. Blumenbach's classification is based on cranial measurements, skin color, and hair texture. His divisions are Caucasian or Aryan, Mongolian, Ethiopian, Malay, and American. Lesson suggests six divisions based on colors: white, dusky, orange, yellow, red, and black. Bory de St Vincent categorizes fifteen stocks into three classes differentiated by hair type: European straight hair, American straight hair, and crisped or curly hair. Similarly, Prof. Zeune defines his divisions under three types of skulls for the eastern hemisphere and three for the western, namely high skulls, broad skulls, and long skulls. Hunter classifies the human family into seven species; Agassiz identifies eight; Pickering classifies eleven; Desmoulins proposes sixteen; and Crawford counts sixty-three. Dr. Latham, regarded by many as the leading figure in ethnology in England, classifies different races into three main divisions: Mongolidæ, Atlantidæ, and Japetidæ. Prichard defines three principal types of cranial structure, naming them the civilized races, nomadic or wandering races, and savage or hunting races. Agassiz categorizes human races according to the zoölogical regions they inhabit. Thus, the Arctic region is home to Hyperboreans, the Asian region to Mongols, the European region to white people, the American region to American Indians, the African region to black races, and the East Indian, Australian, and Polynesian regions to their respective peoples.

Now when we consider the wide differences between naturalists, not only as to what constitutes race and species,—if there be variety of species in the human family,—but also in the assignment of peoples and individuals 14 to their respective categories under the direction of the given tests; when we see the human race classified under from one to sixty-three distinct species, according to individual opinions; and when we see that the several tests which govern classification are by no means satisfactory, and that those who have made this subject the study of their lives, cannot agree as touching the fundamental characteristics of such classification—we cannot but conclude, either that there are no absolute lines of separation between the various members of the human family, or that thus far the touchstone by which such separation is to be made remains undiscovered.

Now, when we think about the significant differences among naturalists, not just regarding what defines race and species—if there’s even a variety of species in the human family—but also in how they categorize different people and individuals into their respective groups based on the given criteria; when we observe the human race classified into anywhere from one to sixty-three different species, depending on personal opinions; and when we notice that the various tests used for classification are far from satisfactory, and that those who have dedicated their lives to this study can’t agree on the fundamental characteristics for such classification—we must conclude either that there are no clear lines separating the various members of the human family, or that, so far, the method for making such distinctions has yet to be found.

ALL TESTS FALLACIOUS.

ALL TESTS ARE FALSE.

The color of the human skin, for example, is no certain guide in classification. Microscopists have ascertained that the normal colorations of the skin are not the results of organic differences in race; that complexions are not permanent physical characters, but are subject to change. Climate is a cause of physical differences, and frequently in a single tribe may be found shades of color extending through all the various transitions from black to white. In one people, part occupying a cold mountainous region, and part a heated lowland, a marked difference in color is always perceptible. Peculiarities in the texture of the hair are likewise no proof of race. The hair is more sensibly affected by the action of the climate than the skin. Every degree of color and crispation may be found in the European family alone; and even among the frizzled locks of negroes every gradation appears, from crisped to flowing hair. The growth of the beard may be cultivated or retarded according to the caprice of the individual; and in those tribes which are characterized by an absence or thinness of beard, may be found the practice, continued for ages, of carefully plucking out all traces of beard at the age of puberty. No physiological deformities have been discovered which prevent any people from cultivating a beard if such be their pleasure. The 15 conformation of the cranium is often peculiar to habits of rearing the young, and may be modified by accidental or artificial causes. The most eminent scholars now hold the opinion that the size and shape of the skull has far less influence upon the intelligence of the individual than the quality and convolutions of the brain. The structure of language, especially when offered in evidence supplementary to that of physical science, is most important in establishing a relationship between races. But it should be borne in mind that languages are acquired, not inherited; that they are less permanent than living organisms; that they are constantly changing, merging into each other, one dialect dying out and another springing into existence; that in the migrations of nomadic tribes, or in the arrival of new nations, although languages may for a time preserve their severalty, they are at last obliged, from necessity, to yield to the assimilating influences which constantly surround them, and become merged into the dialects of neighboring clans. And on the other hand, a counter influence is exercised upon the absorbing dialect. The dialectic fusion of two communities results in the partial disappearance of both languages, so that a constant assimilation and dissimilation is going on. "The value of language," says Latham, "has been overrated;" and Whitney affirms that "language is no infallible sign of race;" although both of these authors give to language the first place as a test of national affinities. Language is not a physiological characteristic, but an acquisition; and as such should be used with care in the classification of species.

The color of human skin, for instance, is not a reliable indicator for classification. Scientists have found that the usual skin colors do not stem from organic racial differences; complexions are not fixed physical traits but can change. Climate contributes to physical variations, and often within a single tribe, you can find a spectrum of skin tones ranging from black to white. In one group, those living in a cold mountainous area and others in a hot lowland show a noticeable difference in color. The texture of hair also doesn’t prove race. Hair is more influenced by climate than skin. Within the European group alone, you can find every possible color and texture; even among people with curly hair, there’s a range from tightly curled to straight. The growth of facial hair can be encouraged or hindered based on individual preferences; in some tribes where facial hair is sparse or nonexistent, there’s a long-standing practice of plucking away all facial hair starting at puberty. No physical abnormalities have been found that would prevent any group from growing a beard if they wish to. The shape of the skull is often unique to how young people are raised and can be altered by chance or intentional methods. Today’s leading scholars believe that the size and shape of the skull have much less impact on a person’s intelligence than the quality and structure of the brain itself. The structure of language, especially when used alongside physical science, plays a crucial role in showing relationships between races. However, it’s important to remember that languages are learned, not inherited; they are less stable than living beings, are always evolving, merging with one another, with some dialects fading away while new ones emerge. During migrations of nomadic tribes or with the arrival of new nations, although languages may temporarily remain distinct, they eventually have to adapt to the blending influences around them, merging into the dialects of nearby communities. Conversely, the dialect that takes in these new influences also undergoes change. The merging of two communities’ languages leads to parts of both languages disappearing, resulting in a continuous process of blending and unblending. "The value of language," says Latham, "has been overrated;" and Whitney states that "language is no infallible sign of race," although both authors consider language a primary indicator of national connections. Language is not a physiological trait but an acquired skill, and should be used cautiously when classifying species.

Science, during the last half century, has unfolded many important secrets; has tamed impetuous elements, called forth power and life from the hidden recesses of the earth; has aroused the slumbering energies of both mental and material force, changed the currents of thought, emancipated the intellect from religious transcendentalism, and spread out to the broad light of open 16 day a vast sea of truth. Old-time beliefs have had to give place. The débris of one exploded dogma is scarcely cleared away before we are startled with a request for the yielding up of another long and dearly cherished opinion. And in the attempt to read the book of humanity as it comes fresh from the impress of nature, to trace the history of the human race, by means of moral and physical characteristics, backward through all its intricate windings to its source, science has accomplished much; but the attempt to solve the great problem of human existence, by analogous comparisons of man with man, and man with animals, has so far been vain and futile in the extreme.

Science, over the last fifty years, has revealed many important truths; has controlled unpredictable forces, harnessed power and life from deep within the earth; has awakened the dormant energies of both mental and physical capabilities, shifted the flow of ideas, freed our minds from strict religious beliefs, and laid out a vast expanse of truth in the bright light of day. Old beliefs have had to make way. The remnants of one debunked dogma are barely cleared away before we’re surprised with a call to let go of another long-held and cherished opinion. In its pursuit to understand humanity as it emerges fresh from nature, to trace the history of the human race through its moral and physical traits, backwards through all its complex paths to its origin, science has achieved a lot. However, trying to solve the fundamental question of human existence by comparing humans to each other and to animals has so far been a hopeless and pointless endeavor.

I would not be understood as attempting captiously to decry the noble efforts of learned men to solve the problems of nature. For who can tell what may or may not be found out by inquiry? Any classification, moreover, and any attempt at classification, is better than none; and in drawing attention to the uncertainty of the conclusions arrived at by science, I but reiterate the opinions of the most profound thinkers of the day. It is only shallow and flippant scientists, so called, who arbitrarily force deductions from mere postulates, and with one sweeping assertion strive to annihilate all history and tradition. They attempt dogmatically to set up a reign of intellect in opposition to that of the Author of intellect. Terms of vituperation and contempt with which a certain class of writers interlard their sophisms, as applied to those holding different opinions, are alike an offense against good taste and sound reasoning.

I don’t mean to dismiss the valuable efforts of smart people trying to understand the natural world. Who really knows what can be discovered through inquiry? Any way to classify things, and any effort to classify, is better than doing nothing. By highlighting the uncertainty of scientific conclusions, I’m just echoing the thoughts of the greatest thinkers of our time. It’s only superficial and inconsiderate scientists who randomly draw conclusions from mere assumptions and, with one bold statement, try to erase all of history and tradition. They dogmatically try to establish a reign of intellect that opposes the Creator of intellect. The insults and disdain that some writers insert into their arguments against those with different views are both a breach of good taste and sound reasoning.

Notwithstanding all these failures to establish rules by which mankind may be divided into classes, there yet remains the stubborn fact that differences do exist, as palpable as the difference between daylight and darkness. These differences, however, are so played upon by change, that hitherto the scholar has been unable to transfix those elements which appear to him permanent and characteristic. For, as Draper remarks, 17 "the permanence of organic forms is altogether dependent on the invariability of the material conditions under which they live. Any variation therein, no matter how insignificant it might be, would be forthwith followed by a corresponding variation in form. The present invariability of the world of organization is the direct consequence of the physical equilibrium, and so it will continue as long as the mean temperature, the annual supply of light, the composition of the air, the distribution of water, oceanic and atmospheric currents, and other such agencies, remain unaltered; but if any one of these, or of a hundred other incidents that might be mentioned, should suffer modification, in an instant the fanciful doctrine of the immutability of species would be brought to its true value."

Despite all these failures to establish rules for dividing humanity into classes, the undeniable truth is that differences do exist, as clear as the difference between day and night. However, these differences are influenced so much by change that, until now, scholars have struggled to pinpoint the elements that seem permanent and defining. As Draper notes, 17 "the permanence of living forms totally depends on the unchanging material conditions they exist under. Any variation, no matter how small, would immediately lead to a corresponding change in form. The current stability of organized life is a direct result of physical balance, and it will stay this way as long as factors like average temperature, annual light availability, air composition, distribution of water, oceanic and atmospheric currents, and similar influences remain unchanged. But if any of these, or any one of many other factors, were to change, the fanciful idea of the immutability of species would be re-evaluated appropriately."

ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS.

ORIGIN OF THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLES.

The American Indians, their origin and consanguinity, have, from the days of Columbus to the present time proved no less a knotty question. Schoolmen and scientists count their theories by hundreds, each sustaining some pet conjecture, with a logical clearness equaled only by the facility with which he demolishes all the rest. One proves their origin by holy writ; another by the writings of ancient philosophers; another by the sage sayings of the Fathers. One discovers in them Phœnician merchants; another, the ten lost tribes of Israel. They are tracked with equal certainty from Scandinavia, from Ireland, from Iceland, from Greenland, across Bering Strait, across the northern Pacific, the southern Pacific, from the Polynesian Islands, from Australia, from Africa. Venturesome Carthaginians were thrown upon the eastern shore; Japanese junks on the western. The breezes that wafted hither America's primogenitors are still blowing, and the ocean currents by which they came cease not yet to flow. The finely spun webs of logic by which these fancies are maintained would prove amusing, did not the profound earnestness of their respective advocates render them ridiculous. Acosta, who studied the subject for nine years in Peru, concludes 18 that America was the Ophir of Solomon. Aristotle relates that the Carthaginians in a voyage were carried to an unknown island; whereupon Florian, Gomara, Oviedo, and others, are satisfied that the island was Española. "Who are these that fly as a cloud," exclaims Esaias, "or as the doves to their windows?" Scholastic sages answer, Columbus is the columba or dove here prophesied. Alexo Vanegas shows that America was peopled by Carthaginians; Anahuac being but another name for Anak. Besides, both nations practiced picture-writing; both venerated fire and water, wore skins of animals, pierced the ears, ate dogs, drank to excess, telegraphed by means of fires on hills, wore all their finery on going to war, poisoned their arrows, beat drums and shouted in battle. Garcia found a man in Peru who had seen a rock with something very like Greek letters engraved upon it; six hundred years after the apotheosis of Hercules, Coleo made a long voyage; Homer knew of the ocean; the Athenians waged war with the inhabitants of Atlantis; hence the American Indians were Greeks. Lord Kingsborough proves conclusively that these same American Indians were Jews: because their "symbol of innocence" was in the one case a fawn and in the other a lamb; because of the law of Moses, "considered in reference to the custom of sacrificing children, which existed in Mexico and Peru;" because "the fears of tumults of the people, famine, pestilence, and warlike invasions, were exactly the same as those entertained by the Jews if they failed in the performance of any of their ritual observances;" because "the education of children commenced amongst the Mexicans, as with the Jews, at an exceedingly early age;" because "beating with a stick was a very common punishment amongst the Jews," as well as among the Mexicans; because the priesthood of both nations "was hereditary in a certain family;" because both were inclined to pay great respect to lucky or unlucky omens, such as the screeching of the owl, the sneezing of a person in company," etc., and because 19 of a hundred other equally sound and relevant arguments. Analogous reasoning to this of Lord Kingsborough's was that of the Merced Indians of California. Shortly after the discovery of the Yosemite Valley, tidings reached the settlers of Mariposa that certain chiefs had united with intent to drop down from their mountain stronghold and annihilate them. To show the Indians the uselessness of warring upon white men, these chieftains were invited to visit the city of San Francisco, where, from the number and superiority of the people that they would there behold, they should become intimidated, and thereafter maintain peace. But contrary to the most reasonable expectations, no sooner had the dusky delegates returned to their home than a council was called, and the assembled warriors were informed that they need have no fear of these strangers: "For," said the envoys, "the people of the great city of San Francisco are of a different tribe from these white settlers of Mariposa. Their manners, their customs, their language, their dress, are all different. They wear black coats and high hats, and are not able to walk along the smoothest path without the aid of a stick."

The American Indians, their origins and relationships, have, from the days of Columbus to today, been a complex question. Scholars and scientists have proposed hundreds of theories, each supporting their own favorite idea with a clarity only matched by how easily they dismantle all the others. One claims their origin is found in holy texts; another points to the writings of ancient philosophers; yet another references the insightful teachings of the early Church Fathers. Some find evidence of Phoenician merchants among them, while others suggest they are the ten lost tribes of Israel. They are traced with equal certainty from Scandinavia, Ireland, Iceland, Greenland, across the Bering Strait, across the Northern Pacific, the Southern Pacific, from the Polynesian Islands, from Australia, and from Africa. Adventurous Carthaginians were said to have landed on the eastern shore; Japanese ships appeared on the western side. The winds that brought America's ancestors are still blowing, and the ocean currents by which they traveled continue to flow. The elaborate arguments that support these theories would be amusing if the serious dedication of their proponents didn't render them absurd. Acosta, who studied the topic for nine years in Peru, concludes that America was the Ophir of Solomon. Aristotle mentions that the Carthaginians were carried by a voyage to an unknown island; from this, Florian, Gomara, Oviedo, and others believe the island was Española. "Who are these that fly as a cloud," exclaims Esaias, "or as the doves to their windows?" Scholarly thinkers argue that Columbus is the columba or dove being predicted here. Alexo Vanegas argues that America was populated by Carthaginians; Anahuac is merely another name for Anak. Furthermore, both nations practiced picture-writing, honored fire and water, wore animal skins, pierced their ears, ate dogs, drank heavily, communicated with fires on hills, adorned themselves for war, poisoned their arrows, beat drums, and shouted in battle. Garcia found a man in Peru who had seen a rock with what looked like Greek letters carved into it; six hundred years after the deification of Hercules, Coleo made a long voyage; Homer knew of the ocean; the Athenians fought the inhabitants of Atlantis; hence the American Indians were Greeks. Lord Kingsborough convincingly argues that these American Indians were Jews because their "symbol of innocence" was, in one case, a fawn and in another, a lamb; because of the law of Moses, "considered in relation to the custom of sacrificing children, which existed in Mexico and Peru;" because "the fears of disturbances among the people, famine, disease, and invasions were exactly the same as those felt by the Jews if they failed to perform any of their rituals;" because "the education of children began among the Mexicans at a very young age," just like with the Jews; because "beating with a stick was a common punishment among both groups;” because their priesthood was "hereditary in a certain family;" because both groups paid great attention to lucky or unlucky omens, such as the screeching of an owl or someone sneezing in company," etc., and due to a hundred other equally strong and relevant arguments. Similar reasoning was applied by the Merced Indians of California. Shortly after the discovery of the Yosemite Valley, news reached the settlers of Mariposa that certain chiefs had united to descend from their mountain stronghold and wipe them out. To demonstrate to the Indians the futility of warring against white people, these chiefs were invited to visit the city of San Francisco, where they would see the number and superiority of the people there, hoping they would become intimidated and maintain peace afterward. But, contrary to reasonable expectations, as soon as the dark-skinned delegates returned home, a council was called, and the gathered warriors were told they had nothing to fear from these newcomers: "For," said the envoys, "the people of the great city of San Francisco belong to a different tribe than these white settlers of Mariposa. Their manners, their customs, their language, their dress, are all different. They wear black coats and tall hats, and they can't walk along the smoothest path without a stick."

There are many advocates for an Asiatic origin, both among ancient and modern speculators. Favorable winds and currents, the short distance between islands, traditions, both Chinese and Indian, refer the peopling of America to that quarter. Similarity in color, features, religion, reckoning of time, absence of a heavy beard, and innumerable other comparisons, are drawn by enthusiastic advocates, to support a Mongolian origin. The same arguments, in whole or in part, are used to prove that America was peopled by Egyptians, by Ethiopians, by French, English, Trojans, Frisians, Scythians; and also that different parts were settled by different peoples. The test of language has been applied with equal facility and enthusiasm to Egyptian, Jew, Phœnician, Carthaginian, Spaniard, Chinese, Japanese, and in fact to nearly all the nations of the earth. A complete review of 20 theories and opinions concerning the origin of the Indians, I propose to give in another place; not that intrinsically they are of much value, except as showing the different fancies of different men and times. Fancies, I say, for modern scholars, with the aid of all the new revelations of science, do not appear in their investigations to arrive one whit nearer an indubitable conclusion.

There are many advocates for an Asian origin, both among ancient and modern thinkers. Favorable winds and currents, the short distance between islands, and traditions from both China and India suggest that America was populated from that region. Enthusiastic supporters draw parallels in color, features, religion, timekeeping, the lack of a thick beard, and countless other comparisons to argue for a Mongolian origin. The same arguments, in whole or in part, are also used to claim that America was populated by Egyptians, Ethiopians, French, English, Trojans, Frisians, and Scythians, and that different regions were settled by different groups. Language tests have been applied just as easily and enthusiastically to Egyptians, Jews, Phoenicians, Carthaginians, Spaniards, Chinese, Japanese, and indeed almost all nations of the world. I plan to give a complete review of 20 theories and opinions regarding the origin of the Indians elsewhere; not that they are particularly valuable, except for showing the various ideas of different people and times. I say ideas, because modern scholars, with all the new discoveries from science, don’t seem to be getting any closer to a definite conclusion in their research.

It was obvious to the Europeans when they first beheld the natives of America, that these were unlike the intellectual white-skinned race of Europe, the barbarous blacks of Africa, or any nation or people which they had hitherto encountered, yet were strikingly like each other. Into whatsoever part of the newly discovered lands they penetrated, they found a people seemingly one in color, physiognomy, customs, and in mental and social traits. Their vestiges of antiquity and their languages presented a coincidence which was generally observed by early travelers. Hence physical and psychological comparisons are advanced to prove ethnological resemblances among all the peoples of America, and that they meanwhile possess common peculiarities totally distinct from the nations of the old world. Morton and his confrères, the originators of the American homogeneity theory, even go so far as to claim for the American man an origin as indigenous as that of the fauna and flora. They classify all the tribes of America, excepting only the Eskimos who wandered over from Asia, as the American race, and divide it into the American family and the Toltecan family. Blumenbach classifies the Americans as a distinct species. The American Mongolidæ of Dr Latham are divided into Eskimos and American Indians. Dr Morton perceives the same characteristic lineaments in the face of the Fuegian and the Mexican, and in tribes inhabiting the Rocky Mountains, the Mississippi Valley, and Florida. The same osteological structure, swarthy color, straight hair, meagre beard, obliquely cornered eyes, prominent cheek bones, and thick lips are common to them all. 21 Dr Latham describes his American Mongolidæ as exercising upon the world a material rather than a moral influence; giving them meanwhile a color, neither a true white nor a jet black; hair straight and black, rarely light, sometimes curly; eyes sometimes oblique; a broad, flat face and a retreating forehead. Dr Prichard considers the American race, psychologically, as neither superior nor inferior to other primitive races of the world. Bory de St Vincent classifies Americans into five species, including the Eskimos. The Mexicans he considers as cognate with the Malays. Humboldt characterizes the nations of America as one race, by their straight glossy hair, thin beard, swarthy complexion, and cranial formation. Schoolcraft makes four groups; the first extending across the northern end of the continent; the second, tribes living east of the Mississippi; the third, those between the Mississippi and the Rocky Mountains; and the fourth, those west of the Rocky Mountains. All these he subdivides into thirty-seven families; but so far as those on the Pacific Coast are concerned, he might as reasonably have made of them twice or half the number.

It was clear to the Europeans when they first saw the Native Americans that these people were different from the intellectual white-skinned population of Europe, the savage black-skinned individuals of Africa, or any other groups they had previously encountered, yet they were remarkably similar to one another. In every area of the newly discovered lands they explored, they found a people who seemed uniform in color, appearance, customs, and mental and social characteristics. Their ancient remnants and languages showed a coincidence that was commonly noted by early travelers. As a result, physical and psychological comparisons were made to demonstrate ethnological similarities among all the peoples of America, highlighting that they also possessed shared traits completely different from those of the old world. Morton and his associates, the founders of the American homogeneity theory, even claimed that the American people had an origin as native as that of the local flora and fauna. They categorized all the tribes of America, except for the Eskimos who migrated from Asia, as the American race, dividing it into the American family and the Toltecan family. Blumenbach labeled the Americans as a distinct species. Dr. Latham categorized the American Mongolidæ into Eskimos and American Indians. Dr. Morton noticed the same defining facial features in the Fuegians and Mexicans as well as in tribes living in the Rocky Mountains, the Mississippi Valley, and Florida. The same physical traits—dark skin, straight hair, sparse beards, slanted eyes, prominent cheekbones, and full lips—were common among them all. 21 Dr. Latham described his American Mongolidæ as having a material rather than a moral influence on the world, giving them a color that was neither pure white nor deep black; their hair was straight and black, occasionally lighter or curly; their eyes were sometimes slanted; they had broad, flat faces and a receding forehead. Dr. Prichard viewed the American race, psychologically, as neither superior nor inferior to other primitive races globally. Bory de St Vincent categorized Americans into five species, including the Eskimos, considering the Mexicans as closely related to the Malays. Humboldt described the nations of America as one race, unified by their straight, shiny hair, thin beards, dark complexion, and skull shape. Schoolcraft identified four groups: the first covering the northern part of the continent; the second consisting of tribes to the east of the Mississippi; the third including those between the Mississippi and the Rocky Mountains; and the fourth comprising those west of the Rocky Mountains. He further divided these into thirty-seven families; however, regarding those on the Pacific Coast, he could have just as reasonably classified them into twice or half that number.

All writers agree in giving to the nations of America a remote antiquity; all admit that there exists a greater uniformity between them than is to be found in the old world; many deny that all are one race. There is undoubtedly a prevailing uniformity in those physical characteristics which govern classification; but this uniformity goes as far to prove one universal race throughout the world, as it does to prove a race peculiar to America. Traditions, ruins, moral and physical peculiarities, all denote for Americans a remote antiquity. The action of a climate peculiar to America, and of natural surroundings common to all the people of the continent, could not fail to produce in time a similarity of physiological structure.

All writers agree that the nations of America have ancient roots; they all acknowledge that there is greater uniformity among them than in the old world; many dispute that they all belong to one race. There is certainly a noticeable uniformity in the physical traits that influence classification; however, this uniformity supports the idea of one universal race worldwide just as much as it suggests a race unique to America. Traditions, ruins, and both moral and physical traits indicate that Americans have a long history. The effects of a climate unique to America and the natural environment common to all the people of the continent have inevitably led to similarities in physiological structure over time.

INDIVIDUALITY OF RACE.

Racial individuality.

The impression of a New World individuality of race was no doubt strengthened in the eyes of the Conquerors, 22 and in the mind of the train of writers that followed, by the fact, that the newly discovered tribes were more like each other than were any other peoples they had ever before seen; and at the same time very much unlike any nation whatever of the old world. And so any really existing physical distinctions among the American stocks came to be overlooked or undervalued. Darwin, on the authority of Elphinstone, observes that in India, "although a newly arrived European cannot at first distinguish the various native races, yet they soon appear to him entirely dissimilar; and the Hindoo cannot at first perceive any difference between the several European nations."

The idea of a distinct New World racial identity was probably reinforced in the eyes of the Conquerors, 22 and in the minds of the writers who followed, by the fact that the newly discovered tribes were more similar to each other than any other peoples they had encountered before; at the same time, they were very different from any nation in the Old World. As a result, any real physical differences among the American peoples tended to be overlooked or undervalued. Darwin, citing Elphinstone, points out that in India, "although a newly arrived European cannot initially tell the various native races apart, they soon seem entirely different to him; and the Hindu cannot at first see any difference between the various European nations."

It has been observed by Prof. von Martius that the literary and architectural remains of the civilized tribes of America indicate a higher degree of intellectual elevation than is likely to be found in a nation emerging from barbarism. In their sacerdotal ordinances, privileged orders, regulated despotisms, codes of law, and forms of government are found clear indications of a relapse from civilization to barbarism. Chateaubriand, from the same premises, develops a directly opposite conclusion, and perceives in all this high antiquity and civilization only a praiseworthy evolution from primeval barbarism.

It has been noted by Prof. von Martius that the literary and architectural remains of the civilized tribes of America suggest a higher level of intellectual advancement than what you would expect in a nation coming out of barbarism. Their religious laws, privileged classes, organized despotisms, legal codes, and government structures show clear signs of a decline from civilization back to barbarism. Chateaubriand, starting from the same observations, draws a completely different conclusion and sees in all this ancient heritage and civilization merely a commendable development from early barbarism.

Thus arguments drawn from a comparison of parallel traits in the moral, social, or physical condition of man should be received with allowance, for man has much in common not only with man, but with animals. Variations in bodily structure and mental faculties are governed by general laws. The great variety of climate which characterizes America could not fail to produce various habits of life. The half-torpid Hyperborean, the fierce warrior-hunter of the vast interior forests, the sluggish, swarthy native of the tropics, and the intelligent Mexican of the table-land, slowly developing into civilization under the refining influences of arts and letters,—all these indicate variety in the unity of the 23 American race; while the insulation of American nations, and the general characteristics incident to peculiar physical conditions could not fail to produce a unity in their variety.

So, arguments based on comparing similar traits in the moral, social, or physical conditions of humans should be taken with a grain of salt because humans share a lot in common not just with each other, but also with animals. Differences in physical structure and mental abilities are governed by general rules. The wide range of climates in America inevitably leads to different ways of life. The somewhat lethargic inhabitants of the far north, the fierce warrior-hunters from the expansive inner forests, the slow, dark-skinned natives from the tropics, and the intelligent Mexicans from the highlands—all of them are slowly evolving into civilization through the uplifting power of arts and literature—all suggest variety within the unity of the 23 American race; while the isolation of American nations and the shared traits related to specific physical conditions inevitably create a unity amid their diversity.

RACES OF THE PACIFIC.

PACIFIC ISLANDER CULTURES.

The races of the Pacific States embrace all the varieties of species known as American under any of the classifications mentioned. Thus, in the five divisions of Blumenbach, the Eskimos of the north would come under the fourth division, which embraces Malays and Polynesians, and which is distinguished by a high square skull, low forehead, short broad nose, and projecting jaws. To his fifth class, the American, which he subdivides into the American family and the Toltecan family, he gives a small skull with a high apex, flat on the occiput, high cheek bones, receding forehead, aquiline nose, large mouth, and tumid lips. Morton, although he makes twenty-two divisions in all, classifies Americans in the same manner. The Polar family he characterises as brown in color, short in stature, of thick, clumsy proportions, with a short neck, large head, flat face, small nose, and eyes disposed to obliquity. He perceives an identity of race among all the other stocks from Mount St Elias to Patagonia; though he designates the semi-civilized tribes of Mexico and Peru as the Toltecan family, and the savage nations as the Appalachian branch of the American family. Dr Prichard makes three divisions of the tribes bordering the Pacific between Mount St Elias and Cape St Lucas: the tribes from the borders of the Eskimos southward to Vancouver Island constitute the first division; the tribes of Oregon and Washington, the second; and the tribes of Upper and Lower California, the third. Pickering assigns the limits of the American, Malay, or Toltecan family to California and western Mexico. He is of the opinion that they crossed from southeastern Asia by way of the islands of the Pacific, and landed upon this continent south of San Francisco, there being no traces of them north of this point; while the Mongolians found 24 their way from northeastern Asia across Bering Strait. The Californians, therefore, he calls Malays; and the inhabitants of Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Washington, and Oregon, he classifies as Mongolians. Californians, in the eyes of this traveler, differ from their northern neighbors in complexion and physiognomy. The only physiological test that Mr Pickering was able to apply in order to distinguish the Polynesian in San Francisco from the native Californian, was that the hair of the former was wavy, while that of the latter was straight. Both have more hair than the Oregonian. The skin of the Malay of the Polynesian Islands, and that of the Californian are alike, soft and very dark. Three other analogous characteristics were discovered by Mr Pickering. Both have an open countenance, one wife, and no tomahawk! On the other hand, the Mongolian from Asia, and the Oregonian are of a lighter complexion, and exhibit the same general resemblances that are seen in the American and Asiatic Eskimos.

The races of the Pacific States include all the types of people known as American according to any of the classifications mentioned. So, in Blumenbach's five divisions, the Eskimos in the north would fall under the fourth division, which includes Malays and Polynesians, characterized by a high square skull, low forehead, short broad nose, and jutting jaws. In his fifth class, the American, which he breaks down into the American family and the Toltecan family, he describes a small skull with a high apex, flat back of the head, high cheekbones, receding forehead, curved nose, large mouth, and full lips. Morton, despite his twenty-two divisions, classifies Americans in a similar way. He describes the Polar family as brown-skinned, short, with thick, heavy builds, a short neck, large head, flat face, small nose, and slanted eyes. He sees a common racial identity among the various groups from Mount St. Elias to Patagonia; although he labels the semi-civilized tribes of Mexico and Peru as the Toltecan family, and the more savage nations as the Appalachian branch of the American family. Dr. Prichard divides the tribes along the Pacific from Mount St. Elias to Cape St. Lucas into three groups: the tribes from the Eskimo borders down to Vancouver Island make up the first group; the tribes of Oregon and Washington, the second; and the tribes of Upper and Lower California, the third. Pickering places the boundaries of the American, Malay, or Toltecan family at California and western Mexico. He believes they arrived from southeastern Asia through the Pacific islands, landing on this continent south of San Francisco, with no evidence of their presence north of that point; while the Mongolians came from northeastern Asia across Bering Strait. Therefore, he labels Californians as Malays; and the inhabitants of Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Washington, and Oregon, he classifies as Mongolians. In this traveler's view, Californians differ from their northern neighbors in skin tone and facial features. The only physiological characteristic Mr. Pickering used to tell the Polynesian in San Francisco apart from the native Californian was that the former had wavy hair while the latter had straight hair. Both have more hair than the Oregonians. The skin of the Malay from the Polynesian Islands and that of the Californian are similar, being soft and very dark. Mr. Pickering discovered three more similar traits: both have friendly faces, one wife, and no tomahawk! In contrast, the Mongolian from Asia and the Oregonian are lighter in complexion and share general similarities seen in the American and Asiatic Eskimos.

In general the Toltecan family may be described as of good stature, well proportioned, rather above medium size, of a light copper color; as having long black obliquely pointed eyes, regular white teeth, glossy black hair, thin beard, prominent cheek bones, thick lips, large aquiline nose, and retreating forehead. A gentle expression about the mouth is blended with severity and melancholy in the upper portion of the face. They are brave, cruel in war, sanguinary in religion, and revengeful. They are intelligent; possess minds well adapted to the pursuit of knowledge; and, at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards, were well advanced in history, architecture, mathematics, and astronomy. They constructed aqueducts, extracted metals, carved images in gold, silver, and copper; they could spin, weave, and dye; they could accurately cut precious stones; they cultivated corn and cotton; built large cities, constructing their buildings of stone and lime; made roads and erected stupendous tumuli. 25

In general, the Toltecan family can be described as having a good stature, being well-proportioned, and slightly above average height, with a light copper skin tone. They have long, black, almond-shaped eyes, straight white teeth, shiny black hair, a thin beard, prominent cheekbones, full lips, a large hooked nose, and a receding forehead. A gentle expression in their mouths is mixed with seriousness and sadness in the upper part of their faces. They are brave, ruthless in war, bloodthirsty in religion, and vengeful. They are intelligent and have minds suited for learning; when the Spaniards arrived, they were advanced in history, architecture, mathematics, and astronomy. They built aqueducts, mined metals, crafted images from gold, silver, and copper, spun and wove fabrics, dyed textiles, cut precious stones with precision, cultivated corn and cotton, constructed large cities using stone and lime, built roads, and erected massive mounds. 25

Certain ethnological zones have been observed by some, stretching across the continent in various latitudes, broken somewhat by intersecting continental elevations, but following for the most part isothermal lines which, on coming from the east, bend northward as the softer air of the Pacific is entered. Thus the Eskimos nearly surround the pole. Next come the Tinneh, stretching across the continent from the east, somewhat irregularly, but their course marked generally by thermic lines, bending northward after crossing the Rocky Mountains, their southern boundary, touching the Pacific, about the fifty-fifth parallel. The Algonkin family border on the Tinneh, commencing at the mouth of the St Lawrence River, and extending westward to the Rocky Mountains. Natural causes alone prevent the extension of these belts round the entire earth. Indeed, both philologists and physiologists trace lines of affinity across the Pacific, from island to island, from one continent to the other; one line, as we have seen, crossing Bering Strait, another following the Aleutian Archipelago, and a third striking the coast south of San Francisco Bay.

Certain ethnic regions have been noted by some, stretching across the continent at various latitudes, somewhat disrupted by intersecting land elevations, but mostly following temperature lines which, coming from the east, curve northward as the milder air of the Pacific is reached. Thus, the Eskimos nearly surround the North Pole. Next are the Tinneh, moving across the continent from the east in a somewhat irregular path, but generally following temperature lines, bending north after crossing the Rocky Mountains, with their southern border reaching the Pacific at about the fifty-fifth parallel. The Algonkin family borders the Tinneh, starting at the mouth of the St. Lawrence River and extending westward to the Rocky Mountains. Natural factors alone prevent these regions from wrapping around the entire globe. In fact, both linguists and biologists identify connections across the Pacific, from island to island, and from one continent to another; one line, as we've seen, crossing Bering Strait, another following the Aleutian Islands, and a third reaching the coast south of San Francisco Bay.

SAVAGE HUMANITY.

SAVAGE HUMANITY.

It is common for those unaccustomed to look below the surface of things, to regard Indians as scarcely within the category of humanity. Especially is this the case when we, maddened by some treacherous outrage, some diabolic act of cruelty, hastily pronounce them incorrigibly wicked, inhumanly malignant, a nest of vipers, the extermination of which is a righteous act. All of which may be true; but, judged by this standard, has not every nation on earth incurred the death penalty? Human nature is in no wise changed by culture. The European is but a white-washed savage. Civilized venom is no less virulent than savage venom. It ill becomes the full grown man to scoff at the ineffectual attempts of the little child, and to attempt the cure of its faults by killing it. No more is it a mark of benevolent wisdom in those favored by a superior intelligence, 26 with the written records of the past from which to draw experience and learn how best to shape their course for the future, to cry down the untaught man of the wilderness, deny him a place in this world or the next, denounce him as a scourge, an outlaw, and seize upon every light pretext to assist him off the stage from which his doom is so rapidly removing him. We view man in his primitive state from a wrong stand-point at the outset. In place of regarding savages as of one common humanity with ourselves, and the ancestors perhaps of peoples higher in the scale of being, and more intellectual than any the world has yet seen, we place them among the common enemies of mankind, and regard them more in the light of wild animals than of wild men.

It's common for people who aren't familiar to look beneath the surface of things, viewing Native Americans as barely human. This is especially true when we, driven by some cruel act or betrayal, quickly label them as irredeemably wicked and inhuman, a nest of vipers whose extermination would be a just act. While that might hold some truth, judged by this standard, hasn’t every nation on Earth earned the death penalty? Human nature doesn’t change with culture. A European is just a civilized savage. Civilized cruelty is no less toxic than savage cruelty. It’s unseemly for an adult to mock a child's futile attempts and to think that solving their flaws means destroying them. It’s equally unwise for those privileged with superior knowledge and the written records of the past to belittle the untaught man of the wilderness, deny him a place in this world or the next, brand him as a scourge, an outlaw, and take every small excuse to push him off the stage from which his fate is swiftly taking him. We start off with a misguided viewpoint of humanity in its primitive state. Instead of seeing savages as part of one common humanity with us, possibly the ancestors of more advanced peoples than any the world has seen, we classify them as common enemies of mankind and view them more like wild animals than wild men.

And let not him who seeks a deeper insight into the mysteries of humanity despise beginnings, things crude and small. The difference between the cultured and the primitive man lies chiefly in the fact that one has a few centuries the start of the other in the race of progress. Before condemning the barbarian, let us first examine his code of ethics. Let us draw our light from his light, reason after his fashion; see in the sky, the earth, the sea, the same fantastic imagery that plays upon his fancy, and adapt our sense of right and wrong to his social surroundings. Just as human nature is able to appreciate divine nature only as divine nature accords with human nature; so the intuitions of lower orders of beings can be comprehended only by bringing into play our lower faculties. Nor can we any more clearly appreciate the conceptions of beings below us than of those above us. The thoughts, reasonings, and instincts of an animal or insect are as much a mystery to the human intellect as are the lofty contemplations of an archangel.

And let those who seek a deeper understanding of humanity not look down on beginnings, no matter how rough or small. The main difference between cultured and primitive people is that one has had a few centuries head start in the journey of progress. Before we judge the barbarian, let’s first take a look at his moral beliefs. Let’s draw our understanding from his perspective, think in a way similar to his; see in the sky, the earth, and the sea the same vivid imagery that captures his imagination, and adjust our sense of right and wrong to fit his social environment. Just as human nature can only recognize the divine when it aligns with human experience, the instincts of simpler beings can only be understood by tapping into our own simpler faculties. Similarly, we can’t fully grasp the thoughts and reasoning of beings below us any better than we can those above us. The thoughts, reasoning, and instincts of an animal or insect are just as mysterious to human intellect as the elevated thoughts of an archangel.

PACIFICATION OF TIERRA FIRME.

PACIFICATION OF TIERRA FIRME.

Three hundred and thirty-six years were occupied in the discovery of the western border of North America. From the time when, in 1501, the adventurous notary of Triana, Rodrigo de Bastidas, approached the Isthmus of Darien, in search of gold and pearls, till the year 1837, when Messrs Dease and 27 Simpson, by order of the Hudson's Bay Company, completed the survey of the northern extremity, which bounds the Arctic Ocean, the intervening territory was discovered at intervals, and under widely different circumstances. During that time, under various immediate incentives, but with the broad principle of avarice underlying all, such parts of this territory as were conceived to be of sufficient value were seized, and the inhabitants made a prey to the rapacity of the invaders. Thus the purpose of the worthy notary Bastidas, the first Spaniard who visited the continent of North America, was pacific barter with the Indians; and his kind treatment was rewarded by a successful traffic. Next came Columbus, from the opposite direction, sailing southward along the coast of Honduras on his fourth voyage, in 1502. His was the nobler object of discovery. He was striving to get through or round this tierra firme which, standing between himself and his theory, persistently barred his progress westward. He had no time for barter, nor any inclination to plant settlements; he was looking for a strait or passage through or round these outer confines to the more opulent regions of India. But, unsuccessful in his laudable effort, he at length yielded to the clamorous cupidity of his crew. He permitted his brother, the Adelantado, to land and take possession of the country for the king of Spain, and, in the year following, to attempt a settlement at Veragua.

Three hundred and thirty-six years were spent discovering the western border of North America. From the time in 1501 when the adventurous notary from Triana, Rodrigo de Bastidas, approached the Isthmus of Darien looking for gold and pearls, until 1837 when Messrs Dease and 27 Simpson, under orders from the Hudson's Bay Company, completed the survey of the northern edge that borders the Arctic Ocean, the territory in between was discovered gradually and under very different circumstances. During that time, fueled by various motivations but primarily driven by greed, different parts of this territory deemed valuable were taken over, and the local inhabitants were exploited by the invaders. Thus, the intention of the honorable notary Bastidas, the first Spaniard to visit North America, was to engage in peaceful trade with the Native Americans; his kind treatment led to successful trading. Next came Columbus, sailing from the opposite direction and heading south along the coast of Honduras on his fourth voyage in 1502. His goal was nobler—he aimed to discover new lands. He was trying to navigate through or around this tierra firme that stood between him and his theories, blocking his westward journey. He had no time to trade or any desire to establish settlements; he was seeking a strait or passage through these outer limits to the richer regions of India. However, unsuccessful in his worthy pursuit, he eventually gave in to the insistent greed of his crew. He allowed his brother, the Adelantado, to land and claim the territory for the king of Spain, and in the following year, to try to establish a settlement at Veragua.

FIRST INTERCOURSE WITH EUROPEANS.

FIRST ENCOUNTER WITH EUROPEANS.

In 1506-8, Juan de Solis with Pinzon continued the search of Columbus, along the coast of Yucatan and Mexico, for a passage through to the southern ocean. The disastrous adventures of Alonzo de Ojeda, Diego de Nicuesa, and Juan de la Cosa, on the Isthmus of Darien, between the years 1507 and 1511, brought into more intimate contact the steel weapons of the chivalrous hidalgos with the naked bodies of the savages. Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, after a toilsome journey across the Isthmus in 1513, was rewarded by the first view of the Pacific Ocean, of which he took possession for the king of Spain on the twenty-fifth of September. The white sails of Córdova Grijalva, and Garay, descried by the natives of Yucatan and Mexico in 1517-19, were quickly followed by Cortés and his keen-scented band of adventurers, who, received by the unsuspecting natives as gods, would have been dismissed by them as fiends had not the invasion culminated in the conquest of Mexico. During the years 1522-24, Cortés made expeditions to Tehuantepec, Panuco, and Central America; Gil Gonzales and Cristobal de Olid invaded Nicaragua and Honduras. Nuño de Guzman in 1530, with a large force, took possession of the entire northern country from the city of Mexico to the northern boundary of Sinaloa; and Cabeza de Vaca crossed the continent from Texas to Sinaloa in the years 1528-36. Journeys to the north were made by Cortés, Ulloa, Coronado, Mendoza, and Cabrillo between the years 1536 and 1542. Hundreds of Roman Catholic missionaries, ready to lay down their lives in their earnest anxiety for the souls of the Indians, spread out into the wilderness in every direction. During the latter part of the sixteenth century had place,—the expedition of Francisco de Ibarra to Sinaloa in 1556, the campaign of Hernando de Bazan against the Indians of Sinaloa in 1570, the adventures of Oxenham in Darien in 1575, the voyage round the world of Sir Francis Drake, touching upon the Northwest 28 Coast in 1579; the expedition of Antonio de Espejo to New Mexico in 1583; Francisco de Gali's return from Macao to Mexico, by way of the Northwest Coast, in 1584; the voyage of Maldonado to the imaginary Straits of Anian in 1588; the expedition of Castaño de Sosa to New Mexico in 1590; the voyage of Juan de Fuca to the Straits of Anian in 1592; the wreck of the 'San Agustin' upon the Northwest Coast in 1595; the voyage of Sebastian Vizcaino towards California in 1596; the discoveries of Juan de Oñate in New Mexico in 1599, and many others. Intercourse with the natives was extended during the seventeenth century by the voyage of Sebastian Vizcaino from Mexico to California in 1602; by the expedition of Francisco de Ortega to Lower California in 1631; by the journey of Thomas Gage from Mexico to Guatemala in 1638; by the voyage round the world of William Dampier in 1679; by the reckless adventures of the Buccaneers from 1680 to 1690; by the expedition of Isidor de Otondo into Lower California in 1683; by the expedition of Father Kino to Sonora and Arizona in 1683; by the expeditions of Kino, Kappus, Mange, Bernal, Carrasco, Salvatierra, and others to Sonora and Arizona in 1694-9; and by the occupation of Lower California by the Jesuits, Salvatierra, Ugarte, Kino, and Piccolo, from 1697 to 1701. Voyages of circumnavigation were made by Dampier in 1703-4; by Rogers in 1708-11; by Shelvocke in 1719-22, and by Anson in 1740-4. Frondac made a voyage from China to California in 1709.

In 1506-1508, Juan de Solis and Pinzon continued Columbus's search along the coast of Yucatan and Mexico for a route to the southern ocean. The unfortunate journeys of Alonzo de Ojeda, Diego de Nicuesa, and Juan de la Cosa on the Isthmus of Darien between 1507 and 1511 brought the advanced weaponry of the brave hidalgos into direct conflict with the unarmed indigenous people. Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, after a challenging trek across the Isthmus in 1513, was the first to see the Pacific Ocean, which he claimed for the King of Spain on September 25. The ships of Córdova Grijalva and Garay, seen by the native people of Yucatan and Mexico between 1517 and 1519, were soon followed by Cortés and his eager group of adventurers, who were initially welcomed by the unsuspecting natives as gods but would have been regarded as monsters had their invasion not succeeded in conquering Mexico. From 1522 to 1524, Cortés led expeditions to Tehuantepec, Panuco, and Central America; Gil Gonzales and Cristobal de Olid invaded Nicaragua and Honduras. In 1530, Nuño de Guzman, with a large army, claimed the entire northern region from Mexico City to the northern border of Sinaloa; Cabeza de Vaca crossed the continent from Texas to Sinaloa between 1528 and 1536. Expeditions northward were undertaken by Cortés, Ulloa, Coronado, Mendoza, and Cabrillo from 1536 to 1542. Hundreds of Roman Catholic missionaries, eager to sacrifice their lives for the souls of the Indians, spread out into the wilderness in all directions. In the latter part of the sixteenth century, significant events included Francisco de Ibarra's expedition to Sinaloa in 1556, Hernando de Bazan's campaign against the Sinaloan Indians in 1570, Oxenham's adventures in Darien in 1575, Sir Francis Drake's voyage around the world that touched the Northwest Coast in 1579; Antonio de Espejo's expedition to New Mexico in 1583; Francisco de Gali's return from Macao to Mexico via the Northwest Coast in 1584; Maldonado's voyage to the fictional Straits of Anian in 1588; Castaño de Sosa's expedition to New Mexico in 1590; Juan de Fuca's journey to the Straits of Anian in 1592; the wreck of the 'San Agustin' on the Northwest Coast in 1595; Sebastian Vizcaino's voyage toward California in 1596; and Juan de Oñate's discoveries in New Mexico in 1599, among others. Interaction with the natives increased during the seventeenth century with Sebastian Vizcaino's voyage from Mexico to California in 1602; Francisco de Ortega's expedition to Lower California in 1631; Thomas Gage's journey from Mexico to Guatemala in 1638; William Dampier's circumnavigation in 1679; the reckless exploits of Buccaneers from 1680 to 1690; Isidor de Otondo's expedition into Lower California in 1683; Father Kino's journeys to Sonora and Arizona in 1683; and the expeditions by Kino, Kappus, Mange, Bernal, Carrasco, Salvatierra, and others to Sonora and Arizona from 1694 to 1699, alongside the Jesuits' occupation of Lower California by Salvatierra, Ugarte, Kino, and Piccolo from 1697 to 1701. Circumnavigation voyages were undertaken by Dampier in 1703-1704, Rogers in 1708-1711, Shelvocke in 1719-1722, and Anson in 1740-1744. Frondac also made a journey from China to California in 1709.

The first voyage through Bering Strait is supposed to have been made by Semun Deschneff and his companions in the year 1648, and purports to have explored the Asiatic coast from the river Kolyma to the south of the river Anadir, thus proving the separation of the continents of Asia and America. In 1711, a Russian Cossack, named Popoff, was sent from the fort on the Anadir river to subdue the rebellious Tschuktschi of Tschuktschi Noss, a point of land on the Asiatic coast near to the American continent. He there received from the natives the first intelligence of the proximity of the continent of America and the character of the inhabitants; an account of which will be given in another place. In 1741, Vitus Bering and Alexei Tschirikoff sailed in company, from Petropaulovski, for the opposite coast of America. They parted company during a storm, the latter reaching the coast in latitude fifty-six, and the former landing at Cape St Elias in latitude sixty degrees north. The earliest information concerning the Aleutian Islanders was obtained by the Russians in the year 1745, when Michael Nevodtsikoff sailed from the Kamtchatka river in pursuit of furs. A Russian commercial company, called the Promyschleniki, was formed, and other hunting and trading voyages followed. Lasareff visited six islands of the Andreanovski group in 1761; and the year following was made the discovery of the Alaskan Peninsula, supposed to be an island until after the survey of the coast by Captain Cook. Drusinin made a hunting expedition to Unalaska and the Fox Islands in 1763; and, during the same year, Stephen Glottoff visited the island of Kadiak. Korovin, Solovieff, Synd, Otseredin, Krenitzen, and other Russian fur-hunters spent the years 1762-5 among the Aleutian Islands, capturing sea-otters, seals, and foxes, and exchanging, with the natives, beads and iron utensils, for furs. 29

The first voyage through the Bering Strait is believed to have been made by Semun Deschneff and his companions in 1648, and it reportedly explored the Asian coast from the Kolyma River to south of the Anadir River, thus proving the separation of the continents of Asia and America. In 1711, a Russian Cossack named Popoff was sent from the fort on the Anadir River to subdue the rebellious Chukchi of Chukchi Noss, a piece of land on the Asian coast near the American continent. There, he received the first information from the natives about the closeness of the continent of America and the nature of its inhabitants; a detailed account will be provided elsewhere. In 1741, Vitus Bering and Alexei Chirikoff sailed together from Petropavlovsk to the opposite coast of America. They got separated during a storm, with Chirikoff reaching the coast at latitude fifty-six and Bering landing at Cape St. Elias at latitude sixty degrees north. The earliest information about the Aleutian Islanders was obtained by the Russians in 1745 when Michael Nevodtsikoff sailed from the Kamchatka River in search of furs. A Russian commercial company called the Promyschleniki was established, leading to more hunting and trading voyages. Lasareff visited six islands of the Andreanof Islands in 1761, and the following year, the Alaskan Peninsula was discovered, which was thought to be an island until Captain Cook surveyed the coast. Drusinin embarked on a hunting trip to Unalaska and the Fox Islands in 1763, and that same year, Stephen Glottoff visited Kodiak Island. Korovin, Solovieff, Synd, Otseredin, Krenitzen, and other Russian fur hunters spent the years 1762-1765 among the Aleutian Islands, capturing sea otters, seals, and foxes, and exchanging beads and iron utensils with the natives for furs. 29

OCCUPATION OF CALIFORNIA.

California Occupation.

A grand missionary movement, growing out of the religious rivalries of the two great orders of the Catholic Church, led to the original occupation of Upper California by Spaniards. The work of Christianizing Lower California was inaugurated by the Jesuits, under Fathers Salvatierra and Kino, in 1697. When the Jesuits were expelled from Mexico in 1767, their missions were turned over to the Franciscans. This so roused the zeal of the Dominicans that they immediately appealed to Spain, and in 1769 obtained an edict, giving them a due share in the missions of Lower California. The Franciscans, thinking it better to carry their efforts into new fields than to contend for predominance at home, generously offered to cede the whole of Lower California to the Dominicans, and themselves retire to the wild and distant regions of Upper California. This being agreed upon, two expeditions were organized to proceed northward simultaneously, one by water and the other by land. In January, 1769, the ship 'San Carlos,' commanded by Vicente Vila, was dispatched for San Diego, followed by the 'San Antonio,' under Juan Perez, and the 'San José,' which was unfortunately lost. The land expedition was separated into two divisions; the first under Rivera y Moncada departed from Mexico in March, and arrived at San Diego in May; the second under Gaspar de Portolá and Father Junípero Serra reached San Diego in July, 1769. Portolá with his companions immediately set out by land for the Bay of Monterey; but, unwittingly passing it by, they continued northward until barred in their progress by the magnificent Bay of San Francisco. Unable to find the harbor of Monterey, they returned to San Diego in January, 1770. In April, Portolá made a second and more successful attempt, and arrived at Monterey in May. Meanwhile Perez and Junípero Serra accomplished the voyage by sea, sailing in the 'San Carlos.' In 1772, Pedro Fages and Juan Crespi proceeded from Monterey to explore the Bay of San Francisco. They were followed by Rivera y Moncada in 1774, and Palou and Ezeta in 1775; and in 1776, Moraga founded the Mission of Dolores. In 1775, Bodega y Quadra voyaged up the Californian coast to the fifty-eighth parallel. In 1776, Dominguez and Escalante made an expedition from Santa Fé to Monterey. Menonville journeyed to Oajaca in New Spain in 1777. In 1778, Captain Cook, in his third voyage round the world, touched along the Coast from Cape Flattery to Norton Sound; and in 1779, Bodega y Quadra, Maurelle, and Arteaga voyaged up the western coast to Mount St Elias. During the years 1785-8, voyages of circumnavigation were made by Dixon and Portlock, and by La Pérouse, all touching upon the Northwest Coast.

A major missionary movement, emerging from the religious competition between two significant orders of the Catholic Church, led to the initial occupation of Upper California by the Spanish. The effort to Christianize Lower California was started by the Jesuits, under Fathers Salvatierra and Kino, in 1697. When the Jesuits were expelled from Mexico in 1767, their missions were handed over to the Franciscans. This sparked such enthusiasm among the Dominicans that they quickly sent a request to Spain, and in 1769, they received a decree granting them a share in the missions of Lower California. The Franciscans decided it was better to expand their efforts into new territories instead of fighting for dominance at home, so they generously agreed to give the entire Lower California to the Dominicans and move to the remote and rugged areas of Upper California. Once this was settled, two expeditions were organized to head north at the same time, one by sea and the other by land. In January 1769, the ship 'San Carlos,' captained by Vicente Vila, was sent to San Diego, followed by the 'San Antonio' under Juan Perez, and the 'San José,' which unfortunately was lost. The land expedition split into two groups; the first led by Rivera y Moncada left Mexico in March and reached San Diego in May. The second group, led by Gaspar de Portolá and Father Junípero Serra, arrived in San Diego in July 1769. Portolá and his companions immediately set out by land for the Bay of Monterey but unknowingly passed it and continued north until they were halted by the stunning Bay of San Francisco. Unable to locate the harbor of Monterey, they returned to San Diego in January 1770. In April, Portolá made a second and more successful attempt, arriving at Monterey in May. Meanwhile, Perez and Junípero Serra completed their journey by sea, sailing on the 'San Carlos.' In 1772, Pedro Fages and Juan Crespi traveled from Monterey to explore the Bay of San Francisco. They were followed by Rivera y Moncada in 1774, and Palou and Ezeta in 1775; and in 1776, Moraga established the Mission of Dolores. In 1775, Bodega y Quadra sailed up the Californian coast to the fifty-eighth parallel. In 1776, Dominguez and Escalante undertook an expedition from Santa Fé to Monterey. Menonville traveled to Oajaca in New Spain in 1777. In 1778, Captain Cook, during his third voyage around the world, navigated along the coastline from Cape Flattery to Norton Sound; and in 1779, Bodega y Quadra, Maurelle, and Arteaga sailed up the western coast to Mount St Elias. Between 1785 and 1788, Dixon and Portlock, as well as La Pérouse, made circumnavigation voyages, all touching the Northwest Coast.

French Canadian traders were the first to penetrate the northern interior west of Hudson Bay. Their most distant station was on the Saskatchewan River, two thousand miles from civilization, in the heart of an unknown wilderness inhabited by savage men and beasts. These coureurs des bois or wood-rangers, as they were called, were admirably adapted, by their disposition and superior address, to conciliate the Indians and form settlements among them. Unrestrained, however, by control, they committed excesses which the French government could check only by prohibiting, under penalty of death, any but its authorized agents from trading within its territories. 30 British merchants at New York soon entered into competition with the fur princes of Montreal. But, in 1670, a more formidable opposition arose in the organization of the Hudson's Bay Company, by Prince Rupert and other noblemen, under a charter of Charles II. which granted exclusive right to all the territory drained by rivers flowing into Hudson Bay. Notwithstanding constant feuds with the French merchants regarding territorial limits, the company prospered from the beginning, paying annual dividends of twenty-five and fifty per cent. after many times increasing the capital stock. In 1676, the Canadians formed the Compagnie du Nord, in order the more successfully to resist encroachment. Upon the loss of Canada by the French in 1762, hostilities thickened between the companies, and the traffic for a time fell off. In 1784, the famous Northwest Company was formed by Canadian merchants, and the management entrusted to the Frobisher brothers and Simon M'Tavish. The head-quarters of the company were at Montreal, but annual meetings were held, with lordly state, at Fort William, on the shore of Lake Superior. The company consisted of twenty-three partners, and employed over two thousand clerks and servants. It exercised an almost feudal sway over a wide savage domain, and maintained a formidable competition with the Hudson's Bay Company, with which they were for two years in actual war. In 1813, they purchased, from the partners of John Jacob Astor, the settlement of Astoria on the Columbia River. In 1821, they united with the Hudson's Bay Company; and the charter covering the entire region occupied by both was renewed by act of Parliament. In 1762, some merchants of New Orleans organized a company which was commissioned by D'Abadie, director-general of Louisiana, under the name of Pierre Ligueste Laclède, Antoine Maxan, and Company. Their first post occupied the spot upon which the city of St Louis is now situated; and, under the auspices of the brothers Chouteau, they penetrated northwestward beyond the Rocky Mountains. In 1808, the Missouri Fur Company was formed at St Louis, consisting of the Chouteaus and others; and an expedition under Major Henry was sent across the Rocky Mountains, which established the first post on the Columbia River. Between the years 1825 and 1830, the Rocky Mountain Fur Company of St Louis extended their operations over California and Oregon, but at a loss of the lives of nearly one half of their employés. John Jacob Astor embarked in the fur trade at New York in 1784, purchasing at that time in Montreal. In 1808, he obtained a charter for the American Fur Company, which was, in 1811, merged into the Southwest Company. In 1809, Mr Astor conceived the project of establishing a transcontinental line of posts. His purpose was to concentrate the fur trade of the United States, and establish uninterrupted communication between the Pacific and the Atlantic. He made proposals of association to the Northwest Company, which were not only rejected, but an attempt was made by that association to anticipate Mr Astor in his operations, by making a settlement at the mouth of the Columbia River. In 1810, the Pacific Fur Company was founded by Mr Astor, and an expedition dispatched overland by way of St Louis and the Missouri River. At the same time a vessel was sent round Cape Horn to the mouth of the Columbia; but, their adventure in that quarter proving 31 unsuccessful, the company was dissolved, and the operations of Mr Astor were thereafter confined to the territory east of the Rocky Mountains.

French Canadian traders were the first to explore the northern interior west of Hudson Bay. Their furthest station was on the Saskatchewan River, two thousand miles from civilization, deep in an unknown wilderness populated by fierce men and animals. These coureurs des bois, or wood-rangers, as they were known, were well-suited, with their personality and skills, to win over the Indians and establish settlements among them. However, without any oversight, they engaged in excesses that the French government could only control by forbidding anyone but authorized agents from trading in its territories under the threat of death. 30 British merchants in New York soon started competing with the fur traders of Montreal. But in 1670, a more significant opposition emerged with the formation of the Hudson's Bay Company by Prince Rupert and other noblemen, under a charter from Charles II that granted exclusive rights to all the land drained by rivers flowing into Hudson Bay. Despite ongoing disputes with the French merchants over territorial boundaries, the company thrived from the start, paying annual dividends of twenty-five and fifty percent, after significantly increasing its capital. In 1676, the Canadians created the Compagnie du Nord to better resist encroachment. Following the French loss of Canada in 1762, tensions increased between the companies, and trade declined for a time. In 1784, the well-known Northwest Company was established by Canadian merchants, with management given to the Frobisher brothers and Simon M'Tavish. The headquarters were in Montreal, but annual meetings were held grandly at Fort William, on the shore of Lake Superior. The company included twenty-three partners and employed over two thousand clerks and workers. It held almost feudal control over a vast wild territory and maintained fierce competition with the Hudson's Bay Company, where they were in direct conflict for two years. In 1813, they bought the settlement of Astoria on the Columbia River from the partners of John Jacob Astor. In 1821, they merged with the Hudson's Bay Company, and a parliamentary act renewed the charter covering all the territory occupied by both. In 1762, some merchants from New Orleans organized a company commissioned by D'Abadie, the director-general of Louisiana, under the name Pierre Ligueste Laclède, Antoine Maxan, and Company. Their first post was located on the site where St. Louis now stands; with the help of the Chouteau brothers, they expanded northwest beyond the Rocky Mountains. In 1808, the Missouri Fur Company was established in St. Louis, comprising the Chouteaus and others; an expedition led by Major Henry was sent across the Rocky Mountains, establishing the first post on the Columbia River. Between 1825 and 1830, the Rocky Mountain Fur Company from St. Louis expanded their operations into California and Oregon, but nearly half of their employees lost their lives. John Jacob Astor entered the fur trade in New York in 1784, purchasing goods in Montreal at that time. In 1808, he secured a charter for the American Fur Company, which merged into the Southwest Company in 1811. In 1809, Mr. Astor devised a plan to establish a transcontinental line of trading posts. His aim was to centralize the fur trade in the United States and create continuous communication between the Pacific and Atlantic. He proposed a partnership to the Northwest Company, which was not only rejected but the company also attempted to beat Mr. Astor to the punch by establishing a settlement at the Columbia River's mouth. In 1810, Mr. Astor founded the Pacific Fur Company and sent an overland expedition from St. Louis along the Missouri River. Simultaneously, a ship was dispatched around Cape Horn to the Columbia's mouth; however, their venture in that area was unsuccessful, leading to the dissolution of the company. From that point on, Mr. Astor focused his efforts on the territory east of the Rocky Mountains. 31

THE GREAT NORTHWEST.

THE GREAT NORTHWEST.

Samuel Hearne, an officer of the Hudson's Bay Company, was the first European to reach the Arctic Ocean through the interior of the continent. He descended Coppermine River to its mouth in the year 1771. The Upper Misinipi River was first visited by Joseph Frobisher in 1775. Three years later, one Peter Pond penetrated to within thirty miles of Athabasca Lake, and established a trading post at that point. Four canoe-loads of merchandise were exchanged by him for more fine furs than his canoes could carry. Other adventurous traders soon followed; but not long afterwards the inevitable broils which always attended the early intercourse of Europeans and Indians, rose to such a height that, but for the appearance of that terrible scourge, the small-pox, the traders would have been extirpated. The ravages of this dire disease continued to depopulate the country until 1782, when traders again appeared among the Knisteneaux and Tinneh. The most northern division of the Northwest Company was at that time the Athabascan Lake region, where Alexander Mackenzie was the managing partner. His winter residence was at Fort Chipewyan, on Athabasca Lake. The Indians who traded at his establishment informed him of the existence of a large river flowing to the westward from Slave Lake. Thinking thereby to reach the Pacific Ocean, Mr Mackenzie, in the year 1789, set out upon an expedition to the west; and, descending the noble stream which bears his name, found himself, contrary to his expectations, upon the shores of the Arctic Sea. In 1793, he made a journey to the Pacific, ascending Peace River, and reaching the coast in latitude about fifty-two. The first expedition organized by the British government for the purpose of surveying the northern coast, was sent out under Lieutenants Franklin and Parry in 1819. During the year following, Franklin descended Coppermine River, and subsequently, in 1825, he made a journey down the Mackenzie. In 1808, D. W. Harmon, a partner in the Northwest Company, crossed the Rocky Mountains, at about the fifty-sixth parallel, to Fraser and Stuart Lakes. The accounts of the natives given by these travelers and their companions are essentially the same, and later voyagers have failed to throw much additional light upon the subject. John Meares, in 1788, visited the Straits of Fuca, Nootka Sound, and Cook Inlet; and, during the same year, two ships, sent out by Boston merchants, under Robert Gray and John Kendrick, entered Nootka Sound. Estevan Martinez and Gonzalo Haro, sent from Mexico to look after the interest of Spain in these regions, explored Prince William Sound, and visited Kadiak. During the same year, the Russians established a trading post at Copper River. In 1789, Joseph Billings visited the Aleutian Islands, and the Boston vessels explored the Eastern coast of Queen Charlotte Island. In 1790, Salvador Fidalgo was sent by the Mexican government to Nootka; and Monaldo explored the Straits of Juan de Fuca. In 1791, four ships belonging to Boston merchants, two Spanish ships, one French and several Russian vessels touched upon the Northwest Coast. The Spanish vessels were under the command of Alejandro Malespina; Etienne Marchand was the commander of the French ship. The 'Sutil y Mexicana' entered 32 Nootka Sound in 1792; and during the same year, Vancouver commenced his explorations along the coast above Cape Flattery. In 1803-4, Baron Von Humboldt was making his searching investigations in Mexico; while the captive New Englander, Jewett, was dancing attendance to Maquina, king of the Nootkas. Lewis and Clark traversed the continent in 1805. In 1806, a Mr Fraser set out from Canada, and crossed the Rocky Mountains near the headwaters of the river which bears his name. He descended Fraser River to the lake which he also called after himself. There he built a fort and opened trade with the natives. Kotzebue visited the coast in 1816; and the Russian expedition under Kramchenko, Wasilieff, and Etolin, in 1822. Captain Morrel explored the Californian coast from San Diego to San Francisco in 1825; Captains Beechey and Lütke, the Northwest Coast in 1826; and Sir Edward Belcher in 1837. J. K. Townsend made an excursion west of the Rocky Mountains in 1834. In 1837, Dease and Simpson made an open boat voyage from the Mackenzie River, westward to Point Barrow, the farthest point made by Beechey from the opposite direction, thus reaching the Ultima Thule of northwestern discovery. Sir George Simpson crossed the continent in 1841, Fremont in 1843, and Paul Kane in 1845. Kushevaroff visited the coast in 1838, Laplace in 1839, Commodore Wilkes in 1841, and Captain Kellett in 1849. Following the discovery of gold, the country was deluged by adventurers. In 1853-4, commenced the series of explorations for a Pacific railway. The necessities of the natives were examined, and remnants of disappearing nations were collected upon reservations under government agents. The interior of Alaska was first penetrated by the employés of the Russian-American Fur Company. Malakoff ascended the Yukon in 1838; and, in 1842, Derabin established a fort upon that river. In 1849, W. H. Hooper made a boat expedition from Kotzebue Sound to the Mackenzie River; and, in 1866, William H. Dall and Frederick Whymper ascended the Yukon.

Samuel Hearne, an officer of the Hudson's Bay Company, was the first European to reach the Arctic Ocean through the interior of the continent. He traveled down the Coppermine River to its mouth in 1771. Joseph Frobisher was the first to visit the Upper Misinipi River in 1775. Three years later, Peter Pond ventured within thirty miles of Athabasca Lake and set up a trading post there. He exchanged four canoe-loads of goods for more fine furs than his canoes could carry. Other adventurous traders quickly followed; however, it wasn't long before the inevitable conflicts between Europeans and Indigenous people escalated to such an extent that, had it not been for the outbreak of smallpox, the traders would likely have been wiped out. The devastating impact of this disease continued to reduce the population until 1782 when traders reappeared among the Knisteneaux and Tinneh tribes. At that time, the northernmost division of the Northwest Company was in the Athabascan Lake region, where Alexander Mackenzie was the managing partner. His winter residence was at Fort Chipewyan on Athabasca Lake. The Indigenous people who traded at his post informed him about a large river flowing westward from Slave Lake. Hoping to reach the Pacific Ocean, Mr. Mackenzie set out on an expedition westward in 1789. He descended the grand river that now bears his name and unexpectedly found himself on the shores of the Arctic Sea. In 1793, he made the journey to the Pacific by ascending the Peace River and reaching the coast at about latitude fifty-two. The first expedition organized by the British government to survey the northern coast was sent out under Lieutenants Franklin and Parry in 1819. The following year, Franklin descended the Coppermine River and later, in 1825, traveled down the Mackenzie. In 1808, D. W. Harmon, a partner in the Northwest Company, crossed the Rocky Mountains at around the fifty-sixth parallel to reach Fraser and Stuart Lakes. The accounts given by these travelers and their companions about the natives are fundamentally the same, and later explorers haven't added much new information to the subject. John Meares visited the Straits of Fuca, Nootka Sound, and Cook Inlet in 1788; that same year, two ships sent by Boston merchants under Robert Gray and John Kendrick entered Nootka Sound. Estevan Martinez and Gonzalo Haro were sent from Mexico to oversee Spain's interests in the area and explored Prince William Sound, visiting Kadiak. That year, the Russians also established a trading post at Copper River. In 1789, Joseph Billings visited the Aleutian Islands, while the Boston ships explored the eastern coast of Queen Charlotte Island. In 1790, Salvador Fidalgo was sent by the Mexican government to Nootka, and Monaldo explored the Straits of Juan de Fuca. In 1791, four ships belonging to Boston merchants, two Spanish ships, one French ship, and several Russian vessels visited the Northwest Coast. The Spanish ships were commanded by Alejandro Malespina, and Etienne Marchand was in charge of the French vessel. The 'Sutil y Mexicana' entered Nootka Sound in 1792, and that same year, Vancouver began his explorations along the coast above Cape Flattery. Between 1803 and 1804, Baron Von Humboldt conducted extensive investigations in Mexico, while the captive New Englander, Jewett, was serving Maquina, king of the Nootkas. Lewis and Clark made their journey across the continent in 1805. In 1806, a Mr. Fraser set out from Canada and crossed the Rocky Mountains near the headwaters of the river named after him. He descended the Fraser River to the lake that bears his name, built a fort there, and initiated trade with the Indigenous people. Kotzebue visited the coast in 1816, and a Russian expedition under Kramchenko, Wasilieff, and Etolin occurred in 1822. Captain Morrel explored the Californian coast from San Diego to San Francisco in 1825; Captains Beechey and Lütke explored the Northwest Coast in 1826; and Sir Edward Belcher explored it in 1837. J. K. Townsend made an excursion west of the Rocky Mountains in 1834. In 1837, Dease and Simpson undertook an open boat voyage from the Mackenzie River, westward to Point Barrow, the farthest point reached by Beechey from the opposite direction, thus achieving the Ultima Thule of northwestern exploration. Sir George Simpson crossed the continent in 1841, Fremont in 1843, and Paul Kane in 1845. Kushevaroff visited the coast in 1838, Laplace in 1839, Commodore Wilkes in 1841, and Captain Kellett in 1849. Following the discovery of gold, the region was flooded with adventurers. In 1853-54, a series of explorations for a Pacific railway began. The needs of the Indigenous people were assessed, and remnants of disappearing nations were gathered onto reservations managed by government agents. The interior of Alaska was first explored by the employees of the Russian-American Fur Company. Malakoff ascended the Yukon in 1838, and in 1842, Derabin established a fort on that river. In 1849, W. H. Hooper made a boat expedition from Kotzebue Sound to the Mackenzie River, and in 1866, William H. Dall and Frederick Whymper ascended the Yukon.

I have here given a few only of the original sources whence my information is derived concerning the Indians. A multitude of minor voyages and travels have been performed during the past three and a half centuries, and accounts published by early residents among the natives, the bare enumeration of which I fear would prove wearisome to the reader. Enough, however, has been given to show the immediate causes which led to the discovery and occupation of the several parts of this western coast. The Spanish cavaliers craved from the Indians of the South their lands and their gold. The Spanish missionaries demanded from the Indians of Northern Mexico and California, faith. The French, English, Canadian, and American fur companies sought from the Indians of Oregon and New Caledonia, peltries. The Russians compelled the natives of the Aleutian Islands to hunt sea-animals. The filthy raw-flesh-eating Eskimos, having nothing wherewith to tempt the cupidity of the superior race, retain their primitive purity.

I have provided only a few of the original sources from which my information about the Indians comes. Many minor voyages and travels have taken place over the last three and a half centuries, and accounts published by early residents among the natives would likely become tiresome to list. However, enough has been shared to illustrate the immediate reasons that led to the discovery and settlement of various parts of this western coast. The Spanish explorers sought land and gold from the Southern Indians. The Spanish missionaries asked for faith from the Indians of Northern Mexico and California. The French, English, Canadian, and American fur companies wanted pelts from the Indians of Oregon and New Caledonia. The Russians forced the natives of the Aleutian Islands to hunt sea animals. The raw-flesh-eating Eskimos, having nothing to entice the greed of the dominant race, maintain their simple way of life.

CUPIDITY AND ZEAL.

Greed and enthusiasm.

We observe then three original incentives urging on civilized white men to overspread the domain of the Indian. The first was that thirst for gold, which characterized the fiery hidalgos from Spain in their conquests, 33 and to obtain which no cruelty was too severe nor any sacrifice of human life too great; as though of all the gifts vouchsafed to man, material or divine, one only was worth possessing. The second, following closely in the footsteps of the first, and oftentimes constituting a part of it, was religious enthusiasm; a zealous interest in the souls of the natives and the form in which they worshiped. The third, which occupied the attention of other and more northern Europeans, grew out of a covetous desire for the wild man's clothing; to secure to themselves the peltries of the great hyperborean regions of America. From the south of Europe the Spaniards landed in tropical North America, and exterminated the natives. From the north of Europe the French, English, and Russians crossed over to the northern part of America; and, with a kinder and more refined cruelty, no less effectually succeeded in sweeping them from the face of the earth by the introduction of the poisonous elements of a debased cultivation.

We see three main motivations driving civilized white men to take over the land of the Native Americans. The first was the desire for gold, which defined the fiery Spanish conquistadors during their conquests, and for which no cruelty was too extreme nor any cost to human life too high; as if among all the gifts granted to humanity, whether material or spiritual, only this one was truly valuable. The second, closely following the first and often intertwined with it, was religious fervor; a passionate concern for the souls of the natives and how they practiced their worship. The third motivation, which attracted the attention of northern Europeans, stemmed from a greedy desire for the wild man's clothing; to claim the furs from the vast northern regions of America. From southern Europe, the Spaniards arrived in tropical North America, wiping out the native populations. From northern Europe, the French, English, and Russians moved into the northern part of America, and with a somewhat gentler and more refined brutality, effectively eradicated them from the land through the introduction of harmful elements of exploitative agriculture.

Fortunately for the Indians of the north, it was contrary to the interests of white people to kill them in order to obtain the skins of their animals; for, with a few trinkets, they could procure what otherwise would require long and severe labor to obtain. The policy, therefore, of the great fur-trading companies has been to cherish the Indians as their best hunters, to live at peace with them, to heal their ancient feuds, and to withhold from them intoxicating liquors. The condition of their women, who were considered by the natives as little better than beasts, has been changed by their inter-social relations with the servants of the trading companies; and their more barbarous practices discontinued. It was the almost universal custom of the employés of the Hudson's Bay Company to unite to themselves native women; thus, by means of this relationship, the condition of the women has been raised, while the men manifest a kinder feeling towards the white race who thus in a measure become one with them.

Fortunately for the Indigenous people of the north, it wasn't beneficial for white people to kill them to get the skins of their animals; instead, with just a few trinkets, they could acquire what would otherwise require a lot of hard work. So, the strategy of the major fur-trading companies has been to support the Indigenous people as their top hunters, maintain peaceful relations, resolve their historic conflicts, and keep intoxicating drinks from them. The status of their women, who were regarded as little more than property by the natives, has improved through their social interactions with the employees of the trading companies, and their more brutal practices have stopped. It was nearly standard for employees of the Hudson's Bay Company to form relationships with Indigenous women; thus, through these connections, the status of women has been elevated, and the men show a more positive attitude toward the white race, who, in a way, become part of their community.

The efforts of early missionaries to this region were not crowned with that success which attended the Spaniards in their spiritual warfare upon the southern nations, from the fact that no attention was paid to the temporal necessities of the natives. It has long since been demonstrated impossible to reach the heart of a savage through abstract ideas of morality and elevation of character. A religion, in order to find favor in his eyes, must first meet some of his material requirements. If it is good, it will clothe him better and feed him better, for this to him is the chiefest good in life. Intermixtures of civilized with savage peoples are sure to result in the total disappearance of refinement on the one side, or in the extinction of the barbaric race on the other. The downward path is always the easiest. Of all the millions of native Americans who have perished under the withering influences of European civilization, there is not a single instance on record, of a tribe or nation having been reclaimed, ecclesiastically or otherwise, by artifice and argument. Individual savages have been educated with a fair degree of success. But, with a degree of certainty far greater, no sooner is the white man freed from the social restraint of civilized companionship, than he immediately tends towards barbarism; and not infrequently becomes so fascinated with his new life as to prefer it to any other. Social development is inherent: 34 superinduced culture is a failure. Left alone, the nations of America might have unfolded into as bright a civilization as that of Europe. They were already well advanced, and still rapidly advancing towards it, when they were so mercilessly stricken down. But for a stranger to re-create the heart or head of a red man, it were easier to change the color of his skin.

The efforts of early missionaries in this region didn’t achieve the same success as the Spaniards did in their spiritual campaigns against the southern nations because they ignored the basic needs of the natives. It has been shown that you can’t connect with someone considered "savage" by just discussing abstract ideas of morality and character improvement. For a religion to appeal to him, it must first address some of his material needs. If it's truly good, it will provide him with better clothing and food because that's his top priority in life. Mixing civilized and savage peoples usually leads to the complete loss of refinement on one side or the extinction of the barbaric group on the other. The path downhill is always the easiest. Of all the millions of Native Americans who have suffered under the harsh effects of European civilization, there isn't a single documented case of a tribe or nation being reclaimed, either through religious means or other forms of persuasion. Individual "savages" have been educated with some success. However, it’s far more certain that the moment a white man is free from the social constraints of civilized company, he quickly drifts toward barbarism, and often becomes so captivated by his new life that he prefers it over any other. Social development is innate; 34 cultivated culture often fails. If left to their own devices, the nations of America could have developed a civilization as advanced as that of Europe. They were already well on their way and making rapid progress when they were brutally suppressed. But for an outsider to recreate the heart or mind of a Native American, it would be easier to change the color of his skin.

Hyperborean Group

Native Races of the Pacific States
Hyperborean Group

Native Races of the Pacific States
Hyperborean Group

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CHAPTER II.

HYPERBOREANS.

General Divisions—Hyperborean Nations—Aspects of Nature—Vegetation—Climate—Animals—The Eskimos—Their Country—Physical Characteristics—Dress—Dwellings—Food—Weapons—Boots—Sledges—Snow-Shoes—Government—Domestic Affairs—Amusements—Diseases—Burial—The Koniagas, their Physical and Social Condition—The Aleuts—The Thlinkeets—The Tinneh.

General Divisions—Hyperborean Nations—Features of Nature—Plant Life—Weather—Wildlife—The Eskimos—Their Territory—Physical Traits—Clothing—Housing—Diet—Weapons—Footwear—Sleds—Snowshoes—Government—Domestic Affairs—Leisure Activities—Health Concerns—Burial Customs—The Koniagas, Their Physical and Social Conditions—The Aleuts—The Thlinkeets—The Tinneh.

I shall attempt to describe the physical and mental characteristics of the Native Races of the Pacific States under seven distinctive groups; namely, I. Hyperboreans, being those nations whose territory lies north of the fifty-fifth parallel; II. Columbians, who dwell between the fifty-fifth and forty-second parallels, and whose lands to some extent are drained by the Columbia River and its tributaries; III. Californians, and the Inhabitants of the Great Basin; IV. New Mexicans, including the nations of the Colorado River and northern Mexico; V. Wild Tribes of Mexico; VI. Wild Tribes of Central America; VII. Civilized Nations of Mexico and Central America. It is my purpose, without any attempt at ethnological classification, or further comment concerning races and stocks, plainly to portray such customs and characteristics as were peculiar to each people at the time of its first intercourse with European strangers; leaving scientists to make their own deductions, and draw specific lines between linguistic and physiological families, as they may deem proper. I shall endeavor to picture these nations in their aboriginal condition, as seen 36 by the first invaders, as described by those who beheld them in their savage grandeur, and before they were startled from their lair by the treacherous voice of civilized friendship. Now they are gone,—those dusky denizens of a thousand forests,—melted like hoar-frost before the rising sun of a superior intelligence; and it is only from the earliest records, from the narratives of eye witnesses, many of them rude unlettered men, trappers, sailors, and soldiers, that we are able to know them as they were. Some division of the work into parts, however arbitrary it may be, is indispensable. In dealing with Mythology, and in tracing the tortuous course of Language, boundaries will be dropped and beliefs and tongues will be followed wherever they lead; but in describing Manners and Customs, to avoid confusion, territorial divisions are necessary.

I will try to describe the physical and mental characteristics of the Native Races of the Pacific States in seven distinct groups: I. Hyperboreans, which refers to those nations whose territory lies north of the fifty-fifth parallel; II. Columbians, who live between the fifty-fifth and forty-second parallels, and whose lands are partially drained by the Columbia River and its tributaries; III. Californians and the Inhabitants of the Great Basin; IV. New Mexicans, which includes the nations of the Colorado River and northern Mexico; V. Wild Tribes of Mexico; VI. Wild Tribes of Central America; VII. Civilized Nations of Mexico and Central America. My goal, without trying to classify these ethnologically or making further comments on races and groups, is to clearly portray the customs and characteristics unique to each people at the time they first interacted with European newcomers; leaving scientists to make their own conclusions and draw lines between linguistic and physiological families as they see fit. I will aim to depict these nations in their original state, as observed by the first invaders, as described by those who saw them in their savage glory, and before they were startled from their homes by the deceptive voice of civilized friendship. Now they are gone—those dark-skinned inhabitants of countless forests—disappeared like frost before the rising sun of a more advanced intelligence; and we can only learn about them through early records, narratives from eyewitnesses, many of whom were rough, uneducated people: trappers, sailors, and soldiers. Some division of the work into parts, no matter how arbitrary, is essential. When dealing with Mythology and tracing the complex evolution of Language, boundaries will be disregarded, and beliefs and languages will be followed wherever they go; but when describing Manners and Customs, territorial divisions are necessary to avoid confusion.

GROUPINGS AND SUBDIVISIONS.

Groups and Subdivisions.

In the groupings which I have adopted, one cluster of nations follows another in geographical succession; the dividing line not being more distinct, perhaps, than that which distinguishes some national divisions, but sufficiently marked, in mental and physical peculiarities, to entitle each group to a separate consideration.

In the groups I’ve created, one set of nations follows another in geographic order; the dividing line might not be much clearer than some national borders, but the differences in mental and physical traits are enough to give each group its own significance.

The only distinction of race made by naturalists, upon the continents of both North and South America, until a comparatively recent period, was by segregating the first of the above named groups from all other people of both continents, and calling one Mongolians and the other Americans. A more intimate acquaintance with the nations of the North proves conclusively that one of the boldest types of the American Indian proper, the Tinneh, lies within the territory of this first group, conterminous with the Mongolian Eskimos, and crowding them down to a narrow line along the shore of the Arctic Sea. The nations of the second group, although exhibiting multitudinous variations in minor traits, are essentially one people. Between the California Diggers of the third division and the New Mexican Towns-people of the fourth, there is more diversity; and a still greater 37 difference between the savage and civilized nations of the Mexican table-land. Any classification or division of the subject which could be made would be open to criticism. I therefore adopt the most simple practical plan, one which will present the subject most clearly to the general reader, and leave it in the best shape for purposes of theorizing and generalization.

The only distinction of race noted by naturalists on the continents of North and South America, until relatively recently, was separating the first group mentioned from all other people on both continents, labeling one as Mongolians and the other as Americans. A closer look at the nations of the North clearly shows that one of the most prominent types of the American Indian, the Tinneh, falls within this first group, along with the Mongolian Eskimos, pushing them down to a narrow strip along the Arctic Sea coast. The nations of the second group, while displaying many variations in minor characteristics, are fundamentally one people. There is more diversity between the California Diggers of the third group and the New Mexican townspeople of the fourth, and an even greater difference between the savage and civilized nations of the Mexican plateau. Any classification or division of this subject would be subject to criticism. Therefore, I adopt the simplest practical approach, one that will make the subject most clear for the general reader and leave it in the best shape for theorizing and generalization.

In the first or Hyperborean group, to which this chapter is devoted, are five subdivisions, as follows: The Eskimos, commonly called Western Eskimos, who skirt the shores of the Arctic Ocean from Mackenzie River to Kotzebue Sound; the Koniagas or Southern Eskimos, who, commencing at Kotzebue Sound, cross the Kaviak Peninsula, border on Bering Sea from Norton Sound southward, and stretch over the Alaskan[1] Peninsula and Koniagan 38 Islands to the mouth of the Atna or Copper River, extending back into the interior about one hundred and fifty miles; the Aleuts, or people of the Aleutian Archipelago; the Thlinkeets, who inhabit the coast and islands between the rivers Atna and Nass; and the Tinneh, or Athabascas, occupying the territory between the above described boundaries and Hudson Bay. Each of these families is divided into nations or tribes, distinguished one from another by slight dialectic or other differences, which tribal divisions will be given in treating of the several nations respectively.

In the first or Hyperborean group, which this chapter focuses on, there are five subdivisions: The Eskimos, often referred to as Western Eskimos, who live along the shores of the Arctic Ocean from the Mackenzie River to Kotzebue Sound; the Koniagas or Southern Eskimos, who start at Kotzebue Sound, cross the Kaviak Peninsula, border Bering Sea from Norton Sound southward, and extend over the Alaskan[1] Peninsula and Koniagan Islands to the mouth of the Atna or Copper River, reaching back into the interior about one hundred and fifty miles; the Aleuts, or people of the Aleutian Archipelago; the Thlinkeets, who inhabit the coast and islands between the Atna and Nass rivers; and the Tinneh, or Athabascas, who occupy the area between the described boundaries and Hudson Bay. Each of these groups is further divided into nations or tribes, differentiated by minor dialects or other differences, which will be detailed when discussing the individual nations.

Let us first cast a glance over this broad domain, and mark those aspects of nature which exercise so powerful an influence upon the destinies of mankind. Midway between Mount St Elias and the Arctic seaboard rise three mountain chains. One, the Rocky Mountain range, crossing from the Yukon to the Mackenzie River, deflects southward, and taking up its mighty line of march, throws a barrier between the east and the west, which extends throughout the entire length of the continent. Between the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific, interposes another called in Oregon the Cascade Range, and in California the Sierra Nevada; while from the same starting-point, the Alaskan range stretches out to the southwest along the Alaskan Peninsula, and breaks into fragments in the Aleutian Archipelago. Three noble streams, the Mackenzie, the Yukon, and the Kuskoquim, float the boats of the inland Hyperboreans and supply them with food; while from the heated waters of Japan comes a current of the sea, bathing the icy coasts with genial warmth, tempering the air, and imparting gladness to the oily watermen of the coast, to the northernmost limit of their lands. The northern border of this territory is treeless; the southern shore, absorbing more warmth and moisture from the Japan current, is fringed with dense forests; 39 while the interior, interspersed with hills, and lakes, and woods, and grassy plains, during the short summer is clothed in luxuriant vegetation.

Let’s first take a look at this vast area and note the aspects of nature that have such a strong impact on the future of humanity. In the middle of Mount St. Elias and the Arctic coastline are three mountain ranges. One of them, the Rocky Mountains, stretches from the Yukon to the Mackenzie River, bending south and forming a barrier between the east and the west that runs the entire length of the continent. Between the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific is another range, known as the Cascade Range in Oregon and the Sierra Nevada in California; from the same point, the Alaskan range extends southwest along the Alaskan Peninsula and breaks into pieces in the Aleutian Islands. Three major rivers—the Mackenzie, the Yukon, and the Kuskoquim—carry boats for the inland dwellers and provide them with food; meanwhile, a warm ocean current from Japan washes over the icy coasts, warming the air and bringing joy to the fishermen along the northern edge of their territory. The northern border of this region has no trees; the southern coast, soaking up more warmth and moisture from the Japanese current, is lined with dense forests; 39 while the interior, dotted with hills, lakes, woods, and grassy plains, is covered in lush vegetation during the brief summer.

Notwithstanding the frowning aspect of nature, animal life in the Arctic regions is most abundant. The ocean swarms with every species of fish and sea-mammal; the land abounds in reindeer, moose, musk-oxen; in black, grizzly, and Arctic bears; in wolves, foxes, beavers, mink, ermine, martin, otters, raccoons, and water-fowl. Immense herds of buffalo roam over the bleak grassy plains of the eastern Tinneh, but seldom venture far to the west of the Rocky Mountains. Myriads of birds migrate to and fro between their breeding-places in the interior of Alaska, the open Arctic Sea, and the warmer latitudes of the south. From the Gulf of Mexico, from the islands of the Pacific, from the lakes of California, of Oregon, and of Washington they come, fluttering and feasting, to rear their young during the sparkling Arctic summer-day.

Despite the harsh appearance of the environment, animal life in the Arctic is incredibly abundant. The ocean teems with all kinds of fish and sea mammals; the land is filled with reindeer, moose, musk oxen, black bears, grizzly bears, Arctic bears, wolves, foxes, beavers, minks, ermines, martens, otters, raccoons, and waterfowl. Huge herds of buffalo roam the desolate grassy plains of the eastern Tinneh, but rarely travel far west of the Rocky Mountains. Countless birds migrate back and forth between their breeding grounds in the interior of Alaska, the open Arctic Sea, and the warmer southern regions. They come from the Gulf of Mexico, the Pacific islands, and the lakes of California, Oregon, and Washington, flitting about and feasting to raise their young during the bright Arctic summer days.

MAN AND NATURE.

Humans and Nature.

The whole occupation of man throughout this region, is a struggle for life. So long as the organism is plentifully supplied with heat-producing food, all is well. Once let the internal fire go down, and all is ill. Unlike the inhabitants of equatorial latitudes, where, Eden-like, the sheltering tree drops food, and the little nourishment essential to life may be obtained by only stretching forth the hand and plucking it, the Hyperborean man must maintain a constant warfare with nature, or die. His daily food depends upon the success of his daily battle with beasts, birds, and fishes, which dispute with him possession of sea and land. Unfortunate in his search for game, or foiled in his attempt at capture, he must fast. The associate of beasts, governed by the same emergencies, preying upon animals as animals prey upon each other, the victim supplying all the necessities of the victor, occupying territory in common, both alike drawing supplies directly from the storehouse of nature,—primitive 40 man derives his very quality from the brute with which he struggles. The idiosyncrasies of the animal fasten upon him, and that upon which he feeds becomes a part of him.

The entire existence of people in this region is a fight for survival. As long as they have enough heat-producing food, everything is fine. But once their internal energy starts to fade, things go badly. Unlike those living in tropical areas, where food is dropped by trees like in Eden and can be easily picked by just reaching out, Arctic people have to constantly battle nature to stay alive. Their daily meals depend on how well they can hunt and catch animals, which compete with them for land and sea. If they are unsuccessful in finding game or catching it, they have to go without food. They're like wild animals, facing the same challenges, hunting other creatures just as they are hunted. The prey provides everything the hunter needs, as they share the land and both rely on nature’s resources. Primitive people are shaped by the animals they struggle against. The traits of the animals influence them, and what they consume becomes part of who they are.

Thus, in a nation of hunters inhabiting a rigorous climate, we may look for wiry, keen-scented men, who in their war upon wild beasts put forth strength and endurance in order to overtake and capture the strong; cunning is opposed by superior cunning; a stealthy watchfulness governs every movement, while the intelligence of the man contends with the instincts of the brute. Fishermen, on the other hand, who obtain their food with comparatively little effort, are more sluggish in their natures and less noble in their development. In the icy regions of the north, the animal creation supplies man with food, clothing, and caloric; with all the requisites of an existence under circumstances apparently the most adverse to comfort; and when he digs his dwelling beneath the ground, or walls out the piercing winds with snow, his ultimate is attained.

Thus, in a nation of hunters living in a harsh climate, we can expect to find lean, sharp-sensed men who, in their battle against wild animals, demonstrate strength and endurance to catch the powerful; cleverness faces off against greater cleverness; careful vigilance governs every action, while a man's intellect competes with the instincts of the beast. Fishermen, on the other hand, who gather their food with relatively little effort, tend to be more sluggish in their nature and less noble in their development. In the frigid regions of the north, the animal kingdom provides humans with food, clothing, and warmth; supplying all the necessities for survival in conditions that seem most unfavorable to comfort; and when he digs his home underground or shields himself from the biting winds with snow, he has achieved his goal.

The chief differences in tribes occupying the interior and the seaboard,—the elevated, treeless, grassy plains east of the Rocky Mountains, and the humid islands and shores of the great Northwest,—grow out of necessities arising from their methods of procuring food. Even causes so slight as the sheltering bend of a coast-line; the guarding of a shore by islands; the breaking of a seaboard by inlets and covering of the strand with sea-weed and polyps, requiring only the labor of gathering; or the presence of a bluff coast or windy promontory, whose occupants are obliged to put forth more vigorous action for sustenance—all govern man in his development. Turn now to the most northern division of our most northern group.

The main differences between the tribes living inland and those along the coast—the high, treeless, grassy plains east of the Rocky Mountains and the wet islands and shores of the great Northwest—stem from the necessities of how they get their food. Even seemingly minor factors like the shape of a coastline, the protection of a shore by islands, the way a coastline is interrupted by inlets, and the presence of seaweed and sea creatures, which only require gathering effort, or a steep coast or windy headland that forces the people there to work harder for food—all of these aspects influence human development. Now let's look at the northernmost part of our northern group.

THE ESKIMOS.

THE INUIT.

The Eskimos, Esquimaux, or as they call themselves, Innuit, 'the people,' from inuk, 'man,'[2] occupy the 41 Arctic seaboard from eastern Greenland along the entire continent of America, and across Bering[3] Strait to the Asiatic shore. Formerly the inhabitants of our whole Hyperborean sea-coast, from the Mackenzie River to Queen Charlotte Island—the interior being entirely unknown—were denominated Eskimos, and were of supposed Asiatic origin.[4] The tribes of southern 42 Alaska were then found to differ essentially from those of the northern coast. Under the name Eskimos, therefore, I include only the Western Eskimos of certain writers, whose southern boundary terminates at Kotzebue Sound.[5]

The Inuit, Esquimaux, or as they refer to themselves, Innuit, meaning 'the people,' from inuk, meaning 'man,' occupy the 41 Arctic coastline from eastern Greenland all the way down the entire continent of America, and across the Bering [3] Strait to the Asian side. Previously, the inhabitants of our entire Hyperborean coastline, from the Mackenzie River to Queen Charlotte Island—the interior being completely unexplored—were referred to as Eskimos and were thought to have Asian origins.[4] The tribes of southern 42 Alaska were found to be quite different from those of the northern coast. Hence, under the term Eskimos, I am referring specifically to the Western Eskimos described by certain writers, whose southern boundary ends at Kotzebue Sound.[5]

ESKIMO LAND.

INUIT LAND.

Eskimo-land is thinly peopled, and but little is known of tribal divisions. At the Coppermine River, the Eskimos are called Naggeuktormutes, or deer-horns; at the eastern outlet of the Mackenzie, their tribal name is Kittegarute; between the Mackenzie River and Barter Reef, they go by the name of Kangmali Innuit; at Point Barrow they call themselves Nuwungmutes; while on the Nunatok River, in the vicinity of Kotzebue Sound, they are known as Nunatangmutes. Their villages, consisting of five or six families each,[6] are scattered along the coast. A village site is usually selected upon some good landing-place, where there is sufficient depth of water to float a whale. Between tribes is left a spot of unoccupied or neutral ground, upon which small parties meet during the summer for purposes of trade.[7]

Eskimo-land has a sparse population, and not much is known about tribal divisions. At the Coppermine River, the Eskimos are called Naggeuktormutes, or deer-horns; at the eastern outlet of the Mackenzie, their tribal name is Kittegarute; between the Mackenzie River and Barter Reef, they are known as Kangmali Innuit; at Point Barrow, they call themselves Nuwungmutes; and along the Nunatok River, near Kotzebue Sound, they are referred to as Nunatangmutes. Their villages, made up of five or six families each, are spread out along the coast. A village site is typically chosen at a suitable landing spot where there’s enough water depth to float a whale. Between tribes, there’s usually an area of unoccupied or neutral land where small groups meet during the summer for trading.[6] [7]

The Eskimos are essentially a peculiar people. Their character and their condition, the one of necessity growing out of the other, are peculiar. First, it is claimed for them that they are the anomalous race of America—the only people of the new world clearly identical with any race of the old. Then they are the most littoral people in the world. The linear extent of their occupancy, all of it a narrow seaboard averaging scarcely one hundred 43 miles in width, is estimated at not less than five thousand miles. Before them is a vast, unknown, icy ocean, upon which they scarcely dare venture beyond sight of land; behind them, hostile mountaineers ever ready to dispute encroachment. Their very mother-earth, upon whose cold bosom they have been borne, age after age through countless generations,[8] is almost impenetrable, thawless ice. Their days and nights, and seasons and years, are not like those of other men. Six months of day succeed six months of night. Three months of sunless winter; three months of nightless summer; six months of glimmering twilight.

The Eskimos are truly a unique group of people. Their character and circumstances, one stemming from the other, are distinctive. First, it’s said that they are the unusual race of America—the only people in the New World that closely resemble any race from the Old World. Additionally, they are considered the most coastal people in the world. Their inhabited area, which is all a narrow coastline averaging barely a hundred 43 miles wide, is estimated to span at least five thousand miles. In front of them lies a vast, uncharted, icy ocean, which they hardly dare to navigate beyond sight of land; behind them are hostile mountain dwellers always ready to contest any encroachment. Their very homeland, the cold earth they have inhabited for countless generations, is nearly impenetrable, being covered in freeze-proof ice. Their days and nights, and seasons and years, are unlike those of other people. They experience six months of daylight followed by six months of darkness, three months of sunless winter, three months of summer without night, and six months of twilight.

About the middle of October[9] commences the long night of winter. The earth and sea put on an icy covering; beasts and birds depart for regions sheltered or more congenial; humanity huddles in subterraneous dens; all nature sinks into repose. The little heat left by the retreating sun soon radiates out into the deep blue realms of space; the temperature sinks rapidly to forty or fifty degrees below freezing; the air is hushed, the ocean calm, the sky cloudless. An awful, painful stillness pervades the dreary solitude. Not a sound is heard; the distant din of busy man, and the noiseless hum of the wilderness alike are wanting. Whispers become audible at a considerable distance, and an insupportable sense of loneliness oppresses the inexperienced visitor.[10] Occasionally the aurora borealis flashes out in prismatic coruscations, throwing a brilliant arch from east to west—now in variegated oscillations, graduating through all the various tints of blue, and green, and violet, and crimson; darting, flashing, or streaming in yellow columns, upwards, downwards; now blazing steadily, now 44 in wavy undulations, sometimes up to the very zenith; momentarily lighting up in majestic grandeur the cheerless frozen scenery, but only to fall back with exhausted force, leaving a denser obscurity. Nature's electric lantern, suspended for a time in the frosty vault of heaven;—munificent nature's fire-works; with the polar owl, the polar bear, and the polar man, spectators.

About the middle of October[9] marks the start of the long winter nights. The earth and sea get covered in ice; animals and birds leave for warmer or more sheltered places; humans gather in underground dens; and nature takes a rest. The little warmth left by the setting sun quickly dissipates into the vast, deep blue of space; the temperature drops rapidly to forty or fifty degrees below freezing; the air is still, the ocean calm, and the sky clear. An eerie, painful silence fills the bleak solitude. No sounds can be heard; the distant hustle of people and the quiet hum of the wilderness are both absent. Whispers can be heard from a long way off, and an unbearable sense of loneliness weighs heavily on the inexperienced visitor.[10] Occasionally, the northern lights flash in a rainbow of colors, creating a brilliant arc from east to west—now with vibrant waves transitioning through shades of blue, green, violet, and crimson; darting, flashing, or streaming in columns of yellow, going up and down; sometimes shining steadily, at other times in wavy patterns, reaching all the way to the top of the sky; momentarily illuminating the bleak, frozen landscape with majestic beauty, only to fade back into darkness. Nature's electric display hangs for a while in the icy firmament; a grand show from generous nature; with the polar owl, the polar bear, and the polar people as the audience.

In January, the brilliancy of the stars is dimmed perceptibly at noon; in February, a golden tint rests upon the horizon at the same hour; in March, the incipient dawn broadens; in April, the dozing Eskimo rubs his eyes and crawls forth; in May, the snow begins to melt, the impatient grass and flowers arrive as it departs.[11] In June, the summer has fairly come. Under the incessant rays of the never setting sun, the snow speedily disappears, the ice breaks up, the glacial earth softens for a depth of one, two, or three feet; circulation is restored to vegetation,[12] which, during winter, had been stopped,—if we may believe Sir John Richardson, even the largest trees freezing to the heart. Sea, and plain, and rolling steppe lay aside their seamless shroud of white, and a brilliant tint of emerald overspreads the landscape.[13] All Nature, with one resounding cry, leaps up and claps her hands for joy. Flocks of birds, lured from their winter homes, fill the air with their melody; myriads of wild fowls send forth their shrill cries; the moose and the reindeer flock down from the forests;[14] from the resonant sea comes the 45 noise of spouting whales and barking seals; and this so lately dismal, cheerless region, blooms with an exhuberance of life equaled only by the shortness of its duration. And in token of a just appreciation of the Creator's goodness, this animated medley—man, and beasts, and birds, and fishes—rises up, divides, falls to, and ends in eating or in being eaten.

In January, the brilliance of the stars is noticeably dimmer at noon; in February, a golden hue lingers on the horizon at that time; in March, the early light spreads; in April, the sleepy Eskimo rubs his eyes and crawls out; in May, the snow starts to melt, and the eager grass and flowers show up as it fades away. [11] In June, summer is officially here. Under the constant rays of the never-setting sun, the snow quickly vanishes, the ice breaks apart, and the frozen ground softens to a depth of one, two, or three feet; life returns to the plants, [12] which had been dormant during winter—if we can trust Sir John Richardson, even the biggest trees freeze to the core. The sea, plains, and rolling steppes shed their unbroken blanket of white, and a vibrant shade of emerald spreads across the landscape. [13] All of nature, with one loud cheer, jumps up and claps for joy. Flocks of birds, drawn from their winter homes, fill the air with their songs; countless wildfowl call out sharply; the moose and reindeer come down from the forests; [14] from the resonant sea comes the sound of spouting whales and barking seals; and this once dreary, lifeless area bursts into an abundance of life matched only by how short-lived it is. In appreciation of the Creator's goodness, this lively mix—humans, animals, birds, and fish—rises up, comes together, and ultimately engages in eating or being eaten.

PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS.

PHYSICAL TRAITS.

The physical characteristics of the Eskimos are: a fair complexion, the skin, when free from dirt and paint, being almost white;[15] a medium stature, well proportioned, thick-set, muscular, robust, active,[16] with small and beautifully shaped hands and feet;[17] a pyramidal 46 head;[18] a broad egg-shaped face; high rounded cheek-bones; flat nose; small oblique eyes; large mouth; teeth regular, but well worn;[19] coarse black hair, closely cut upon the crown, leaving a monk-like ring around the edge,[20] and a paucity of beard.[21] The men frequently 47 leave the hair in a natural state. The women of Icy Reef introduce false hair among their own, wearing the whole in two immense bows at the back of the head. At Point Barrow, they separate the hair into two parts or braids, saturating it with train-oil, and binding it into stiff bunches with strips of skin. Their lower extremities are short, so that in a sitting posture they look taller than when standing.

The physical traits of the Eskimos are: a fair complexion, with skin that appears almost white when it's clean; a medium height, well-proportioned, stocky, muscular, strong, and agile, with small and beautifully shaped hands and feet; a pyramidal head; a broad egg-shaped face; high, rounded cheekbones; a flat nose; small, angled eyes; a large mouth; teeth that are even but well-worn; coarse black hair, cut short on top, leaving a monk-like ring around the edge, and little facial hair. The men often leave their hair natural. The women of Icy Reef integrate false hair with their own, styling it into two large bows at the back of their heads. At Point Barrow, they part their hair into two sections or braids, soaking it in train oil and binding it into stiff clumps with strips of skin. Their legs are short, making them appear taller when sitting than when standing.

IMPROVEMENTS UPON NATURE.

Enhancements to Nature.

Were these people satisfied with what nature has done for them, they would be passably good-looking. But with them as with all mankind, no matter how high the degree of intelligence and refinement attained, art must be applied to improve upon nature. The few finishing touches neglected by the Creator, man is ever ready to supply.

If these people were happy with what nature has given them, they would be fairly good-looking. But just like everyone else, no matter how much intelligence and refinement they achieve, they need to use art to improve on nature. The few finishing touches that the Creator overlooked, humanity is always ready to provide.

Arrived at the age of puberty, the great work of improvement begins. Up to this time the skin has been kept saturated in grease and filth, until the natural color is lost, and until the complexion is brought down to the Eskimo standard. Now pigments of various dye are applied, both painted outwardly and pricked into the skin; holes are cut in the face, and plugs or labrets inserted. These operations, however, attended with no little solemnity, are supposed to possess some significance other than that of mere ornament. Upon the occasion of piercing the lip, for instance, a religious feast is given. 48

Arriving at puberty, the significant process of self-improvement begins. Until this point, the skin has been coated in grease and dirt, causing its natural color to fade and the complexion to resemble that of an Eskimo. Now, various dyes are applied, both on the surface and inserted into the skin; holes are made in the face, and plugs or labrets are inserted. These procedures, though carried out with great seriousness, are believed to have deeper meanings beyond just decoration. For example, when the lip is pierced, a religious celebration is held. 48

On the northern coast the women paint the eyebrows and tattoo the chin; while the men only pierce the lower lip under one or both corners of the mouth, and insert in each aperture a double-headed sleeve-button or dumb-bell-shaped labret, of bone, ivory, shell, stone, glass, or wood. The incision when first made is about the size of a quill, but as the aspirant for improved beauty grows older, the size of the orifice is enlarged until it reaches a width of half or three quarters of an inch.[22] In tattooing, the color is applied by drawing a thread under the skin, or pricking it in with a needle. Different tribes, and different ranks of the same tribe, have each their peculiar form of tattooing. The plebeian female of certain bands is permitted to adorn her chin with but one vertical line in the centre, and one parallel to it on either side, while the more fortunate noblesse mark two vertical lines from each corner of the mouth.[23] A feminine cast of features, as is common with other branches of the Mongolian race, prevails in both sexes. Some travelers discover in the faces of the men a characteristic expression of ferociousness, and in those of the women, an extraordinary display of wantonness. A thick coating of filth and a strong odor of train-oil are inseparable from an Eskimo, and the fashion of labrets adds in no wise to his comeliness.[24] 49

On the northern coast, women paint their eyebrows and tattoo their chins, while men only pierce the lower lip at one or both corners of their mouths and insert a double-headed sleeve button or dumbbell-shaped labret made of bone, ivory, shell, stone, glass, or wood into each hole. When first made, the incision is about the size of a quill, but as the person seeking to enhance their beauty gets older, the size of the hole is enlarged until it reaches a width of half an inch or three-quarters of an inch.[22] In tattooing, the color is applied by drawing a thread under the skin or pricking it in with a needle. Different tribes, and different ranks within the same tribe, each have their unique style of tattooing. The common woman from certain groups is allowed to decorate her chin with just one vertical line in the center and one parallel line on either side, while the more fortunate nobles have two vertical lines extending from each corner of their mouth.[23] Both sexes tend to have feminine features, which is common in other branches of the Mongolian race. Some travelers notice a fierce expression in the faces of the men and an unusual display of sensuality in the women. A thick layer of dirt and a strong odor of train oil are inseparable from an Eskimo, and the style of labrets does nothing to enhance his attractiveness.[24] 49

ESKIMO DRESS.

WINTER COAT.

For covering to the body, the Eskimos employ the skin of all the beasts and birds that come within their reach. Skins are prepared in the fur,[25] and cut and sewed with neatness and skill. Even the intestines of seals and whales are used in the manufacture of water-proof overdresses.[26] The costume for both sexes consists of long stockings or drawers, over which are breeches extending from the shoulders to below the knees; and a frock or jacket, somewhat shorter than the breeches with sleeves and hood. This garment is made whole, there being no openings except for the head and arms. The frock of the male is cut at the bottom nearly square, while that of the female reaches a little lower, and terminates before and behind in a point or scollop. The tail of some animal graces the hinder part of the male frock; the woman's has a large hood, in which she carries her infant. Otherwise both sexes dress alike; and as, when stripped of their facial decorations, their physiognomies are alike, they are not unfrequently mistaken one for the other.[27] They have boots 50 of walrus or seal skin, mittens or gloves of deer-skin, and intestine water-proofs covering the entire body. Several kinds of fur frequently enter into the composition of one garment. Thus the body of the frock, generally of reindeer-skin, may be of bird, bear, seal, mink, or squirrel skin; while the hood may be of fox-skin, the lining of hare-skin, the fringe of wolverine-skin, and the gloves of fawn-skin.[28] Two suits are worn during the coldest weather; the inner one with the fur next the skin, the outer suit with the fur outward.[29] Thus, with their stomachs well filled with fat, and their backs covered with furs, they bid defiance to the severest Arctic winter.[30]

For covering the body, the Eskimos use the skins of all the animals and birds they can get. Skins are prepared in the fur, and cut and sewn neatly and skillfully. Even the intestines of seals and whales are used to make waterproof outer garments. The outfit for both men and women consists of long stockings or pants, over which are breeches that extend from the shoulders to just below the knees, and a frock or jacket that’s slightly shorter than the breeches and has sleeves and a hood. This garment is all one piece, with no openings except for the head and arms. The male frock is cut nearly square at the bottom, while the female's goes a little lower and ends in a point or scallop front and back. Some animal’s tail decorates the back of the male frock; the woman’s has a large hood where she carries her baby. Other than that, both men and women dress the same, and since their faces are similar when not wearing decorations, they are often mistaken for one another. They wear boots made of walrus or seal skin, mittens or gloves made from deer skin, and waterproof coverings made from intestines that cover their whole body. Different types of fur often make up one garment. For example, the body of the frock is usually made of reindeer skin, but it can also be made from bird, bear, seal, mink, or squirrel skin; the hood can be made of fox skin, the lining from hare skin, the fringe from wolverine skin, and the gloves from fawn skin. Two suits are worn during the coldest weather; the inner suit has the fur against the skin, and the outer suit has the fur facing outwards. Therefore, with their stomachs filled with fat and their backs covered with furs, they bravely withstand the harshest Arctic winter.

DWELLINGS OF THE ESKIMOS.

Inuit Homes.

In architecture, the Eskimo is fully equal to the emergency; building, upon a soil which yields him little or no material, three classes of dwellings. Penetrating the frozen earth, or casting around him a frozen wall, he compels the very elements from which he seeks protection to protect him. For his yourt or winter 51 residence he digs a hole of the required dimensions, to a depth of about six feet.[31] Within this excavation he erects a frame, either of wood or whalebone, lashing his timbers with thongs instead of nailing them. This frame is carried upward to a distance of two or three feet above the ground,[32] when it is covered by a dome-shaped roof of poles or whale-ribs turfed and earthed over.[33] In the centre of the roof is left a hole for the admission of light and the emission of smoke. In absence of fire, a translucent covering of whale-intestine confines the warmth of putrifying filth, and completes the Eskimo's sense of comfort. To gain admittance to this snug retreat, without exposing the inmates to the storms without, another and a smaller hole is dug to the same depth, a short distance from the first. From one to the other, an underground passage-way is then opened, through which entrance is made on hands and knees. The occupants descend by means of a ladder, and over the entrance a shed is erected, to protect it from the snow.[34] Within the entrance is hung a deer-skin door, and anterooms are arranged in which to deposit frozen outer garments before entering the heated room. Around the sides of the dwelling, sleeping-places are marked out; for bedsteads, boards are placed upon logs one or two feet in diameter, and covered with willow branches and skins. A little heap of stones in the centre of the room, under the smoke-hole, forms the fireplace. In the corners of the room are stone lamps, which answer all domestic 52 purposes in the absence of fire-wood.[35] In the better class of buildings, the sides and floor are boarded. Supplies are kept in a store house at a little distance from the dwelling, perched upon four posts, away from the reach of the dogs, and a frame is always erected on which to hang furs and fish. Several years are sometimes occupied in building a hut.[36]

In architecture, the Eskimo is fully prepared for any situation, constructing three types of homes on land that offers very little material. By digging into the frozen ground or building a wall of ice around him, he makes the very elements he seeks shelter from provide him protection. For his yourt or winter home, he excavates a pit that’s about six feet deep. Within this hole, he builds a frame of either wood or whalebone, tying the pieces together with thongs instead of nails. This frame rises two to three feet above ground, covered by a dome-shaped roof made of poles or whale ribs, which are then topped with turf and earth. A hole is left in the center of the roof for light to enter and smoke to escape. In the absence of fire, a translucent layer made of whale intestines helps keep the warmth from decaying waste within, adding to the Eskimo's sense of comfort. To access this cozy shelter without exposing the occupants to outside storms, another smaller hole is dug at the same depth, a short distance from the first. An underground tunnel is created between the two, allowing entry on hands and knees. The residents go down via a ladder, and a shed is built over the entrance to protect it from snow. Inside the entrance, a deer-skin door hangs, and small anterooms are set up for placing frozen outer clothing before entering the warm room. Sleeping areas are designated around the sides of the dwelling; bedframes are made by laying boards over logs that are one or two feet wide and covering them with willow branches and skins. A small pile of stones in the center of the room, below the smoke hole, serves as the fireplace. In the corners of the room, stone lamps fulfill all household needs in the absence of firewood. In higher quality buildings, the walls and floor are boarded. Supplies are stored in a storehouse located a little way from the home, raised on four posts to keep them away from the dogs, with a frame always set up for hanging furs and fish. Constructing a hut can sometimes take several years.

Mark how nature supplies this treeless coast with wood. The breaking-up of winter in the mountains of Alaska is indeed a breaking-up. The accumulated masses of ice and snow, when suddenly loosened by the incessant rays of the never-setting sun, bear away all before them. Down from the mountain-sides comes the avalanche, uprooting trees, swelling rivers, hurrying with its burden to the sea. There, casting itself into the warm ocean current, the ice soon disappears, and the driftwood which accompanied it is carried northward and thrown back upon the beach by the October winds. Thus huge forest-trees, taken up bodily, as it were, in the middle of a continent, and carried by the currents to the incredible distance, sometimes, of three thousand miles, are deposited all along the Arctic seaboard, laid at the very door of these people, a people whose store of this world's benefits is none of the most abundant.[37] True, wood is not an absolute necessity with them, as many of their houses in the coldest weather 53 have no fire; only oil-lamps being used for cooking and heating. Whale-ribs supply the place of trees for house and boat timbers, and hides are commonly used for boards. Yet a bountiful supply of wood during their long, cold, dark winter comes in no wise amiss.[38] Their summer tents are made of seal or untanned deer skins with the hair outward, conical or bell-shaped, and without a smoke-hole as no fires are ever kindled within them. The wet or frozen earth is covered with a few coarse skins for a floor.[39]

Mark how nature provides this treeless coast with wood. The thawing of winter in the mountains of Alaska is truly a phenomenon. The accumulated ice and snow, when suddenly released by the constant rays of the never-setting sun, sweep everything in their path away. Down from the mountains rushes the avalanche, uprooting trees, swelling rivers, and speeding along with its heavy load to the sea. There, as it enters the warm ocean current, the ice quickly melts, and the driftwood that came with it is carried northward and tossed back onto the beach by the October winds. This way, massive forest trees, taken whole from the heart of the continent and transported by currents over incredible distances—sometimes up to three thousand miles—are deposited along the Arctic coast, right at the doorstep of these people, a community whose resources are limited. True, wood isn’t an essential for them, as many of their homes in the harshest weather have no fires; they only use oil lamps for cooking and heating. Whale ribs serve as wood for house and boat construction, and hides are often used for boards. Still, a generous supply of wood during their long, cold, dark winter is certainly welcome. Their summer tents are made of seal or untanned deer hides with the hair facing outward, shaped like cones or bells, and lack a smoke hole since no fires are ever lit inside. The damp or frozen ground is covered with a few rough skins for flooring.

SNOW HOUSES.

IGLOOS.

But the most unique system of architecture in America is improvised by the Eskimos during their seal-hunting expeditions upon the ice, when they occupy a veritable crystal palace fit for an Arctic fairy. On the frozen river or sea, a spot is chosen free from irregularities, and a circle of ten or fifteen feet in diameter drawn on the snow. The snow within the circle is then cut into slabs from three to four inches in thickness, their length being the depth of the snow, and these slabs are formed into a wall enclosing the circle and carried up in courses similar to those of brick or stone, terminating in a dome-shaped roof. A wedge-like slab keys the arch; and this principle in architecture may have first been known to the Assyrians, Egyptians, Chinese or Eskimos.[40] Loose snow is then thrown into the crevices, which quickly congeals; an aperture is cut in the side for a door; and if the thin wall is not sufficiently 54 translucent, a piece of ice is fitted into the side for a window. Seats, tables, couches, and even fireplaces are made with frozen snow, and covered with reindeer or seal skin. Out-houses connect with the main room, and frequently a number of dwellings are built contiguously, with a passage from one to another. These houses are comfortable and durable, resisting alike the wind and the thaw until late in the season. Care must be taken that the walls are not so thick as to make them too warm, and so cause a dripping from the interior. A square block of snow serves as a stand for the stone lamp which is their only fire.[41]

But the most unique architectural system in America is created by the Eskimos during their seal-hunting trips on the ice when they build a true crystal palace fit for an Arctic fairy. On the frozen river or sea, they choose a spot that’s flat and mark a circle about ten to fifteen feet in diameter in the snow. The snow inside the circle is then cut into slabs that are three to four inches thick, with their length equal to the depth of the snow. These slabs are used to create a wall that surrounds the circle and is stacked in layers like bricks or stones, ending with a dome-shaped roof. A wedge-shaped slab locks the arch in place; this architectural concept may have first been known to the Assyrians, Egyptians, Chinese, or Eskimos.[40] Loose snow is packed into the gaps, which quickly hardens; a doorway is cut into the side; and if the thin wall isn’t clear enough, a piece of ice is inserted into the side for a window. They also make seats, tables, couches, and even fireplaces from frozen snow, covered with reindeer or seal skin. Out-houses connect to the main room, and often, several houses are constructed next to each other, with passages connecting them. These homes are cozy and durable, standing up to the wind and thawing well into the season. Care must be taken to ensure the walls aren’t too thick, as that could make them too warm and cause melting from the inside. A square block of snow serves as a stand for their stone lamp, which is their only source of fire.[41]

"The purity of the material," says Sir John Franklin, who saw them build an edifice of this kind at Coppermine River, "of which the house was framed, the elegance of its construction, and the translucency of its walls, which transmitted a very pleasant light, gave it an appearance far superior to a marble building, and one might survey it with feelings somewhat akin to those produced by the contemplation of a Grecian temple, reared by Phidias; both are triumphs of art, inimitable in their kind."[42]

"The purity of the material," says Sir John Franklin, who witnessed the construction of a building like this at Coppermine River, "the elegance of its design, and the translucency of its walls, which let in a very pleasant light, made it look far better than any marble structure. One could admire it with feelings similar to those evoked by a Greek temple created by Phidias; both are masterpieces of art, unmatched in their own way."[42]

Eskimos, fortunately, have not a dainty palate. Everything which sustains life is food for them. Their substantials comprise the flesh of land and marine animals, fish and birds; venison, and whale and seal blubber being chief. Choice dishes, tempting to the appetite, Arctic epicurean dishes, Eskimo nectar and ambrosia, are daintily prepared, hospitably placed before strangers, and eaten and drunk with avidity. Among 55 them are: a bowl of coagulated blood, mashed cranberries with rancid train-oil, whortleberries and walrus-blubber, alternate streaks of putrid black and white whale-fat; venison steeped in seal-oil, raw deer's liver cut in small pieces and mixed with the warm half-digested contents of the animal's stomach; bowls of live maggots, a draught of warm blood from a newly killed animal.[43] Fish are sometimes eaten alive. Meats are kept in seal-skin bags for over a year, decomposing meanwhile, but never becoming too rancid for our Eskimos. Their winter store of oil they secure in seal-skin bags, which are buried in the frozen ground. Charlevoix remarks that they are the only race known who prefer food raw. This, however, is not the case. They prefer their food cooked, but do not object to it raw or rotten. They are no lovers of salt.[44]

Eskimos, fortunately, don't have delicate tastes. Everything that sustains life is food to them. Their main foods include the flesh of land and sea animals, fish, and birds; their favorites being venison, whale, and seal blubber. Special dishes, appealing to the appetite, Arctic gourmet meals, Eskimo delicacies, are carefully prepared, generously offered to guests, and enjoyed eagerly. Among them are: a bowl of coagulated blood, mashed cranberries with rancid train oil, whortleberries and walrus blubber, alternating layers of putrid black and white whale fat; venison soaked in seal oil, raw deer's liver cut into small pieces mixed with the warm, partly digested contents of the animal's stomach; bowls of live maggots and a drink of warm blood from a freshly killed animal. Fish are sometimes eaten alive. Meats are stored in seal-skin bags for over a year, decomposing in the process, but never becoming too rancid for the Eskimos. They keep their winter supply of oil in seal-skin bags, which are buried in the frozen ground. Charlevoix notes that they are the only people known to prefer food raw. However, that's not entirely accurate. They actually prefer their food cooked but don't mind it raw or spoiled. They are not fans of salt.

MIGRATIONS FOR FOOD.

Food migrations.

In mid-winter, while the land is enveloped in darkness, the Eskimo dozes torpidly in his den. Early in September the musk-oxen and reindeer retreat southward, and the fish are confined beneath the frozen covering of the rivers. It is during the short summer, when food is abundant, that they who would not perish must lay up a supply for the winter. When spring opens, and the rivers are cleared of ice, the natives follow the fish, which at that time ascend the streams to spawn, and spear them at the falls and rapids that impede their progress. Small wooden fish are sometimes made and thrown into holes in the ice for a decoy; salmon are taken in a whalebone seine. At this season also reindeer are captured on their way to the coast, whither they resort in the spring to drop their young. Multitudes 56 of geese, ducks, and swans visit the ocean during the same period to breed.[45]

In mid-winter, while the land is shrouded in darkness, the Eskimo sleeps lethargically in his den. In early September, the musk-oxen and reindeer migrate south, and the fish are trapped beneath the frozen surface of the rivers. It's during the brief summer, when food is plentiful, that those who want to survive must stock up for the winter. When spring arrives and the rivers thaw, the locals follow the fish as they swim upstream to spawn, catching them at the falls and rapids that block their way. Sometimes, small wooden fish are made and dropped into holes in the ice as bait; salmon are caught with a whalebone net. This is also the time when reindeer are hunted on their way to the coast, where they go in spring to give birth. Huge numbers of geese, ducks, and swans come to the ocean during the same time to breed.56

August and September are the months for whales. When a whale is discovered rolling on the water, a boat starts out, and from the distance of a few feet a weapon is plunged into its blubbery carcass. The harpoons are so constructed that when this blow is given, the shaft becomes disengaged from the barbed ivory point. To this point a seal-skin buoy or bladder is attached by means of a cord. The blows are repeated; the buoys encumber the monster in diving or swimming, and the ingenious Eskimo is soon able to tow the carcass to the shore. A successful chase secures an abundance of food for the winter.[46] Seals are caught during the winter, and considerable skill is required in taking them. Being a warm-blooded respiratory animal, they are obliged to have air, and in order to obtain it, while the surface of the water is undergoing the freezing process, they keep open a breathing-hole by constantly gnawing away the ice. They produce their young in March, and soon afterward the natives abandon their villages and set out on the ice in pursuit of them. Seals, like whales, are also killed with a harpoon to which is attached a bladder. The seal, when struck, may draw the float under water for a time, but is soon obliged to rise to the surface from exhaustion and for air, when he is again attacked and soon obliged to yield.

August and September are the months for whale hunting. When a whale is spotted rolling on the surface, a boat heads out, and from just a few feet away, a weapon is thrust into its blubbery body. The harpoons are designed so that when this strike happens, the shaft separates from the barbed ivory tip. A seal-skin buoy or bladder is attached to this tip by a cord. The strikes continue; the buoys hinder the giant creature while it dives or swims, and the clever Eskimo can soon pull the carcass to shore. A successful hunt provides plenty of food for the winter. Seals are hunted during the winter, and a lot of skill is needed to catch them. As warm-blooded animals, they need air, and to get it, while the water freezes, they create breathing holes by constantly gnawing at the ice. They give birth in March, and soon after, the natives leave their villages to hunt them on the ice. Like whales, seals are also killed with a harpoon that has a bladder attached. When struck, a seal might pull the buoy underwater for a bit, but it will eventually have to come up for air due to exhaustion, making it vulnerable to being attacked again and quickly giving in.

The Eskimos are no less ingenious in catching wild-fowl, which they accomplish by means of a sling or net made of woven sinews, with ivory balls attached. They also snare birds by means of whalebone nooses, round which fine gravel is scattered as a bait. They manœuvre 57 reindeer to near the edge of a cliff, and, driving them into the sea, kill them from canoes. They also waylay them at the narrow passes, and capture them in great numbers. They construct large reindeer pounds, and set up two diverging rows of turf so as to represent men; the outer extremities of the line being sometimes two miles apart, and narrowing to a small enclosure. Into this trap the unsuspecting animals are driven, when they are easily speared.[47]

The Eskimos are just as clever at catching wild birds, using a sling or a net made of woven sinews, with ivory balls attached. They also trap birds with whalebone nooses, which they bait with fine gravel. They maneuver reindeer to the edge of a cliff and drive them into the sea, killing them from canoes. They also ambush them at narrow passages and capture them in large numbers. They build large reindeer pounds and set up two diverging rows of turf to look like people, with the outer ends sometimes two miles apart and narrowing to a small enclosure. Unsuspecting animals are driven into this trap, where they can be easily speared. 57

BEAR-HUNTING.

Bear hunting.

To overcome the formidable polar bear the natives have two strategems. One is by imitating the seal, upon which the bear principally feeds, and thereby enticing it within gunshot. Another is by bending a piece of stiff whalebone, encasing it in a ball of blubber, and freezing the ball, which then holds firm the bent whalebone. Armed with these frozen blubber balls, the natives approach their victim, and, with a discharge of arrows, open the engagement. The bear, smarting with pain, turns upon his tormentors, who, taking to their heels, drop now and then a blubber ball. Bruin, as fond of food as of revenge, pauses for a moment, hastily swallows one, then another, and another. Soon a strange sensation is felt within. The thawing blubber, melted by the heat of the animal's stomach, releases the pent-up whalebone, which, springing into place, plays havoc with the intestines, and brings the bear to a painful and ignominious end. To vegetables, the natives are rather indifferent; berries, acid sorrel leaves, and certain roots, are used as a relish. There is no native intoxicating liquor, but in eating they get gluttonously stupid.

To tackle the tough polar bear, the natives have two strategies. One is to mimic the seal, which is the bear's main food source, luring it within shooting range. The other involves bending a thick piece of whalebone, wrapping it in a ball of blubber, and freezing it so that the whalebone stays bent. Equipped with these frozen blubber balls, the natives get close to their target and start the fight with a volley of arrows. The bear, hurt and angry, turns on its attackers, who dash away, occasionally dropping a blubber ball. The bear, just as interested in food as in revenge, stops for a moment to quickly gobble one, then a second, and another. Soon it feels something strange inside. The thawing blubber, warmed by the bear's stomach, releases the bent whalebone, which snaps back into place, wreaking havoc on its insides and leading to a painful and embarrassing end for the bear. As for vegetables, the natives aren't very interested; they use berries, sour sorrel leaves, and certain roots as condiments. There’s no native intoxicating drink, but eating makes them uncomfortably sluggish.

Notwithstanding his long, frigid, biting winter, the Eskimo never suffers from the cold so long as he has an abundance of food. As we have seen, a whale or a moose supplies him with food, shelter, and raiment. With an internal fire, fed by his oily and animal food, glowing 58 in his stomach, his blood at fever heat, he burrows comfortably in ice and snow and frozen ground, without necessity for wood or coal.[48] Nor are those passions which are supposed to develop most fully under a milder temperature, wanting in the half-frozen Hyperborean.[49] One of the chief difficulties of the Eskimo during the winter is to obtain water, and the women spend a large portion of their time in melting snow over oil-lamps. In the Arctic regions, eating snow is attended with serious consequences. Ice or snow, touched to the lips or tongue, blisters like caustic. Fire is obtained by striking sparks from iron pyrites with quartz. It is a singular fact that in the coldest climate inhabited by man, fire is less used than anywhere else in the world, equatorial regions perhaps excepted. Caloric for the body is supplied by food and supplemented by furs. Snow houses, from their nature, prohibit the use of fire; but cooking with the Eskimo is a luxury, not a necessity. He well understands how to utilize every part of the animals so essential to his existence. With their skins he clothes himself, makes houses, boats, and oil-bags; their flesh and fat he eats. He even devours the contents of the intestines, and with the skin makes water-proof clothing. Knives, arrow-points, house, boat, and sledge frames, fish-hooks, domestic utensils, ice-chisels, and in fact almost all their implements, are made from the horns and bones of the deer, whale, and seal. Bowstrings are made of the sinews of musk-oxen, and ropes of seal-skin.[50] The Eskimo's arms are not very formidable. 59 Backed by his ingenuity, they nevertheless prove sufficient for practical purposes; and while his neighbor possesses none better, all are on an equal footing in war. Their most powerful as well as most artistic weapon is the bow. It is made of beech or spruce, in three pieces curving in opposite directions and ingeniously bound by twisted sinews, so as to give the greatest possible strength. Richardson affirms that "in the hands of a native hunter it will propel an arrow with sufficient force to pierce the heart of a musk-ox, or break the leg of a reindeer." Arrows, as well as spears, lances, and darts, are of white spruce, and pointed with bone, ivory, flint, and slate.[51] East of the Mackenzie, copper enters largely into the composition of Eskimo utensils.[52] Before the introduction of iron by Europeans, stone hatchets were common.[53]

Despite his long, cold, brutal winter, the Eskimo never really feels the chill as long as he has plenty of food. As we’ve seen, a whale or a moose provides him with food, shelter, and clothing. With an internal fire fueled by his fatty and animal food, warming his stomach, and his blood at fever pitch, he digs in comfortably into ice, snow, and frozen ground, without needing wood or coal. Nor are those emotions that are believed to flourish best in milder climates lacking in the half-frozen Hyperborean. One of the main challenges for the Eskimo during winter is finding water, and the women spend a significant amount of their time melting snow over oil lamps. In the Arctic, eating snow can have serious consequences. Ice or snow touching the lips or tongue can cause burns like acid. Fire is created by striking sparks from iron pyrites with quartz. It's a curious fact that in the coldest places inhabited by humans, fire is used less often than anywhere else in the world, possibly excepting equatorial regions. Body heat comes from food and is supplemented by fur clothing. Snow houses, by their nature, prevent the use of fire; however, cooking for the Eskimo is a luxury, not a necessity. He knows how to use every part of the animals that are vital to his survival. With their skins, he makes clothing, houses, boats, and oil bags; he eats their flesh and fat. He even consumes the contents of their intestines and makes waterproof clothing from the skin. Knives, arrowheads, house frames, boat frames, sledges, fish hooks, household tools, ice chisels, and nearly all their tools are made from the horns and bones of deer, whales, and seals. Bowstrings are made from the sinews of musk oxen, and ropes from seal skin. The Eskimo's weapons are not particularly threatening. However, backed by his cleverness, they are enough for practical use; and while his neighbors may have none better, everyone is on equal footing in battle. Their strongest and most artistic weapon is the bow. It’s made from beech or spruce, in three pieces curving in different directions, cleverly bound with twisted sinews to provide maximum strength. Richardson claims that "in the hands of a native hunter, it can shoot an arrow with enough force to pierce the heart of a musk ox or break the leg of a reindeer." Arrows, along with spears, lances, and darts, are made from white spruce and tipped with bone, ivory, flint, and slate. East of the Mackenzie, copper is extensively used in making Eskimo tools. Before iron was introduced by Europeans, stone hatchets were common.

SLEDGES, SNOW-SHOES, AND BOATS.

Sleds, snowshoes, and boats.

The Hyperboreans surpass all American nations in their facilities for locomotion, both upon land and water. In their skin boats, the natives of the Alaskan seaboard from Point Barrow to Mount St Elias, made long voyages, crossing the strait and sea of Bering, and held commercial intercourse with the people of Asia. Sixty miles is an ordinary day's journey for sledges, while Indians on snow-shoes have been known to run down and capture deer. Throughout this entire border, including the Aleutian Islands, boats are made wholly of the skins of seals or sea-lions, excepting the frame of wood 60 or whale-ribs. In the interior, as well as on the coast immediately below Mount St Elias, skin boats disappear, and canoes or wooden boats are used.

The Hyperboreans outdo all American nations in their ability to travel, both on land and water. In their skin boats, the natives along the Alaskan coastline from Point Barrow to Mount St. Elias made long journeys, crossing the Bering Strait and sea, and traded with people from Asia. A typical day’s journey for sleds is sixty miles, while Indigenous people on snowshoes have been known to chase down and catch deer. Throughout this entire region, including the Aleutian Islands, boats are made entirely from seal or sea-lion skins, except for the wooden frame or whale ribs. In the interior and along the coast beneath Mount St. Elias, skin boats are replaced by canoes or wooden boats. 60

Two kinds of skin boats are employed by the natives of the Alaskan coast, a large and a small one. The former is called by the natives oomiak, and by the Russians baidar. This is a large, flat-bottomed, open boat; the skeleton of wood or whale-ribs, fastened with seal-skin thongs or whale's sinews, and covered with oiled seal or sea-lion skins, which are first sewed together and then stretched over the frame. The baidar is usually about thirty feet in length, six feet in extreme breadth, and three feet in depth. It is propelled by oars, and will carry fifteen or twenty persons, but its capacity is greatly increased by lashing inflated seal-skins to the outside. In storms at sea, two or three baidars are sometimes tied together.[54] The small boat is called by the natives kyak, and by the Russians baidarka. It is constructed of the same material and in the same manner as the baidar, except that it is entirely covered with skins, top as well as bottom, save one hole left in the deck, which is filled by the navigator. After 61 taking his seat, and thereby filling this hole, the occupant puts on a water-proof over-dress, the bottom of which is so secured round the rim of the hole that not a drop of water can penetrate it. This dress is provided with sleeves and a hood. It is securely fastened at the wrists and neck, and when the hood is drawn over the head, the boatman may bid defiance to the water. The baidarka is about sixteen feet in length, and two feet in width at the middle, tapering to a point at either end.[55] It is light and strong, and when skillfully handled is considered very safe. The native of Norton Sound will twirl his kyak completely over, turn an aquatic somersault, and by the aid of his double-bladed paddle come up safely on the other side, without even losing his seat. So highly were these boats esteemed by the Russians, that they were at once universally adopted by them in navigating these waters. They were unable to invent any improvement in either of them, although they made a baidarka with two and three seats, which they employed in addition to the one-seated kyak. The Kadiak baidarka is a little shorter and wider than the Aleutian.[56]

Two types of skin boats are used by the locals of the Alaskan coast, a large one and a small one. The large one is called oomiak by the locals and baidar by the Russians. This is a large, flat-bottomed, open boat made from a framework of wood or whale ribs, secured with seal-skin thongs or whale sinews, and covered with oiled seal or sea-lion skins, which are sewn together and then stretched over the frame. The baidar is typically around thirty feet long, six feet wide at its widest point, and three feet deep. It’s powered by oars and can carry fifteen to twenty people, but its capacity significantly increases by attaching inflated seal skins to the outside. In rough seas, two or three baidars are sometimes tied together.[54] The small boat is called kyak by the locals and baidarka by the Russians. It’s made from the same materials and in the same way as the baidar, except it’s entirely covered with skins, both top and bottom, except for a hole left in the deck for the navigator. After taking their seat and filling this hole, the occupant puts on a waterproof over-dress, which is secured around the rim of the hole so that not a drop of water can get in. This dress has sleeves and a hood. It is tightly fastened at the wrists and neck, and when the hood is pulled over their head, the boatman can face the water with confidence. The baidarka is about sixteen feet long and two feet wide in the middle, tapering to a point at both ends.[55] It’s lightweight and strong, and when handled skillfully, it’s considered very safe. A native of Norton Sound can flip their kyak completely over, perform an aquatic somersault, and with the help of their double-bladed paddle, come back up safely without even losing their seat. The Russians valued these boats so much that they quickly adopted them for navigating these waters. They weren’t able to come up with any improvements for either boat, although they did create baidarkas with two and three seats, which they used alongside the one-seater kyak. The Kadiak baidarka is slightly shorter and wider than the Aleutian.[56]

Sleds, sledges, dogs, and Arctic land-boats play an important part in Eskimo economy. The Eskimo sled is framed of spruce, birch, or whalebone, strongly bound with thongs, and the runners shod with smooth strips of 62 whale's jaw-bone. This sled is heavy, and fit only for traveling over ice or frozen snow. Indian sleds of the interior are lighter, the runners being of thin flexible boards better adapted to the inequalities of the ground. Sledges, such as are used by the voyagers of Hudson Bay, are of totally different construction. Three boards, each about one foot in width and twelve feet in length, thinned, and curved into a semicircle at one end, are placed side by side and firmly lashed together with thongs. A leathern bag or blanket of the full size of the sled is provided, in which the load is placed and lashed down with strings.[57] Sleds and sledges are drawn by dogs, and they will carry a load of from a quarter to half a ton, or about one hundred pounds to each dog. The dogs of Alaska are scarcely up to the average of Arctic canine nobility.[58] They are of various colors, hairy, short-legged, with large bushy tails curved over the back; they are wolfish, suspicious, yet powerful, sagacious, and docile, patiently performing an incredible amount of ill-requited labor. Dogs are harnessed to the sledge, sometimes by separate thongs at unequal distances, sometimes in pairs to a single line. They are guided by the voice accompanied by a whip, and to the best trained and most sagacious is given the longest tether, that he may act as leader. An eastern dog will carry on his back a weight of thirty pounds. The dogs of the northern coast are larger and stronger 63 than those of the interior. Eskimo dogs are used in hunting reindeer and musk-oxen, as well as in drawing sledges.[59] Those at Cape Prince of Wales appear to be of the same species as those used upon the Asiatic coast for drawing sledges.

Sleds, sledges, dogs, and Arctic land boats are essential to the Eskimo economy. The Eskimo sled is made from spruce, birch, or whalebone, tightly bound with thongs, and the runners are covered with smooth strips of 62 whale jawbone. This sled is heavy and designed only for traveling over ice or frozen snow. Interior Indian sleds are lighter, with runners made from thin, flexible boards that better handle uneven ground. Sledges used by travelers in Hudson Bay are constructed quite differently. Three boards, each about one foot wide and twelve feet long, are thinned and curved into a semicircle at one end, placed side by side, and securely lashed together with thongs. A leather bag or blanket that matches the size of the sled is used to hold the load, which is then secured with strings.[57] Sleds and sledges are pulled by dogs, which can carry loads ranging from a quarter to half a ton, averaging about one hundred pounds per dog. The dogs in Alaska aren't quite up to the standard of other Arctic breeds.[58] They come in various colors, are hairy, short-legged, with large bushy tails that curve over their backs; they have a wolf-like appearance, are cautious, yet strong, intelligent, and obedient, enduring an enormous amount of often unrewarded work. Dogs are harnessed to the sledge, sometimes using separate thongs at different distances, or in pairs on a single line. They are directed by voice commands along with a whip, and the best-trained, most intelligent dog is given the longest leash to act as the leader. An eastern dog can carry up to thirty pounds on its back. Dogs from the northern coast are larger and stronger 63 than those from the interior. Eskimo dogs are utilized for hunting reindeer and musk oxen, as well as for pulling sledges.[59] Dogs found at Cape Prince of Wales seem to be of the same breed as those used along the Asian coast for pulling sledges.

Snow-shoes, or foot-sledges, are differently made according to the locality. In traveling over soft snow they are indispensable. They consist of an open light wooden frame, made of two smooth pieces of wood each about two inches wide and an inch thick; the inner part sometimes straight, and the outer curved out to about one foot in the widest part. They are from two to six feet in length, some oval and turned up in front, running to a point behind; others flat, and pointed at both ends, the space within the frame being filled with a network of twisted deer-sinews or fine seal-skin.[60] The Hudson Bay snow-shoe is only two and a half feet in length. The Kutchin shoe is smaller than that of the Eskimo.

Snowshoes, or foot sleds, are made differently depending on the region. When traveling over soft snow, they are essential. They consist of a lightweight wooden frame made from two smooth pieces of wood, each about two inches wide and an inch thick; the inner part is sometimes straight, and the outer part curves out to about a foot at its widest point. They range from two to six feet in length; some are oval and have a turned-up front, tapering to a point at the back, while others are flat and pointed at both ends, with the space inside the frame filled with a network of twisted deer sinew or fine seal skin. [60] The Hudson Bay snowshoe is only two and a half feet long. The Kutchin shoe is smaller than that of the Eskimo.

PROPERTY.

Property.

The merchantable wealth of the Eskimos consists of peltries, such as wolf, deer, badger, polar-bear, otter, hare, musk-rat, Arctic-fox, and seal skins; red ochre, plumbago, and iron pyrites; oil, ivory, whalebone; in short, all parts of all species of beasts, birds, and fishes that they can secure and convert into an exchangeable shape.[61] The articles they most covet are tobacco, iron, and beads. They are not particularly given to strong drink. On the shore of Bering Strait the natives have constant commercial 64 intercourse with Asia. They cross easily in their boats, carefully eluding the vigilance of the fur company. They frequently meet at the Gwosdeff Islands, where the Tschuktschi bring tobacco, iron, tame-reindeer skins, and walrus-ivory; the Eskimos giving in exchange wolf and wolverine skins, wooden dishes, seal-skins and other peltries. The Eskimos of the American coast carry on quite an extensive trade with the Indians of the interior,[62] exchanging with them Asiatic merchandise for peltries. They are sharp at bargains, avaricious, totally devoid of conscience in their dealings; will sell their property thrice if possible, and, if caught, laugh it off as a joke. The rights of property are scrupulously respected among themselves, but to steal from strangers, which they practice on every occasion with considerable dexterity, is considered rather a mark of merit than otherwise. A successful thief, when a stranger is the victim, receives the applause of the entire tribe.[63] Captain Kotzebue thus describes the manner of trading with the Russo-Indians of the south and of Asia.

The valuable resources of the Eskimos include furs from animals like wolves, deer, badgers, polar bears, otters, hares, muskrats, Arctic foxes, and seals; materials such as red ochre, graphite, and iron pyrites; oil, ivory, and whalebone; essentially, any parts of animals, birds, and fish they can obtain and turn into something they can trade. They particularly desire tobacco, iron, and beads, and they don't show much interest in alcohol. Along the Bering Strait, the locals regularly trade with Asia, navigating across in their boats while avoiding the fur company’s attention. They often meet at the Gwosdeff Islands, where the Chukchi people bring tobacco, iron, reindeer skins, and walrus ivory, while the Eskimos trade wolf and wolverine skins, wooden utensils, seal skins, and other furs. The Eskimos on the American coast also engage in significant trade with the interior Indians, exchanging Asian goods for furs. They are shrewd negotiators, greedy, and lack a moral compass in their transactions; they might sell their goods multiple times and, if caught, laugh it off as a joke. While they respect property rights among themselves, stealing from outsiders—something they do quite skillfully—is seen as an admirable skill. A successful thief often earns the praise of the whole tribe. Captain Kotzebue describes how trade occurs with the Russo-Indians from the south and Asia.

"The stranger first comes, and lays some goods on the shore and then retires; the American then comes, looks at the things, puts as many things near them as he thinks proper to give, and then also goes away. Upon this the stranger approaches, and examines what is offered him; if he is satisfied with it, he takes the skins and leaves the goods instead; but if not, then he lets all the things lie, retires a second time, and expects 65 an addition from the buyer." If they cannot agree, each retires with his goods.

"The stranger arrives first, drops some goods on the shore, and then leaves. The American comes next, checks out the items, puts down whatever he thinks is fair to offer, and then leaves too. The stranger then comes back to look at what’s been offered. If he’s happy with it, he takes the skins and leaves the goods behind; if not, he just leaves everything there, steps away again, and waits for the buyer to add more. If they can’t come to an agreement, each of them walks away with their own goods."

SOCIAL ECONOMY.

Social economy.

Their government, if it can be called a government, is patriarchal. Now and then some ancient or able man gains an ascendency in the tribe, and overawes his fellows. Some tribes even acknowledge an hereditary chief, but his authority is nominal. He can neither exact tribute, nor govern the movements of the people. His power seems to be exercised only in treating with other tribes. Slavery in any form is unknown among them. Caste has been mentioned in connection with tattooing, but, as a rule, social distinctions do not exist.[64]

Their government, if you can call it that, is patriarchal. Occasionally, an influential or capable man rises to power in the tribe and intimidates his peers. Some tribes even recognize a hereditary chief, but his authority is mostly symbolic. He can't demand tribute or control the actions of the people. His power appears to be limited to negotiating with other tribes. Slavery in any form is unheard of among them. Caste has been referenced in relation to tattooing, but generally, social distinctions don’t exist.[64]

AMUSEMENTS.

Entertainment.

The home of the Eskimo is a model of filth and freeness. Coyness is not one of their vices, nor is modesty ranked among their virtues. The latitude of innocency marks all their social relations; they refrain from doing in public nothing that they would do in private. Female chastity is little regarded. The Kutchins, it is said, are jealous, but treat their wives kindly; the New Caledonians are jealous, and treat them cruelly; but the philosophic Eskimos are neither jealous nor unkind. Indeed, so far are they from espionage or meanness in marital affairs, that it is the duty of the hospitable host to place at the disposal of his guest not only the house and its contents, but his wife also.[65] The lot of the 66 women is but little better than slavery. All the work, except the nobler occupations of hunting, fishing, and fighting, falls to them. The lesson of female inferiority is at an early age instilled into the mind of youth. Nevertheless, the Eskimo mother is remarkably affectionate, and fulfills her low destiny with patient kindness. Polygamy is common; every man being entitled to as many wives as he can get and maintain. On the other hand, if women are scarce, the men as easily adapt themselves to circumstances, and two of them marry one woman. Marriages are celebrated as follows: after gaining the consent of the mother, the lover presents a suit of clothes to the lady, who arrays herself therein and thenceforth is his wife.[66] Dancing, accompanied by singing and violent gesticulation, is their chief amusement. In all the nations of the north, every well-regulated village aspiring to any degree of respectability has its public or town house, which among the Eskimos is called the Casine or Kashim. It consists of one large subterranean room, better built than the common dwellings, and occupying a central position, where the people congregate on feast-days.[67] This house is also used as a public work-shop, where are manufactured boats, sledges, and snow-shoes. A large portion of the winter is devoted to dancing. Feasting and visiting commence in November. On festive occasions, a dim light and a strong odor are thrown over the scene 67 by means of blubber-lamps. The dancers, who are usually young men, strip themselves to the waist, or even appear in puris naturalibus, and go through numberless burlesque imitations of birds and beasts, their gestures being accompanied by tambourine and songs. Sometimes they are fantastically arrayed in seal or deer skin pantaloons, decked with dog or wolf tails behind, and wear feathers or a colored handkerchief on the head. The ancients, seated upon benches which encircle the room, smoke, and smile approbation. The women attend with fish and berries in large wooden bowls; and, upon the opening of the performance, they are at once relieved of their contributions by the actors, who elevate the provisions successively to the four cardinal points and once to the skies above, when all partake of the feast. Then comes another dance. A monotonous refrain, accompanied by the beating of an instrument made of seal-intestines stretched over a circular frame, brings upon the ground one boy after another, until about twenty form a circle. A series of pantomimes then commences, portraying love, jealousy, hatred, and friendship. During intervals in the exercises, presents are distributed to strangers. In their national dance, one girl after another comes in turn to the centre, while the others join hands and dance and sing, not unmusically, about her. The most extravagant motions win the greatest applause.[68]

The home of the Eskimo is a perfect example of dirtiness and freedom. They aren't shy, nor is modesty one of their traits. Their social interactions are marked by a level of innocence; they don’t do anything in public that they wouldn’t do in private. Female chastity isn’t really valued. The Kutchins are said to be jealous but treat their wives well; the New Caledonians are jealous and treat their wives poorly; however, the philosophical Eskimos are neither jealous nor unkind. In fact, they are so far removed from spying or meanness in marital matters that a hospitable host is expected to offer not only his house and its belongings but also his wife to guests. The situation for women is not much better than slavery. They handle all the work, except for the more respected tasks of hunting, fishing, and fighting. The idea of female inferiority is drilled into youth at an early age. Still, the Eskimo mother is incredibly loving and carries out her lowly role with patient kindness. Polygamy is common; every man can have as many wives as he can take care of. On the flip side, when women are scarce, two men can easily marry one woman. Marriages happen like this: after getting the mother's approval, the suitor gives a set of clothes to the woman, who wears them and becomes his wife. Dancing, along with singing and energetic movements, is their main form of entertainment. In every respectable village in the north, there is a public gathering place called the Casine or Kashim. This is a large underground room, better built than typical homes, situated centrally so that people can gather on feast days. This house also serves as a public workshop where boats, sledges, and snowshoes are made. A significant part of winter is dedicated to dancing. Feasting and visiting start in November. During festive events, a soft light and a strong smell fill the air from blubber lamps. The dancers, usually young men, take off their shirts or show up completely nude, performing numerous comedic imitations of birds and animals, their movements accompanied by tambourine and songs. Sometimes they wear ridiculously made seal or deer skin pants with dog or wolf tails attached to the back and sport feathers or a colorful handkerchief on their heads. The elders, sitting on benches around the room, smoke and nod in approval. The women serve fish and berries in large wooden bowls; as the performance begins, the dancers take the food from them, raising it successively to the four cardinal points and once to the sky, so everyone can join in the feast. Then another dance follows. A repetitive refrain, along with the beat of an instrument made from seal intestines stretched over a circular frame, brings one boy after another to the center until about twenty boys form a circle. Then a series of pantomimes starts, depicting love, jealousy, hatred, and friendship. During breaks in the performance, gifts are given to newcomers. In their national dance, one girl at a time steps into the center while the others join hands, dancing and singing around her in a tuneful way. The most outrageous movements get the most applause.

Among other customs of the Eskimo may be mentioned the following. Their salutations are made by rubbing noses together. No matter how oily the skin, nor how rank the odor, he who would avoid offense 68 must submit his nose to the nose of his Hyperborean brother,[69] and his face to the caressing hand of his polar friend. To convey intimations of friendship at a distance, they extend their arms, and rub and pat their breast. Upon the approach of visitors they form a circle, and sit like Turks, smoking their pipes. Men, women, and children are inordinately fond of tobacco. They swallow the smoke and revel in a temporary elysium. They are called brave, simple, kind, intelligent, happy, hospitable, respectful to the aged. They are also called cruel, ungrateful, treacherous, cunning, dolorously complaining, miserable.[70] They are great mimics, and, in order to terrify strangers, they accustom themselves to the most extraordinary contortions of features and body. As a measure of intellectual capacity, it is claimed for them that they divide time into days, lunar months, seasons, and years; that they estimate accurately by the sun or stars the time of day or night; that they can count several hundred and draw maps. They also make rude drawings on bone, representing dances, deer-hunting, animals, and all the various pursuits followed by them from the cradle to the grave.

Among other customs of the Eskimo, the following can be noted. They greet each other by rubbing noses together. Regardless of how oily their skin is or how strong their odor might be, anyone who wants to avoid causing offense must press their nose against that of their Arctic brother and allow their face to be touched by the friendly hand of their polar companion. To signal friendship from a distance, they extend their arms, rubbing and patting their chest. When visitors arrive, they gather in a circle and sit like Turks, smoking their pipes. Both men and women, as well as children, are very fond of tobacco. They inhale the smoke and enjoy a brief escape. They are described as brave, simple, kind, intelligent, happy, hospitable, and respectful to the elderly. At the same time, they are also seen as cruel, ungrateful, treacherous, cunning, and often complaining, miserable. They are excellent mimics, and to frighten strangers, they get used to performing the most bizarre contortions of their faces and bodies. As a measure of their intellectual ability, it's said they can divide time into days, lunar months, seasons, and years; that they can accurately tell time by the sun or stars, count into the hundreds, and draw maps. They also create crude drawings on bones depicting dances, deer hunting, animals, and other activities they engage in from birth to death.

But few diseases are common to them, and a deformed person is scarcely ever seen. Cutaneous eruptions, resulting from their antipathy to water, and ophthalmia, arising from the smoke of their closed huts and the glare of sun-light upon snow and water, constitute their chief disorders.[71] For protection to their eyes in hunting and 69 fishing, they make goggles by cutting a slit in a piece of soft wood, and adjusting it to the face.

But there are few diseases that are common among them, and it's rare to see a person with deformities. Skin rashes, caused by their aversion to water, and eye infections from the smoke of their enclosed huts as well as the reflection of sunlight on snow and water, are their main health issues.[71] To protect their eyes while hunting and fishing, they create goggles by cutting a slit in a piece of soft wood and fitting it to their faces. 69

The Eskimos do not, as a rule, bury their dead; but double the body up, and place it on the side in a plank box, which is elevated three or four feet from the ground, and supported by four posts. The grave-box is often covered with painted figures of birds, fishes, and animals. Sometimes it is wrapped in skins, placed upon an elevated frame, and covered with planks, or trunks of trees, so as to protect it from wild beasts. Upon the frame or in the grave-box are deposited the arms, clothing, and sometimes the domestic utensils of the deceased. Frequent mention is made by travelers of burial places where the bodies lie exposed, with their heads placed towards the north.[72]

The Eskimos usually don’t bury their dead; instead, they fold the body and place it on its side in a wooden box elevated about three or four feet off the ground, supported by four posts. The box is often decorated with painted images of birds, fish, and animals. Sometimes, it’s wrapped in animal skins, put on a raised frame, and covered with planks or tree trunks to keep it safe from wild animals. The deceased's weapons, clothing, and sometimes household items are placed on the frame or inside the box. Travelers often mention burial sites where the bodies are left exposed, with their heads facing north.

THE KONIAGAS.

THE KONIAGAS.

The Koniagas derive their name from the inhabitants of the island of Kadiak, who, when first discovered, called themselves Kanagist.[73] They were confounded 70 by early Russian writers with the Aleuts. English ethnologists sometimes call them Southern Eskimos. From Kadiak they extend along the coast in both directions; northward across the Alaskan Peninsula to Kotzebue Sound, and eastward to Prince William Sound. The Koniagan family is divided into nations as follows: the Koniagas proper, who inhabit the Koniagan Archipelago; the Chugatshes,[74] who occupy the islands and shores of Prince William Sound; the Aglegmutes, of Bristol Bay; the Keyataigmutes, who live upon the river Nushagak and the coast as far as Cape Newenham; the Agulmutes, dwelling upon the coast between the Kuskoquim and Kishunak rivers; the Kuskoquigmutes,[75] occupying the banks of the river Kuskoquim; the Magemutes, in the neighborhood of Cape Romanzoff; the Kwichpagmutes, Kwichluagmutes, and Pashtoliks, on the Kwichpak, Kwickluak, and Pashtolik rivers; the Chnagmutes, near Pashtolik Bay; the Anlygmutes, of Golovnin Bay, and the Kaviaks and Malemutes, of Norton Sound.[76] "All of these people," says Baron von Wrangell, "speak one language and belong to one stock."

The Koniag people get their name from the people of Kadiak Island, who, when first encountered, called themselves Kanagist.[73] They were often mistaken by early Russian writers for the Aleuts. English researchers sometimes refer to them as Southern Eskimos. They stretch along the coast in both directions: north across the Alaskan Peninsula to Kotzebue Sound, and east to Prince William Sound. The Koniagan family is divided into nations as follows: the Koniagas proper, who live in the Koniagan Archipelago; the Chugatshes,[74] who occupy the islands and shores of Prince William Sound; the Aglegmutes, from Bristol Bay; the Keyataigmutes, who reside along the Nushagak River and down to Cape Newenham; the Agulmutes, living along the coast between the Kuskoquim and Kishunak rivers; the Kuskoquigmutes,[75] who occupy the banks of the Kuskoquim River; the Magemutes, near Cape Romanzoff; the Kwichpagmutes, Kwichluagmutes, and Pashtoliks, along the Kwichpak, Kwickluak, and Pashtolik rivers; the Chnagmutes, close to Pashtolik Bay; the Anlygmutes, from Golovnin Bay; and the Kaviaks and Malemutes, from Norton Sound.[76] "All of these people," says Baron von Wrangell, "speak one language and belong to one stock."

The most populous district is the Kuskoquim Valley.[77] The small islands in the vicinity of Kadiak were once well peopled; but as the Russians depopulated them, and hunters became scarce, the natives were not allowed to scatter, but were forced to congregate in towns.[78] Schelikoff, the first settler on Kadiak, reported, in that and contiguous isles, thirty thousand natives. Thirty years later, Saritsheff visited the island and found but three 71 thousand. The Chugatshes not long since lived upon the island of Kadiak, but, in consequence of dissensions with their neighbors, they were obliged to emigrate and take up their residence on the main land. They derived their manners originally from the northern nations; but, after having been driven from their ancient possessions, they made raids upon southern nations, carried off their women, and, from the connections thus formed, underwent a marked change. They now resemble the southern rather than the northern tribes. The Kadiaks, Chugatshes, Kuskoquims, and adjacent tribes, according to their own traditions, came from the north, while the Unalaskas believe themselves to have originated in the west. The Kaviaks intermingle to a considerable extent with the Malemutes, and the two are often taken for one people; but their dialects are quite distinct.

The most populated area is the Kuskoquim Valley.[77] The small islands near Kadiak used to have a large population; however, as the Russians reduced their numbers and hunters became rare, the locals weren't allowed to spread out but were forced to gather in towns.[78] Schelikoff, the first settler on Kadiak, reported that there were thirty thousand natives living there and on nearby islands. Thirty years later, Saritsheff visited and found only three thousand. The Chugatshes used to live on Kadiak Island, but due to conflicts with their neighbors, they had to move to the mainland. They originally took on customs from northern nations; however, after being pushed from their homes, they began raiding southern nations, capturing women, and formed new connections that led to significant changes. They now resemble southern tribes more than northern ones. The Kadiaks, Chugatshes, Kuskoquims, and nearby tribes, according to their own stories, came from the north, while the Unalaskas believe they originated from the west. The Kaviaks often mix with the Malemutes, and many people confuse them as one group, but their dialects are quite different.

LAND OF THE KONIAGAS.

Koniagas Territory.

The country of the Koniagas is a rugged wilderness, into many parts of which no white man has ever penetrated. Mountainous forests, glacial cañons, down which flow innumerable torrents, hills interspersed with lakes and marshy plains; ice-clad in winter, covered with luxuriant vegetation in summer. Some sheltered inlets absorb an undue proportion of oceanic warmth. Thus the name Aglegmutes signifies the inhabitants of a warm climate.

The land of the Koniagas is a rough wilderness, with many areas that no white person has ever entered. There's a mix of mountainous forests, glacial canyons with countless rushing streams, hills dotted with lakes, and marshy plains; it's ice-covered in winter and lush with vegetation in summer. Some sheltered inlets take in more ocean warmth than expected. So, the name Aglegmutes means the people from a warm climate.

Travelers report chiefs among the Koniagas seven feet in height, but in general they are of medium stature.[79] Their complexion may be a shade darker 72 than that of the Eskimos of the northern coast, but it is still very light.[80] The Chugatshes are remarkable for their large heads, short necks, broad faces, and small eyes. Holmberg claims for the Koniagas a peculiar formation of the skull; the back, as he says, being not arched but flat. They pierce the septum of the nose and the under lip, and in the apertures wear ornaments of various materials; the most highly prized being of shell or of amber. It is said that at times amber is thrown up in large quantities by the ocean, on the south side of Kadiak, generally after a heavy earthquake, and that at such times it forms an important article of commerce with the natives. The more the female chin is riddled with holes, the greater the respectability. Two ornaments are usually worn, but by very aristocratic ladies as many as six.[81] Their favorite colors in face-painting are red and blue, though black and leaden colors are common.[82] Young Kadiak wives secure the affectionate admiration of their husbands by tattooing the breast and adorning the face with black lines; while the Kuskoquim women sew into their chin two parallel blue lines. The hair is worn long by men as well as women. On state occasions, it is elaborately dressed; first saturated in train-oil, then powdered with red clay or oxide of iron, and finished off with a shower of white feathers. Both sexes wear beads wherever they can find a place for them, round the neck, wrists, and ankles, 73 besides making a multitude of holes for them in the ears, nose, and chin. Into these holes they will also insert buttons, nails, or any European trinket which falls into their possession.[83]

Travelers say that chiefs among the Koniagas can reach seven feet tall, but generally, they are of average height. Their skin tone may be slightly darker than that of the Eskimos from the northern coast, but it’s still quite light. The Chugatshes are known for their large heads, short necks, broad faces, and small eyes. Holmberg notes that the Koniagas have a unique skull shape; the back is flat rather than arched. They pierce the septum of their noses and the lower lip, wearing various ornaments in these piercings, with shell and amber being the most valued. It's said that after heavy earthquakes, the ocean often washes up large amounts of amber on the south side of Kadiak, creating an important trade item for the locals. The more holes a woman has in her chin, the more respectable she is considered. Typically, two ornaments are worn, but women from high-status families might have as many as six. Their favorite colors for face painting are red and blue, but black and gray shades are also common. Young Kadiak wives win the affectionate admiration of their husbands by tattooing their breasts and adding black lines to their faces, while the Kuskoquim women often sew two parallel blue lines into their chins. Both men and women wear their hair long, styled elaborately for special occasions; it's soaked in train-oil, dusted with red clay or iron oxide, and finished off with a sprinkle of white feathers. Both genders adorn themselves with beads on their necks, wrists, and ankles, and they make numerous holes in their ears, noses, and chins to insert these beads, buttons, nails, or any European trinkets they can get their hands on.

KADIAK AND KUSKOQUIM DRESS.

Kadiak and Kuskokwim dress.

The aboriginal dress of a wealthy Kadiak was a bird-skin parka, or shirt, fringed at the top and bottom, with long wide sleeves out of which the wearer slipped his arms in an emergency. This garment was neatly sewed with bird-bone needles, and a hundred skins were sometimes used in the making of a single parka. It was worn with the feathers outside during the day, and inside during the night. Round the waist was fastened an embroidered girdle, and over all, in wet weather, was worn an intestine water-proof coat. The Kadiak breeches and stockings were of otter or other skins, and the boots, when any were worn, were of seal-neck leather, with whale-skin soles. The Russians in a measure prohibited the use of furs among the natives, compelling them to purchase woolen goods from the company, and deliver up all their peltries. The parkas and stockings of the Kuskoquims are of reindeer-skin, covered with embroidery, and trimmed with valuable furs. They also make stockings of swamp grass, and cloaks of sturgeon-skin. The Malemute and Kaviak dress is similar to that of the northern Eskimo.[84] 74

The traditional outfit of a wealthy Kadiak consisted of a bird-skin parka, or shirt, fringed at both the top and bottom, with long, wide sleeves that allowed the wearer to quickly slip their arms out in emergencies. This garment was carefully sewn with bird-bone needles, and it could take up to a hundred skins to create a single parka. During the day, it was worn with the feathers facing out, and at night, it was worn with the feathers inside. Around the waist, they tied an embroidered belt, and over everything, in rainy weather, they wore a waterproof coat made from intestines. The Kadiak breeches and stockings were made from otter or other animal skins, and any boots that were worn were made from seal-neck leather with whale-skin soles. The Russians somewhat restricted the use of furs by the natives, forcing them to buy woolen goods from the company and hand over all their pelts. The parkas and stockings of the Kuskoquims are made from reindeer skin, adorned with embroidery, and trimmed with valuable furs. They also crafted stockings from swamp grass and cloaks from sturgeon skin. The Malemute and Kaviak attire is similar to that of the northern Eskimo.[84] 74

The Chugatshes, men, women, and children, dress alike in a close fur frock, or robe, reaching sometimes to the knees, but generally to the ankles. Their feet and legs are commonly bare, notwithstanding the high latitude in which they live; but they sometimes wear skin stockings and mittens. They make a truncated conic hat of straw or wood, in whimsical representation of the head of some fish or bird, and garnished with colors.[85]

The Chugatshes, men, women, and children, all wear similar outfits consisting of a close-fitting fur frock or robe that usually extends to the ankles, though sometimes it reaches the knees. Their feet and legs are typically bare, despite living in such a northern climate; however, they occasionally wear skin stockings and mittens. They create a short conical hat out of straw or wood, whimsically designed to resemble the head of a fish or bird, and decorated with various colors.[85]

DWELLINGS AND FOOD OF THE KONIAGAS.

DWELLINGS AND FOOD OF THE KONIAGAS.

The Koniagas build two kinds of houses; one a large, winter village residence, called by the Russians barabara, and the other a summer hunting-hut, placed usually upon the banks of a stream whence they draw food. Their winter houses are very large, accommodating three or four families each. They are constructed by digging a square space of the required area to a depth of two feet, placing a post, four feet high above the surface of the ground, at every corner, and roofing the space over to constitute a main hall, where eating is done, filth deposited, and boats built. The sides are of planks, and the roof of boards, poles, or whale-ribs, thickly covered with grass. In the roof is a smoke-hole, and on the eastern side a door-hole about three feet square, through which entrance is made on hands and knees, and which is protected by a seal or other skin. Under the opening in the roof, a hole is dug for fire; and round the sides of the room, tomb-like excavations are made, or boards put up, for sleeping-places, where the occupant reposes on his back with his knees drawn up to the chin. Adjoining 75 rooms are sometimes made, with low underground passages leading off from the main hall. The walls are adorned with implements of the chase and bags of winter food; the latter of which, being in every stage of decay, emits an odor most offensive to unhabituated nostrils. The ground is carpeted with straw. When the smoke-hole is covered by an intestine window, the dwellings of the Koniagas are exceedingly warm, and neither fire nor clothing is required.[86] The kashim, or public house of the Koniagas, is built like their dwellings, and is capable of accommodating three or four hundred people.[87] Huts are built by earthing over sticks placed in roof-shape; also by erecting a frame of poles, and covering it with bark or skins.

The Koniagas build two types of houses: one is a large winter village home, called by the Russians barabara, and the other is a summer hunting hut, usually located by a stream where they get their food. Their winter houses are quite spacious, fitting three or four families each. They are made by digging a square area about two feet deep, placing a post four feet high at each corner, and roofing over the space to create a main hall for eating, disposing of waste, and building boats. The walls are made of planks and the roof from boards, poles, or whale ribs, all thickly covered with grass. There's a smoke hole in the roof and a door hole on the eastern side about three feet square, which requires you to enter on your hands and knees and is covered with a seal or other skin. Under the roof opening, a hole is dug for the fire, and along the sides of the room, there are trench-like spaces or boards for sleeping, where a person lies on their back with their knees pulled up to their chin. Sometimes, adjoining rooms are built, with low underground passages leading off from the main hall. The walls are decorated with hunting tools and bags of winter food, which, in various stages of decay, give off a smell that can be quite unpleasant to those not used to it. The ground is covered with straw. When the smoke hole is closed with a skin window, the Koniagas' homes become very warm, and neither fire nor clothing is needed.[86] The kashim, or public house of the Koniagas, is constructed like their homes and can accommodate three or four hundred people.[87] Huts are made by covering sticks shaped like a roof with earth, or by building a frame of poles and covering it with bark or skins.

The Koniagas will eat any digestible substance in nature except pork; from which fact Kingsborough might have proven incontestably a Jewish origin. I should rather give them swinish affinities, and see in this singularity a hesitancy to feed upon the only animal, except themselves, which eats with equal avidity bear's excrements, carrion birds, maggoty fish, and rotten sea-animals.[88] When a whale is taken, it is literally stripped of everything to the bare bones, and these also are used for building huts and boats.[89] These people can dispose 76 of enormous quantities of food; or, if necessary, they can go a long time without eating.[90] Before the introduction of intoxicating drinks by white men, they made a fermented liquor from the juice of raspberries and blueberries. Tobacco is in general use, but chewing and snuffing are more frequent than smoking. Salmon are very plentiful in the vicinity of Kadiak, and form one of the chief articles of diet. During their periodical ascension of the rivers, they are taken in great quantities by means of a pole pointed with bone or iron. Salmon are also taken in nets made of whale-sinews. Codfish are caught with a bone hook. Whales approach the coast of Kadiak in June, when the inhabitants pursue them in baidarkas. Their whale-lance is about six feet in length, and pointed with a stone upon which is engraved the owner's mark. This point separates from the handle and is left in the whale's flesh, so that when the body is thrown dead upon the beach, the whaler proves his property by his lance-point. Many superstitions are mentioned in connection with the whale-fishery. When a whaler dies, the body is cut into small pieces and distributed among his fellow-craftsmen, each of whom, after rubbing the point of his lance upon it, dries and preserves his piece as a sort of talisman. Or the body is placed in a distant cave, where, before setting out upon a chase, the whalers all congregate, take it out, carry it to a stream, immerse it and then drink of the water. During the season, whalers bear a charmed existence. No one may eat out of the same dish with them, nor even approach them. When the season is over, they hide their weapons in the mountains.

The Koniagas will eat any digestible food available in nature except pork, which could suggest a Jewish origin, as Kingsborough might have firmly demonstrated. Instead, I would consider their aversion to pork as a peculiar tendency to avoid the only animal, besides themselves, that eagerly consumes bear feces, scavenger birds, rotten fish, and decaying sea creatures.[88] When a whale is caught, it's completely stripped down to the bare bones, which are then used to build huts and boats.[89] These people can eat vast amounts of food; or if needed, they can go for a long time without eating.[90] Before white men introduced intoxicating beverages, they made a fermented drink from raspberry and blueberry juice. Tobacco is commonly used, with chewing and snuffing more popular than smoking. Salmon are abundant near Kadiak and are a primary food source. When they migrate upstream, they are caught in large numbers with poles sharpened with bone or iron. Salmon are also caught in nets made from whale sinew. Codfish are caught using bone hooks. Whales come close to the Kadiak coast in June, and the locals hunt them in baidarkas. Their whale lance is about six feet long, pointed with a stone that bears the owner's mark. This point detaches from the handle and remains in the whale's flesh, so when the whale washes ashore, the whaler can prove ownership by showing the lance point. Many superstitions are associated with whale hunting. When a whaler dies, his body is chopped into small pieces and shared among fellow hunters, each of whom rubs the point of his lance on a piece, dries it, and keeps it as a kind of talisman. Alternatively, the body may be placed in a remote cave, where, before going hunting, the whalers gather, retrieve it, take it to a stream, immerse it, and then drink the water. During the hunting season, whalers live under special conditions. No one is allowed to eat from the same dish as them or even get close. When the season ends, they stash their weapons in the mountains.

In May, the Koniagas set out in two-oared baidarkas 77 for distant islands, in search of sea-otter. As success requires a smooth sea, they can hunt them only during the months of May and June, taking them in the manner following. Fifty or one hundred boats proceed slowly through the water, so closely together that it is impossible for an otter to escape between them. As soon as the animal is discovered, the signal is given, the area within which he must necessarily rise to the surface for air, is surrounded by a dozen boats, and when he appears upon the surface he is filled with arrows. Seals are hunted with spears ten or twelve feet in length, upon the end of which is fastened an inflated bladder, in order to float the animal when dead.

In May, the Koniagas set out in two-oared kayaks 77 to reach distant islands in search of sea otters. Since success depends on calm waters, they can only hunt them during May and June, using the following method. Fifty to one hundred boats move slowly through the water, packed so tightly that an otter can't escape between them. When an otter is spotted, a signal is given, and a dozen boats surround the area where the otter must come up for air. When the otter surfaces, it is shot with arrows. Seals are hunted using spears that are ten to twelve feet long, with an inflated bladder attached to the end so the animal floats when it’s dead.

THE KUSKOKWIGMUTES AND MALEMUTES.

The Kuskokwimutes and Malemutes.

The Kuskokwigmutes are less nomadic than their neighbors; being housed in permanent settlements during the winter, although in summer they are obliged to scatter in various directions in quest of food. Every morning before break of day, during the hunting-season, a boy lights the oil-lamps in all the huts of the village, when the women rise and prepare the food. The men, excepting old men and boys, all sleep in the kashim, whither they retire at sunset. In the morning they are aroused by the appearance of the shamán, arrayed in his sacerdotal robes, and beating his sacred drum. After morning worship, the women carry breakfast to their husbands in the kashim. At day-break the men depart for their hunting or fishing, and when they return, immediately repair to the kashim, leaving the women to unload and take care of the products of the day's work. During the hunting-season the men visit their wives only during the night, returning to the kashim before daylight.

The Kuskokwigmutes are less nomadic than their neighbors; they stay in permanent settlements during the winter, but in the summer, they have to spread out in different directions to find food. Every morning, before dawn during hunting season, a boy lights the oil lamps in all the huts of the village while the women wake up and prepare the food. The men, except for the old men and boys, all sleep in the kashim, where they go at sunset. In the morning, they are woken up by the shamán, dressed in his ceremonial robes and playing his sacred drum. After morning worship, the women bring breakfast to their husbands in the kashim. At daybreak, the men head out for hunting or fishing, and when they get back, they go straight to the kashim, leaving the women to unload and take care of the day’s catch. During hunting season, the men visit their wives only at night, returning to the kashim before dawn.

The Malemutes leave their villages upon the coast regularly in February, and, with their families, resort to the mountains, where they follow the deer until snow melts, and then return to catch water-fowl and herring, and gather eggs upon the cliffs and promontories of the coast and islands. In July is their salmon feast. The fawns of reindeer are caught upon the hills by the 78 women in August, either by chasing them down or by snaring them. Deer are stalked, noosed in snares, or driven into enclosures, where they are easily killed. At Kadiak, hunting begins in February, and in April they visit the smaller islands for sea-otter, seals, sea-lions, and eggs. Their whale and other fisheries commence in June and continue till October, at which time they abandon work and give themselves up to festivities. The seal is highly prized by them for its skin, blubber, and oil. One method of catching seals illustrates their ingenuity. Taking an air-tight seal-skin, they blow it up like a bladder, fasten to it a long line, and, concealing themselves behind the rocks, they throw their imitation seal among the live ones and draw it slowly to the shore. The others follow, and are speared or killed with bow and arrows. Blueberries and huckleberries are gathered in quantities and dried for winter use; they are eaten mixed with seal-oil. The Koniagas are also very fond of raw reindeer-fat. They hunt with guns, and snare grouse, marten, and hares. A small white fish is taken in great quantities from holes in the ice. They are so abundant and so easily caught that the natives break off the barbs from their fish-hooks in order to facilitate their operations.

The Malemutes leave their coastal villages every February and, along with their families, head to the mountains, where they track deer until the snow melts. After that, they return to catch waterfowl and herring, and gather eggs on the cliffs and promontories of the coast and islands. Their salmon feast happens in July. In August, the women catch fawns of reindeer on the hills, either by chasing them down or setting traps. They stalk deer, ensnare them, or drive them into enclosures where they can be easily killed. Hunting in Kadiak starts in February, and in April, they visit smaller islands for sea otters, seals, sea lions, and eggs. Their whale and other fishing activities begin in June and continue until October, when they take a break from work to celebrate. They highly value seals for their skin, blubber, and oil. One clever method for catching seals involves using an airtight seal skin, which they inflate like a bladder, attach to a long line, and then hide behind the rocks. They throw this fake seal among the real ones and pull it slowly to the shore. The other seals follow it and are speared or shot with bows and arrows. They collect blueberries and huckleberries in large amounts and dry them for winter, eating them mixed with seal oil. The Koniagas also really like raw reindeer fat. They hunt with guns and set snares for grouse, marten, and hares. They catch a lot of small white fish from holes in the ice. They're so plentiful and easy to catch that the natives break off the barbs from their fish hooks to make it easier to reel them in.

The white polar bear does not wander south of the sixty-fifth parallel, and is only found near Bering Strait. Some were found on St Matthew Island, in Bering Sea, but were supposed to have been conveyed thither upon floating ice. The natives approach the grizzly bear with great caution. When a lair is discovered, the opening is measured, and a timber barricade constructed, with an aperture through which the bear may put his head. The Indians then quietly approach and secure their timbers against the opening of the den with stones, and throw a fire-brand into the den to arouse the animal, who thereupon puts his head out through the hole and meets with a reception which brings him to an untimely end.[91] 79

The white polar bear doesn’t go south of the sixty-fifth parallel and is primarily found near the Bering Strait. Some have been spotted on St. Matthew Island in the Bering Sea, but they’re believed to have drifted there on floating ice. The natives approach the grizzly bear very carefully. When they find a den, they measure the opening and build a barricade with timber, leaving a small gap for the bear to stick its head out. The Indians then quietly get closer and secure their barricade with stones, and they toss a burning stick into the den to wake the animal. When the bear puts its head out through the opening, it meets a fatal reception.[91] 79

WAR, IMPLEMENTS, AND GOVERNMENT.

War, tools, and government.

In former times, the Koniagas went to war behind a huge wooden shield a foot thick and twelve feet in width. It was made of three thicknesses of larch-wood, bound together with willows, and with it they covered thirty or forty lancers.[92] They poisoned their arrow and lance points with a preparation of aconite, by drying and pulverizing the root, mixing the powder with water, and, when it fermented, applying it to their weapons.[93] They made arrow-points of copper, obtaining a supply from the Kenai of Copper River;[94] and the wood was as finely finished as if turned in a lathe.

In the past, the Koniagas went to war behind a massive wooden shield that was a foot thick and twelve feet wide. It was constructed from three layers of larch wood, bound together with willow, and it shielded thirty or forty lancers.[92] They poisoned their arrows and lance tips with a mixture made from aconite, by drying and grinding the root, mixing the powder with water, and once it fermented, applying it to their weapons.[93] They crafted arrow points from copper, sourcing it from the Kenai of Copper River;[94] and the wood was finished as smoothly as if it had been turned on a lathe.

The boats of the Koniagas are similar to those of the north, except that the bow and stem are not alike, the one turning up to a point and the other cut off square.[95] Needles made of birds' bones, and thread from whale-sinews, in the hands of a Kadiak woman, produced work, "many specimens of which," says Lisiansky, "would do credit to our best seamstresses."[96] They produced fire by revolving with a bow-string a hard dry stick upon a soft dry board, one end of the stick being held in a mouth-piece of bone or ivory. Their implements 80 were few—a stone adze, a shell or flint knife, a polishing stone, and a handled tooth.[97] Yet they excel in carving, and in working walrus-teeth and whalebone, the former being supplied them mostly by the Aglegmutes of the Alaskan Peninsula. The tools used in these manufactures were of stone, and the polishing tools of shell. Traces of the stone age are found in lamps, hammers and cutting instruments, wedges and hatchets. Carving is done by the men, while the women are no less skillful in sewing, basket-making, crocheting, and knitting. The women tan, and make clothing and boat-covers from skins and intestines.[98] The Agulmutes are skilled in the carving of wood and ivory; the Kuskoquims excel in wood and stone carving. They make in this manner domestic utensils and vases, with grotesque representations of men, animals, and birds, in relief.

The boats of the Koniagas are similar to those from the north, but the front and back are different; one ends in a point while the other is cut square. [95] Needles made from bird bones and thread made from whale sinew, crafted by a Kadiak woman, resulted in work, "many specimens of which," says Lisiansky, "would impress our best seamstresses." [96] They created fire by spinning a dry stick on a soft dry board using a bowstring, with one end of the stick held in a mouthpiece made of bone or ivory. Their tools were minimal—a stone adze, a shell or flint knife, a polishing stone, and a handled tooth. [97] However, they excel in carving and crafting from walrus teeth and whalebone, mostly supplied by the Aglegmutes of the Alaskan Peninsula. The tools used in these crafts were made of stone, and the polishing tools were made of shell. Evidence of the stone age can be found in lamps, hammers, cutting tools, wedges, and hatchets. Men do the carving, while women are equally skilled in sewing, basket making, crocheting, and knitting. The women also tan hides and make clothing and boat covers from skins and intestines. [98] The Agulmutes are expert wood and ivory carvers; the Kuskoquims specialize in wood and stone carving. They create domestic utensils and vases adorned with exaggerated representations of people, animals, and birds in relief.

Authority is exercised only by heads of households, but chiefs may, by superior ability, acquire much influence.[99] Before they became broken up and demoralized by contact with civilization, there was a marked division of communities into castes; an hereditary nobility and commonalty. In the former was embodied all authority; but the rule of American chieftains is nowhere of a very arbitrary character. Slavery existed to a limited extent, the thralls being mostly women and children. Their male prisoners of war, they either killed immediately or reserved to torture for the edification and improvement of their children.[100] Upon the arrival of 81 the Russians, the slaves then held by the natives, thinking to better their condition, left their barbaric masters and placed themselves under the protection of the new comers. The Russians accepted the trust, and set them to work. The poor creatures, unable to perform the imposed tasks, succumbed; and, as their numbers were diminished by ill treatment, their places were supplied by such of the inhabitants as had been guilty of some misdemeanor; and singularly enough, misdemeanors happened to be about in proportion to the demand for slaves.[101]

Authority is held only by heads of households, but leaders can gain significant influence through their abilities. Before communities were fragmented and weakened by contact with civilization, there was a clear division among castes: an hereditary nobility and the common people. The nobility held all the power, but the rule of American chiefs is not very arbitrary. Slavery existed in a limited form, mostly involving women and children. They either killed male prisoners of war right away or kept them for torture as a way to teach and improve their children. When the Russians arrived, the slaves owned by the natives, hoping for a better life, left their harsh masters and sought protection from the newcomers. The Russians took them in and put them to work. Unfortunately, those unfortunate individuals were unable to complete the tasks assigned to them, and as their numbers dwindled due to mistreatment, they were replaced by locals who had committed minor offenses; interestingly, such offenses seemed to increase in line with the demand for slaves.

MORALITY OF THE KONIAGAS.

Moral Code of the Koniagas.

The domestic manners of the Koniagas are of the lowest order. In filth they out-do, if possible, their neighbors of the north.[102] Thrown together in little bands under one roof, they have no idea of morality, and the marriage relation sits so loosely as hardly to excite jealousy in its abuse. Female chastity is deemed a thing of value only as men hold property in it. A young unmarried woman may live uncensured in the freest intercourse with the men; though, as soon as she belongs to one man, it is her duty to be true to him. Sodomy is common; the Kaviaks practice polygamy and incest; the Kadiaks cohabit promiscuously, brothers and sisters, parents and children.[103] The Malemutes are content with one wife, but they have no marriage ceremony, and can put her away at pleasure. They prize boy babies, but frequently kill the girls, taking them out into the wilderness, stuffing grass into their mouth and abandoning them; yet children are highly esteemed, and the barren woman is a reproach among her people. Such persons even go so far as to make a doll or image of the offspring which they 82 so greatly desire, and fondle it as if it were a real child.[104] Two husbands are also allowed to one woman; one the chief or principal husband, and the other a deputy, who acts as husband and master of the house during the absence of the true lord; and who, upon the latter's return, not only yields to him his place, but becomes in the meantime his servant.

The home habits of the Koniagas are of the lowest kind. They surpass, if possible, their northern neighbors in filth. Thrown together in small groups under one roof, they have no sense of morality, and the marriage relationship is so loosely defined that it hardly causes jealousy when abused. Female chastity is viewed as valuable only insofar as men see it as property. A young unmarried woman can have free interactions with men without being judged; however, once she is with one man, she is expected to be faithful to him. Sodomy is common; the Kaviaks engage in polygamy and incest; the Kadiaks have casual sexual relationships, including among siblings and parents with children. The Malemutes are satisfied with one wife, but they have no marriage ceremony and can divorce her at will. They value baby boys but often kill baby girls by taking them into the wilderness, stuffing grass in their mouths, and leaving them behind; yet children are highly prized, and a woman who cannot have children is shamed among her people. Such women even go so far as to create a doll or image of the children they long for and treat it as if it were a real child. Two husbands are also permitted for one woman; one is the main husband, and the other is a deputy who takes on the role of husband and head of the household during the main husband's absence, and upon the latter's return, he not only steps back into his position but also becomes his servant in the meantime.

But the most repugnant of all their practices is that of male concubinage. A Kadiak mother will select her handsomest and most promising boy, and dress and rear him as a girl, teaching him only domestic duties, keeping him at woman's work, associating him only with women and girls, in order to render his effeminacy complete. Arriving at the age of ten or fifteen years, he is married to some wealthy man, who regards such a companion as a great acquisition. These male wives are called achnutschik or schopans.[105]

But the most disgusting of all their practices is male concubinage. A Kadiak mother will pick her most attractive and promising son, dress him as a girl, and raise him to perform only domestic tasks, keeping him engaged in women's work and only interacting with women and girls, to completely reinforce his femininity. By the time he reaches the age of ten or fifteen, he is married off to some wealthy man, who sees such a partner as a valuable find. These male wives are called achnutschik or schopans.

KONIAGAN SWEAT-HOUSES.

Koniagan Sweat Lodges.

A most cruel superstition is enforced upon maidens at the age of puberty; the victim being confined for six months in a hut built for the purpose, apart from the others, and so small that the poor inmate cannot straighten her back while upon her knees. During the six months following, she is allowed a room a little larger, but is still permitted no intercourse with any one. Daughters of principal men obtain the right of access to the kashim by undergoing a ceremonial yielding up of 83 their virginity to the shamán.[106] Marriage ceremonies are few, and marriage engagements peculiar. The consent of the father of the intended bride being obtained, the aspirant for nuptial honors brings wood and builds a fire in the bath-room; after which, he and the father take a bath together. The relatives meanwhile congregate, a feast is held, presents are made, the bridegroom takes the name of the bride's father, the couple are escorted to a heated vapor-bath and there left together. Although extremely filthy in their persons and habits, all Indians attach great importance to their sweat-baths. This peculiar institution extends through most of the nations of our territory, from Alaska to Mexico, with wonderful uniformity. Frequently one of the side subterranean apartments which open off from the main hall, is devoted to the purposes of a sweat-house. Into one of these caverns a Kadiak will enter stripped. Steam is generated by throwing water upon heated stones. After sweltering for a time in the confined and heated atmosphere, and while yet in a profuse perspiration, the bather rushes out and plunges into the nearest stream or into the sea, frequently having to break the ice before being able to finish his bath. Sometimes all the occupants of the house join in a bath. They then clear the floor of the main room from obstructions, and build a hot fire under the smoke-hole. When the fire is reduced to coals, a covering is placed over the smoke-hole, and the bathers proceed to wash themselves in a certain liquid, which is carefully saved for this and other cleansing purposes, and also for tanning. The alkali of the fluid combines with the grease upon their persons, and thus a lather is formed which removes dirt as effectually as soap would. They then wash in water, wrap themselves in deer-skins, and repose upon shelves until the lassitude occasioned by perspiration passes away. 84

A very harsh superstition is imposed on young women at puberty; they are isolated for six months in a small hut designed for this purpose, where they can't even straighten their backs while on their knees. In the following six months, they have a slightly larger room but still have no contact with anyone. Daughters of important men gain access to the kashim by ceremonially giving up their virginity to the shamán. Marriage ceremonies are few and have unique customs. Once the father of the bride gives his consent, the groom-to-be brings wood and builds a fire in the bath-room; after that, he and the father take a bath together. Meanwhile, the families gather, a feast is held, gifts are exchanged, the groom takes the bride's father's name, and the couple is taken to a heated steam bath and left alone. Even though they are usually dirty and have poor hygiene, all Indians value their steam baths highly. This tradition is widespread among many nations in our territory, from Alaska to Mexico, showing remarkable consistency. Often, one of the side caverns off the main hall is used as a sweat-house. A Kadiak enters one of these caves naked. Steam is created by pouring water on heated stones. After sweating for a while in the hot, enclosed space, the bather rushes out and jumps into the nearest stream or into the sea, often having to break the ice to finish his bath. Sometimes everyone in the house participates in the bath. They clear the floor of the main room and build a hot fire under the smoke-hole. Once the fire turns to coals, a cover is placed over the smoke-hole, and the bathers wash themselves with a special liquid, saved for this and other cleansing uses, including tanning. The alkali in the liquid mixes with the grease on their bodies, creating a lather that cleans as effectively as soap. They then rinse with water, wrap themselves in deer skins, and rest on shelves until they recover from the fatigue caused by sweating.

Festivals of various kinds are held; as, when one village is desirous of extending hospitality to another village, or when an individual becomes ambitious of popularity, a feast is given. A ceremonial banquet takes place a year after the death of a relative; or an entertainment may be announced as a reparation for an injury done to one's neighbor. At some of these feasts only men dance, and at others the women join. Upon these occasions, presents are exchanged, and the festivities sometimes continue for several days. The men appear upon the scene nearly or quite naked, with painted faces, and the hair fantastically decorated with feathers, dancing to the music of the tambourine, sometimes accompanied by sham fights and warlike songs. Their faces are marked or fantastically painted, and they hold a knife or lance in one hand and a rattle in the other. The women dance by simply hopping forward and backward upon their toes.[107] A visitor, upon entering a dwelling, is presented with a cup of cold water; afterward, fish or flesh is set before him, and it is expected that he will leave nothing uneaten. The more he eats, the greater the honor to the host; and, if it be impossible to eat all that is given him, he must take away with him whatever remains. After eating, he is conducted to a hot bath and regaled with a drink of melted fat.

Various types of festivals take place; for example, when one village wants to welcome another village, or when someone wants to become popular, a feast is organized. A ceremonial banquet occurs a year after the death of a relative, or an event may be held to make amends for a wrong done to a neighbor. At some of these feasts, only men dance, while at others, women join in. During these occasions, gifts are exchanged, and the celebrations can last for several days. The men arrive nearly or completely naked, with painted faces and their hair creatively adorned with feathers, performing dances to the sounds of tambourines, sometimes accompanied by mock battles and war songs. Their faces are marked or painted in unique ways, and they hold a knife or spear in one hand and a rattle in the other. The women dance by simply hopping back and forth on their toes.[107] When a visitor enters a home, they are offered a cup of cold water; then, fish or meat is served, and it is expected that they will eat everything. The more they eat, the more honor they give to the host; if they can’t finish all the food, they must take the leftovers with them. After eating, they are led to a hot bath and treated to a drink made from melted fat.

Sagoskin assisted at a ceremony which is celebrated annually about the first of January at all the villages on the coast. It is called the festival of the immersion of the bladders in the sea. More than a hundred bladders, taken only from animals which have been killed with arrows, and decorated with fantastic paintings, are hung upon a cord stretched horizontally along the wall of the kashim. Four birds carved from wood, a screech-owl 85 with the head of a man, a sea-gull, and two partridges, are so disposed that they can be moved by strings artfully arranged; the owl flutters his wings and moves his head; the gull strikes the boards with his beak as if he were catching fish, and the partridges commence to peck each other. Lastly, a stake enveloped in straw is placed in the centre of the fire-place. Men and women dance before these effigies in honor of Jug-jak, the spirit of the sea. Every time the dancing ceases, one of the assistants lights some straw, burning it like incense before the birds and the bladders. The principal ceremony of the feast consists, as its name indicates, in the immersion of the bladders in the sea. It was impossible to discover the origin of this custom; the only answer given to questions was, that their ancestors had done so before them.

Sagoskin attended a ceremony that takes place every year around January 1st in all the coastal villages. It's called the festival of the bladders submerged in the sea. More than a hundred bladders, taken only from animals killed with arrows and decorated with vibrant paintings, are hung on a cord stretched horizontally along the wall of the kashim. Four wooden birds—a screech owl with a human head, a seagull, and two partridges—are arranged in such a way that they can be moved by cleverly arranged strings; the owl flaps its wings and moves its head, the gull pecks at the boards as if catching fish, and the partridges start pecking at each other. Lastly, a stake wrapped in straw is placed in the center of the fireplace. Men and women dance before these figures in honor of Jug-jak, the spirit of the sea. Each time the dancing stops, one of the helpers lights some straw, burning it like incense in front of the birds and the bladders. The main event of the feast, as the name suggests, is the immersion of the bladders in the sea. The origin of this custom remains unclear; the only response to questions was that their ancestors had done it before them.

SUPERSTITIONS OF THE KONIAGAS.

Koniagas' Superstitions.

The shamán, or medicine-man of the Koniagas, is the spiritual and temporal doctor of the tribe; wizard, sorcerer, priest, or physician, as necessity demands. In the execution of his offices, the shamán has several assistants, male and female, sages and disciples; the first in rank being called kaseks, whose duty it is to superintend festivals and teach the children to dance. When a person falls sick, some evil spirit is supposed to have taken possession of him, and it is the business of the shamán to exorcise that spirit, to combat and drive it out of the man. To this end, armed with a magic tambourine, he places himself near the patient and mutters his incantations. A female assistant accompanies him with groans and growls. Should this prove ineffectual, the shamán approaches the bed and throws himself upon the person of the sufferer; then, seizing the demon, he struggles with it, overpowers and casts it out, while the assistants cry, "He is gone! he is gone!" If the patient recovers, the physician is paid, otherwise he receives nothing.[108] 86 Colds, consumption, rheumatism, itch, boils, ulcers, syphilis, are among their most common diseases. Blood-letting is commonly resorted to as a curative, and except in extreme cases the shamán is not called. The Koniagas bleed one another by piercing the arm with a needle, and then cutting away the flesh above the needle with a flint or copper instrument. Beaver's oil is said to relieve their rheumatism.

The shaman, or medicine man of the Koniagas, is both the spiritual and practical healer of the tribe—acting as a wizard, sorcerer, priest, or doctor as needed. In carrying out his duties, the shaman has several assistants, both male and female, who are wise and learning; the highest-ranked among them are called kaseks, responsible for overseeing festivals and teaching the children to dance. When someone becomes ill, it's believed that an evil spirit has taken control of them, and it falls to the shaman to exorcise that spirit, fighting it off to drive it out of the person. To do this, armed with a magical tambourine, he positions himself close to the patient and chants his incantations. A female assistant joins him with moans and growls. If this doesn’t work, the shaman approaches the bed and throws himself onto the ill person; then, he grabs the demon, wrestles with it, overpowers it, and expels it, while the assistants chant, "He's gone! He's gone!" If the patient gets better, the healer is paid; if not, he receives nothing.[108] 86 Colds, tuberculosis, rheumatism, itching, boils, ulcers, and syphilis are among their most frequent ailments. Bloodletting is often used as a treatment, and except in severe cases, the shaman is not called. The Koniagas bleed each other by puncturing the arm with a needle, then cutting away the flesh above the needle with a flint or copper tool. Beaver oil is believed to ease their rheumatism.

"The Kadiak people," says Lisiansky, "seem more attached to their dead than to their living." In token of their grief, surviving friends cut the hair, blacken the face with soot, and the ancient custom was to remain in mourning for a year. No work may be done for twenty days, but after the fifth day the mourner may bathe. Immediately after death, the body is arrayed in its best apparel, or wrapped with moss in seal or sea-lion skins, and placed in the kashim, or left in the house in which the person died, where it remains for a time in state. The body, with the arms and implements of the deceased, is then buried. It was not unfrequent in former times to sacrifice a slave upon such an occasion. The grave is covered over with blocks of wood and large stones.[109] A mother, upon the death of a child, retires for a time from the camp; a husband or wife withdraws and joins another tribe.[110]

"The Kadiak people," says Lisiansky, "seem more attached to their dead than to their living." To show their grief, surviving friends cut their hair, blacken their faces with soot, and traditionally, they mourn for a year. No work can be done for twenty days, but after the fifth day, the mourner is allowed to bathe. Right after death, the body is dressed in its best clothes or wrapped in moss and seal or sea-lion skins, and placed in the kashim, or it is left in the house where the person died, where it remains on display for a while. The body, along with the deceased's weapons and tools, is then buried. In the past, it was not uncommon to sacrifice a slave on such occasions. The grave is covered with blocks of wood and large stones.[109] A mother, when a child dies, will withdraw from the camp for a time; a husband or wife will leave and join another tribe.[110]

The character of the Koniagas may be drawn as peaceable, industrious, serviceable to Europeans, adapted to labor and commerce rather than to war and hunting. They are not more superstitious than civilized nations; and their immorality, though to a stranger most rank, is not to them of that socially criminal sort which loves darkness and brings down the avenger. In their own eyes, their abhorrent practices are as sinless as the ordinary, 87 openly conducted avocations of any community are to the members thereof.

The Koniagas can be seen as peaceful, hardworking, helpful to Europeans, and better suited for labor and trade than for fighting and hunting. They aren't any more superstitious than civilized nations; and while their morality may seem shocking to outsiders, it's not considered socially criminal in their eyes, as it doesn't involve secrecy or invite punishment. To them, their frowned-upon practices are as innocent as the everyday activities openly carried out by any community. 87

THE ALEUTS.

THE ALEUTIAN ISLANDERS.

The Aleuts are the inhabitants of the Aleutian Archipelago. The origin of the word is unknown;[111] the original name being Kagataya Koung'ns, or 'men of the east,' indicating an American origin.[112] The nation consists of two tribes speaking different dialects; the Unalaskans, occupying the south-western portion of the Alaskan Peninsula, the Shumagin Islands, and the Fox Islands; and the Atkhas, inhabiting the Andreanovski, Rat, and Near Islands. Migrations and intermixtures with the Russians have, however, nearly obliterated original distinctions.

The Aleuts are the people who live in the Aleutian Archipelago. The origin of the word is unclear; the original name was Kagataya Koung'ns, meaning 'men of the east,' which suggests an American origin. The nation includes two tribes that speak different dialects: the Unalaskans, who live in the southwestern part of the Alaskan Peninsula, the Shumagin Islands, and the Fox Islands; and the Atkhas, who inhabit the Andreanovski, Rat, and Near Islands. However, migrations and intermixing with the Russians have almost erased the original distinctions.

The earliest information concerning the Aleutian Islanders was obtained by Michael Nevodtsikoff, who sailed from Kamchatka in 1745. Other Russian voyagers immediately followed, attracted thither in search of sea-animal skins, which at that time were very plentiful.[113] Tribute was levied upon the islanders by the Russians, and a system of cruelty commenced which soon reduced the natives from ten thousand to but little more than one thousand.

The first information about the Aleutian Islanders came from Michael Nevodtsikoff, who sailed from Kamchatka in 1745. Other Russian explorers quickly followed, drawn there in search of sea animal skins, which were abundant at the time. Tribute was imposed on the islanders by the Russians, and a brutal system began that quickly decreased the native population from ten thousand to just over one thousand.

The Aleuts, to Langsdorff, "appear to be a sort of middle race between the mongrel Tartars and the North 88 Americans." John Ledyard, who visited Unalaska with Captain Cook, saw "two different kinds of people; the one we knew to be the aborigines of America, while we supposed the others to have come from the opposite coasts of Asia."[114] Their features are strongly marked, and those who saw them as they originally existed, were impressed with the intelligent and benevolent expression of their faces.[115] They have an abundance of lank hair, which they cut with flints—the men from the crown, and the women in front.[116] Both sexes undergo the usual face-painting and ornamentations. They extend their nostrils by means of a bow-cylinder. The men wear a bone about the size of a quill in the nose, and the women insert pieces of bone in the under lip.[117] Their legs are bowed, from spending so much of their time in boats; they frequently sitting in them fifteen or twenty hours at a time. Their figure is awkward and uncouth, yet robust, active, capable of carrying heavy burdens and undergoing great fatigue.[118]

The Aleuts, according to Langsdorff, "seem to be a kind of middle race between the mixed Tartars and the North 88 Americans." John Ledyard, who visited Unalaska with Captain Cook, observed "two different types of people; one group we recognized as the native people of America, while we believed the others to have come from the opposite shores of Asia."[114] Their features are distinct, and those who saw them in their original state were struck by the intelligent and kind look on their faces.[115] They have a lot of straight hair, which they cut with flints—the men from the top, and the women in the front.[116] Both men and women engage in the traditional face painting and adornments. They widen their nostrils with a bow-shaped tool. Men wear a bone about the size of a quill in their noses, while women place pieces of bone in their lower lips.[117] Their legs are bowed from spending so much time in boats; they often sit in them for fifteen to twenty hours at a stretch. Their physique is awkward and clumsy, yet strong, agile, able to carry heavy loads and endure great fatigue.[118]

ALEUTIAN HAT AND HABITATION.

Aleutian Hat and Housing.

The hat of the Aleut is the most peculiar part of his dress. It consists of a helmet-shaped crown of wood or leather, with an exceedingly long brim in front, so as 89 to protect the eyes from the sun's reflection upon the water and snow. Upon the apex is a small carving, down the back part hang the beards of sea-lions, while carved strips of bone and paint ornament the whole. This hat also serves as a shield against arrows. The Fox Islanders have caps of bird-skin, on which are left the bright-colored feathers, wings, and tail.[119] As a rule, the men adopt bird-skin clothing, and the women furs, the latter highly ornamented with beads and fringes.[120]

The Aleut's hat is the most unique part of their outfit. It features a helmet-shaped crown made of wood or leather, with an extremely long brim in the front to shield the eyes from the sun's reflection on the water and snow. At the top, there's a small carving, while sea-lion beards hang down the back, and the entire hat is decorated with carved strips of bone and paint. This hat also acts as protection against arrows. The Fox Islanders wear caps made from bird skin, with bright-colored feathers, wings, and tails still attached. Generally, men wear clothing made from bird skin, while women wear fur that is richly decorated with beads and fringes.

The habitations of the Fox Islanders are called Ullaa, and consist of immense holes from one to three hundred feet in length, and from twenty to thirty feet wide. They are covered with poles and earthed over, leaving several openings at the top through which descent is made by ladders. The interior is partitioned by stakes, and three hundred people sometimes occupy one of these places in common. They have no fire-place, since lamps hollowed from flat stones answer every purpose for cooking and light.[121] A boat turned bottom upward is the summer house of the Aleut.[122] 90

The homes of the Fox Islanders are called Ullaa and are large pits that range from one to three hundred feet long and twenty to thirty feet wide. They're covered with poles and dirt, with several openings at the top for entry via ladders. The inside is divided by stakes, and sometimes as many as three hundred people share one of these spaces. They don’t have fireplaces because lamps carved from flat stones work perfectly for cooking and lighting. A boat turned upside down serves as the Aleut's summer house. 90

Raw seal and sea-otter, whale and sea-lion blubber, fish, roots, and berries are staple articles of food among the Aleuts. To procure vegetable food is too much trouble. A dead, half-putrefied whale washed ashore is always the occasion of great rejoicing. From all parts the people congregate upon the shore, lay in their winter supplies, and stuff themselves until not a morsel remains. November is their best hunting-season. Whale-fishing is confined to certain families, and the spirit of the craft descends from father to son. Birds are caught in a net attached to the end of a pole; sea-otter are shot with arrows; spears, bone hooks, and nets are used in fishing.[123] After the advent of the Russians, the natives were not allowed to kill fur-animals without accounting to them therefor.[124]

Raw seal and sea otter, whale and sea lion blubber, fish, roots, and berries are staple foods for the Aleuts. Gathering plant food is too much hassle. When a dead, half-decayed whale washes ashore, it's a big reason to celebrate. People come from all around to stock up on their winter supplies and eat until there's nothing left. November is their peak hunting season. Whale fishing is limited to certain families, and the trade is passed down from father to son. Birds are caught in a net at the end of a pole; sea otters are shot with arrows; they use spears, bone hooks, and nets for fishing.[123] After the Russians arrived, the natives weren't allowed to hunt fur-bearing animals without reporting to them first.[124]

Their weapons are darts with single and double barbs, which they throw from boards; barbed, bone-pointed lances; spears, harpoons, and arrows, with bone or stone points. At their side is carried a sharp stone knife ten or twelve inches long, and for armor they wear a coat of plaited rushes, which covers the whole body.[125] An 91 Aleut bear-trap consists of a board two feet square and two inches thick, planted with barbed spikes, placed in bruin's path and covered with dust. The unsuspecting victim steps firmly upon the smooth surface offered, when his foot sinks into the dust. Maddened with pain, he puts forward another foot to assist in pulling the first away, when that too is caught. Soon all four of the feet are firmly spiked to the board; the beast rolls over on his back, and his career is soon brought to an end.

Their weapons include darts with single and double barbs, which they throw from boards; barbed lances with bone tips; spears, harpoons, and arrows with either bone or stone tips. They also carry a sharp stone knife that’s about ten to twelve inches long, and for protection, they wear a coat made of woven rushes that covers their entire body. [125] An 91 Aleut bear trap consists of a board that's two feet square and two inches thick, fitted with barbed spikes, placed in the bear's path and covered with dust. The unsuspecting animal steps onto the smooth surface, causing its foot to sink into the dust. In a panic, it uses its other foot to pull the first one away, only to get that foot caught as well. Soon, all four feet are firmly spiked to the board; the animal rolls onto its back, and its life is quickly brought to an end.

CUSTOMS OF THE ALEUTS.

ALEUT CULTURE.

Notwithstanding their peaceful character, the occupants of the several islands were almost constantly at war. Blood, the only atonement for offense, must be washed out by blood, and the line of vengeance becomes endless. At the time of discovery, the Unimak Islanders held the supremacy.

Notwithstanding their peaceful nature, the inhabitants of the various islands were almost always at war. Blood, the only way to make amends for an offense, had to be paid for with blood, leading to an endless cycle of revenge. At the time of discovery, the Unimak Islanders were in control.

The fabrications of the Aleuts comprise household utensils of stone, bone, and wood; missiles of war and the chase; mats and baskets of grass and the roots of trees, neat and strong; bird-beak rattles, tambourines or drums, wooden hats and carved figures. From the wing-bone of the sea-gull, the women make their needles; from sinews, they make thread and cord.[126] To obtain glue for mending or manufacturing purposes, they strike the nose until it bleeds.[127] To kindle a fire, they make use of sulphur, in which their volcanic islands abound, and the process is very curious. First they prepare some dry grass to catch the fire; then they take two pieces of quartz, and, holding them over the grass, rub them well with native sulphur. A few feathers are scattered over the grass to catch the particles of sulphur, and, when all is ready, holding the stones over the grass, 92 they strike them together; a flash is produced by the concussion, the sulphur ignites, and the straw blazes up.[128]

The creations of the Aleuts include household tools made from stone, bone, and wood; weapons for hunting and warfare; strong and neatly woven mats and baskets made from grass and tree roots; rattles shaped like bird beaks, tambourines or drums, wooden hats, and carved figures. The women make needles from the wing-bone of sea gulls, and they use sinews to create thread and cord.[126] To make glue for repairs or crafting, they hit the nose until it bleeds.[127] To start a fire, they use sulfur, which is plentiful on their volcanic islands, and the method is quite interesting. First, they prepare some dry grass to catch the flame; then, they take two pieces of quartz, hold them over the grass, and rub them vigorously with native sulfur. A few feathers are sprinkled over the grass to capture the sulfur particles, and when everything is set, they strike the stones together above the grass; a spark from the impact ignites the sulfur, and the dry grass catches fire.[128]

The Aleuts have no marriage ceremony. Every man takes as many women to wife as he can support, or rather as he can get to support him. Presents are made to the relatives of the bride, and when she ceases to possess attractions or value in the eyes of her proprietor, she is sent back to her friends. Wives are exchanged by the men, and rich women are permitted to indulge in two husbands. Male concubinage obtains throughout the Aleutian Islands, but not to the same extent as among the Koniagas.[129] Mothers plunge their crying babies under water in order to quiet them. This remedy performed in winter amid broken ice, is very effectual.[130]

The Aleuts don’t have a marriage ceremony. Each man takes as many wives as he can provide for, or really, as many as he can convince to support him. Gifts are given to the bride’s family, and when she no longer seems attractive or valuable to her husband, she’s returned to her family. Men swap wives, and wealthy women are allowed to have two husbands. Male concubinage is common throughout the Aleutian Islands, but not as widespread as among the Koniagas. Mothers submerge their crying babies underwater to calm them down. This method, done in winter among broken ice, is very effective.

Every island, and, in the larger islands, every village, has its toyon, or chief, who decides differences, is exempt from work, is allowed a servant to row his boat, but in other respects possesses no power. The office is elective.[131]

Every island, and in the bigger islands, every village, has its toyon, or chief, who resolves disputes, doesn’t have to work, has a servant to row his boat, but otherwise has no real power. The position is elected. [131]

The Aleuts are fond of dancing and given to hospitality. The stranger guest, as he approaches the village, is met by dancing men and dancing women, who conduct him to the house of the host, where food is given him. After supper, the dancing, now performed by naked men, continues until all are exhausted, when the hospitalities of 93 the dwelling are placed at the disposal of the guest, and all retire.[132] A religious festival used to be held in December, at which all the women of the village assembled by moonlight, and danced naked with masked faces, the men being excluded under penalty of death. The men and women of a village bathe together, in aboriginal innocency, unconscious of impropriety. They are fond of pantomimic performances; of representing in dances their myths and their legends; of acting out a chase, one assuming the part of hunter, another of a bird or beast trying to escape the snare, now succeeding, now failing—the piece ending in the transformation of a captive bird into a lovely woman, who falls exhausted into the arms of the hunter.

The Aleuts love to dance and are very hospitable. When a stranger arrives at the village, he is welcomed by dancing men and women who take him to the host’s house, where he is offered food. After dinner, the dancing, now performed by men without clothes, continues until everyone is tired, at which point the guest has full access to the host’s home, and everyone retires. 93 A religious festival used to take place in December, where all the women of the village would gather under the moonlight and dance naked with masks on, while the men were forbidden to join under the threat of death. In their natural innocence, the men and women of a village bathe together, unaware of any impropriety. They enjoy pantomime performances, depicting their myths and legends through dance, enacting a chase where one person plays the hunter and another a bird or animal trying to escape, sometimes succeeding and sometimes failing—culminating in the transformation of a captured bird into a beautiful woman, who then collapses into the hunter’s arms.

The dead are clothed and masked, and either placed in the cleft of a rock, or swung in a boat or cradle from a pole in the open air. They seem to guard the body as much as possible from contact with the ground.[133]

The dead are dressed and masked, and either put in a crevice of a rock or hung in a boat or cradle from a pole in the open air. They seem to protect the body as much as possible from touching the ground.[133]

CHARACTER OF THE ALEUTS.

CHARACTER OF THE ALEUTS.

In their nature and disposition, these islanders are sluggish but strong. Their sluggishness gives to their character a gentleness and obsequiousness often remarked by travelers; while their inherent strength, when roused by brutal passions, drives them on to the greatest enormities. They are capable of enduring great fatigue, and, when roused to action by necessity, they will perform an incredible amount of work, suffering the severest cold or heat or hunger with the most stoical calmness. They are very quiet in their demeanor; sometimes sitting in companies within their dens, or on their house-tops 94 gazing at the sea for hours, without speaking a word. It is said that formerly they were much more gay and cheerful, but that an acquaintance with civilization has been productive of the usual misfortune and misery.[134]

In their nature and attitude, these islanders are sluggish but strong. Their sluggishness gives their character a gentleness and submissiveness often noted by travelers, while their innate strength, when pushed by intense emotions, leads them to commit serious acts. They can endure a lot of fatigue, and when motivated by necessity, they can accomplish an incredible amount of work, facing extreme cold, heat, or hunger with remarkable composure. They are quite reserved in their behavior; sometimes sitting together in their homes or on their rooftops, gazing at the sea for hours without saying a word. It’s said that they used to be much more lively and cheerful, but their exposure to civilization has brought about the usual misfortunes and hardships. 94

It does not appear that the Russians were behind the Spaniards in their barbarous treatment of the natives.[135] Notwithstanding their interest lay in preserving life, and holding the natives in a state of serfdom as fishers and hunters, the poor people were soon swept away. Father Innocentius Veniaminoff, a Russian missionary who labored among the islanders long and faithfully, gives them the highest character for probity and propriety. Among other things, he affirms that during a residence of ten years in Unalaska, there did not occur a single fight among the natives. Proselytes were made by the Russians with the same facility as by the Spaniards. Tribute was levied by the Russians upon all the islanders, but, for three years after their conversion, neophytes were exempt; a cheap release from hateful servitude, thought the poor Aleut; and a polity which brought into the folds of the church pagan multitudes.

It doesn’t seem that the Russians were any less brutal than the Spaniards in how they treated the natives.[135] Even though their goal was to preserve life and keep the natives in a state of serfdom as fishers and hunters, the unfortunate people were quickly depleted. Father Innocentius Veniaminoff, a Russian missionary who worked among the islanders for many years, speaks highly of their honesty and propriety. Among other things, he states that during his ten years in Unalaska, there was not a single fight among the natives. The Russians converted people just as easily as the Spaniards did. The Russians collected tribute from all the islanders, but for three years after their conversion, new converts were exempt; this was seen by the poor Aleut as an easy escape from their hated servitude, and it was a strategy that brought large numbers of pagans into the church.

THE THLINKEETS.

THE THLINKEETS.

The Thlinkeets, as they call themselves, or Kolosches, as they are designated by the Russians, inhabit the coast and islands from Mount St Elias to the river Nass. The name Thlinkeet signifies 'man,' or 'human being.' 95 Kolosch,[136] or more properly Kaluga, is the Aleutian word for 'dish,' and was given to this people by Aleutian seal-hunters whom the Russians employed during their first occupation of the Island of the Sitkas. Perceiving a resemblance in the shape of the Thlinkeet lip-ornament, to the wooden vessels of their own country, they applied to this nation the name Kaluga, whence the Kolosches of the Russians.

The Thlinkeets, as they call themselves, or Kolosches, live along the coast and islands from Mount St Elias to the river Nass. The name Thlinkeet means 'man' or 'human being.' 95 Kolosch, [136] or more accurately Kaluga, is the Aleutian word for 'dish,' and was given to this group by Aleutian seal hunters hired by the Russians during their early occupation of Sitka Island. Noticing a similarity between the shape of the Thlinkeet lip ornament and the wooden bowls from their homeland, they called this group Kaluga, which became the Kolosches in Russian.

Holmberg carries their boundaries down to the Columbia River; and Wrangell perceives a likeness, real or imaginary, to the Aztecs.[137] Indeed the differences between the Thlinkeets and the inhabitants of New Caledonia, Washington, and Oregon, are so slight that the whole might without impropriety be called one people. The Thlinkeets have, however, some peculiarities not found elsewhere; they are a nation distinct from the Tinneh upon their eastern border, and I therefore treat of them separately.

Holmberg extends their boundaries all the way to the Columbia River, and Wrangell notices a resemblance, whether real or imagined, to the Aztecs. [137] In fact, the differences between the Thlinkeets and the people of New Caledonia, Washington, and Oregon are so minor that they could easily be considered one people. However, the Thlinkeets have some unique traits not seen anywhere else; they are a distinct nation from the Tinneh to their east, so I will discuss them separately.

The three families of nations already considered, namely, the Eskimos, the Koniagas, and the Aleuts, are all designated by most writers as Eskimos. Some even include the Thlinkeets, notwithstanding their physical and philological differences, which, as well as their traditions, are as broadly marked as those of nations that these same ethnologists separate into distinct families. Nomadic nations, occupying lands by a precarious tenure, with ever-changing boundaries, engaged in perpetual hostilities with conterminous tribes that frequently annihilate or absorb an entire community, so graduate into one another that the dividing line is often with difficulty determined. Thus the Thlinkeets, now almost universally held to be North American Indians proper, and distinct from the Eskimos, possess, perhaps, as many affinities to their neighbors on the north, as to those upon the south and east. The conclusion is obvious. The native races of America, by their geographical position and the climatic 96 influences which govern them, are of necessity to a certain degree similar; while a separation into isolated communities which are acted upon by local causes, results in national or tribal distinctions. Thus the human race in America, like the human race throughout the world, is uniform in its variety, and varied in its unity.

The three families of nations previously mentioned— the Eskimos, the Koniagas, and the Aleuts—are all labeled as Eskimos by most authors. Some even include the Thlinkeets, despite their physical and linguistic differences, which, along with their traditions, are as distinct as those of nations that these same ethnologists classify into separate families. Nomadic groups that occupy land tenuously, with ever-shifting borders, are often in constant conflict with neighboring tribes that can completely wipe out or absorb an entire community, making it difficult to draw clear distinctions between them. Consequently, the Thlinkeets, now generally recognized as true North American Indians and separate from the Eskimos, share perhaps as many connections with their northern neighbors as they do with those to the south and east. The conclusion is clear. The indigenous peoples of America, due to their geographic location and the climatic factors influencing them, are necessarily somewhat similar; however, separation into isolated communities influenced by local causes leads to national or tribal differences. Thus, the human race in America, like the human race across the globe, is uniform in its diversity and diverse in its unity.

The Thlinkeet family, commencing at the north, comprises the Ugalenzes,[138] on the shore of the continent between Mount St Elias and Copper River; the Yakutats, of Bering Bay; the Chilkats, at Lynn Canal; the Hoodnids, at Cross Sound; the Hoodsinoos, of Chatham Strait; and, following down the coast and islands, the Takoos, the Auks, the Kakas, the Sitkas,[139] the Stikines,[140] and the Tungass. The Sitkas on Baranoff Island[141] are the dominant tribe.

The Thlinkeet family, starting from the north, includes the Ugalenzes,[138] located along the coastline between Mount St. Elias and the Copper River; the Yakutats, from Bering Bay; the Chilkats, at Lynn Canal; the Hoodnids, at Cross Sound; the Hoodsinoos, from Chatham Strait; and as we move down the coast and islands, the Takoos, the Auks, the Kakas, the Sitkas,[139] the Stikines,[140] and the Tungass. The Sitkas on Baranoff Island[141] are the main tribe.

Descending from the north into more genial climes, the physical type changes, and the form assumes more graceful proportions. With the expansion of nature and a freer play of physical powers, the mind expands, native character becomes intensified, instinct keener, savage nature more savage, the nobler qualities become more noble; cruelty is more cruel, torture is elevated into an art, stoicism is cultivated,[142] human sacrifice and human slavery begin, and the oppression and degradation of woman is systematized. "If an original American race is accepted," says Holmberg, "the Thlinkeets must be classed with them." They claim to have migrated from the interior of the continent, opposite Queen Charlotte Island.

Descending from the north into warmer climates, the physical appearance changes, and the body takes on more graceful proportions. As nature expands and physical abilities flourish, the mind broadens, native character becomes stronger, instincts sharper, savage behavior more pronounced, and noble qualities become even nobler; cruelty is more brutal, torture becomes an art form, stoicism is practiced, human sacrifice and human slavery begin, and the oppression and degradation of women become systematic. "If we accept an original American race," says Holmberg, "the Thlinkeets must be included among them." They assert that they migrated from the interior of the continent, opposite Queen Charlotte Island.

The Ugalenzes spend their winters at a small bay east 97 from Kadiak, and their summers near the mouth of Copper River, where they take fish in great quantities. Their country also abounds in beaver. The Chilkats make two annual trading excursions into the interior. The Tacully tribes, the Sicannis and Nehannes, with whom the Chilkats exchange European goods for furs, will allow no white man to ascend their streams.

The Ugalenzes spend their winters at a small bay east 97 of Kadiak, and their summers near the Copper River's mouth, where they catch a huge amount of fish. Their land is also full of beavers. The Chilkats make two trading trips into the interior every year. The Tacully tribes, the Sicannis and Nehannes, with whom the Chilkats trade European goods for furs, do not allow any white person to travel up their rivers.

THLINKEET PECULIARITIES.

THLINKEET STRANGE FEATURES.

Naturally, the Thlinkeets are a fine race; the men better formed than the boatmen of the north;[143] the women modest, fair, and handsome;[144] but the latter have gone far out of their way to spoil the handiwork of nature. Not content with daubing the head and body with filthy coloring mixtures; with adorning the neck with copper-wire collars, and the face with grotesque wooden masks; with scarring their limbs and breast with keen-edged instruments; with piercing the nose and ears, and filling the apertures with bones, shells, sticks, pieces of copper, nails, or attaching to them heavy pendants, which drag down the organs and pull the features out of place;[145] 98 they appear to have taxed their inventive powers to the utmost, and with a success unsurpassed by any nation in the world, to produce a model of hideous beauty.

Naturally, the Thlinkeets are a remarkable people; the men are better built than the northern boatmen;[143] the women are modest, fair, and attractive;[144] but they have gone to great lengths to undermine nature's work. They're not satisfied with just covering their heads and bodies in dirty paint; adorning their necks with copper-wire collars, and their faces with strange wooden masks; scarring their limbs and chests with sharp tools; piercing their noses and ears, and filling the holes with bones, shells, sticks, pieces of copper, nails, or hanging heavy ornaments that weigh down their features;[145] 98 it seems they have fully exhausted their creativity, achieving a level of hideous beauty that no other nation can match.

THLINKEET LIP-ORNAMENT.

THLINKEET LIP PIERCING.

This success is achieved in their wooden lip-ornament, the crowning glory of the Thlinkeet matron, described by a multitude of eye-witnesses; and the ceremony of its introduction may be not inappropriately termed, the baptism of the block. At the age of puberty,—some say during infancy or childhood,—in the under lip of all free-born female Thlinkeets,[146] a slit is made parallel with the mouth, and about half an inch below it.[147] If the incision is made during infancy, it is only a small hole, into which a needle of copper, a bone, or a stick is inserted, the size being increased as the child grows. If the baptism is deferred until the period when the maiden merges into womanhood, the operation is necessarily upon a larger scale, and consequently more painful.[148] When 99 the incision is made, a copper wire, or a piece of shell or wood, is introduced, which keeps the wound open and the aperture extended; and by enlarging the object and keeping up a continuous but painful strain, an artificial opening in the face is made of the required dimensions. On attaining the age of maturity, this wire or other incumbrance is removed and a block of wood inserted. This block is oval or elliptical in shape, concaved or hollowed dish-like on the sides, and grooved like the wheel of a pulley on the edge in order to keep it in place.[149] The dimensions of the block are from two to six inches in length, from one to four inches in width, and about half an inch thick round the edge, and highly polished.[150] Old age has little terror in the eyes of a Thlinkeet belle, for larger lip-blocks are introduced as years advance, and each enlargement adds to the lady's social status, if not to her facial charms. When the block is withdrawn, the lip drops down upon the chin like a piece of leather, displaying the teeth, and presenting altogether 100 a ghastly spectacle.[151] This custom is evidently associated in their minds with womanly modesty, for when La Pérouse asked them to remove their block, some refused; those who complied manifesting the same embarrassment shown by a European woman who uncovers her bosom. The Yakutats alone of all the Thlinkeet nation have never adopted this fashion.

This success is represented by their wooden lip ornament, the pride of the Thlinkeet matron, described by many witnesses; and the ceremony of introducing it can fittingly be called the baptism of the block. At puberty—some say during infancy or childhood—a slit is made in the under lip of all free-born female Thlinkeets, about half an inch below the mouth. If the incision is made in infancy, it’s just a small hole, and a copper needle, a bone, or a stick is placed inside, with the size increasing as the child grows. If the baptism is delayed until the girl reaches womanhood, the procedure is done on a larger scale and is therefore more painful. When the incision is made, a copper wire or a piece of shell or wood is inserted, which keeps the wound open and the opening extended. By enlarging the object and maintaining a constant yet painful strain, an artificial opening of the desired size is created in the face. Upon reaching maturity, this wire or other object is removed and a block of wood is inserted. This block is oval or elliptical in shape, concave or hollowed out on the sides, and grooved like a pulley wheel on the edge to keep it in place. The size of the block ranges from two to six inches in length, one to four inches in width, and about half an inch thick around the edge, highly polished. Old age isn't alarming to a Thlinkeet belle since larger lip blocks are added as she ages, and each enlargement raises her social status, if not her facial appeal. When the block is taken out, the lip drops down onto the chin like a piece of leather, revealing the teeth and creating a rather grim appearance. This custom is clearly linked in their minds with womanly modesty, as when La Pérouse asked them to remove their block, some refused; those who complied showed the same embarrassment as a European woman who reveals her chest. The Yakutats alone among the Thlinkeet nation have never adopted this practice.

DRESS OF THE THLINKEETS.

DRESS OF THE THLINKEETS.

Their dress, which is made from wolf, deer, bear, or other skin, extends from the shoulder to the knee, and consists of a mantle, or cape, with sleeves, which reaches down to the waist, and to which the women attach a skirt, or gown, and the men a belt and apron. A white blanket is made from the wool of the wild sheep, embroidered with figures, and fringed with furs, all of native work. This garment is most highly prized by the men. They wear it thrown over the shoulder so as to cover the whole body.

Their clothing, made from wolf, deer, bear, or other hides, extends from the shoulder to the knee and consists of a cloak or cape with sleeves that goes down to the waist. The women add a skirt or dress, while the men wear a belt and apron. A white blanket, crafted from the wool of wild sheep, is embroidered with designs and trimmed with furs, all made by locals. This piece is especially valued by the men. They drape it over their shoulders to cover their entire bodies.

Vancouver thus describes the dress of a chief at Lynn Canal. His "external robe was a very fine large garment, 101 that reached from his neck down to his heels, made of wool from the mountain sheep, neatly variegated with several colors, and edged and otherwise decorated with little tufts or frogs of woolen yarn, dyed of various colors. His head-dress was made of wood, much resembling in its shape a crown, adorned with bright copper and brass plates, from whence hung a number of tails or streamers, composed of wool and fur, wrought together, dyed of various colors, and each terminating in a whole ermine skin. The whole exhibited a magnificent appearance, and indicated a taste for dress and ornament that we had not supposed the natives of these regions to possess."

Vancouver describes the outfit of a chief at Lynn Canal. His "outer robe was a very fine large garment, 101 that reached from his neck to his heels, made of wool from mountain sheep, beautifully mixed with several colors, and trimmed and decorated with small tufts or loops of woolen yarn, dyed in various colors. His headpiece was made of wood, resembling a crown, decorated with shiny copper and brass plates, from which hung several tails or streamers made of wool and fur, woven together and dyed in various colors, each ending with a whole ermine skin. Overall, it looked magnificent and showed a sense of style and decoration that we hadn’t expected the natives of this area to have."

The men make a wooden mask, which rests on a neckpiece, very ingeniously carved, and painted in colors, so as to represent the head of some bird or beast or mythological being. This was formerly worn in battle, probably, as La Pérouse suggests, in order to strike terror into the hearts of enemies, but is now used only on festive occasions.[152]

The men create a wooden mask that sits on a neck piece, expertly carved and painted in colors to look like the head of a bird, animal, or mythological creature. It was likely worn in battle to instill fear in their enemies, as La Pérouse suggested, but now it’s only used during celebrations.[152]

A small hat of roots and bark, woven in the shape of a truncated cone, ornamented with painted figures and pictures of animals, is worn by both sexes.[153] Ordinarily, however, the men wear nothing on the head; their thick hair, greased and covered with ochre and birds' down, forming a sufficient covering. The hat is designed especially for rainy weather, as a protection to the elaborately 102 dressed hair.[154] Besides their every-day dress, they have a fantastic costume for tribal holidays.

A small hat made of roots and bark, shaped like a truncated cone and decorated with painted figures and animal images, is worn by both men and women. However, most of the time, men don't wear anything on their heads; their thick hair, greased and covered with ochre and bird feathers, provides enough protection. The hat is specifically meant for rainy weather to protect their elaborately styled hair. Besides their everyday clothing, they also have a stunning costume for tribal celebrations.

For their winter habitations, a little back from the ocean, the Thlinkeets build substantial houses of plank or logs, sometimes of sufficient strength to serve as a fortress. They are six or eight feet in height, the base in the form of a square or parallelogram, the roof of poles placed at an angle of forty-five degrees and covered with bark. The entrance is by a small side door. The fire, which is usually kept burning night and day, occupies the centre of the room; over it is a smoke-hole of unusual size, and round the sides of the room are apartments or dens which are used as store-houses, sweat-houses, and private family rooms. The main room is very public and very filthy.[155] Summer huts are light portable buildings, thrown up during hunting excursions in the interior, or on the sea-beach in the fishing-season. A frame is made of stakes driven into the ground, supporting a roof, and the whole covered with bark, or with green or dry branches, and skins or bark over all. The door is closed by bark or a curtain of skins. Each hut 103 is the rendezvous for a small colony, frequently covering twenty or thirty persons, all under the direction of one chief.[156]

For their winter homes, just a bit inland from the ocean, the Thlinkeets construct solid houses made of planks or logs, sometimes strong enough to serve as fortresses. They stand six to eight feet tall, with a base shaped like a square or rectangle, and a roof made of poles angled at forty-five degrees and covered with bark. The entrance is through a small side door. The fire, which is typically kept burning day and night, is in the center of the room; above it, there is an unusually large smoke hole, and around the sides of the room are spaces or alcoves used as storage, sweat houses, and private family areas. The main room is quite public and very dirty. Summer huts are light, portable structures set up during hunting trips in the interior or on the beach during fishing season. A frame is built from stakes driven into the ground, supporting a roof covered with bark, or with green or dry branches, along with skins or bark on top. The door is covered with bark or a curtain made of skins. Each hut 103 serves as a meeting place for a small group, often accommodating twenty or thirty people, all guided by one chief.

FOOD OF THE THLINKEETS.

THLINKEETS' FOOD.

The food of the Thlinkeets is derived principally from the ocean, and consists of fish, mussels, sea-weeds, and in fact whatever is left upon the beach by the ebbing tide—which at Sitka rises and falls eighteen feet twice a day—or can be caught by artificial means. Holmberg says that all but the Yakutats hate whale as the Jews hate pork. Roots, grasses, berries, and snails are among their summer luxuries. They chew a certain plant as some chew tobacco, mixing with it lime to give it a stronger effect,[157] and drink whale-oil as a European drinks beer. Preferring their food cooked, they put it in a tight wicker basket, pouring in water, and throwing in heated stones, until the food is boiled.[158] For 104 winter, they dry large quantities of herring, roes, and the flesh of animals.

The food of the Thlinkeets mainly comes from the ocean and includes fish, mussels, seaweed, and pretty much anything left on the beach by the receding tide—which at Sitka rises and falls eighteen feet twice a day—or can be caught using various methods. Holmberg notes that everyone except the Yakutats dislikes whale meat as intensely as Jews dislike pork. During summer, they enjoy roots, grasses, berries, and snails as treats. They chew a specific plant like some people chew tobacco, adding lime to enhance its effects, and drink whale oil like Europeans drink beer. They prefer their food cooked, so they place it in a tightly woven basket, add water, and toss in heated stones until the food is boiled. For winter, they dry large amounts of herring, roe, and animal meat.

For catching fish, they stake the rivers, and also use a hook and line; one fisherman casting from his canoe ten or fifteen lines, with bladders for floats. For herring, they fasten to the end of a pole four or five pointed bones, and with this instrument strike into a shoal, spearing a fish on every point. They sometimes make the same instrument in the shape of a rake, and transfix the fish with the teeth. The Sitkas catch halibut with large, wooden, bone-pointed hooks.[159]

For catching fish, they set up nets in the rivers and also use a hook and line; one fisherman casts ten or fifteen lines from his canoe, using bladders as floats. For herring, they attach four or five pointed bones to the end of a pole and use this tool to strike into a school, spearing a fish on each point. They sometimes create a similar tool shaped like a rake to pierce the fish with the teeth. The Sitkas catch halibut using large wooden hooks with bone points.[159]

The arms of the Thlinkeets denote a more warlike people than any we have hitherto encountered. Bows and arrows; hatchets of flint, and of a hard green stone which cuts wood so smoothly that no marks of notches are left; great lances, six or eight varas in length, if Bodega y Quadra may be trusted, hardened in the fire or pointed with copper, or later with iron; a large, broad, double-ended dagger, or knife,—are their principal weapons. The knife is their chief implement and constant companion. The handle is nearer one end than the other, so that it has a long blade and a short blade, the latter being one quarter the length of the former. The handle is covered with leather, and a strap fastens it to the hand when fighting. Both blades have leathern sheaths, one of which is suspended from the neck by a strap.[160] 105

The weapons of the Thlinkeets indicate a more aggressive people than any we've encountered so far. They use bows and arrows, flint and hard green stone hatchets that cut wood so smoothly there are no notches left, and long lances, six to eight varas in length, if Bodega y Quadra is to be believed, which are hardened in fire or tipped with copper, and later with iron. Their main weapons include a large, broad, double-ended dagger or knife. The knife is their primary tool and constant companion. The handle is closer to one end than the other, giving it both a long blade and a short blade, the short blade being about a quarter of the length of the long one. The handle is wrapped in leather, and a strap secures it to the hand during combat. Both blades come with leather sheaths, one of which hangs from the neck by a strap.[160] 105

THE THLINKEETS IN WAR.

THE THLINKEETS AT WAR.

They also encase almost the entire body in a wooden and leathern armor. Their helmets have curiously carved vizors, with grotesque representations of beings natural or supernatural, which, when brilliantly or dismally painted, and presented with proper yells, and brandishings of their ever-glittering knives, are supposed to strike terror into the heart of their enemies. They make a breast-plate of wood, and an arrow-proof coat of thin flexible strips, bound with strings like a woman's stays.[161]

They also cover almost their entire body in wooden and leather armor. Their helmets have uniquely carved visors, featuring grotesque images of natural or supernatural beings, which, when vividly or darkly painted and accompanied by loud shouts and the waving of their shiny knives, are meant to instill fear in their enemies. They create a wooden breastplate and a coat that can withstand arrows, made from thin, flexible strips bound together like a woman's corset. [161]

When a Thlinkeet arms for war, he paints his face and powders his hair a brilliant red. He then ornaments his head with white eagle-feathers, a token of stern, vindictive determination. During war they pitch their camp in strong positions, and place the women on guard. Trial by combat is frequently resorted to, not only to determine private disputes, but to settle quarrels between petty tribes. In the latter case, each side chooses a champion, the warriors place themselves in 106 battle array, the combatants armed with their favorite weapon, the dagger, and well armored, step forth and engage in fight; while the people on either side engage in song and dance during the combat. Wrangell and Laplace assert that brave warriors killed in battle are devoured by the conquerors, in the belief that the bravery of the victim thereby enters into the nature of the partaker.[162]

When a Thlinkeet gets ready for war, he paints his face and powders his hair a bright red. He then decorates his head with white eagle feathers, symbolizing fierce, revengeful determination. During battles, they set up camp in strong positions, with the women on guard duty. They often settle disputes through combat, not just for personal disagreements but also for conflicts between small tribes. In those cases, each side selects a champion, the warriors line up in battle formation, and the fighters, armed with their favorite weapon, the dagger, step forward and engage in combat; meanwhile, the people on both sides join in singing and dancing during the fight. Wrangell and Laplace claim that brave warriors who are killed in battle are eaten by the victors, believing that the bravery of the fallen becomes part of those who consume them.106

Coming from the north, the Thlinkeets are the first people of the coast who use wooden boats. They are made from a single trunk; the smaller ones about fifteen feet long, to carry from ten to twelve persons; and the larger ones, or war canoes, from fifty to seventy feet long; these will carry forty or fifty persons. They have from two and a half to three feet beam; are sharp fore and aft, and have the bow and stern raised, the former rather more than the latter. Being very light and well modeled, they can be handled with ease and celerity. Their paddles are about four feet in length, with crutch-like handles and wide, shovel-shaped blades. Boats as well as paddles are ornamented with painted figures, and the family coat-of-arms. Bodega y Quadra, in contradiction to all other authorities, describes these canoes as being built in three parts; with one hollowed piece, which forms the bottom and reaches well up the sides, and with two side planks. Having hollowed the trunk of a tree to the required depth, the Thlinkeet builders fill it with water, which they heat with hot stones to soften the wood, and in this state bend it to the desired shape. When they land, they draw their boats up on the beach, out of reach of the tide, and take great care in preserving them.[163] 107

Coming from the north, the Thlinkeets are the first people on the coast to use wooden boats. They're made from a single trunk; the smaller ones are about fifteen feet long and can carry ten to twelve people, while the larger ones, or war canoes, range from fifty to seventy feet long and can hold forty or fifty people. They have beams that are two and a half to three feet wide, are pointed at both ends, and have bow and stern that are elevated, with the bow being slightly higher. Being very lightweight and well-shaped, they are easy to maneuver quickly. Their paddles are about four feet long, with crutch-like handles and wide, shovel-shaped blades. Both the boats and paddles are decorated with painted designs and the family crest. Contrary to what all other sources say, Bodega y Quadra describes these canoes as being made in three parts: a hollowed piece that forms the bottom and extends well up the sides, along with two side planks. After hollowing out a tree trunk to the necessary depth, Thlinkeet builders fill it with water, heat it with hot stones to soften the wood, and then bend it into the desired shape. When they land, they pull their boats up onto the beach, away from the tide, and take great care to keep them in good condition.[163] 107

INDUSTRIES OF THE THLINKEETS.

INDUSTRIES OF THE THLINKEETS.

The Thlinkeets manifest no less ingenuity in the manufacture of domestic and other implements than in their arms. Rope they make from sea-weed, water-tight baskets and mats from withes and grass; and pipes, bowls, and figures from a dark clay. They excel in the working of stone and copper, making necklaces, bracelets, and rings; they can also forge iron. They spin thread, use the needle, and make blankets from the white native wool. They exhibit considerable skill in carving and painting, ornamenting the fronts of their houses with heraldic symbols, and allegorical and historical figures; while in front of the principal dwellings, and on their canoes, are carved parts representing the human face, the heads of crows, eagles, sea-lions, and bears.[164] La Pérouse asserts that, except in agriculture, which was not entirely unknown to them, the Thlinkeets were farther advanced in industry than the South Sea Islanders.

The Thlinkeets show just as much creativity in making household items and tools as they do in their weapons. They create rope from seaweed, waterproof baskets and mats from twigs and grass, and they craft pipes, bowls, and figures from dark clay. They are skilled at working with stone and copper to make necklaces, bracelets, and rings, and they can also forge iron. They spin thread, sew with needles, and make blankets from the native white wool. They demonstrate a lot of skill in carving and painting, decorating the fronts of their houses with symbols and artistic representations; in front of their main homes and on their canoes, you'll find carved parts that depict human faces, and the heads of crows, eagles, sea lions, and bears.[164] La Pérouse claims that, aside from agriculture, which they were somewhat familiar with, the Thlinkeets were more advanced in industry than the South Sea Islanders.

Trade is carried on between Europeans and the interior Indians, in which no little skill is manifested. 108 Every article which they purchase undergoes the closest scrutiny, and every slight defect, which they are sure to discover, sends down the price. In their commercial intercourse they exhibit the utmost decorum, and conduct their negotiations with the most becoming dignity. Nevertheless, for iron and beads they willingly part with anything in their possession, even their children. In the voyage of Bodega y Quadra, several young Thlinkeets thus became the property of the Spaniards, as the author piously remarks, for purposes of conversion. Sea-otter skins circulate in place of money.[165]

Trade happens between Europeans and the native Indians, showcasing a good amount of skill. 108 Every item they buy is carefully examined, and any minor flaw, which they are sure to find, lowers the price. In their business dealings, they display great decorum and conduct their negotiations with impressive dignity. However, for iron and beads, they are willing to exchange anything they have, even their children. During the voyage of Bodega y Quadra, several young Thlinkeets became the property of the Spaniards, as the author thoughtfully points out, for the purpose of conversion. Sea-otter skins are used as currency. [165]

The office of chief is elective, and the extent of power wielded depends upon the ability of the ruler. In some this authority is nominal; others become great despots.[166] Slavery was practiced to a considerable extent; and not only all prisoners of war were slaves, but a regular slave-trade was carried on with the south. When first known to the Russians, according to Holmberg, most of their slaves were Flatheads from Oregon. Slaves are not allowed to hold property or to marry, and when old and worthless they are killed. Kotzebue says that a rich man "purchases male and female slaves, who must labor and fish for him, and strengthen his force when he is engaged in warfare. The slaves are prisoners of war, and their descendants; the master's power over them is unlimited, and he even puts them to death without scruple. When the master dies, two slaves are murdered on his grave that he may not want attendance in the other world; these are chosen long before the event 109 occurs, but meet the destiny that awaits them very philosophically." Simpson estimates the slaves to be one third of the entire population. Interior tribes enslave their prisoners of war, but, unlike the coast tribes, they have no hereditary slavery, nor systematic traffic in slaves.

The role of chief is elected, and the amount of power they have depends on the leader's capability. For some, this authority is just for show; for others, it leads to brutal dictatorship. Slavery was quite widespread; not only were all prisoners of war enslaved, but there was also an active slave trade with the south. When the Russians first encountered this practice, according to Holmberg, most of the slaves were Flatheads from Oregon. Slaves aren't allowed to own property or get married, and when they grow old and useless, they are killed. Kotzebue notes that a wealthy individual "buys male and female slaves, who must work and fish for him, and bolster his forces when he goes to war. The slaves are prisoners of war and their descendants; the master's control over them is total, allowing him to kill them at will. When the master dies, two slaves are killed at his grave so he doesn't have to be alone in the afterlife; these slaves are chosen long before the actual death but accept their fate with surprising calm." Simpson estimates that slaves make up one third of the total population. Inland tribes enslave their prisoners of war, but unlike coastal tribes, they don’t have hereditary slavery or organized slave trading.

CASTE AND CLANSHIP.

Caste and Clan.

With the superior activity and intelligence of the Thlinkeets, social castes begin to appear. Besides an hereditary nobility, from which class all chiefs are chosen, the whole nation is separated into two great divisions or clans, one of which is called the Wolf, and the other the Raven. Upon their houses, boats, robes, shields, and wherever else they can find a place for it, they paint or carve their crest, an heraldic device of the beast or the bird designating the clan to which the owner belongs. The Raven trunk is again divided into sub-clans, called the Frog, the Goose, the Sea-Lion, the Owl, and the Salmon. The Wolf family comprises the Bear, Eagle, Dolphin, Shark, and Alca. In this clanship some singular social features present themselves. People are at once thrust widely apart, and yet drawn together. Tribes of the same clan may not war on each other, but at the same time members of the same clan may not marry with each other. Thus the young Wolf warrior must seek his mate among the Ravens, and, while celebrating his nuptials one day, he may be called upon the next to fight his father-in-law over some hereditary feud. Obviously this singular social fancy tends greatly to keep the various tribes of the nation at peace.[167]

With the advanced skills and intelligence of the Thlinkeets, social classes start to emerge. In addition to an inherited nobility, from which all chiefs are selected, the entire nation is divided into two main divisions or clans, known as the Wolf and the Raven. They paint or carve their clan's crest—an emblem featuring the animal or bird representing their clan—on their houses, boats, robes, shields, and anywhere else they can. The Raven clan is further subdivided into sub-clans called the Frog, the Goose, the Sea-Lion, the Owl, and the Salmon. The Wolf family includes the Bear, Eagle, Dolphin, Shark, and Alca. Within this clan system, some unique social features arise. People are simultaneously pushed apart and brought together. Tribes within the same clan cannot fight each other, but at the same time, members of the same clan cannot marry each other. So, a young Wolf warrior must find his partner among the Ravens, and while he might celebrate his wedding one day, he could be called to battle his father-in-law the next over some ancestral dispute. Clearly, this unique social structure plays a significant role in maintaining peace among the various tribes of the nation.[167]

Although the Thlinkeet women impose upon themselves the most painful and rigorous social laws, there are few savage nations in which the sex have greater influence or command greater respect. Whether it be the superiority of their intellects, their success in rendering their hideous charms available, or the cruel penances 110 imposed upon womanhood, the truth is that not only old men, but old women, are respected. In fact, a remarkably old and ugly crone is accounted almost above nature—a sorceress. One cause of this is that they are much more modest and chaste than their northern sisters.[168] As a rule, a man has but one wife; more, however, being allowable. A chief of the Nass tribe is said to have had forty.

Although the Thlinkeet women follow some of the most painful and strict social rules, there are few tribal societies where women have more influence or command more respect. Whether it's due to their superior intelligence, their ability to make their unattractive features work for them, or the harsh penalties placed on womanhood, the reality is that both older men and women are respected. In fact, an exceptionally old and unattractive woman is seen as almost supernatural—a sorceress. One reason for this is that they tend to be much more modest and chaste than their northern counterparts. As a rule, a man has only one wife, although having more is allowed. A chief of the Nass tribe is said to have had forty.

A young girl arrived at the age of maturity is deemed unclean; and everything she comes in contact with, or looks upon, even the clear sky or pure water, is thereby rendered unpropitious to man. She is therefore thrust from the society of her fellows, and confined in a dark den as a being unfit for the sun to shine upon. There she is kept sometimes for a whole year. Langsdorff suggests that it may be during this period of confinement that the foundation of her influence is laid; that in modest reserve, and meditation, her character is strengthened, and she comes forth cleansed in mind as well as body. This infamous ordeal, coming at a most critical period, and in connection with the baptism of the block, cannot fail to exert a powerful influence upon her character.

A young girl who reaches maturity is considered unclean; everything she touches or gazes at, even the clear sky or pure water, becomes bad for others. As a result, she is pushed out of society and locked away in a dark place, seen as unworthy of the sun's light. Sometimes, she is kept there for a whole year. Langsdorff suggests that it might be during this confinement that the basis of her influence is established; in her modesty and reflection, her character is strengthened, and she emerges cleansed in both mind and body. This terrible ordeal, happening at such a crucial time and alongside the baptism of the block, is bound to have a strong impact on her character.

It is a singular idea that they have of uncleanness. During all this time, according to Holmberg, only the girl's mother approaches her, and that only to place food within her reach. There she lies, wallowing in her filth, scarcely able to move. It is almost incredible that human beings can bring themselves so to distort nature. To this singular custom, as well as to that of the block, female slaves do not conform. After the girl's immurement 111 is over, if her parents are wealthy, her old clothing is destroyed, she is washed and dressed anew, and a grand feast given in honor of the occasion.[169] The natural sufferings of mothers during confinement are also aggravated by custom. At this time they too are considered unclean, and must withdraw into the forest or fields, away from all others, and take care of themselves and their offspring. After the birth of a child, the mother is locked up in a shed for ten days.

They have a unique perspective on dirtiness. Throughout this time, according to Holmberg, only the girl's mother comes near her, and that's just to set food within her reach. There she lies, stuck in her mess, barely able to move. It's almost unbelievable that people can twist nature like this. Female slaves don't adhere to this strange custom or that of the block. After the girl's confinement is over, if her parents have money, they destroy her old clothes, wash her, and dress her in new ones, followed by a big feast to celebrate the occasion. The natural pains mothers experience when giving birth are also made worse by custom. During this time, they're considered unclean as well and must retreat to the forest or fields, away from everyone, to take care of themselves and their babies. After having a child, the mother is shut away in a shed for ten days. 111

A marriage ceremony consists in the assembling of friends and distribution of presents. A newly married pair must fast for two days thereafter, in order to insure domestic felicity. After the expiration of that time they are permitted to partake of a little food, when a second two days' fast is added, after which they are allowed to come together for the first time; but the mysteries of wedlock are not fully unfolded to them until four weeks after marriage.

A wedding ceremony brings together friends and includes giving gifts. The newlyweds have to fast for two days right after, to ensure a happy marriage. After those two days, they can eat a bit, but then they have to fast for another two days. Only then can they be together for the first time; however, the full understanding of marriage isn't revealed to them until four weeks after the wedding.

Very little is said by travelers regarding the bath-houses of the Thlinkeets, but I do not infer that they used them less than their neighbors. In fact, notwithstanding their filth, purgations and purifications are commenced at an early age. As soon as an infant is born, and before it has tasted food, whatever is in the stomach must be squeezed out. Mothers nurse their children from one to two and a half years. When the child is able to leave its cradle, it is bathed in the ocean every day without regard to season, and this custom is kept up by both sexes through life. Those that survive the first year of filth, and the succeeding years of applied ice water and exposure, are very justly held to be well toughened.

Very little is mentioned by travelers about the bathhouses of the Thlinkeets, but I don’t think they used them any less than their neighbors did. In fact, despite their messiness, cleansing and purifying rituals start at a young age. As soon as a baby is born, and before it has eaten anything, everything in its stomach must be squeezed out. Mothers breastfeed their children for one to two and a half years. When the child can get out of its crib, it is bathed in the ocean every day, regardless of the season, and this practice continues for both genders throughout life. Those who make it past the first year of dirtiness, and the following years of cold water and exposure, are rightly considered to be very resilient.

The Thlinkeet child is frequently given two names, one from the father's side and one from the mother's; and when a son becomes more famous than his father, the 112 latter drops his own name, and is known only as the father of his son. Their habits of life are regular. In summer, at early dawn they put out to sea in their boats, or seek for food upon the beach, returning before noon for their first meal. A second one is taken just before night. The work is not unequally divided between the sexes, and the division is based upon the economical principles of civilized communities. The men rarely conclude a bargain without consulting their wives.

The Thlinkeet child usually gets two names, one from the father's side and one from the mother's. When a son becomes more well-known than his father, the latter drops his own name and is recognized only as his son's father. Their way of life is pretty steady. In summer, they head out to sea in their boats at dawn, or look for food on the beach, returning before noon for their first meal. They have a second meal just before night. The workload is shared fairly between the genders, and this division reflects the economic principles of modern communities. The men hardly ever seal a deal without talking it over with their wives.

Marchand draws a revolting picture of their treatment of infants. The little bodies are so excoriated by fermented filth, and so scarred by their cradle, that they carry the marks to the grave. No wonder that when they grow up they are insensible to pain. Nor are the mothers especially given to personal cleanliness and decorum.[170]

Marchand paints a disturbing picture of how they treat infants. The tiny bodies are so damaged by rotten filth and so marked by their cribs that they bear the scars into adulthood. It's no surprise that when they grow up, they become numb to pain. Moreover, the mothers are not particularly inclined toward personal hygiene and propriety.[170]

Music, as well as the arts, is cultivated by the Thlinkeets, and, if we may believe Marchand, ranks with them as a social institution. "At fixed times," he says, "evening and morning, they sing in chorus, every one takes part in the concert, and from the pensive air which they assume while singing, one would imagine that the song has some deep interest for them." The men do the dancing, while the women, who are rather given to fatness and flaccidity, accompany them with song and tambourine.[171]

Music, along with the arts, is nurtured by the Thlinkeets, and, according to Marchand, is considered a social institution. "At set times," he says, "in the evening and morning, they sing together; everyone joins in the concert, and from the thoughtful expressions they wear while singing, you would think the song holds some profound meaning for them." The men do the dancing, while the women, who tend to be a bit overweight and soft, accompany them with singing and tambourine.

Their principal gambling game is played with thirty small sticks, of various colors, and called by divers names, as the crab, the whale, and the duck. The player shuffles together all the sticks, then counting out seven, he hides them under a bunch of moss, keeping 113 the remainder covered at the same time. The game is to guess in which pile is the whale, and the crab, and the duck. During the progress of the game, they present a perfect picture of melancholic stoicism.[172]

Their main gambling game uses thirty small sticks of different colors, known by various names like the crab, the whale, and the duck. The player mixes all the sticks and then counts out seven, hiding them under a tuft of moss, while keeping the rest covered. The objective is to guess which pile contains the whale, the crab, and the duck. Throughout the game, they display an image of sad stoicism.

The Thlinkeets burn their dead. An exception is made when the deceased is a shamán or a slave; the body of the former is preserved, after having been wrapped in furs, in a large wooden sarcophagus; and the latter is thrown out into the ocean or anywhere, like a beast. The ashes of the burned Thlinkeet are carefully collected in a box covered with hieroglyphic figures, and placed upon four posts. The head of a warrior killed in battle is cut off before the body is burned, and placed in a box supported by two poles over the box that holds his ashes.[173] Some tribes preserve the bodies of those who die during the winter, until forced to get rid of them by the warmer weather of spring. Their grandest feasts are for the dead. Besides the funeral ceremony, which is the occasion of a festival, they hold an annual 'elevation of the dead,' at which times they erect monuments to the memory of their departed.

The Thlinkeets burn their dead. An exception is made when the deceased is a shaman or a slave; the body of the former is preserved, wrapped in furs, in a large wooden sarcophagus, while the latter is discarded into the ocean or anywhere, like a beast. The ashes of the burned Thlinkeet are carefully collected in a box covered with hieroglyphic designs and placed on four posts. The head of a warrior killed in battle is severed before the body is burned and placed in a box supported by two poles over the box that holds his ashes. Some tribes preserve the bodies of those who die during the winter until they have to dispose of them when spring arrives. Their biggest feasts are for the dead. In addition to the funeral ceremony, which is celebrated with a festival, they hold an annual 'elevation of the dead,' during which they erect monuments in memory of their departed.

The shamáns possess some knowledge of the medicinal properties of herbs, but the healing of the body does not constitute so important a part of their vocation as do their dealings with supernatural powers.

The shamans have some understanding of the healing properties of herbs, but healing the body isn't as central to their role as their interactions with supernatural forces.

THLINKEET CHARACTER.

THLINKEET PROFILE.

To sum up the character of the Thlinkeets, they may be called bold, brave, shrewd, intelligent, industrious, lovers 114 of art and music, respectful to women and the aged; yet extremely cruel, scalping and maiming their prisoners out of pure wantonness, thievish, lying, and inveterate gamblers. In short they possess most of the virtues and vices incident to savagism.

To sum up the character of the Thlinkeets, they can be described as bold, brave, shrewd, intelligent, hardworking, and passionate about art and music. They show respect to women and the elderly; however, they can also be extremely cruel, scalping and mutilating their prisoners out of pure malice, dishonest, and compulsive gamblers. In short, they exhibit many of the strengths and weaknesses associated with savagery. 114

THE TINNEH.

THE TINNEH.

The Tinneh, the fifth and last division of our Hyperborean group, occupy the 'Great Lone Land,' between Hudson Bay and the conterminous nations already described; a land greater than the whole of the United States, and more 'lone,' excepting absolute deserts, than any part of America. White men there are scarcely any; wild men and wild beasts there are few; few dense forests, and little vegetation, although the grassy savannahs sustain droves of deer, buffalo, and other animals. The Tinneh are, next to the Eskimos, the most northern people of the continent. They inhabit the unexplored regions of Central Alaska, and thence extend eastward, their area widening towards the south to the shores of Hudson Bay. Within their domain, from the north-west to the south-east, may be drawn a straight line measuring over four thousand miles in length.

The Tinneh, the fifth and final division of our Hyperborean group, inhabit the 'Great Lone Land,' located between Hudson Bay and the neighboring nations we've already described; a land larger than the entire United States and more 'lonely,' aside from true deserts, than any part of America. There are hardly any white people there; wild humans and wild animals are few; there are few dense forests and minimal vegetation, although the grassy savannas support herds of deer, buffalo, and other animals. The Tinneh are, after the Eskimos, the most northern people on the continent. They live in the unexplored areas of Central Alaska and extend eastward, with their territory widening towards the south to the shores of Hudson Bay. In their region, a straight line can be drawn from the northwest to the southeast measuring over four thousand miles in length.

The Tinneh,[174] may be divided into four great families of nations; namely, the Chepewyans, or Athabascas, living between Hudson Bay and the Rocky Mountains; the Tacullies, or Carriers, of New Caledonia or North-western British America; the Kutchins, occupying both banks of the upper Yukon and its tributaries, from near its mouth to the Mackenzie River; and the Kenai, inhabiting the interior from the lower Yukon to Copper River.

The Tinneh,[174] can be divided into four major groups of nations: the Chepewyans, or Athabascas, who live between Hudson Bay and the Rocky Mountains; the Tacullies, or Carriers, from New Caledonia or Northwestern British America; the Kutchins, who occupy both sides of the upper Yukon and its tributaries, from near its mouth to the Mackenzie River; and the Kenai, who inhabit the area from the lower Yukon to Copper River.

The Chepewyan family is composed of the Northern Indians, so called by the fur-hunters at Fort Churchill as lying along the shores of Hudson Bay, directly to their north; the Copper Indians, on Coppermine River; the Horn Mountain and Beaver Indians, farther to the west; the Strong-bows, Dog-ribs, Hares, Red-knives, Sheep, 115 Sarsis, Brush-wood, Nagailer, and Rocky-Mountain Indians, of the Mackenzie River and Rocky Mountains.[175]

The Chepewyan family includes the Northern Indians, named by the fur traders at Fort Churchill because they live along the shores of Hudson Bay, directly to the north; the Copper Indians, found by the Coppermine River; the Horn Mountain and Beaver Indians, further west; the Strong-bows, Dog-ribs, Hares, Red-knives, Sheep, Sarsis, Brush-wood, Nagailer, and Rocky-Mountain Indians, from the Mackenzie River and Rocky Mountains. 115

The Tacully[176] nation is divided into a multitude of petty tribes, to which different travelers give different names according to fancy. Among them the most important are the Talkotins and Chilkotins, Nateotetains and Sicannis, of the upper branches of Fraser River and vicinity. It is sufficient for our purpose, however, to treat them as one nation.

The Tacully[176] nation is divided into many small tribes, which different travelers refer to by various names based on their preferences. The most important among these are the Talkotins and Chilkotins, Nateotetains and Sicannis, from the upper branches of the Fraser River and surrounding areas. For our purposes, though, it's enough to consider them as a single nation.

The Kutchins,[177] a large and powerful nation, are composed of the following tribes. Commencing at the Mackenzie River, near its mouth, and extending westward across the mountains to and down the Yukon; the Loucheux or Quarrellers, of the Mackenzie River; the Vanta Kutchin, Natche Kutchin, and Yukuth Kutchin, of Porcupine River and neighborhood; the Tutchone Kutchin, Han Kutchin, Kutcha Kutchin, Gens de Bouleau, Gens de Milieu, Tenan Kutchin, Nuclukayettes, and Newicarguts, of the Yukon River. Their strip of territory is from one hundred to one hundred and fifty miles in width, lying immediately south of the Eskimos, and extending westward from the Mackenzie River about eight hundred miles.[178] 116

The Kutchins,[177] a large and powerful nation, consist of the following tribes. Starting at the mouth of the Mackenzie River and stretching westward across the mountains to the Yukon, there are the Loucheux, or Quarrellers, from the Mackenzie River; the Vanta Kutchin, Natche Kutchin, and Yukuth Kutchin from the Porcupine River area; and the Tutchone Kutchin, Han Kutchin, Kutcha Kutchin, Gens de Bouleau, Gens de Milieu, Tenan Kutchin, Nuclukayettes, and Newicarguts from the Yukon River. Their territory spans from one hundred to one hundred and fifty miles wide, situated right south of the Eskimos and extending about eight hundred miles west from the Mackenzie River.[178] 116

The Kenai[179] nation includes the Ingaliks, of the Lower Yukon; the Koltchanes, of the Kuskoquim River; and to the south-eastward, the Kenais, of the Kenai Peninsula, and the Atnas, of Copper River.[180]

The Kenai[179] nation includes the Ingaliks from the Lower Yukon, the Koltchanes from the Kuskoquim River, and to the southeast, the Kenais from the Kenai Peninsula and the Atnas from the Copper River.[180]

Thus we see that the Tinneh are essentially an inland people, barred out from the frozen ocean by a thin strip of Eskimo land, and barely touching the Pacific at Cook Inlet. Philologists, however, find dialectic resemblances, imaginary or real, between them and the Umpquas[181] and Apaches.[182]

Thus we see that the Tinneh are primarily an inland people, separated from the frozen ocean by a narrow strip of Eskimo land, and only slightly connected to the Pacific at Cook Inlet. Linguists, however, discover dialect similarities, whether real or imagined, between them and the Umpquas[181] and Apaches.[182]

THE CHEPEWYANS.

THE CHIPEWYANS.

The name Chepewyan signifies 'pointed coat,' and derives its origin from the parka, coat, or outer garment, so universally common throughout this region. It is made of several skins differently dressed and ornamented in different localities, but always cut with the skirt pointed before and behind. The Chepewyans believe that their ancestors migrated from the east, and therefore those of them who are born nearest their eastern boundary, are held in the greatest estimation. The Dog-ribs alone refer their origin to the west.

The name Chepewyan means 'pointed coat' and comes from the parka, coat, or outer garment, which is very common in this area. It’s made from several animal skins, each dyed and decorated differently depending on the location, but it's always designed with the skirt pointed at both the front and back. The Chepewyans believe their ancestors moved here from the east, so those born closest to their eastern border are greatly respected. The Dog-ribs, on the other hand, trace their origins to the west.

The Chepewyans are physically characterized by a long full face,[183] tall slim figure;[184] in complexion they are darker than coast tribes,[185] and have small piercing black eyes,[186] 117 flowing hair,[187] and tattooed cheeks and forehead.[188] Altogether they are pronounced an inferior race.[189] Into the composition of their garments enter beaver, moose, and deer-skin, dressed with and without the hair, sewed with sinews and ornamented with claws, horns, teeth, and feathers.[190]

The Chepewyans are physically described as having long, full faces, a tall, slim build; in terms of skin color, they are darker than coastal tribes, and they have small, piercing black eyes, flowing hair, and tattooed cheeks and foreheads. Altogether, they are considered an inferior race. Their clothing is made from beaver, moose, and deer skins, both with and without the hair, stitched with sinews and decorated with claws, horns, teeth, and feathers.

THE NORTHERN INDIANS.

THE NORTHERN INDIANS.

The Northern Indian man is master of his household.[191] He marries without ceremony, and divorces his wife at his pleasure.[192] A man of forty buys or fights for a spouse of twelve,[193] and when tired of her whips her and sends her away. Girls on arriving at the age of womanhood 118 must retire from the village and live for a time apart.[194] The Chepewyans inhabit huts of brush and portable skin tents. They derive their origin from a dog. At one time they were so strongly imbued with respect for their canine ancestry that they entirely ceased to employ dogs in drawing their sledges, greatly to the hardship of the women upon whom this laborious task fell.

The Northern Indian man is the head of his household.[191] He marries casually and can divorce his wife whenever he wants.[192] A man in his forties might marry or take a girl as young as twelve,[193] and when he gets bored with her, he might hit her and send her away. Once girls reach womanhood, they have to leave the village and stay apart for a while.[194] The Chepewyans live in huts made of brush and portable skin tents. They believe they descended from dogs. At one point, they respected their dog ancestors so much that they stopped using dogs to pull their sleds, which made things very difficult for the women who had to take on this heavy work.

Their food consists mostly of fish and reindeer, the latter being easily taken in snares. Much of their land is barren, but with sufficient vegetation to support numerous herds of reindeer, and fish abound in their lakes and streams. Their hunting grounds are held by clans, and descend by inheritance from one generation to another, which has a salutary effect upon the preservation of game. Indian law requires the successful hunter to share the spoils of the chase with all present. When game is abundant, their tent-fires never die, but are surrounded during all hours of the day and night by young and old cooking their food.[195]

Their diet mainly consists of fish and reindeer, with the latter easily caught in traps. Much of their land is barren, but there's enough vegetation to support many reindeer herds, and fish are plentiful in their lakes and streams. Their hunting areas are managed by clans and passed down through generations, which helps preserve wildlife. Native law requires hunters to share their catch with everyone present. When game is plentiful, their fires never go out, as people of all ages gather around them day and night to cook their meals.[195]

Superabundance of food, merchandise, or anything which they wish to preserve without the trouble of carrying it about with them while on hunting or foraging expeditions, is cached, as they term it; from the French, cacher, to conceal. Canadian fur-hunters often resorted to this artifice, but the practice was common among the natives before the advent of Europeans. A sudden necessity often arises in Indian countries for the traveler 119 to relieve himself from burdens. This is done by digging a hole in the earth and depositing the load therein, so artfully covering it as to escape detection by the wily savages. Goods may be cached in a cave, or in the branches of a tree, or in the hollow of a log. The camp-fire is frequently built over the spot where stores have been deposited, in order that the disturbance of the surface may not be detected.

Superabundance of food, goods, or anything they want to store without the hassle of carrying it while hunting or foraging is cached, as they call it; derived from the French, cacher, meaning to hide. Canadian fur traders often used this tactic, but it was common among the natives long before Europeans arrived. There's often an urgent need in Native territories for travelers to lighten their loads. This is done by digging a hole in the ground and placing the items inside, covering it carefully so it can't be found by the clever locals. Items can be cached in a cave, high in the branches of a tree, or in a hollow log. The campfire is often lit over the spot where supplies have been hidden, so the disturbance of the ground remains unnoticed.

Their weapons[196] and their utensils[197] are of the most primitive kind—stone and bone being used in place of metal.

Their weapons[196] and their tools[197] are of the most basic kind—stone and bone are used instead of metal.

Their dances, which are always performed in the night, are not original, but are borrowed from the Southern and Dog-rib Indians. They consist in raising the feet alternately in quick succession, as high as possible without moving the body, to the sound of a drum or rattle.[198]

Their dances, which always take place at night, aren't original but are borrowed from the Southern and Dog-rib Indians. They involve raising the feet alternately in quick succession as high as possible without moving the body, to the sound of a drum or rattle.[198]

They never bury their dead, but leave the bodies where they fall, to be devoured by the birds and beasts of prey.[199] Their religion consists chiefly in songs and speeches to these birds and beasts and to imaginary beings, 120 for assistance in performing cures of the sick.[200] Old age is treated with disrespect and neglect, one half of both sexes dying before their time for want of care. The Northern Indians are frequently at war with the Eskimos and Southern Indians, for whom they at all times entertain the most inveterate hatred. The Copper Indians, bordering on the southern boundary of the Eskimos at the Coppermine River, were originally the occupants of the territory south of Great Slave Lake.

They never bury their dead but leave the bodies where they fall to be eaten by the birds and wild animals. Their religion mainly revolves around songs and speeches directed at these birds, animals, and imaginary beings for help in healing the sick. Old age is treated with disrespect and neglect, resulting in half of both men and women dying prematurely due to lack of care. The Northern Indians often fight with the Eskimos and Southern Indians, whom they constantly hate. The Copper Indians, living near the southern edge of the Eskimos at the Coppermine River, were originally from the area south of Great Slave Lake.

The Dog-ribs, or Slavés as they are called by neighboring nations, are indolent, fond of amusement, but mild and hospitable. They are so debased, as savages, that the men do the laborious work, while the women employ themselves in household affairs and ornamental needlework. Young married men have been known to exhibit specimens of their wives' needle-work with pride. From their further advancement in civilization, and the tradition which they hold of having migrated from the westward, were it not that their language differs from that of contiguous tribes only in accent, they might naturally be considered of different origin. Bands of Dog-ribs meeting after a long absence greet each other with a dance, which frequently continues for two or three days. First clearing a spot of ground, they take an arrow in the right hand and a bow in the left, and turning their backs each band to the other, they approach dancing, and when close together they feign to perceive each other's presence for the first time; the bow and arrow are instantly transferred from one hand to the other, in token of their non-intention to use them against friends. They are very improvident, and frequently are driven to cannibalism and suicide.[201] 121

The Dog-ribs, or Slavés as neighboring nations call them, are laid-back and enjoy having fun, but they are also gentle and welcoming. They are so degraded, as savages, that the men do all the heavy work while the women take care of the home and do decorative sewing. Young married men are known to proudly showcase their wives' handiwork. Considering their further progress in civilization and their tradition of having migrated from the west, one might think they come from a different origin, except their language only differs from nearby tribes in accent. Bands of Dog-ribs that meet after a long time apart greet each other with a dance that can last for two or three days. They start by clearing a space, take an arrow in their right hand and a bow in their left, and turn their backs to each other. As they dance closer, they pretend to notice each other for the first time; they quickly switch the bow and arrow from one hand to the other to show they have no intention of using them against friends. They are very careless and often resort to cannibalism and suicide. [201] 121

HARES, DOG-RIBS, AND TACULLIES.

Hares, dog ribs, and tacullies.

The Hare Indians, who speak a dialect of the Tinneh scarcely to be distinguished from that of the Dog-ribs, are looked upon by their neighbors as great conjurers. The Hare and Sheep Indians look upon their women as inferior beings. From childhood they are inured to every description of drudgery, and though not treated with special cruelty, they are placed at the lowest point in the scale of humanity. The characteristic stoicism of the red race is not manifested by these tribes. Socialism is practiced to a considerable extent. The hunter is allowed only the tongue and ribs of the animal he kills, the remainder being divided among the members of the tribe.

The Hare Indians, who speak a dialect of the Tinneh that's hardly different from that of the Dog-ribs, are viewed by their neighbors as skilled conjurers. The Hare and Sheep Indians see their women as inferior. From a young age, the women are trained to do all kinds of hard work, and although they aren't treated with extreme cruelty, they are considered to be at the lowest level of society. The typical stoicism found in Indigenous cultures isn't shown by these tribes. A form of socialism is widely practiced. The hunter is allowed only the tongue and ribs of the animal he hunts, while the rest is shared among the tribe members.

The Hares and Dog-ribs do not cut the finger-nails of female children until four years of age, in order that they may not prove lazy; the infant is not allowed food until four days after birth, in order to accustom it to fasting in the next world.

The Hares and Dog-ribs don’t cut the fingernails of female children until they’re four years old, so they don’t become lazy; the baby isn’t given food until four days after birth to get it used to fasting in the next world.

The Sheep Indians are reported as being cannibals. The Red-knives formerly hunted reindeer and musk-oxen at the northern end of Great Bear Lake, but they were finally driven eastward by the Dog-ribs. Laws and government are unknown to the Chepewyans.[202]

The Sheep Indians are said to be cannibals. The Red-knives used to hunt reindeer and musk oxen at the northern end of Great Bear Lake, but they were eventually pushed eastward by the Dog-ribs. The Chepewyans have no knowledge of laws or government.[202]

THE TACULLIES, OR CARRIERS.

The Tacullies, or carriers.

The Tacullies, or, as they were denominated by the fur-traders, 'Carriers,' are the chief tribe of New Caledonia, or North-western British America. They call themselves Tacullies, or 'men who go upon water,' as their travels from one village to another are mostly accomplished in canoes. This, with their sobriquet of 122 'Carriers,' clearly indicates their ruling habitudes. The men are more finely formed than the women, the latter being short, thick, and disproportionately large in their lower limbs. In their persons they are slovenly; in their dispositions, lively and contented. As they are able to procure food[203] with but little labor, they are naturally indolent, but appear to be able and willing to work when occasion requires it. Their relations with white people have been for the most part amicable; they are seldom quarrelsome, though not lacking bravery. The people are called after the name of the village in which they dwell. Their primitive costume consists of hare, musk-rat, badger, and beaver skins, sometimes cut into strips an inch broad, and woven or interlaced. The nose is perforated by both sexes, the men suspending therefrom a brass, copper, or shell ornament, the women a wooden one, tipped with a bead at either end.[204] Their avarice lies in the direction of hiaqua shells, which find their way up from the sea-coast through other tribes. In 1810, these beads were the circulating medium of the country, and twenty of them would buy a good beaver-skin. Their paint is made of vermilion obtained from the traders, or of a pulverized red stone mixed with grease. They are greatly addicted to gambling, and do not appear at all dejected by ill fortune, spending days and nights in the winter season at their games, frequently gambling away every rag of clothing and every trinket in their possession. They also stake parts of a garment or other article, and if losers, cut off a piece of coat-sleeve or a foot of gun-barrel. Native cooking vessels 123 are made of bark, or of the roots or fibres of trees, woven so as to hold water, in which are placed heated stones for the purpose of cooking food.[205] Polygamy is practiced, but not generally. The Tacullies are fond of their wives, performing the most of the household drudgery in order to relieve them, and consequently they are very jealous of them. But to their unmarried daughters, strange as it may seem, they allow every liberty without censure or shame. The reason which they give for this strange custom is, that the purity of their wives is thereby better preserved.[206]

The Tacullies, or as the fur traders called them, 'Carriers,' are the main tribe of New Caledonia, or Northwestern British America. They refer to themselves as Tacullies, meaning 'men who go upon water,' since they usually travel between villages in canoes. This, along with their nickname 'Carriers,' highlights their main activities. The men are generally taller and more athletic than the women, who tend to be short, stocky, and have disproportionately large lower bodies. They tend to be unkempt but have lively and content personalities. Because they can easily gather food with minimal effort, they are naturally lazy but are capable and willing to work when needed. Their interactions with white people have mostly been friendly; they rarely pick fights, though they are not without courage. The people are named after the village they live in. Their traditional clothing is made from hare, musk-rat, badger, and beaver skins, which are sometimes cut into strips about an inch wide and woven together. Both men and women pierce their noses; men wear brass, copper, or shell ornaments, while women wear wooden ones adorned with beads at each end. They are particularly interested in hiaqua shells, which come up from the coast through other tribes. In 1810, these beads were used as currency in the area, with twenty beads being worth a good beaver skin. They make paint from vermilion acquired from traders, or from crushed red stone mixed with grease. They have a strong tendency to gamble and don’t seem too bothered by losing; they spend day and night in the winter playing games, often betting away all their clothes and belongings. They might even gamble parts of a shirt or other items, and if they lose, they’ll cut off a piece of a coat sleeve or a section of a gun barrel. Their cooking pots are made from bark or tree roots and fibers woven to hold water, which they heat with hot stones for cooking food. Polygamy is practiced, but not widely. The Tacullies care for their wives, doing most of the household chores to ease their burdens, leading to a strong sense of jealousy towards them. However, they allow their unmarried daughters a surprising amount of freedom without judgment or shame. They claim this unusual custom helps maintain their wives' purity.

During a portion of every year the Tacullies dwell in villages, conveniently situated for catching and drying salmon. In April they visit the lakes and take small fish; and after these fail, they return to their villages and subsist upon the fish they have dried, and upon herbs and berries. From August to October, salmon are plentiful again. Beaver are caught in nets made from strips of cariboo-skins, and also in cypress and steel traps. They are also sometimes shot with guns or with bows and arrows. Smaller game they take in various kinds of traps.

During part of the year, the Tacullies live in villages that are well-placed for catching and drying salmon. In April, they head to the lakes to catch small fish; once those are gone, they go back to their villages and rely on the dried fish, herbs, and berries they have stored. From August to October, salmon are plentiful again. They catch beavers using nets made from strips of caribou hide, as well as in cypress and steel traps. Sometimes, they also hunt them with guns or bows and arrows. For smaller game, they use different types of traps.

The civil polity of the Tacullies is of a very primitive character. Any person may become a miuty or chief who will occasionally provide a village feast. A malefactor may find protection from the avenger in the dwelling of a chief, so long as he is permitted to remain there, or even afterwards if he has upon his back any one of the chief's garments. Disputes are usually adjusted by some old man of the tribe. The boundaries of the territories belonging to the different villages are designated by 124 mountains, rivers, or other natural objects, and the rights of towns, as well as of individuals, are most generally respected; but broils are constantly occasioned by murders, abduction of women, and other causes, between these separate societies.[207]

The government of the Tacullies is pretty basic. Anyone can become a miuty or chief by occasionally hosting a village feast. A wrongdoer can find safety from revenge in the home of a chief, as long as he's allowed to stay there, or even after if he's wearing something that belongs to the chief. Conflicts are usually resolved by an elder of the tribe. The boundaries of different villages are marked by mountains, rivers, or other natural landmarks, and the rights of towns and individuals are generally respected; however, disagreements often arise from murders, kidnappings, and other issues between these communities. 124

When seriously ill, the Carriers deem it an indispensable condition to their recovery that every secret crime should be confessed to the magician. Murder, of any but a member of the same village, is not considered a heinous offense. They at first believed reading and writing to be the exercise of magic art. The Carriers know little of medicinal herbs. Their priest or magician is also the doctor, but before commencing his operations in the sick room, he must receive a fee, which, if his efforts prove unsuccessful, he is obliged to restore. The curative process consists in singing a melancholy strain over the invalid, in which all around join. This mitigates pain, and often restores health. Their winter tenements are frequently made by opening a spot of earth to the depth of two feet, across which a ridge-pole is placed, supported at either end by posts; poles are then laid from the sides of the excavation to the ridge-pole and covered with hay. A hole is left in the top for purposes of entrance and exit, and also in order to allow the escape of smoke.[208]

When seriously ill, the Carriers believe it's essential for their recovery that all hidden sins be confessed to the magician. Murder, unless committed against someone from the same village, isn't seen as a serious crime. Initially, they thought that reading and writing were forms of magic. The Carriers have limited knowledge of medicinal herbs. Their priest or magician also acts as the doctor, but before he starts any treatment in the sick room, he must be paid a fee, which he has to return if he fails in his efforts. The healing process involves singing a sorrowful tune over the sick person, with everyone joining in. This helps ease pain and often brings back health. Their winter homes are usually created by digging a two-foot deep hole, across which a ridge pole is placed, supported by posts at each end. Poles are laid from the sides of the pit to the ridge pole and then covered with hay. A hole is left at the top for entering and exiting, and also to let smoke escape.

Slavery is common with them; all who can afford it keeping slaves. They use them as beasts of burden, and 125 treat them most inhumanly. The country of the Sicannis in the Rocky Mountains is sterile, yielding the occupants a scanty supply of food and clothing. They are nevertheless devotedly attached to their bleak land, and will fight for their rude homes with the most patriotic ardor.

Slavery is widespread among them; everyone who can afford it owns slaves. They use them as pack animals and treat them extremely cruelly. The region of the Sicannis in the Rocky Mountains is barren, providing the inhabitants with very little food and clothing. Despite this, they are deeply attached to their harsh land and will fiercely defend their simple homes with great patriotism.

NEHANNES AND TALKOTINS.

NEHANNES AND TALKOTINS.

The Nehannes usually pass the summer in the vicinity of the sea-coast, and scour the interior during the winter for furs, which they obtain from inland tribes by barter or plunder, and dispose of to the European traders. It is not a little remarkable that this warlike and turbulent horde was at one time governed by a woman. Fame gives her a fair complexion, with regular features, and great intelligence. Her influence over her fiery people, it is said, was perfect; while her warriors, the terror and scourge of the surrounding country, quailed before her eye. Her word was law, and was obeyed with marvelous alacrity. Through her influence the condition of the women of her tribe was greatly raised.

The Nehannes typically spend the summer near the coast and scour the interior during the winter for furs, which they trade with inland tribes or take by force, selling them to European traders. It's quite remarkable that this fierce and restless group was once led by a woman. Legends describe her as having a fair complexion, well-defined features, and sharp intelligence. It's said that her influence over her passionate people was absolute; even her warriors, who were a terror to the surrounding regions, would back down in her presence. Her word was law and was followed with incredible eagerness. Thanks to her leadership, the status of the women in her tribe significantly improved.

Great ceremonies, cruelty, and superstition attend burning the dead, which custom obtains throughout this region,[209] and, as usual in savagism, woman is the sufferer. When the father of a household dies, the entire family, or, if a chief, the tribe, are summoned to present themselves.[210] Time must be given to those most distant to reach the village before the ceremony begins.[211] The Talkotin wife, when all is ready, is compelled to ascend the funeral pile, throw herself upon her husband's body and there remain until nearly suffocated, when she is permitted to descend. Still she must keep her place near the burning corpse, keep it in a proper position, tend the fire, and 126 if through pain or faintness she fails in the performance of her duties, she is held up and pressed forward by others; her cries meanwhile are drowned in wild songs, accompanied by the beating of drums.[212]

Great ceremonies, cruelty, and superstition surround the practice of burning the dead, a custom that is common in this area,[209] and, as is often the case in barbaric cultures, women are the ones who suffer. When a father dies, the whole family, or if it's a chief, the entire tribe, is called to gather.[210] Time is allowed for those who are far away to reach the village before the ceremony starts.[211] The Talkotin wife, once everything is ready, is forced to climb onto the funeral pyre, throw herself on her husband's body, and stay there until she's almost suffocated, at which point she is allowed to get down. Still, she must remain close to the burning body, keep it in the right position, tend to the fire, and if she struggles due to pain or faintness, others will lift her up and push her forward; her cries are drowned out by wild songs and the sound of drums.[212]

When the funeral pile of a Tacully is fired, the wives of the deceased, if there are more than one, are placed at the head and foot of the body. Their duty there is to publicly demonstrate their affection for the departed; which they do by resting their head upon the dead bosom, by striking in frenzied love the body, nursing and battling the fire meanwhile. And there they remain until the hair is burned from their head, until, suffocated and almost senseless, they stagger off to a little distance; then recovering, attack the corpse with new vigor, striking it first with one hand and then with the other, until the form of the beloved is reduced to ashes. Finally these ashes are gathered up, placed in sacks, and distributed one sack to each wife, whose duty it is to carry upon her person the remains of the departed for the space of two years. During this period of mourning the women are clothed in rags, kept in a kind of slavery, and not allowed to marry. Not unfrequently these poor creatures avoid their term of servitude by suicide. At the expiration of the time, a feast is given them, and they are again free. Structures are erected as repositories for the ashes of their dead,[213] in which the bag or box containing the remains is placed. These grave-houses are of split boards about one inch in thickness, six feet high, and decorated with painted representations of various heavenly and earthly objects.

When the funeral pyre of a Tacully is lit, the wives of the deceased, if there is more than one, are positioned at the head and foot of the body. Their role is to publicly show their love for the departed; they do this by laying their heads on the dead person's chest, passionately striking the body, while also battling the flames. They stay there until the hair is burned off their heads, and eventually, choking and nearly senseless, they stumble away for a brief moment; then, recovering, they come back to the corpse with renewed determination, hitting it alternately with one hand and then the other until the beloved's form is reduced to ashes. Finally, the ashes are collected, put into sacks, and distributed—one sack to each wife, who must carry the remains of the deceased on her person for two years. During this mourning period, the women wear rags, live in a state of servitude, and are not allowed to remarry. Many of these unfortunate women resort to suicide to escape their servitude. At the end of this period, a feast is held for them, and they regain their freedom. Structures are built to hold the ashes of their dead, [213] in which the bag or box containing the remains is placed. These grave-houses are made of split boards about an inch thick, six feet high, and are decorated with painted images of various celestial and earthly objects.

The Indians of the Rocky Mountains burn with the deceased all his effects, and even those of his nearest relatives, so that it not unfrequently happens that a family is reduced to absolute starvation in the dead of 127 winter, when it is impossible to procure food. The motive assigned to this custom is, that there may be nothing left to bring the dead to remembrance.

The Indigenous people of the Rocky Mountains burn all the possessions of the deceased, including those of their closest relatives. As a result, it often happens that a family is left completely without food during the harsh winter months when it's impossible to find anything to eat. The reason given for this tradition is that they want to ensure nothing remains to remind them of the dead.

A singular custom prevails among the Nateotetain women, which is to cut off one joint of a finger upon the death of a near relative. In consequence of this practice some old women may be seen with two joints off every finger on both hands. The men bear their sorrows more stoically, being content in such cases with shaving the head and cutting their flesh with flints.[214]

A unique tradition exists among the Nateotetain women, which involves cutting off one joint of a finger when a close family member dies. Because of this practice, some older women can be seen with two joints missing from every finger on both hands. The men handle their grief more stoically, typically just shaving their heads and making cuts on their skin with flints.[214]

KUTCHIN CHARACTERISTICS.

Kutchin Traits.

The Kutchins are the flower of the Tinneh family. They are very numerous, numbering about twenty-two tribes. They are a more noble and manly people than either the Eskimos upon the north or the contiguous Tinneh tribes upon their own southern boundary. The finest specimens dwell on the Yukon River. The women tattoo the chin with a black pigment, and the men draw a black stripe down the forehead and nose, frequently crossing the forehead and cheeks with red lines, and streaking the chin alternately with red and black. Their features are more regular than those of their neighbors, more expressive of boldness, frankness, and candor; their foreheads higher, and their complexions lighter. The Tenan Kutchin of the Tananah River, one of the largest tribes of the Yukon Valley, are somewhat wilder and more ferocious in their appearance. The boys are precocious, and the girls marry at fifteen.[215] The Kutchins of Peel River, as observed by Mr Isbister, "are an athletic and fine-looking race; considerable above the average 128 stature, most of them being upwards of six feet in height and remarkably well proportioned."

The Kutchins are the pride of the Tinneh family. They are quite numerous, with about twenty-two tribes. They are a more noble and masculine people compared to both the Eskimos to the north and the neighboring Tinneh tribes to the south. The best representatives live along the Yukon River. Women tattoo their chins with black pigment, while men draw a black stripe down their foreheads and noses, often crossing these with red lines on their foreheads and cheeks, and alternating red and black streaks on their chins. Their features are more regular than those of their neighbors and express boldness, honesty, and openness; they have higher foreheads and lighter complexions. The Tenan Kutchin of the Tananah River, one of the largest tribes in the Yukon Valley, appear somewhat wilder and more fierce. The boys are very advanced for their age, and the girls typically marry at fifteen. The Kutchins of Peel River, as noted by Mr. Isbister, "are an athletic and fine-looking race; considerably above average height, most of them being over six feet tall and remarkably well-proportioned."

Their clothing is made from the skins of reindeer, dressed with the hair on; their coat cut after the fashion of the Eskimos, with skirts peaked before and behind, and elaborately trimmed with beads and dyed porcupine-quills. The Kutchins, in common with the Eskimos, are distinguished by a similarity in the costume of the sexes. Men and women wear the same description of breeches. Some of the men have a long flap attached to their deer-skin shirts, shaped like a beaver's tail, and reaching nearly to the ground.[216] Of the coat, Mr Whymper says: "If the reader will imagine a man dressed in two swallow-tailed coats, one of them worn as usual, the other covering his stomach and buttoned behind, he will get some idea of this garment." Across the shoulders and breast they wear a broad band of beads, with narrower bands round the forehead and ankles, and along the seams of their leggins. They are great traders; beads are their wealth, used in the place of money, and the rich among them literally load themselves with necklaces and strings of various patterns.[217] The nose and ears are adorned with shells.[218] The hair is worn in a long cue, ornamented with feathers, and bound with strings of beads and shells at the head, with flowing ends, and so saturated with grease and birds' down as to swell it sometimes to the thickness of the neck. They pay considerable attention to personal cleanliness. 129 The Kutchins construct both permanent underground dwellings and the temporary summer-hut or tent.[219]

Their clothing is made from reindeer hides, with the fur still on; their coats are cut like the Eskimos, with pointed skirts in the front and back, and are richly decorated with beads and dyed porcupine quills. The Kutchins, like the Eskimos, have similar clothing for both men and women. Men and women wear the same type of pants. Some men have a long flap attached to their deer-skin shirts, shaped like a beaver's tail, that almost reaches the ground. Of the coat, Mr. Whymper says: "If the reader imagines a man dressed in two swallow-tailed coats, one worn as usual and the other covering his stomach and buttoned in the back, he will get a sense of this garment." They wear a wide band of beads across their shoulders and chest, with narrower bands around their foreheads and ankles, and along the seams of their leggings. They are avid traders; beads are their currency, and the wealthy among them often deck themselves out with necklaces and strings of various designs. Their noses and ears are decorated with shells. Their hair is styled in a long braid, adorned with feathers, and tied with strings of beads and shells at the top, with flowing ends, and so coated with grease and bird down that it can swell to the thickness of a neck. They give a lot of attention to personal hygiene. The Kutchins build both permanent underground homes and temporary summer huts or tents.

FOOD OF THE KUTCHINS.

Kutchin Cuisine.

On the Yukon, the greatest scarcity of food is in the spring. The winter's stores are exhausted, and the bright rays of the sun upon the melting snow almost blind the eyes of the deer-hunter. The most plentiful supply of game is in August, September, and October, after which the forming of ice on the rivers prevents fishing until December, when the winter traps are set. The reindeer are in good condition in August, and geese are plentiful. Salmon ascend the river in June, and are taken in great quantities until about the first of September; fish are dried or smoked without salt, for winter use. Fur-hunting begins in October; and in December, trade opens with the Eskimos, with whom furs are exchanged for oil and seal-skins.

On the Yukon, the biggest shortage of food happens in the spring. The supplies from winter are used up, and the bright sunlight on the melting snow can almost blind the deer hunter. The best time for hunting is in August, September, and October, after which ice forms on the rivers, stopping fishing until December, when winter traps are set. Reindeer are in good shape in August, and there are plenty of geese. Salmon swim up the river in June, and you can catch a lot of them until about early September; the fish are dried or smoked without salt for winter use. Fur hunting starts in October, and in December, trade begins with the Eskimos, where furs are exchanged for oil and seal skins.

The Kutchin of the Yukon are unacquainted with nets, but catch their fish by means of weirs or stakes planted across rivers and narrow lakes, having openings for wicker baskets, by which they intercept the fish. They hunt reindeer in the mountains and take moose-deer in snares.[220]

The Kutchin of the Yukon aren’t familiar with nets, but they catch their fish using weirs or stakes set up across rivers and narrow lakes, with openings for wicker baskets that help them catch the fish. They hunt caribou in the mountains and catch moose in snares.[220]

Both Kutchins and Eskimos are very jealous regarding their boundaries; but the incessant warfare which is maintained between the littoral and interior people of the 130 northern coast near the Mackenzie river, is not maintained by the north-western tribes. One of either people, however, if found hunting out of his own territory, is very liable to be shot. Some Kutchin tribes permit the Eskimos to take the meat of the game which they kill, provided they leave the skin at the nearest village.[221]

Both Kutchins and Eskimos are very protective of their territories; however, the constant fighting that happens between the coastal and inland groups near the Mackenzie River isn’t seen among the northwestern tribes. If a member from either group is caught hunting outside their territory, they are likely to be shot. Some Kutchin tribes allow the Eskimos to take the meat from the animals they hunt, as long as they leave the skin at the nearest village.[221]

The Kutchins of the Yukon River manufacture cups and pots from clay, and ornament them with crosses, dots, and lines; moulding them by hand after various patterns, first drying them in the sun and then baking them. The Eskimo lamp is also sometimes made of clay. The Tinneh make paint of pulverized colored stones or of earth, mixed with glue. The glue is made from buffalo feet and applied by a moose-hair brush.

The Kutchins of the Yukon River create cups and pots from clay, decorating them with crosses, dots, and lines. They shape them by hand using different patterns, first drying them in the sun and then baking them. The Eskimo lamp is also occasionally crafted from clay. The Tinneh create paint from crushed colored stones or earth, mixed with glue. This glue is made from buffalo hooves and applied with a moose-hair brush.

In the manufacture of their boats the Kutchins of the Yukon use bark as a substitute for the seal-skins of the coast. They first make a light frame of willow or birch, from eight to sixteen feet in length. Then with fine spruce-fir roots they sew together strips of birch bark, cover the frame, and calk the seams with spruce gum. They are propelled by single paddles or poles. Those of the Mackenzie River are after the same pattern.[222]

In making their boats, the Kutchins of the Yukon use bark instead of seal skins from the coast. They start by building a lightweight frame out of willow or birch, which is eight to sixteen feet long. Then, using fine spruce-fir roots, they stitch together strips of birch bark, cover the frame, and seal the seams with spruce gum. They are powered by single paddles or poles. The boats from the Mackenzie River follow the same design. [222]

In absence of law, murder and all other crimes are compounded for.[223] A man to be well married must be either 131 rich or strong. A good hunter, who can accumulate beads, and a good wrestler, who can win brides by force, may have from two to five wives. The women perform all domestic duties, and eat after the husband is satisfied, but the men paddle the boats, and have even been known to carry their wives ashore so that they might not wet their feet. The women carry their infants in a sort of bark saddle, fastened to their back; they bandage their feet in order to keep them small.[224] Kutchin amusements are wrestling, leaping, dancing, and singing. They are great talkers, and etiquette forbids any interruption to the narrative of a new comer.[225]

In the absence of law, murder and all other crimes are worse. To be well married, a man must be either rich or strong. A good hunter, who can gather beads, and a strong wrestler, who can win brides by force, may have anywhere from two to five wives. The women do all the domestic work and eat only after the husband is satisfied, but the men paddle the boats and have even been known to carry their wives ashore so they don’t get their feet wet. The women carry their infants in a kind of bark saddle strapped to their backs; they wrap their feet to keep them small. Kutchin entertainment includes wrestling, jumping, dancing, and singing. They are great talkers, and etiquette requires that no one interrupts the story of a newcomer.

THE TENAN KUTCHIN.

THE TENAN KUTCHIN.

The Tenan Kutchin, 'people of the mountains,' inhabiting the country south of Fort Yukon which is drained by the river Tananah, are a wild, ungovernable horde, their territory never yet having been invaded by white people. The river upon which they dwell is supposed to take its rise near the upper Yukon. They allow no women in their deer-hunting expeditions. They smear their leggins and hair with red ochre and grease. The men part their hair in the middle and separate it into locks, which, when properly dressed, look like rolls of red mud about the size of a finger; one bunch of locks is secured in a mass which falls down the neck, by a band of dentalium shells, and two smaller rolls hang down either side of the face. After being soaked in 132 grease and tied, the head is powdered with finely cut swan's down, which adheres to the greasy hair. The women wear few ornaments, perform more than the ordinary amount of drudgery, and are treated more like dogs than human beings. Chastity is scarcely known among them. The Kutcha Kutchin, 'people of the lowland,' are cleaner and better mannered.

The Tenan Kutchin, 'people of the mountains,' live in the area south of Fort Yukon, which is drained by the Tananah River. They are a wild, ungovernable group, and their territory has never been invaded by white people. The river they live by is believed to start near the upper Yukon. They don’t allow women to join their deer-hunting trips. They cover their leggings and hair with red ochre and grease. The men part their hair in the middle and separate it into locks that, when styled correctly, look like rolls of red mud about the size of a finger. One bunch of locks is tied up at the back with a band of dentalium shells, and two smaller rolls hang down on either side of their face. After soaking their heads in grease and tying it up, they dust it with finely cut swan's down, which sticks to the greasy hair. The women wear few accessories, do more than their fair share of work, and are treated more like dogs than people. Chastity is almost nonexistent among them. The Kutcha Kutchin, 'people of the lowland,' are cleaner and better mannered.

The Kutchins have a singular system of totems. The whole nation is divided into three castes, called respectively Chitcheah, Tengratsey, and Natsahi, each occupying a distinct territory. Two persons of the same caste are not allowed to marry; but a man of one caste must marry a woman of another. The mother gives caste to the children, so that as the fathers die off the caste of the country constantly changes. This system operates strongly against war between tribes; as in war, it is caste against caste, and not tribe against tribe. As the father is never of the same caste as the son, who receives caste from his mother, there can never be intertribal war without ranging fathers and sons against each other. When a child is named, the father drops his former name and substitutes that of the child, so that the father receives his name from the child, and not the child from the father.

The Kutchins have a unique system of totems. The entire nation is divided into three castes, called Chitcheah, Tengratsey, and Natsahi, each in a specific territory. People from the same caste aren't allowed to marry; instead, a man from one caste has to marry a woman from another. The mother determines the caste of the children, meaning that as the fathers pass away, the caste of the country continuously shifts. This system strongly discourages wars between tribes; in conflicts, it’s caste against caste, not tribe against tribe. Since a father is never from the same caste as his son—who inherits his caste from his mother—there can never be intertribal wars that pit fathers against sons. When a child is named, the father abandons his previous name and takes on the child's name, so the father receives his name from the child, rather than the other way around.

They have scarcely any government; their chiefs are elected on account of wealth or ability, and their authority is very limited.[226] Their custom is to burn the dead, and enclose the ashes in a box placed upon posts; some tribes enclose the body in an elevated box without burning.[227]

They hardly have any government; their leaders are chosen based on wealth or skill, and their power is quite limited.[226] They usually burn the dead and keep the ashes in a box on posts; some tribes place the body in a raised box without burning it.[227]

THE KENAI.

The Kenai.

The Kenai are a fine, manly race, in which Baer distinguishes characteristics decidedly American, and clearly 133 distinct from the Asiatic Eskimos. One of the most powerful Kenai tribes is the Unakatanas, who dwell upon the Koyukuk River, and plant their villages along the banks of the lower Yukon for a distance of one hundred and fifty miles. They are bold and ferocious, dominative even to the giving of fashion in dress.

The Kenai are a strong, masculine group, in which Baer identifies traits that are distinctly American and clearly 133 different from the Asiatic Eskimos. One of the most powerful Kenai tribes is the Unakatanas, who live along the Koyukuk River and establish their villages along the lower Yukon for about one hundred and fifty miles. They are bold and fierce, even influencing fashion in clothing.

That part of the Yukon which runs through their territory abounds with moose, which during the summer frequent the water in order to avoid the mosquitos, and as the animals are clumsy swimmers, the Indians easily capture them. Their women occupy a very inferior position, being obliged to do more drudgery and embellish their dress with fewer ornaments than those of the upper tribes. The men wear a heavy fringe of beads or shells upon their dress, equal sometimes to two hundred marten-skins in value.

That part of the Yukon that goes through their territory is full of moose, which during the summer often visit the water to avoid the mosquitoes. Since the animals are clumsy swimmers, the Indigenous people easily catch them. The women hold a much lower status, having to do more hard work and decorate their clothing with fewer ornaments than those from the higher tribes. The men wear a thick fringe of beads or shells on their clothing, sometimes worth as much as two hundred marten skins.

At Nuklukahyet, where the Tananah River joins the Yukon, is a neutral trading-ground to which all the surrounding tribes resort in the spring for traffic. Skins are their moneyed currency, the beaver-skin being the standard; one 'made' beaver-skin represents two marten-skins.

At Nuklukahyet, where the Tananah River meets the Yukon, is a neutral trading ground where all the nearby tribes gather in the spring for commerce. Skins are their form of currency, with beaver skin being the standard; one 'made' beaver skin is worth two marten skins.

The Ingaliks inhabiting the Yukon near its mouth call themselves Kaeyah Khatana. Their dialect is totally distinct from the Malemutes, their neighbors on the west, but shows an affinity with that of the Unakatanas to their east. Tobacco they both smoke and snuff. The smoke they swallow; snuff is drawn into the nostrils through a wooden tube. They manufacture snuff from leaf tobacco by means of a wooden mortar and pestle, and carry bone or wooden snuff-boxes. They are described by travelers as a timid, sensitive people, and remarkably honest. Ingalik women are delivered kneeling, and without pain, being seldom detained from their household duties for more than an hour. The infant is washed, greased, and fed, and is seldom weaned under two or three years. The women live longer than the men; some of them reaching sixty, while the men rarely attain more than forty-five years. 134

The Ingaliks living near the mouth of the Yukon call themselves Kaeyah Khatana. Their dialect is completely different from the Malemutes, who live to the west, but has similarities with the Unakatanas to the east. They smoke and snuff tobacco. They swallow the smoke; snuff is inhaled through a wooden tube. They make snuff from leaf tobacco using a wooden mortar and pestle, and carry bone or wooden snuff-boxes. Travelers describe them as a shy, sensitive people who are very honest. Ingalik women give birth while kneeling and without pain, rarely being away from their household duties for more than an hour. The baby is washed, oiled, and fed, and is usually not weaned until two or three years old. Women tend to live longer than men; some reach sixty, while men rarely live past forty-five. 134

The Koltschanes, whose name in the dialect of the Kenai signifies 'guest,' and in that of the Atnas of Copper River, 'stranger,' have been charged with great cruelty, and even cannibalism, but without special foundation. Wrangell believes the Koltschanes, Atnas, and Kolosches to be one people.

The Koltschanes, which means 'guest' in the Kenai dialect and 'stranger' in the Atnas language of the Copper River, have been accused of being extremely cruel and even engaging in cannibalism, though these claims lack solid evidence. Wrangell thinks that the Koltschanes, Atnas, and Kolosches are all part of the same group.

The Kenai, of the Kenaian peninsula, upon recovery from dangerous illness, give a feast to those who expressed sympathy during the affliction. If a bounteous provision is made upon these occasions, a chieftainship may be obtained thereby; and although the power thus acquired does not descend to one's heir, he may be conditionally recognized as chief. Injuries are avenged by the nearest relative, but if a murder is committed by a member of another clan, all the allied families rise to avenge the wrong. When a person dies, the whole community assemble and mourn. The nearest kinsman, arrayed in his best apparel, with blackened face, his nose and head decked with eagle's feathers, leads the ceremony. All sit round a fire and howl, while the master of the lamentation recounts the notable deeds of the departed, amidst the ringing of bells, and violent stampings, and contortions of his body. The clothing is then distributed to the relatives, the body is burned, the bones collected and interred, and at the expiration of a year a feast is held to the memory of the deceased, after which it is not lawful for a relative to mention his name.

The Kenai people of the Kenai Peninsula, after recovering from a serious illness, throw a feast for those who showed support during their tough times. If they make a generous spread at these events, they can gain a position of leadership; although this power doesn't pass down to their heirs, they may still be recognized as a chief under certain conditions. When someone is harmed, their closest relative seeks revenge, but if a murder happens at the hands of someone from a different clan, all the allied families join together to avenge the wrongdoing. When a person dies, the entire community gathers to mourn. The closest family member, dressed in their finest clothes with a painted face, adorned with eagle feathers in their hair and on their nose, leads the ceremonies. Everyone sits around a fire and wails while the chief mourner shares the significant accomplishments of the deceased, accompanied by the ringing of bells, vigorous stomping, and physical expressions of grief. Afterwards, clothing is given out to relatives, the body is cremated, the bones are collected and buried, and a year later, a feast is held in memory of the departed. After this, it becomes forbidden for any relative to speak their name.

The lover, if his suit is accepted, must perform a year's service for his bride. The wooing is in this wise: early some morning he enters the abode of the fair one's father, and without speaking a word proceeds to bring water, prepare food, and to heat the bath-room. In reply to the question why he performs these services, he answers that he desires the daughter for a wife. At the expiration of the year, without further ceremony, he takes her home, with a gift; but if she is not well treated by her husband, she may return to her father, and take with her the dowry. The wealthy may have several wives, but the property of each wife is distinct. They 135 are nomadic in their inclinations and traverse the interior to a considerable distance in pursuit of game.

The lover, if his proposal is accepted, must serve his bride for a year. The way he woos her is like this: one morning, he enters the home of the girl’s father and, without saying a word, begins to fetch water, prepare food, and warm up the bathroom. When asked why he is doing these things, he replies that he wants to marry the daughter. After the year is up, he simply takes her home with a gift; however, if she is not treated well by her husband, she can return to her father and bring her dowry with her. Wealthy men may have several wives, but each wife’s property is separate. They are inclined to be nomadic and travel significant distances inland in search of game. 135

The Atnas are a small tribe inhabiting the Atna or Copper River. They understand the art of working copper, and have commercial relations with surrounding tribes. In the spring, before the breaking up of ice upon the lakes and rivers, they hunt reindeer, driving them into angle-shaped wicker-work corrals, where they are killed. In the autumn another general hunt takes place, when deer are driven into lakes, and pursued and killed in boats. Their food and clothing depend entirely upon their success in these forays, as they are unable to obtain fish in sufficient quantities for their sustenance; and when unsuccessful in the chase, whole families die of starvation. Those who can afford it, keep slaves, buying them from the Koltschanes. They burn their dead, then carefully collect the ashes in a new reindeer-skin, enclose the skin in a box, and place the box on posts or in a tree. Every year they celebrate a feast in commemoration of their dead. Baer asserts that the Atnas divide the year into fifteen months, which are designated only by their numbers; ten of them belong to autumn and winter, and five to spring and summer.

The Atnas are a small tribe living by the Atna or Copper River. They excel at working with copper and trade with nearby tribes. In the spring, before the ice melts on the lakes and rivers, they hunt reindeer, driving them into wedge-shaped wicker corrals, where they are then killed. In the autumn, they have another major hunt, where deer are driven into lakes and chased down in boats. Their food and clothing depend entirely on how successful they are in these hunts, as they can't catch enough fish to meet their needs; when they fail to catch game, entire families may starve. Those who can afford it own slaves, purchasing them from the Koltschanes. They burn their dead, carefully collect the ashes in a new reindeer skin, enclose the skin in a box, and place the box on posts or in a tree. Each year, they hold a feast to honor their dead. Baer notes that the Atnas divide the year into fifteen months, identified only by their numbers; ten of these months are for autumn and winter, and five are for spring and summer.

TINNEH CHARACTER.

TINNEH CHARACTER.

The Tinneh character, if we may accept the assertions of various travelers, visiting different parts under widely different circumstances, presents a multitude of phases. Thus it is said of the Chepewyans by Mackenzie, that they are "sober, timorous, and vagrant, with a selfish disposition which has sometimes created suspicions of their integrity. They are also of a quarrelous disposition, and are continually making complaints which they express by a constant repetition of the word edmy, 'it is hard,' in a whiny and plaintive tone of voice. So indolent that numbers perish every year from famine. Suicide is not uncommon among them." Hearne asserts that they are morose and covetous; that they have no gratitude; are great beggars; are insolent, if any respect is shown them; that they cheat on all opportunities; yet they are mild, rarely get drunk; and "never proceed to 136 violence beyond bad language;" that they steal on every opportunity from the whites, but very rarely from each other; and although regarding all property, including wives, as belonging to the strongest, yet they only wrestle, and rarely murder. Of the same people Sir John Franklin says, that they are naturally indolent, selfish, and great beggars. "I never saw men," he writes, "who either received or bestowed a gift with such bad grace." The Dog-ribs are "of a mild, hospitable, but rather indolent disposition," fond of dancing and singing. According to the same traveler the Copper Indians are superior, in personal character, to any other Chepewyans. "Their delicate and humane attentions to us," he remarks, "in a period of great distress, are indelibly engraven on our memories." Simpson says that it is a general rule among the traders not to believe the first story of an Indian. Although sometimes bearing suffering with fortitude, the least sickness makes them say, "I am going to die," and the improvidence of the Indian character is greatly aggravated by the custom of destroying all the property of deceased relatives. Sir John Richardson accuses the Hare Indians of timidity, standing in great fear of the Eskimos, and being always in want of food. They are practical socialists, 'great liars,' but 'strictly honest.' Hospitality is not a virtue with them. According to Richardson, neither the Eskimos, Dog-ribs, nor Hare Indians, feel the least shame in being detected in falsehood, and invariably practice it if they think that they can thereby gain any of their petty ends. Even in their familiar intercourse with each other, the Indians seldom tell the truth in the first instance, and if they succeed in exciting admiration or astonishment, their invention runs on without check. From the manner of the speaker, rather than by his words, is his truth or falsehood inferred, and often a very long interrogation is necessary to elicit the real fact. The comfort, and not unfrequently even the lives of parties of the timid Hare Indians are sacrificed by this miserable propensity. The Hare and Dog-rib women are certainly at the 137 bottom of the scale of humanity in North America. Ross thinks that they are "tolerably honest; not bloodthirsty, nor cruel;" "confirmed liars, far from being chaste."

The Tinneh character, according to various travelers who have visited different areas under various circumstances, shows many different sides. Mackenzie describes the Chepewyans as "sober, fearful, and wandering, with a selfish nature that sometimes raises doubts about their honesty. They are also argumentative and consistently complain by repeatedly saying edmy, meaning 'it is hard,' in a whiny, plaintive tone. They are so lazy that many die from hunger every year. Suicide is also quite common among them." Hearne claims they are gloomy and greedy, lack gratitude, beg a lot, and can be disrespectful when shown any courtesy; they take advantage whenever they can, yet they are generally mild, rarely get drunk, and "never resort to violence beyond bad language"; they steal from whites at every chance but seldom from one another. Although they view all possessions, including wives, as belonging to the strongest, they typically engage in wrestling rather than murder. Sir John Franklin describes them as naturally lazy, selfish, and big beggars. "I have never seen men," he writes, "who either receive or give a gift with such poor attitude." The Dog-ribs are described as "mild, hospitable, but somewhat lazy," enjoying dancing and singing. According to the same traveler, the Copper Indians have better personal qualities than any other Chepewyans. "Their thoughtful and kind gestures during our time of need," he notes, "are engraved in our memories." Simpson mentions that it's a common advice among traders not to believe an Indian’s first story. Although they sometimes endure suffering with patience, the slightest illness makes them proclaim, "I am going to die," and their heedlessness is worsened by the custom of destroying the belongings of deceased relatives. Sir John Richardson criticizes the Hare Indians for being timid, fearful of the Eskimos, and always hungry. They are practical socialists, described as 'great liars,' yet 'strictly honest.' Hospitality isn't valued by them. According to Richardson, neither the Eskimos, Dog-ribs, nor Hare Indians feel any shame in being caught lying, and they will lie whenever they think they can gain something. Even in their casual conversations, Indians often don't tell the truth at first, and if they manage to impress or astonish, their creativity flows freely. The truth or falsehood of a speaker is inferred more from their manner than their words, and often a long series of questions is needed to uncover the real facts. This unfortunate tendency sometimes endangers the comfort and even lives of the timid Hare Indians. The Hare and Dog-rib women are certainly at the lowest tier of humanity in North America. Ross believes they are "reasonably honest; not bloodthirsty or cruel;” “confirmed liars, far from being virtuous.”

According to Harmon, one of the earliest and most observing travelers among them, the Tacullies "are a quiet, inoffensive people," and "perhaps the most honest on the face of the earth." They "are unusually talkative," and "take great delight in singing or humming or whistling a dull air." "Murder is not considered as a crime of great magnitude." He considers the Sicannis the bravest of the Tacully tribes.

According to Harmon, one of the earliest and most observant travelers among them, the Tacullies "are a quiet, harmless people," and "probably the most honest on the face of the earth." They "are unusually chatty," and "really enjoy singing, humming, or whistling a simple tune." "Murder isn't seen as a serious crime." He considers the Sicannis to be the bravest of the Tacully tribes.

But the Kutchins bear off the palm for honesty. Says Whymper: "Finding the loads too great for our dogs, we raised an erection of poles, and deposited some bags thereon. I may here say, once for all, that our men often left goods, consisting of tea, flour, molasses, bacon, and all kinds of miscellaneous articles, scattered in this way over the country, and that they remained untouched by the Indians, who frequently traveled past them." Simpson testifies of the Loucheux that "a bloody intent with them lurks not under a smile." Murray reports the Kutchins treacherous; Richardson did not find them so. Jones declares that "they differ entirely from the Tinneh tribes of the Mackenzie, being generous, honest, hospitable, proud, high-spirited, and quick to revenge an injury."

But the Kutchins win for honesty. Whymper says, "Finding the loads too heavy for our dogs, we built a structure of poles and left some bags there. I should mention, once and for all, that our men often left supplies—tea, flour, molasses, bacon, and various other items—scattered like this across the landscape, and they remained untouched by the Indians, who frequently passed by." Simpson states about the Loucheux that "a bloody intent doesn't hide behind their smiles." Murray describes the Kutchins as treacherous; Richardson found them different. Jones asserts that "they are completely unlike the Tinneh tribes of the Mackenzie, being generous, honest, hospitable, proud, spirited, and quick to take revenge for an offense."

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

Accurately to draw partition lines between primitive nations is impossible. Migrating with the seasons, constantly at war, driving and being driven far past the limits of hereditary boundaries, extirpating and being extirpated, overwhelming, intermingling; like a human sea, swelling and surging in its wild struggle with the winds of fate, they come and go, here to-day, yonder to-morrow. A traveler passing over the country finds it inhabited by certain tribes; another coming after finds all changed. One writer gives certain names to certain nations; another changes the name, or gives to the nation a totally different locality. An approximation, however, can be made sufficiently correct for practical purposes; and to arrive at this, I will give at the end of each chapter all the authorities at my command; that from the 138 statements of all, whether conflicting or otherwise, the truth may be very nearly arrived at. All nations, north of the fifty-fifth parallel, as before mentioned, I call Hyperboreans.

Accurately drawing division lines between early cultures is impossible. They migrate with the seasons, are constantly at war, pushing and being pushed far beyond hereditary borders, wiping out and being wiped out, overwhelming and mixing together; like a human sea, swelling and surging in its wild struggle against fate's winds, they come and go, here today, gone tomorrow. A traveler moving through the area finds it populated by certain tribes; another traveler coming later sees everything changed. One writer assigns specific names to nations; another changes the name or places the nation in a completely different location. However, we can make an approximation that’s accurate enough for practical purposes. To achieve this, I will provide at the end of each chapter all the sources I have; from the statements of all, whether they conflict or not, we can get very close to the truth. All nations north of the fifty-fifth parallel, as mentioned earlier, I refer to as Hyperboreans.

To the Eskimos, I give the Arctic sea-board from the Coppermine River to Kotzebue Sound. Late travelers make a distinction between the Malemutes and Kaveaks of Norton Sound and the Eskimos. Whymper calls the former 'a race of tall and stout people, but in other respect, much resembling the Esquimaux.' Alaska, p. 159. Sir John Richardson, in his Journal, vol. i., p. 341, places them on the 'western coast, by Cook's Sound and Tchugatz Bay, nearly to Mount St. Elias;' but in his Polar Regions, p. 299, he terminates them at Kotzebue Sound. Early writers give them the widest scope. 'Die südlichsten sind in Amerika, auf der Küste Labrador, wo nach Charlevoix dieser Völkerstamm den Namen Esquimaux bey den in der Nähe wohnenden Abenaki führte, und auch an der benachbarten Ostseite von Neu-Fundland, ferner westlich noch unter der Halbinsel Alaska.' Vater, Mithridates, vol. iii., pt. iii., p. 425. Dr Latham, in his Varieties of Man, treats the inhabitants of the Aleutian Islands as Eskimos, and in Native Races of the Russian Empire, p. 289, he gives them 'the whole of the coast of the Arctic Ocean, and the coast from Behring Strait to Cook Inlet.' Prichard, Researches, vol. v., p. 371, requires more complete evidence before he can conclude that the Aleuts are not Eskimos. Being entirely unacquainted with the great Kutchin family in the Yukon Valley, he makes the Carriers of New Caledonia conterminous with the Eskimos. The boundary lines between the Eskimos and the interior Indian tribes 'are generally formed by the summit of the watershed between the small rivers which empty into the sea and those which fall into the Yukon.' Dall's Alaska, p. 144. Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géographie, vol. v., p. 317, goes to the other extreme. 'Les Esquimaux,' he declares, 'habitent depuis le golfe Welcome jusqu'au fleuve Mackenzie, et probablement jusqu'au détroit de Bering; ils s'étendent au sud jusqu'au lac de l'Esclave.' Ludewig, Aboriginal Languages, p. 69, divides them into 'Eskimo proper, on the shores of Labrador, and the Western Eskimos.' Gallatin sweepingly asserts that 'they are the sole native inhabitants of the shores of all the seas, bays, inlets, and islands of America, north of the sixtieth degree of north latitude.' Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 9. The Western Eskimos, says Beechey, 'inhabit the north-west coast of America, from 60° 34´ N. to 71° 24´ N.' Voy., vol. ii., p. 299. 'Along the entire coast of America.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 191.

To the Inuit, I assign the Arctic coastline from the Coppermine River to Kotzebue Sound. Recent travelers differentiate between the Malemutes and Kaveaks of Norton Sound and the Eskimos. Whymper describes the former as 'a tall and sturdy people, but in other ways, closely resembling the Esquimaux.' Alaska, p. 159. Sir John Richardson, in his Journal, vol. i., p. 341, locates them on the 'western coast, by Cook's Sound and Tchugatz Bay, nearly up to Mount St. Elias;' but in his Polar Regions, p. 299, he limits them to Kotzebue Sound. Earlier writers described them with a broader range. 'The southernmost are in America, on the coast of Labrador, where according to Charlevoix, this group of people was known as Esquimaux by the nearby Abenaki, also on the adjacent east side of Newfoundland, and further west still under the Alaska Peninsula.' Vater, Mithridates, vol. iii., pt. iii., p. 425. Dr. Latham, in his Varieties of Man, classifies the people of the Aleutian Islands as Eskimos, and in Native Races of the Russian Empire, p. 289, he includes 'the entire Arctic Ocean coastline, and the coastline from Bering Strait to Cook Inlet.' Prichard, Researches, vol. v., p. 371, requires more comprehensive evidence before concluding that the Aleuts are not Eskimos. Completely unaware of the extensive Kutchin family in the Yukon Valley, he equates the Carriers of New Caledonia with the Eskimos. The boundary lines between the Eskimos and the interior Indian tribes 'are generally determined by the crest of the watershed between the small rivers that flow into the sea and those that drain into the Yukon.' Dall's Alaska, p. 144. Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géographie, vol. v., p. 317, goes to the other extreme. 'The Esquimaux,' he states, 'inhabit from Welcome Gulf to the Mackenzie River, and probably as far as the Bering Strait; they extend south to Great Slave Lake.' Ludewig, Aboriginal Languages, p. 69, divides them into 'Eskimo proper, on the shores of Labrador, and the Western Eskimos.' Gallatin boldly claims that 'they are the only native inhabitants of the shores of all seas, bays, inlets, and islands of America, north of the sixtieth parallel of north latitude.' Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 9. The Western Eskimos, according to Beechey, 'live along the northwest coast of America, from 60° 34´ N. to 71° 24´ N.' Voy., vol. ii., p. 299. 'Along the entire coastline of America.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 191.

ESKIMOS AND KONIAGAS.

Inuit and Koniag.

The tribal subdivisions of the Eskimos are as follows:—At Coppermine River they are known by the name of Naggeuktoomutes, 'deer-horns.' At the eastern outlet of the Mackenzie they are called Kittear. Between the Mackenzie River and Barter Reef they call themselves Kangmali-Innuin. The tribal name at Point Barrow is Nuwangmeun. 'The Nuna-tangmë-un inhabit the country traversed by the Nunatok, a river which falls into Kotzebue Sound.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 300. From Cape Lisburn to Icy Cape the tribal appellation is Kitegues. 'Deutsche Karten zeigen uns noch im Nord-west-Ende des russischen Nordamerika's, in dieser so anders gewandten Küstenlinie, nördlich vom Kotzebue-Sund: im westlichen Theile des Küstenlandes, 139 dass sie West-Georgien nennen, vom Cap Lisburn bis über das Eiscap; hinlaufend das Volk der Kiteguen.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 713. 'The tribes appear to be separated from each other by a neutral ground, across which small parties venture in the summer for barter.' The Tuski, Tschuktschi, or Tchutski, of the easternmost point of Asia, have also been referred to the opposite coast of America for their habitation. The Tschuktchi 'occupy the north-western coast of Russian Asia, and the opposite shores of north-western America.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 191.

The tribal subdivisions of the Eskimos are as follows:—At Coppermine River, they are known as Naggeuktoomutes, meaning 'deer-horns.' At the eastern outlet of the Mackenzie, they are called Kittear. Between the Mackenzie River and Barter Reef, they refer to themselves as Kangmali-Innuin. The tribal name at Point Barrow is Nuwangmeun. The Nuna-tangmë-un live in the area along the Nunatok, a river that flows into Kotzebue Sound. Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 300. From Cape Lisburn to Icy Cape, the tribal name is Kitegues. 'German maps still show us at the north-west end of Russian North America, in this coastline that faces a different direction, north of Kotzebue Sound: in the western part of the coastal land, 139 that they call West Georgia, from Cape Lisburn to beyond Icy Cape; home to the Kiteguen people.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 713. 'The tribes seem to be separated from one another by a neutral zone, across which small groups venture in the summer for trade.' The Tuski, Tschuktschi, or Tchutski, from the easternmost point of Asia, have also been noted to inhabit the opposite coast of America. The Tschuktchi 'occupy the north-western coast of Russian Asia and the opposite shores of north-western America.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 191.

The Koniagan nation occupies the shores of Bering Sea, from Kotzebue Sound to the Island of Kadiak, including a part of the Alaskan Peninsula, and the Koniagan and Chugatschen Islands. The Koniagas proper inhabit Kadiak, and the contiguous islands. Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 676. 'The Konægi are inhabitants of the Isle of Kodiak.' Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 371. 'Die eigentlichen Konjagen oder Bewohner der Insel Kadjak.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 4. 'Zu den letztern rechnet man die Aleuten von Kadjack, deren Sprache von allen Küstenbewohnern von der Tschugatschen-Bay, bis an die Berings-Strasse und selbst weiter noch die herrschende ist.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 58. 'From Iliamna Lake to the 159th degree of west longitude.' Dall's Alaska, p. 401. 'La côte qui s'étend depuis le golfe Kamischezkaja jusqu'au Nouveau-Cornouaille, est habitée par cinq peuplades qui forment autant de grandes divisions territoriales dans les colonies de la Russie Américaine. Leurs noms sont: Koniagi, Kenayzi, Tschugatschi, Ugalachmiuti et Koliugi.' Humboldt, Pol., tom. i., p. 347.

The Koniagan nation lives along the shores of the Bering Sea, from Kotzebue Sound to Kodiak Island, including part of the Alaskan Peninsula and the Koniagan and Chugatschen Islands. The Koniagas primarily inhabit Kodiak and the nearby islands. Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 676. 'The Konægi are the people of Kodiak Island.' Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 371. 'The true Konjagen or inhabitants of Kodiak Island.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 4. 'Included among these are the Aleuts of Kodiak, whose language is dominant among all coastal residents from Chugatschen Bay to the Bering Strait and even further.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 58. 'From Iliamna Lake to the 159th degree of west longitude.' Dall's Alaska, p. 401. 'The coast extending from the Kamischezkaja Gulf to New Cornwall is inhabited by five tribes that form large territorial divisions within the Russian American colonies. Their names are: Koniagi, Kenayzi, Tschugatschi, Ugalachmiuti, and Koliugi.' Humboldt, Pol., tom. i., p. 347.

The Chugatsches inhabit the islands and shores of Prince William Sound. 'Die Tchugatschen bewohnen die grössten Inseln der Bai Tschugatsk, wie Zukli, Chtagaluk u. a. und ziehen sich an der Südküste der Halbinsel Kenai nach Westen bis zur Einfahrt in den Kenaischen Meerbusen.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 4. 'Die Tschugatschen sind Ankömmlinge von der Insel Kadjack, die während innerer Zwistigkeiten von dort vertrieben, sich zu ihren jetzigen Wohnsitzen an den Ufern von Prince William's Sound und gegen Westen bis zum Eingange von Cook's Inlet hingewendet haben.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 116. 'Les Tschugatschi occupent le pays qui s'étend depuis l'extrémité septentrionale de l'entrée de Cook jusqu'à l'est de la baie du prince Guillaume (golfe Tschugatskaja.)' Humboldt, Pol., tom. i., p. 348. According to Latham, Native Races, p. 290, they are the most southern members of the family. The Tschugazzi 'live between the Ugalyachmutzi and the Kenaizi.' Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 371. 'Occupy the shores and islands of Chugach Gulf, and the southwest coasts of the peninsula of Kenai.' Dall's Alaska, p. 401. Tschugatschi, 'Prince William Sound, and Cook's Inlet.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 191. Tchugatchih, 'claim as their hereditary possessions the coast lying between Bristol Bay and Beering's Straits.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 364.

The Chugatsches live on the islands and shores of Prince William Sound. 'The Chugatschen inhabit the largest islands of the Chugatsk Bay, like Zukli, Chtagaluk, and others, and stretch along the south coast of Kenai Peninsula westward to the entrance of the Kenai Fjord.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 4. 'The Tschugatschen are newcomers from Kadjack Island, who were driven away during internal conflicts and have settled at their current homes along the shores of Prince William's Sound and westward to the entrance of Cook's Inlet.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 116. 'The Tschugatschi occupy the land extending from the northern end of the entrance to Cook Inlet to the east of Prince William Bay (Chugatskaja Gulf).' Humboldt, Pol., vol. i., p. 348. According to Latham, Native Races, p. 290, they are the southernmost members of the family. The Tschugazzi 'live between the Ugalyachmutzi and the Kenaizi.' Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 371. 'They occupy the shores and islands of Chugach Gulf, and the southwestern coasts of the Kenai Peninsula.' Dall's Alaska, p. 401. Tschugatschi, 'Prince William Sound, and Cook's Inlet.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 191. Tchugatchih, 'claim as their hereditary possessions the coast lying between Bristol Bay and Bering Straits.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 364.

The Aglegmutes occupy the shores of Bristol Bay from the river Nushagak along the western coast of the Alaskan Peninsula, to latitude 56°. 'Die Aglegmjuten, von der Mündung des Flusses Nuschagakh bis zum 57° oder 56° an der Westküste der Halbinsel Aljaska; haben also die Ufer der Bristol-Bai 140 inne.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 4. Dall calls them Oglemutes, and says that they inhabit 'the north coast of Aliaska from the 159th degree of west longitude to the head of Bristol Bay, and along the north shore of that Bay to Point Etolin.' Alaska, p. 405. Die Agolegmüten, an den Ausmündungen der Flüsse Nuschagack und Nackneck, ungefähr 500 an der Zahl.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 121.

The Aglegmutes live along the shores of Bristol Bay, from the Nushagak River on the western coast of the Alaskan Peninsula, to latitude 56°. 'The Aglegmjuten, from the mouth of the Nuschagakh River to 57° or 56° on the west coast of the Alaska Peninsula, occupy the shores of Bristol Bay 140 .' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 4. Dall refers to them as Oglemutes and states that they live 'on the north coast of Alaska from the 159th degree of west longitude to the head of Bristol Bay, and along the north shore of that Bay to Point Etolin.' Alaska, p. 405. 'The Agolegmüten, at the mouths of the Nuschagack and Nackneck Rivers, are approximately 500 in number.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 121.

The Kijataigmutes dwell upon the banks of the river Nushagak and along the coast westward to Cape Newenham. 'Die Kijataigmjuten wohnen an den Ufern des Flusses Nuschagakh, sowie seines Nebenflusses Iligajakh.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 5. Dall says that they call themselves Nushergagmut, and 'inhabit the coast near the mouth of the Nushergak River, and westward to Cape Newenham.' Alaska, p. 405. 'Die Kijaten oder Kijataigmüten an den Flüssen Nuschagack und Ilgajack.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 121. 'Am Fl. Nuschagak.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 760.

The Kijataigmutes live along the banks of the Nushagak River and stretch westward to Cape Newenham. 'Die Kijataigmjuten wohnen an den Ufern des Flusses Nuschagakh, sowie seines Nebenflusses Iligajakh.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 5. Dall states that they refer to themselves as Nushergagmut, and 'inhabit the coast near the mouth of the Nushergak River, and westward to Cape Newenham.' Alaska, p. 405. 'Die Kijaten oder Kijataigmüten an den Flüssen Nuschagack und Ilgajack.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 121. 'Am Fl. Nuschagak.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 760.

The Agulmutes inhabit the coast between the rivers Kuskoquim and Kishunak. 'Die Aguljmjuten haben sowohl den Küstenstrich als das Innere des Landes zwischen den Mündungen des Kuskokwim und des Kishunakh inne.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 5. 'This tribe extends from near Cape Avinoff nearly to Cape Romanzoff.' Dall's Alaska, p. 406. 'Den Agulmüten, am Flusse Kwichlüwack.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 122. 'An der Kwickpak-Münd.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 719.

The Agulmutes live along the coast between the Kuskoquim and Kishunak rivers. 'The Aguljmjuten occupy both the coastal area and the interior of the land between the mouths of the Kuskokwim and Kishunakh.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 5. 'This tribe extends from near Cape Avinoff nearly to Cape Romanzoff.' Dall's Alaska, p. 406. 'The Agulmuten, at the Kwichlüwack River.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 122. 'At the Kwickpak mouth.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 719.

The Kuskoquigmutes occupy the banks of Kuskoquim River and Bay. 'Die Kuskokwigmjuten bewohnen die Ufer des Flusses Kuskokwim von seiner Mündung bis zur Ansiedelung Kwygyschpainagmjut in der Nähe der Odinotschka Kalmakow.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 5. The Kuskwogmuts 'inhabit both shores of Kuskoquim Bay, and some little distance up that river.' Dall's Alaska, p. 405. 'Die Kuskokwimer an dem Flusse Kuskokwim und andern kleinen Zuflüssen desselben und an den Ufern der südlich von diesem Flusse gelegenen Seen.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 122. 'Between the rivers Nushagak, Ilgajak, Chulitna, and Kuskokwina, on the sea-shore.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 98.

The Kuskoquigmutes live along the banks of the Kuskoquim River and Bay. 'The Kuskokwigmjuten inhabit the shores of the Kuskokwim River from its mouth to the settlement of Kwygyschpainagmjut near the Odinotschka Kalmakow.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 5. The Kuskwogmuts 'live on both sides of Kuskoquim Bay, and a little way up that river.' Dall's Alaska, p. 405. 'The Kuskokwimers are found on the Kuskokwim River and other small tributaries of it, as well as on the shores of the lakes located to the south of this river.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 122. 'Between the rivers Nushagak, Ilgajak, Chulitna, and Kuskokwina, on the coastline.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 98.

The Magemutes live between the rivers Kishunak and Kipunaiak. 'Die Magmjuten oder Magagmjuten, zwischen den Flüssen Kiskunakh und Kipunajakh.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 5. 'These inhabit the vicinity of Cape Romanzoff and reach nearly to the Yukon-mouth.' Dall's Alaska, p. 407. 'Magimuten, am Flusse Kyschunack.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 122. 'Im S des Norton Busens.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 766.

The Magemutes live between the Kishunak and Kipunaiak rivers. 'Die Magmjuten oder Magagmjuten, zwischen den Flüssen Kiskunakh und Kipunajakh.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 5. 'They inhabit the area around Cape Romanzoff and extend nearly to the mouth of the Yukon.' Dall's Alaska, p. 407. 'Magimuten, am Flusse Kyschunack.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 122. 'In the south of Norton Sound.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 766.

The Kwichpagmutes, or inhabitants of the large river, dwell upon the Kwichpak River, from the coast range to the Uallik. 'Die Kwichpagmjuten, haben ihre Ansiedelungen am Kwickpakh vom Küstengebirge an bis zum Nebenflusse Uallik.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 5. 'Kuwichpackmüten, am Flusse Kuwichpack.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 122. 'Tlagga Silla, or little dogs, nearer to the mouth of the Yukon, and probably conterminous with the Eskimo Kwichpak-meut.' Latham's Nat. Races, p. 293. On Whymper's map are the Primoski, near the delta of the Yukon.

The Kwichpagmutes, or people of the large river, live along the Kwichpak River, from the coastal mountain range to the Uallik. 'The Kwichpagmjuten have their settlements on the Kwickpakh from the coastal mountains to the tributary Uallik.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 5. 'Kuwichpackmüten, on the river Kuwichpack.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 122. 'Tlagga Silla, or little dogs, closer to the mouth of the Yukon, and likely adjacent to the Eskimo Kwichpak-meut.' Latham's Nat. Races, p. 293. On Whymper's map are the Primoski, near the Yukon delta.

The Kwichluagmutes dwell upon the banks of the Kwichluak or Crooked River, an arm of the Kwichpak. 'Die Kwichljuagmjuten an den Ufern eines 141 Mündungsarmes des Kwichpakh, der Kwichljuakh.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 5. 'Inhabit the Kwikhpak Slough.' Dall's Alaska, p. 407.

The Kwichluagmutes live along the banks of the Kwichluak or Crooked River, a branch of the Kwichpak. 'The Kwichljuagmutes are on the shores of a141 delta of the Kwichpak, the Kwichljuakh.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 5. 'They inhabit the Kwikhpak Slough.' Dall's Alaska, p. 407.

The Pashtoliks dwell upon the river Pashtolik. 'Die Paschtoligmjuten, an den Ufern des Pastolflusses.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 6. 'Paschtoligmüten, am Flusse Paschtol.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 122. Whymper places them immediately north of the delta of the Yukon.

The Pashtoliks live by the Pashtolik River. 'The Paschtoligmjuten, on the banks of the Pastol River.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 6. 'Paschtoligmüten, by the Paschtol River.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 122. Whymper locates them just north of the Yukon delta.

The Chnagmutes occupy the coast and islands south of the Unalaklik River to Pashtolik Bay. 'Die Tschnagmjuten, an den Ufern der Meerbusen Pastol und Schachtolik zwischen den Flüssen Pastol an Unalaklik.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 6. 'Den Tschnagmüten, gegen Norden von den Paschtuligmüten und gegen Westen bis zum Kap Rodney.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 122. 'Am. sdl. Norton-Busen.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 805.

The Chnagmutes live along the coast and islands from the Unalaklik River down to Pashtolik Bay. 'The Chnagmutes, on the shores of the bays Pastol and Schachtolik between the rivers Pastol and Unalaklik.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 6. 'The Chnagmutes, to the north of the Paschtuligmutes and west to Cape Rodney.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 122. 'At the Norton Bay area.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 805.

The Anlygmutes inhabit the shores of Golovnin Bay and the southern coast of the Kaviak peninsula. 'Die Anlygmjuten, an den Ufern der Bai Golownin nördlich vom Nortonsunde.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 6. 'Anlygmüten, an der Golowninschen Bai.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 122. 'Ndl. vom Norton-Sund.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 722.

The Anlygmutes live along the shores of Golovnin Bay and the southern side of the Kaviak peninsula. 'The Anlygmjuten, on the shores of Bai Golownin north of Norton Sound.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 6. 'Anlygmüten, at the Golowninschen Bai.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 122. 'Ndl. from Norton Sound.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 722.

The Kaviaks inhabit the western portion of the Kaviak peninsula. 'Adjacent to Port Clarence and Behring Strait.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 167. 'Between Kotzebue and Norton Sounds.' Dall's Alaska, p. 137.

The Kaviaks live in the western part of the Kaviak Peninsula. 'Next to Port Clarence and the Bering Strait.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 167. 'Between Kotzebue and Norton Sounds.' Dall's Alaska, p. 137.

The Malemutes inhabit the coast at the mouth of the Unalaklik River, and northward along the shores of Norton Sound across the neck of the Kaviak Peninsula at Kotzebue Sound. 'Die Maleigmjuten bewohnen die Küste des Nortonsundes vom Flusse Unalaklik an und gehen durch das Innere des Landes hinauf bis zum Kotzebuesunde.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 6. 'From Norton Sound and Bay north of Shaktolik, and the neck of the Kaviak Peninsula to Selawik Lake.' Dall's Alaska, p. 407. 'Den Malimüten, nahe an den Ufern des Golfes Schaktulack oder Schaktol.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 122. The Malemutes 'extend from the island of St. Michael to Golovin Sound.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 167. 'Ndl. am Norton-Busen bis zum Kotzebue Sund.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 766.

The Malemutes live along the coast at the mouth of the Unalaklik River and extend northward along the shores of Norton Sound across the neck of the Kaviak Peninsula at Kotzebue Sound. 'The Maleigmjuten inhabit the coast of Norton Sound from the Unalaklik River and go inland up to Kotzebue Sound.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 6. 'From Norton Sound and Bay north of Shaktolik, and the neck of the Kaviak Peninsula to Selawik Lake.' Dall's Alaska, p. 407. 'The Malimüten, close to the shores of the Gulf of Schaktulack or Schaktol.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 122. The Malemutes 'extend from the island of St. Michael to Golovin Sound.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 167. 'From Norton Bay to Kotzebue Sound.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 766.

THE ALEUTS.

THE ALEUTIAN ISLANDS.

The Aleuts inhabit the islands of the Aleutian archipelago, and part of the peninsula of Alaska and the Island of Kadiak. They are divided into the Atkahs, who inhabit the western islands, and the Unalaskans or eastern division. The tribal divisions inhabiting the various islands are as follows; namely, on the Alaskan peninsula, three tribes to which the Russians have given names—Morshewskoje, Bjeljkowskoje, and Pawlowskoje; on the island of Unga, the Ugnasiks; on the island of Unimak, the Sesaguks; the Tigaldas on Tigalda Island; the Avatanaks on Avatanak Island; on the Island of Akun, three tribes, which the Russians call Arteljnowskoje, Rjätscheschnoje, and Seredkinskoje; the Akutans on the Akutan Island; the Unalgas on the Unalga Island; the Sidanaks on Spirkin Island; on the island of Unalashka, the Ililluluk, the Nguyuk, and seven tribes called by the Russians Natykinskoje, Pestnjakow-swoje, Wesselowskoje, Makuschinskoja, Koschhiginskoje, Tuscon-skoje, and Kalechinskoje; and on the island of Umnak the Tuliks. Latham, Nat. Races, p. 291, assigns them to the Aleutian Isles. 'Die Unalaschkaer oder Fuchs-Aleuten bewohnen die Gruppe der Fuchsinseln, den 142 südwestlichen Theil der Halbinsel Aljaska, und die Inselgruppe Schumaginsk. Die Atchaer oder Andrejanowschen Aleuten bewohnen die Andrejanowschen, die Ratten, und die Nahen-Inseln der Aleuten-Kette.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., pp. 7, 8. Inhabit 'the islands between Alyaska and Kamschatka.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 4.

The Aleut People live on the islands of the Aleutian archipelago, as well as parts of the Alaskan peninsula and Kodiak Island. They are split into the Atkahs, who reside on the western islands, and the Unalaskans, or eastern division. The tribal groups living on the various islands are as follows: on the Alaskan peninsula, three tribes named by the Russians—Morshewskoje, Bjeljkowskoje, and Pawlowskoje; on Unga Island, the Ugnasiks; on Unimak Island, the Sesaguks; the Tigaldas on Tigalda Island; the Avatanaks on Avatanak Island; on Akun Island, three tribes that the Russians call Arteljnowskoje, Rjätscheschnoje, and Seredkinskoje; the Akutans on Akutan Island; the Unalgas on Unalga Island; the Sidanaks on Spirkin Island; on Unalashka Island, the Ililluluk, the Nguyuk, and seven tribes referred to by the Russians as Natykinskoje, Pestnjakow-swoje, Wesselowskoje, Makuschinskoja, Koschhiginskoje, Tuscon-skoje, and Kalechinskoje; and on Umnak Island, the Tuliks. Latham, Nat. Races, p. 291, places them in the Aleutian Isles. 'The Unalaschka or Fox Aleuts inhabit the group of Fox Islands, the 142 southwestern part of the Alaskan peninsula, and the Schumaginsk island group. The Atchaer or Andrejanowschen Aleuts live on the Andrejanowskie, the Rats, and the Nearby Islands of the Aleutian chain.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., pp. 7, 8. They inhabit 'the islands between Alaska and Kamchatka.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 4.

THE THLINKEETS.

THE THLINKEETS.

The Thlinkeets, or Kolosches, occupy the islands and shores between Copper River and the river Nass. 'Die eigentlichen Thlinkithen (Bewohner des Archipels von den Parallelen des Flusses Nass bis zum St. Elias-berge).' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 4. 'The Kalosh Indians seen at Sitka inhabit the coast between the Stekine and Chilcat Rivers.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 100. 'Kaloches et Kiganis. Côtes et îles de l'Amérique Russe.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. The 'Koloshians live upon the islands and coast from the latitude 50° 40´ to the mouth of the Atna or Copper River.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 562. 'From about 60° to 45° N. Lat., reaching therefore across the Russian frontier as far as the Columbia River.' Müller's Chips, vol. i., p. 334. 'At Sitka Bay and Norfolk Sound.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 96. 'Between Jacootat or Behring's Bay, to the 57th degree of north latitude.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 242. 'Die Völker eines grossen Theils der Nordwest-Küste von America.' Vater, Mithridates, vol. iii., pt. iii., p. 218. 'Les Koliugi habitent le pays montueux du Nouveau-Norfolk, et la partie septentrionale du Nouveau-Cornouaille.' Humboldt, Pol., tom. i., p. 349.

The Thlinkeets, or Kolosches, inhabit the islands and shores between the Copper River and the Nass River. 'The true Thlinkeets (residents of the archipelago from the parallels of the Nass River to Mount St. Elias).' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 4. 'The Kalosh Indians seen at Sitka live along the coast between the Stekine and Chilcat Rivers.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 100. 'Kaloches and Kiganis. Coasts and islands of Russian America.' Mofras, Explor., vol. ii, p. 335. 'The Koloshians live on the islands and coast from latitude 50° 40' to the mouth of the Atna or Copper River.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 562. 'From about 60° to 45° N. Latitude, extending across the Russian border as far as the Columbia River.' Müller's Chips, vol. i, p. 334. 'At Sitka Bay and Norfolk Sound.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 96. 'Between Jacootat or Behring's Bay, to the 57th degree of north latitude.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 242. 'The peoples of a large part of the Northwest Coast of America.' Vater, Mithridates, vol. iii, pt. iii, p. 218. 'The Koliugi inhabit the mountainous region of New Norfolk and the northern part of New Cornwall.' Humboldt, Pol., vol. i, p. 349.

The Ugalenzes or Ugalukmutes, the northernmost Thlinkeet tribe, inhabit the coast from both banks of the mouth of Copper River, nearly to Mount St Elias. 'About Mount Elias.' Latham's Nat. Races, p. 292. Adjacent to Behring Bay. Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 370. 'Die Ugalenzen, die im Winter eine Bucht des Festlandes, der kleinen Insel Kajak gegenüber, bewohnen, zum Sommer aber ihre Wohnungsplätze an dem rechten Ufer des Kupferflusses bei dessen Mündung aufschlagen.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 4. 'Das Vorgebirge St. Elias, kann als die Gränzscheide der Wohnsitze der See-Koloschen gegen Nordwest angesehen werden.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 96. 'Les Ugalachmiuti s'étendent depuis le golfe du Prince Guillaume, jusqu'à la baie de Jakutat.' Humboldt, Pol., tom. i., p. 348. 'Ugalenzen oder Ugaljachmjuten. An der russ. Küste ndwstl. vom St. Elias Berg.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 807. 'West of Cape St. Elias and near the island of Kadjak.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 194.

The Ugalenzes or Ugalukmutes, the northernmost Thlinkeet tribe, live along the coast on both sides of the Copper River mouth, nearly reaching Mount St Elias. 'About Mount Elias.' Latham's Nat. Races, p. 292. They are located near Behring Bay. Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 370. 'The Ugalenzen, who inhabit a bay on the mainland, opposite the small island of Kajak in winter, move their homes to the right bank of the Copper River at its delta for the summer.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 4. 'Cape St. Elias can be viewed as the boundary between the habitats of the sea Kolosh and those to the northwest.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 96. 'The Ugalachmiuti stretch from the Gulf of Prince William to Yakutat Bay.' Humboldt, Pol., tom. i., p. 348. 'Ugalenzen or Ugaljachmjuten. On the Russian coast to the northwest of Mount St. Elias.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 807. 'West of Cape St. Elias and near Kadjak Island.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 194.

The Yakutats 'occupy the coast from Mount Fairweather to Mount St. Elias.' Dall's Alaska, p. 428. At 'Behring Bay.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 575.

The Yakutats "live along the coast from Mount Fairweather to Mount St. Elias." Dall's Alaska, p. 428. At "Behring Bay." Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 575.

The Chilkat come next, and live on Lynn Canal and the Chilkat River. 'At Chilkaht Inlet.' 'At the head of Chatham Straits.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, pp. 535, 575. 'Am Lynn's-Canal, in russ. Nordamerika.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 736. 'On Lynn's Canal.' Schoolcraft's Archives, vol. v., p. 489. A little to the northward of the Stakine-Koan. Dunn's Oregon, p. 288.

The Chilkat come next and live along Lynn Canal and the Chilkat River. 'At Chilkaht Inlet.' 'At the head of Chatham Straits.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, pp. 535, 575. 'On Lynn's Canal, in Russian North America.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 736. 'On Lynn's Canal.' Schoolcraft's Archives, vol. v., p. 489. A little to the north of the Stakine-Koan. Dunn's Oregon, p. 288.

The Hoonids inhabit the eastern banks of Cross Sound. 'For a distance of sixty miles.' 'At Cross Sound reside the Whinegas.' 'The Hunnas or Hooneaks, who are scattered along the main land from Lynn Canal to Cape Spencer.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, pp. 535, 562, 575. The Huna Cow tribe is situated on Cross Sound. Schoolcraft's Archives, vol. v., p. 489. 143

The Hoonids live along the eastern shores of Cross Sound. 'For a distance of sixty miles.' 'The Whinegas inhabit Cross Sound.' 'The Hunnas or Hooneaks are spread out along the mainland from Lynn Canal to Cape Spencer.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, pp. 535, 562, 575. The Huna Cow tribe is located at Cross Sound. Schoolcraft's Archives, vol. v., p. 489. 143

The Hoodsinoos 'live near the head of Chatham Strait.' 'On Admiralty Island.' 'Rat tribes on Kyro and Kespriano Islands.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, pp. 335, 562, 575. 'Hootsinoo at Hoodsinoo or Hood Bay.' Schoolcraft's Archives, vol. v., p. 489. 'Hoodsunhoo at Hood Bay.' Gallatin, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 302. 'Hoodsunhoo at Hood Bay.' 'Eclikimo in Chatham's Strait.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 175.

The Hoodsinoos live near the entrance of Chatham Strait, on Admiralty Island. There are Rat tribes on Kyro and Kespriano Islands. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, pp. 335, 562, 575. The Hootsinoo are at Hoodsinoo or Hood Bay. Schoolcraft's Archives, vol. v., p. 489. The Hoodsunhoo are at Hood Bay. Gallatin, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 302. The Hoodsunhoo are at Hood Bay. They are called Eclikimo in Chatham's Strait. Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 175.

The Takoos dwell 'at the head of Takoo Inlet on the Takoo River. The Sundowns and Takos who live on the mainland from Port Houghton to the Tako River.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, pp. 536, 562. Tako and Samdan, Tako River. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 489.

The Takoos live at the top of Takoo Inlet on the Takoo River. The Sundowns and Takos are located on the mainland from Port Houghton to the Tako River. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, pp. 536, 562. Tako and Samdan, Tako River. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 489.

The Auks Indians are at the mouth of the Takoo River and on Admiralty Island. 'North of entrance Tako River.' Schoolcraft's Arch., p. 489. 'The Ark and Kake on Prince Frederick's Sound.' Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 302.

The Auks Indians are located at the mouth of the Takoo River and on Admiralty Island. 'North of the entrance to the Tako River.' Schoolcraft's Arch., p. 489. 'The Ark and Kake on Prince Frederick's Sound.' Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 302.

The Kakas inhabit the shores of Frederick Sound and Kuprianoff Island. 'The Kakus, or Kakes, who live on Kuprinoff Island, having their principal settlement near the northwestern side.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 562. 'The Ark and Kake on Prince Frederick's Sound.' Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 302.

The Kakas live along the shores of Frederick Sound and Kuprianoff Island. 'The Kakus, or Kakes, who reside on Kuprinoff Island, have their main settlement close to the northwestern side.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 562. 'The Ark and Kake on Prince Frederick's Sound.' Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 302.

The Sitkas occupy Baranoff Island. 'They are divided into tribes or clans, of which one is called Coquontans.' Buschmann, Pima Spr. u. d. Spr. der Koloschen, p. 377. 'The tribe of the Wolf are called Coquontans.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 242. 'The Sitka-Koan,' or the people of Sitka. 'This includes the inhabitants of Sitka Bay, near New Archangel, and the neighboring islands.' Dall's Alaska, p. 412. Simpson calls the people of Sitka 'Sitkaguouays.' Overland Jour., vol. i., p. 226. 'The Sitkas or Indians on Baronoff Island.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, pp. 535, 562.

The Sitkas live on Baranoff Island. "They are split into tribes or clans, one of which is called Coquontans." Buschmann, Pima Spr. u. d. Spr. der Koloschen, p. 377. "The tribe of the Wolf is known as Coquontans." Lisiansky's Voy., p. 242. "The Sitka-Koan," or the people of Sitka. "This includes the residents of Sitka Bay, near New Archangel, and the nearby islands." Dall's Alaska, p. 412. Simpson refers to the people of Sitka as "Sitkaguouays." Overland Jour., vol. i., p. 226. "The Sitkas or Indians on Baronoff Island." Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, pp. 535, 562.

The Stikeen Indians inhabit the country drained by the Stikeen River. 'Do not penetrate far into the interior.' Dall's Alaska, p. 411. The Stikein tribe 'live at the top of Clarence's Straits, which run upwards of a hundred miles inland.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 288. 'At Stephens Passage.' 'The Stikeens who live on the Stackine River and the islands near its mouth.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 562. 'Stikeen Indians, Stikeen River, Sicknaahutty, Taeeteetan, Kaaskquatee, Kookatee, Naaneeaaghee, Talquatee, Kicksatee, Kaadgettee.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 489. The Secatquonays occupy the main land about the mouths of the Stikeen River, and also the neighboring islands. Simpson's Overland Jour., vol. i., p. 210.

The Stikeen Indians live in the area drained by the Stikeen River. 'Don't go too far into the interior.' Dall's Alaska, p. 411. The Stikeen tribe 'resides at the top of Clarence's Straits, which extend more than a hundred miles inland.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 288. 'At Stephens Passage.' 'The Stikeens who live on the Stackine River and the islands near its mouth.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 562. 'Stikeen Indians, Stikeen River, Sicknaahutty, Taeeteetan, Kaaskquatee, Kookatee, Naaneeaaghee, Talquatee, Kicksatee, Kaadgettee.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 489. The Secatquonays occupy the mainland around the mouths of the Stikeen River, as well as the nearby islands. Simpson's Overland Jour., vol. i., p. 210.

The Tungass, 'live on Tongas Island, and on the north side of Portland Channel.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 562. Southern entrance Clarence Strait. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 489. The Tongarses or Tun Ghaase 'are a small tribe, inhabiting the S.E. corner of Prince of Wales's Archipelago.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 218. 'Tungass, an der sdlst. russ. Küste.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 806. 'Tunghase Indians of the south-eastern part of Prince of Wales's Archipelago.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 192. Tongas Indians, lat. 54° 46´ N. and long. 130° 35´ W. Dall's Alaska, p. 251.

The Tungass live on Tongas Island and on the north side of Portland Channel. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 562. Southern entrance to Clarence Strait. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 489. The Tongarses or Tun Ghaase are a small tribe living in the southeast corner of Prince of Wales's Archipelago. Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 218. 'Tungass, on the southeast Russian coast.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 806. 'Tunghase Indians of the southeastern part of Prince of Wales's Archipelago.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 192. Tongas Indians, lat. 54° 46´ N. and long. 130° 35´ W. Dall's Alaska, p. 251.

THE TINNEH.

THE TINNEH.

The Tinneh occupy the vast interior north of the fifty-fifth parallel, and west from Hudson Bay, approaching the Arctic and Pacific Coasts to within 144 from fifty to one hundred and fifty miles: at Prince William Sound, they even touch the seashore. Mackenzie, Voy., p. cxvii., gives boundaries upon the basis of which Gallatin, Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 9, draws a line from the Mississippi to within one hundred miles of the Pacific at 52° 30´, and allots them the northern interior to Eskimos lands. 'Extend across the continent.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 2. 'Von der nördlichen Hudsonsbai aus fast die ganze Breite des Continents durchläuft—im Norden und Nordwesten den 65ten Grad u. beinahe die Gestade des Polarmeers erreicht.' Buschmann, Athapask. Sprachst., p. 313. The Athabascan area touches Hudson's Bay on the one side, the Pacific on the other.' Latham's Comp. Phil., p. 388. 'Occupies the whole of the northern limits of North America, together with the Eskimos.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 14.

The Tinneh inhabit the vast area north of the fifty-fifth parallel and west of Hudson Bay, getting close to the Arctic and Pacific Coasts within 144 fifty to one hundred and fifty miles: at Prince William Sound, they even reach the shoreline. Mackenzie, Voy., p. cxvii., provides the boundaries upon which Gallatin, Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 9, draws a line from the Mississippi to within one hundred miles of the Pacific at 52° 30´, assigning them the northern interior next to Eskimo land. 'They extend across the continent.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 2. 'From northern Hudson Bay, it runs almost the entire width of the continent—reaching the 65th parallel in the north and northwest, and nearly touching the shores of the Arctic Ocean.' Buschmann, Athapask. Sprachst., p. 313. The Athabascan region touches Hudson's Bay on one side and the Pacific on the other.' Latham's Comp. Phil., p. 388. 'It occupies the entire northern boundaries of North America, alongside the Eskimos.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 14.

The Chipewyans, or Athabascas proper, Mackenzie, Voy., p. cxvi., places between N. latitude 60° and 65°, and W. longitude 100° and 110°. 'Between the Athabasca and Great Slave Lakes and Churchill River.' Franklin's Nar., vol. i., p. 241. 'Frequent the Elk and Slave Rivers, and the country westward to Hay River.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 5. The Northern Indians occupy the territory immediately north of Fort Churchill, on the Western shore of Hudson Bay. 'From the fifty-ninth to the sixty-eighth degree of North latitude, and from East to West is upward of five hundred miles wide.' Hearne's Jour., p. 326; Martin's Brit. Col., vol. iii., p. 524.

The Chipewyans, also known as the Athabascas, as mentioned in Mackenzie, Voy., p. cxvi., are located between N. latitude 60° and 65°, and W. longitude 100° and 110°. "Between the Athabasca and Great Slave Lakes and Churchill River." Franklin's Nar., vol. i., p. 241. "They frequently inhabit the Elk and Slave Rivers, and the area westward to Hay River." Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 5. The Northern Indians live in the territory right north of Fort Churchill, on the western shore of Hudson Bay. "From the fifty-ninth to the sixty-eighth degree of North latitude, and from East to West, it is more than five hundred miles wide." Hearne's Jour., p. 326; Martin's Brit. Col., vol. iii., p. 524.

The Copper Indians occupy the territory on both sides of the Coppermine River south of the Eskimo lands, which border on the ocean at the mouth of the river. They are called by the Athabascas Tantsawhot-Dinneh. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., 76; Gallatin, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 19.

The Copper Indians live in the area on both sides of the Coppermine River, south of the Eskimo territories that meet the ocean at the river's mouth. The Athabascas refer to them as Tantsawhot-Dinneh. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., 76; Gallatin, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 19.

The Horn Mountain Indians 'inhabit the country betwixt Great Bear Lake and the west end of Great Slave Lake.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 82.

The Horn Mountain Indians live in the area between Great Bear Lake and the western end of Great Slave Lake. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 82.

The Beaver Indians 'inhabit the lower part of Peace River.' Harmon's Jour., p. 309. On Mackenzie's map they are situated between Slave and Martin Lakes. 'Between the Peace River and the West branch of the Mackenzie.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 6. Edchawtawhoot-dinneh, Strong-bow, Beaver or Thick-wood Indians, who frequent the Rivière aux Liards, or south branch of the Mackenzie River, Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 85.

The Beaver Indians live in the lower part of Peace River. Harmon's Jour., p. 309. On Mackenzie's map, they are located between Slave and Martin Lakes. 'Between the Peace River and the West branch of the Mackenzie.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 6. Edchawtawhoot-dinneh, Strong-bow, Beaver, or Thick-wood Indians, who often visit the Rivière aux Liards, or south branch of the Mackenzie River, Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 85.

The Thlingcha-dinneh, or Dog-ribs, 'inhabit the country to the westward of the Copper Indians, as far as Mackenzie's River.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 80. Gallatin, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 19. 'East from Martin Lake to the Coppermine River.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 3. 'At Fort Confidence, north of Great Bear Lake.' Simpson's Nar., p. 200. 'Between Martin's Lake and the Coppermine River.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 66.

The Thlingcha-dinneh, or Dog-ribs, inhabit the area to the west of the Copper Indians, stretching as far as Mackenzie's River. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 80. Gallatin, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 19. 'East from Martin Lake to the Coppermine River.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 3. 'At Fort Confidence, north of Great Bear Lake.' Simpson's Nar., p. 200. 'Between Martin's Lake and the Coppermine River.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 66.

The Kawcho-dinneh, or Hare Indians, are 'immediately to the northward of the Dog-ribs on the north side of Bear Lake River.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 83. They 'inhabit the banks of the Mackenzie, from Slave Lake downwards.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 3. Between Bear Lake and Fort Good Hope, Simpson's Nar., p. 98. On Mackenzie River, below Great Slave Lake, extending towards the Great Bear Lake. Gallatin, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 19.

The Kawcho-dinneh, or Hare Indians, are located just north of the Dog Ribs on the north side of Bear Lake River. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 83. They live along the banks of the Mackenzie River, from Slave Lake downwards. Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 3. Between Bear Lake and Fort Good Hope, Simpson's Nar., p. 98. They are found on the Mackenzie River, below Great Slave Lake, extending toward Great Bear Lake. Gallatin, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 19.

'To the eastward of the Dog-ribs are the Red-knives, named by their southern neighbors, the Tantsaut-'dtinnè (Birch-rind people). They inhabit a 145 stripe of country running northwards from Great Slave Lake, and in breadth from the Great Fish River to the Coppermine.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 4.

'To the east of the Dog-ribs are the Red-knives, named by their southern neighbors, the Tantsaut-'dtinnè (Birch-bark people). They live in a 145 strip of land that stretches north from Great Slave Lake, and in width from the Great Fish River to the Coppermine.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 4.

The Ambawtawhoot Tinneh, or Sheep Indians, 'inhabit the Rocky Mountains near the sources of the Dawhoot-dinneh River which flows into Mackenzie's.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 84. Further down the Mackenzie, near the 65° parallel. Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 7.

The Ambawtawhoot Tinneh, or Sheep Indians, live in the Rocky Mountains near the headwaters of the Dawhoot-dinneh River, which flows into the Mackenzie. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 84. Further down the Mackenzie, near the 65° parallel. Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 7.

The Sarsis, Circees, Ciriés, Sarsi, Sorsi, Sussees, Sursees, or Surcis, 'live near the Rocky Mountains between the sources of the Athabasca and Saskatchewan Rivers; are said to be likewise of the Tinné stock.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 6. 'Near the sources of one of the branches of the Saskachawan.' Gallatin, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 19.

The Sarsis, Circees, Ciriés, Sarsi, Sorsi, Sussees, Sursees, or Surcis live near the Rocky Mountains between the sources of the Athabasca and Saskatchewan Rivers and are said to be part of the Tinné group.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 6. 'Near the sources of one of the branches of the Saskatchewan.' Gallatin, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 19.

The Tsillawdawhoot Tinneh, or Brush-wood Indians, inhabit the upper branches of the Rivière aux Liards. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 87. On the River aux Liards (Poplar River), Gallatin, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 19.

The Tsillawdawhoot Tinneh, or Brush-wood Indians, live in the upper parts of the Rivière aux Liards. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 87. On the River aux Liards (Poplar River), Gallatin, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 19.

The Nagailer, or Chin Indians, on Mackenzie's map, latitude 52° 30´ longitude 122° to 125°, 'inhabit the country about 52° 30´ N. L. to the southward of the Takalli, and thence extend south along Fraser's River towards the Straits of Fuca.' Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 427.

The Nagailer, or Chin Indians, on Mackenzie's map, located at latitude 52° 30´ longitude 122° to 125°, 'live in the area around 52° 30´ N. L. south of the Takalli, and then stretch south along Fraser's River toward the Straits of Fuca.' Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 427.

The Slouacuss Tinneh on Mackenzie's are next north-west from the Nagailer. Vater places them at 52° 4´. 'Noch näher der Küste um den 52° 4´ wohnten die Slua-cuss-dinais d. i. Rothfisch-Männer.' Vater, Mithridates, vol. iii., pt. iii., p. 421. On the upper part of Frazers River. Cox's Adven., p. 323.

The Slouacuss Tinneh on Mackenzie's are located just northwest of the Nagailer. Vater places them at 52° 4´. 'Even closer to the coast around 52° 4´ lived the Slua-cuss-dinais, or Redfish Men.' Vater, Mithridates, vol. iii., pt. iii., p. 421. On the upper part of Frazer's River. Cox's Adven., p. 323.

The Rocky Mountain Indians are a small tribe situated to the south-west of the Sheep Indians. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 85. 'On the Unjigah or Peace River.' Gallatin, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 19. On the upper tributaries of Peace River. Mackenzie's Voy., p. 163.

The Rocky Mountain Indians are a small tribe located southwest of the Sheep Indians. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 85. 'On the Unjigah or Peace River.' Gallatin, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 19. On the upper tributaries of Peace River. Mackenzie's Voy., p. 163.

The Tacullies, or Carriers, inhabit New Caledonia from latitude 52° 30´ to latitude 56°. 'A general name given to the native tribes of New-Caledonia.' Morse's Report, p. 371. 'All the natives of the Upper Fraser are called by the Hudson Bay Company, and indeed generally, "Porteurs," or Carriers.' Mayne's B. C., p. 298. 'Tokalis, Le Nord de la Nouvelle Calédonie.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'Northern part of New Caledonia.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 33. 'On the sources of Fraser's River.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 178. 'Unter den Völkern des Tinné-Stammes, welche das Land westlich von den Rocky Mountains bewohnen, nehmen die Takuli (Wasservolk) oder Carriers den grössten Theil von Neu-Caledonien ein.' Buschmann, Athapask. Sprachst., p. 152. 'Greater part of New Caledonia.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 31. 'Latitude of Queen Charlotte's Island.' Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 427. 'From latitude 52° 30´, where it borders on the country of the Shoushaps, to latitude 56°, including Simpson's River.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 202. 'South of the Sicannis and Straits Lake.' Harmon's Jour., p. 196. They 'are divided into eleven clans, or minor tribes, whose names are—beginning at the south—as follows: the Tautin, or Talkotin; the Tsilkotin or Chilcotin; the Naskotin; the Thetliotin; the Tsatsnotin; the Nulaautin; the Ntshaautin; the Natliautin; the Nikozliautin; the Tatshiautin; and the Babine Indians.' Hale's Ethnog., 146 in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 202. 'The principal tribes in the country north of the Columbia regions, are the Chilcotins and the Talcotins.' Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 30. The Talcotins 'occupy the territory above Fort Alexandria on Frazer River.' Hazlitt's B. C., p. 79. 'Spend much of their time at Bellhoula, in the Bentinck Inlet.' Mayne's B. C., p. 299. The Calkobins 'inhabit New Caledonia, west of the mountains.' De Smet's Letters and Sketches, p. 157. The Nateotetains inhabit the country lying directly west from Stuart Lake on either bank of the Nateotetain River. Harmon's Jour., p. 218. The Naskootains lie along Frazer River from Frazer Lake. Id., p. 245.

The Tacullies, or Carriers, live in New Caledonia from latitude 52° 30´ to latitude 56°. 'A general name given to the native tribes of New Caledonia.' Morse's Report, p. 371. 'All the natives of the Upper Fraser are referred to by the Hudson Bay Company, and generally, as "Porteurs," or Carriers.' Mayne's B. C., p. 298. 'Tokalis, the North of New Caledonia.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'Northern part of New Caledonia.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 33. 'On the sources of Fraser's River.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 178. 'Among the peoples of the Tinné tribe, which inhabit the land west of the Rocky Mountains, the Takuli (water people) or Carriers occupy the largest part of New Caledonia.' Buschmann, Athapask. Sprachst., p. 152. 'Greater part of New Caledonia.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 31. 'Latitude of Queen Charlotte's Island.' Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 427. 'From latitude 52° 30´, where it borders the land of the Shoushaps, to latitude 56°, including Simpson's River.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 202. 'South of the Sicannis and Straits Lake.' Harmon's Jour., p. 196. They 'are divided into eleven clans, or minor tribes, whose names are—starting from the south—as follows: the Tautin, or Talkotin; the Tsilkotin or Chilcotin; the Naskotin; the Thetliotin; the Tsatsnotin; the Nulaautin; the Ntshaautin; the Natliautin; the Nikozliautin; the Tatshiautin; and the Babine Indians.' Hale's Ethnog., 146 in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 202. 'The main tribes in the area north of the Columbia regions are the Chilcotins and the Talcotins.' Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 30. The Talcotins 'occupy the territory above Fort Alexandria on Fraser River.' Hazlitt's B. C., p. 79. 'They spend much of their time at Bellhoula, in the Bentinck Inlet.' Mayne's B. C., p. 299. The Calkobins 'live in New Caledonia, west of the mountains.' De Smet's Letters and Sketches, p. 157. The Nateotetains inhabit the land directly west from Stuart Lake on both sides of the Nateotetain River. Harmon's Jour., p. 218. The Naskootains extend along Fraser River from Fraser Lake. Id., p. 245.

The Sicannis dwell in the Rocky Mountains between the Beaver Indians on the east, and the Tacullies and Atnas on the west and south. Id., p. 190. They live east of the Tacullies in the Rocky Mountain. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 202. 'On the Rocky Mountains near the Rapid Indians and West of them.' Morse's Report, p. 371.

The Sicannis live in the Rocky Mountains, situated between the Beaver Indians to the east and the Tacullies and Atnas to the west and south. Id., p. 190. They are located east of the Tacullies in the Rocky Mountains. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 202. 'In the Rocky Mountains, near the Rapid Indians and to the west of them.' Morse's Report, p. 371.

The Kutchins are a large nation, extending from the Mackenzie River westward along the Yukon Valley to near the mouth of the river, with the Eskimos on one side and the Koltshanes on the other. Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 713, places them on the sixty-fifth parallel of latitude, and from 130° to 150° of longitude west from Greenwich. 'Das Volk wohnt am Flusse Yukon oder Kwichpak und über ihm; es dehnt sich nach Richardson's Karte auf dem 65ten Parallelkreise aus vom 130-150° W. L. v. Gr., und gehört daher zur Hälfte dem britischen und zur Hälfte dem russischen Nordamerika an.' They are located 'immediately to the northward of the Hare Indians on both banks of Mackenzie's River.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 83. Gallatin, Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 83, places their northern boundary in latitude 67° 27´. To the west of the Mackenzie the Loucheux interpose between the Esquimaux 'and the Tinné, and spread westward until they come into the neighborhood of the coast tribes of Beering's Sea.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 377. 'The Kutchin may be said to inhabit the territory extending from the Mackenzie, at the mouth of Peel's River, lat. 68°, long. 134°, to Norton's sound, living principally upon the banks of the Youcon and Porcupine Rivers, though several of the tribes are situated far inland, many days' journey from either river.' Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 320. 'They commence somewhere about the 65th degree of north latitude, and stretch westward from the Mackenzie to Behring's straits.' 'They are divided into many petty tribes, each having its own chief, as the Tatlit-Kutchin (Peel River Indians), Ta-Kuth-Kutchin (Lapiene's House Indians), Kutch-a-Kutchin (Youcan Indians), Touchon-ta-Kutchin (Wooded-country Indians), and many others.' Kirby, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, pp. 417, 418.

The Kutchins are a large nation that stretches from the Mackenzie River westward along the Yukon Valley to near the river's mouth, bordered by the Eskimos on one side and the Koltshanes on the other. Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 713, notes they are located at the sixty-fifth parallel of latitude, ranging from 130° to 150° longitude west of Greenwich. "The people live along the Yukon River or Kwichpak and above it; according to Richardson's map, they extend along the 65th parallel from 130-150° W. L. v. Gr., so they are split evenly between British and Russian North America." They are found "immediately north of the Hare Indians on both banks of the Mackenzie River." Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 83. Gallatin, Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 83, sets their northern boundary at latitude 67° 27'. West of the Mackenzie, the Loucheux people are situated between the Esquimaux "and the Tinné, spreading westward until they reach the coastal tribes of Beering's Sea." Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 377. "The Kutchin can be said to inhabit the territory from the Mackenzie, at the mouth of Peel's River, lat. 68°, long. 134°, to Norton Sound, mainly living along the banks of the Yukon and Porcupine Rivers, though some tribes are located far inland, many days' journey from either river." Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 320. "They begin somewhere around the 65th degree of north latitude and stretch westward from the Mackenzie to Bering Strait." "They are divided into many smaller tribes, each with its own chief, such as the Tatlit-Kutchin (Peel River Indians), Ta-Kuth-Kutchin (Lapiene's House Indians), Kutch-a-Kutchin (Youcan Indians), Touchon-ta-Kutchin (Wooded-country Indians), and many others." Kirby, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, pp. 417, 418.

The Degothi-Kutchin, or Loucheux, Quarrellers, inhabit the west bank of the Mackenzie between the Hare Indians and Eskimos. The Loucheux are on the Mackenzie between the Arctic circle and the sea. Simpson's Nar., p. 103.

The Degothi-Kutchin, or Loucheux, Quarrellers, live on the west bank of the Mackenzie River between the Hare Indians and Eskimos. The Loucheux are situated on the Mackenzie River between the Arctic Circle and the sea. Simpson's Nar., p. 103.

The Vanta-Kutchin occupy 'the banks of the Porcupine, and the country to the north of it.' 'Vanta-kutshi (people of the lakes), I only find that they belong to the Porcupine River.' Latham's Nat. Races, p. 294. They 'inhabit the territory north of the head-waters of the Porcupine, somewhat below Lapierre's House.' Dall's Alaska, p. 430. 147

The Vanta-Kutchin live along the banks of the Porcupine River and the surrounding northern areas. I’ve found that the term "Vanta-kutshi" (people of the lakes) primarily refers to those along the Porcupine River. Latham's Nat. Races, p. 294. They “inhabit the territory north of the headwaters of the Porcupine, slightly below Lapierre's House.” Dall's Alaska, p. 430. 147

The Natche-Kutchin, or Gens de Large, dwell to the 'north of the Porcupine River.' 'These extend on the north bank to the mouth of the Porcupine.' Dall's Alaska, pp. 109, 430.

The Natche-Kutchin, or Gens de Large, live to the north of the Porcupine River. They stretch along the north bank up to the mouth of the Porcupine. Dall's Alaska, pp. 109, 430.

'Neyetse-Kutshi, (people of the open country), I only find that they belong to the Porcupine river.' Latham's Nat. Races, p. 294. Whymper's map calls them Rat Indians.

'Neyetse-Kutshi, (people of the open country), I only find that they belong to the Porcupine River.' Latham's Nat. Races, p. 294. Whymper's map calls them Rat Indians.

'The Na-tsik-Kut-chin inhabit the high ridge of land between the Yukon and the Arctic Sea.' Hardisty, in Dall's Alaska, p. 197.

'The Na-tsik-Kut-chin live on the high ridge of land between the Yukon and the Arctic Sea.' Hardisty, in Dall's Alaska, p. 197.

The Kukuth-Kutchin 'occupy the country south of the head-waters of the Porcupine.' Dall's Alaska, p. 430.

The Kukuth-Kutchin live in the area south of the sources of the Porcupine River. Dall's Alaska, p. 430.

The Tutchone Kutchin, Gens de Foux, or crow people, dwell upon both sides of the Yukon about Fort Selkirk, above the Han Kutchin. Id., pp. 109, 429.

The Tutchone Kutchin, Gens de Foux, or crow people, live on both sides of the Yukon near Fort Selkirk, above the Han Kutchin. Id., pp. 109, 429.

'Tathzey-Kutshi, or people of the ramparts, the Gens du Fou of the French Canadians, are spread from the upper parts of the Peel and Porcupine Rivers, within the British territory, to the river of the Mountain-men, in the Russian. The upper Yukon is therefore their occupancy. They fall into four bands: a, the Tratsè-kutshi, or people of the fork of the river; b, the Kutsha-kutshi; c, the Zèkà-thaka (Ziunka-kutshi), people on this side, (or middle people); and, d, the Tanna-kutshi, or people of the bluffs.' Latham's Nat. Races, p. 293.

'Tathzey-Kutshi, or people of the ramparts, the Gens du Fou of the French Canadians, are spread from the upper parts of the Peel and Porcupine Rivers, within British territory, to the river of the Mountain-men, in Russian territory. The upper Yukon is therefore their area of habitation. They are divided into four groups: a, the Tratsè-kutshi, or people of the fork of the river; b, the Kutsha-kutshi; c, the Zèkà-thaka (Ziunka-kutshi), people on this side, (or middle people); and, d, the Tanna-kutshi, or people of the bluffs.' Latham's Nat. Races, p. 293.

The Han-Kutchin, An-Kutchin Gens de Bois, or wood people, inhabit the Yukon above Porcupine River. Whymper's Alaska, p. 254. They are found on the Yukon next below the Crows, and above Fort Yukon. Dall's Alaska, p. 109. 'Han-Kutchi residing at the sources of the Yukon.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 396.

The Han-Kutchin, An-Kutchin Gens de Bois, or wood people, live in the Yukon above the Porcupine River. Whymper's Alaska, p. 254. They are located on the Yukon just below the Crows and above Fort Yukon. Dall's Alaska, p. 109. 'Han-Kutchi living at the sources of the Yukon.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 396.

'The Artez-Kutshi, or the tough (hard) people. The sixty-second parallel cuts through their country; so that they lie between the head-waters of the Yukon and the Pacific.' Latham's Nat. Races, p. 293. See also Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 397.

'The Artez-Kutshi, or the tough people. The sixty-second parallel runs through their land; so they are situated between the headwaters of the Yukon and the Pacific.' Latham's Nat. Races, p. 293. See also Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 397.

The Kutcha-Kutchins, or Kot-à-Kutchin, 'are found in the country near the junction of the Porcupine and the Yukon.' Dall's Alaska, p. 431.

The Kutcha-Kutchins, or Kot-à-Kutchin, are located in the area where the Porcupine and Yukon rivers meet. Dall's Alaska, p. 431.

The Tenan-Kutchin, or Tananahs, Gens de Buttes, or people of the mountains, occupy an unexplored domain south-west of Fort Yukon. Their country is drained by the Tananah River. Dall's Alaska, p. 108. They are placed on Whymper's map about twenty miles south of the Yukon, in longitude 151° west from Greenwich. On Whymper's map are placed: the Birch Indians, or Gens de Bouleau on the south bank of the Yukon at its junction with Porcupine River; the Gens de Milieu, on the north bank of the Yukon, in longitude 150°; the Nuclukayettes on both banks in longitude 152°; and the Newicarguts, on the south bank between longitude 153° and 155°.

The Tenan-Kutchin, or Tananahs, Gens de Buttes, or people of the mountains, live in an uncharted area southwest of Fort Yukon. Their land is drained by the Tananah River. Dall's Alaska, p. 108. They appear on Whymper's map about twenty miles south of the Yukon, at longitude 151° west of Greenwich. On Whymper's map, you'll also find: the Birch Indians, or Gens de Bouleau, on the south bank of the Yukon where it meets the Porcupine River; the Gens de Milieu, on the north bank of the Yukon, at longitude 150°; the Nuclukayettes on both banks at longitude 152°; and the Newicarguts, on the south bank between longitudes 153° and 155°.

The Kenais occupy the peninsula of Kenai and the surrounding country. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 562. 'An den Ufern und den Umgebungen von Cook's Inlet und um die Seen Iliamna und Kisshick.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 103.

The Kenais live on the Kenai Peninsula and in the surrounding areas. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 562. 'On the shores and in the areas around Cook's Inlet and around the lakes Iliamna and Kisshick.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 103.

The Unakatana Yunakakhotanas, live 'on the Yukon between Koyukuk and Nuklukahyet.' Dall's Alaska, p. 53.

The Unakatana Yunakakhotanas live 'on the Yukon between Koyukuk and Nuklukahyet.' Dall's Alaska, p. 53.

'Junakachotana, ein Stamm, welcher auf dem Flusse Jun-a-ka wohnt.' Sagoskin, in Denkschr. der russ. geo. Gesell., p. 324. 'Die Junnakachotana, am Flusse Jukchana oder Junna (so wird der obere Lauf des Kwichpakh 148 genannt) zwischen den Nebenflüssen Nulato und Junnaka, so wie am untern Laufe des letztgenannten Flusses.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 6.

'Junakachotana, a tribe that lives by the Jun-a-ka River.' Sagoskin, in Denkschr. der russ. geo. Gesell., p. 324. 'The Junnakachotana, at the Jukchana or Junna River (this is what the upper stretch of the Kwichpakh is called) 148 between the tributaries Nulato and Junnaka, as well as along the lower stretch of the latter river.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 6.

'Die Junnachotana bewohnen den obern Lauf des Jukchana oder Junna von der Mündung des Junnaka.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 6.

'The Junnachotana inhabit the upper course of the Jukchana or Junna from the mouth of the Junnaka.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 6.

'Die Jugelnuten haben ihre Ansiedelungen am Kwichpakh, am Tschageljuk und an der Mündung des Innoka. Die Inkalichljuaten, am obern Laufe des Innoka. Die Thljegonchotana am Flusse Thljegon, der nach der Vereinigung mit dem Tatschegno den Innoka bildet.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., pp. 6, 7. 'They extend virtually from the confluence of the Co-Yukuk River to Nuchukayette at the junction of the Tanana with the Yukon.' 'They also inhabit the banks of the Co-yukuk and other interior rivers.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 204.

'The Jugelnuten have their settlements at Kwichpakh, Tschageljuk, and at the mouth of the Innoka. The Inkalichljuaten are located on the upper stretch of the Innoka. The Thljegonchotana are along the Thljegon River, which forms the Innoka when it joins with the Tatschegno.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., pp. 6, 7. 'They extend almost from the confluence of the Co-Yukuk River to Nuchukayette at the junction of the Tanana with the Yukon.' 'They also live along the banks of the Co-Yukuk and other interior rivers.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 204.

The Ingaliks inhabit the Yukon from Nulato south to below the Anvic River. See Whymper's Map. 'The tribe extends from the edge of the wooded district near the sea to and across the Yukon below Nulato, on the Yukon and its affluents to the head of the delta, and across the portage to the Kuskoquim River and its branches.' Dall's Alaska, p. 28. 'Die Inkiliken, am untern Laufe des Junna südlich von Nulato.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 6. 'An dem ganzen Ittege wohnt der Stamm der Inkiliken, welcher zu dem Volk der Ttynai gehört.' Sagoskin, in Denkschr. der russ. geo. Gesell., p. 341. 'An den Flüssen Kwichpack, Kuskokwim und anderen ihnen zuströmenden Flüssen.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 120. 'The Ingaliks living on the north side of the Yukon between it and the Kaiyuh Mountains (known as Takaitsky to the Russians), bear the name of Kaiyuhkatana or "lowland people," and the other branches of Ingaliks have similar names, while preserving their general tribal name.' Dall's Alaska, p. 53. On Whymper's map they are called T'kitskes and are situated east of the Yukon in latitude 64° north.

The Ingaliks live in the Yukon from Nulato down to below the Anvic River. See Whymper's Map. "The tribe stretches from the edge of the wooded area near the sea to and across the Yukon below Nulato, along the Yukon and its tributaries to the head of the delta, and across the portage to the Kuskoquim River and its branches." Dall's Alaska, p. 28. "Die Inkiliken, am untern Laufe des Junna südlich von Nulato." Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 6. "An dem ganzen Ittege wohnt der Stamm der Inkiliken, welcher zu dem Volk der Ttynai gehört." Sagoskin, in Denkschr. der russ. geo. Gesell., p. 341. "An den Flüssen Kwichpack, Kuskokwim und anderen ihnen zuströmenden Flüssen." Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 120. "The Ingaliks living on the north side of the Yukon between it and the Kaiyuh Mountains (known as Takaitsky to the Russians) are called Kaiyuhkatana or 'lowland people,' and the other branches of Ingaliks have similar names while keeping their general tribal name." Dall's Alaska, p. 53. On Whymper's map, they are referred to as T'kitskes and are located east of the Yukon at latitude 64° north.

The Koltschanes occupy the territory inland between the sources of the Kuskoquim and Copper Rivers. 'They extend as far inland as the watershed between the Copper-river and the Yukon.' Latham's Nat. Races, p. 292. 'Die Galzanen oder Koltschanen (d. h. Fremdlinge, in der Sprache der Athnaer) bewohnen das Innere des Landes zwischen den Quellflüssen des Kuskokwim bis zu den nördlichen Zuflüssen des Athna oder Kupferstromes.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 7. 'Diejenigen Stämme, welche die nördlichen und östlichen, dem Atna zuströmenden Flüsse und Flüsschen bewohnen, eben so die noch weiter, jenseits der Gebirge lebenden, werden von den Atnaern Koltschanen, d. h. Fremdlinge, genannt.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 101. 'North of the river Atna.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 96.

The Koltschanes live in the area between the sources of the Kuskoquim and Copper Rivers. They reach as far inland as the watershed between the Copper River and the Yukon. Latham's Nat. Races, p. 292. 'The Galzanen or Koltschanen (which means "foreigners" in the language of the Athna) inhabit the interior of the land between the source rivers of the Kuskokwim up to the northern tributaries of the Athna or Copper River.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 7. 'The tribes that live along the northern and eastern rivers and streams flowing into the Atna, as well as those living further across the mountains, are referred to by the Atna people as Koltschanen, meaning "foreigners." ' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 101. 'North of the river Atna.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 96.

The Nehannes occupy the territory midway between Mount St. Elias and the Mackenzie River, from Fort Selkirk and the Stakine River. 'According to Mr. Isbister, range the country between the Russian settlements on the Stikine River and the Rocky Mountains.' Latham's Nat. Races, p. 295. The Nohhannies live 'upon the upper branches of the Rivière aux Liards.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 87. They 'inhabit the angle between that branch and the great bend of the trunk of the river, and are neighbours of the Beaver Indians.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 6. The region which includes the Lewis, or Tahco, and Pelly Rivers, with the valley of the Chilkaht River, is 149 occupied by tribes known to the Hudson Bay voyageurs as Nehannees. Those on the Pelly and Macmillan rivers call themselves Affats-tena. Some of them near Liard's River call themselves Daho-tena or Acheto-tena, and others are called Sicannees by the voyageurs. Those near Francis Lake are known as Mauvais Monde, or Slavé Indians. About Fort Selkirk they have been called Gens des Foux.

The Nehannes live in the area between Mount St. Elias and the Mackenzie River, stretching from Fort Selkirk to the Stikine River. According to Mr. Isbister, this region lies between the Russian settlements on the Stikine River and the Rocky Mountains. Latham's Nat. Races, p. 295. The Nohhannies reside 'on the upper branches of the Rivière aux Liards.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 87. They 'occupy the angle between that branch and the great bend of the river's trunk, and they are neighbors of the Beaver Indians.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 6. The area that includes the Lewis, or Tahco, and Pelly Rivers, along with the valley of the Chilkaht River, is 149 inhabited by tribes known to the Hudson Bay voyageurs as Nehannees. Those living along the Pelly and Macmillan rivers refer to themselves as Affats-tena. Some near Liard's River call themselves Daho-tena or Acheto-tena, and others are referred to as Sicannees by the voyageurs. Those near Francis Lake are called Mauvais Monde, or Slavé Indians. Around Fort Selkirk, they have been referred to as Gens des Foux.

The Kenai proper, or Kenai-tena, or Thnaina, inhabit the peninsula of Kenai, the shores of Cook Inlet, and thence westerly across the Chigmit Mountains, nearly to the Kuskoquim River. They 'inhabit the country near Cook's Inlet, and both shores of the Inlet as far south as Chugachik Bay.' Dall's Alaska, p. 430. 'Die eigentlichen Thnaina bewohnen die Halbinsel Kenai und ziehen sich von da westlich über das Tschigmit-Gebirge zum Mantaschtano oder Tchalchukh, einem südlichen Nebenflusse des Kuskokwim.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 7. 'Dieses—an den Ufern und den Umgebungen von Cook's Inlet und um die Seen Iliamna und Kisshick lebende Volk gehört zu dem selben Stamme wie die Galzanen oder Koltschanen, Atnaer, und Koloschen.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 103. 'Les Kenayzi habitent la côte occidentale de l'entrée de Cook ou du golfe Kenayskaja.' Humboldt, Pol., tom. i., p. 348. 'The Indians of Cook's Inlet and adjacent waters are called "Kanisky." They are settled along the shore of the inlet and on the east shore of the peninsula.' 'East of Cook's Inlet, in Prince William's Sound, there are but few Indians, they are called "Nuchusk."' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 575.

The Kenai, also known as Kenai-tena or Thnaina, live on the Kenai Peninsula, along the shores of Cook Inlet, and westward across the Chigmit Mountains almost to the Kuskoquim River. They "inhabit the area near Cook's Inlet, and both shores of the Inlet down to Chugachik Bay." Dall's Alaska, p. 430. "The true Thnaina inhabit the Kenai Peninsula and extend from there westward over the Chigmit Mountains to Mantaschtano or Tchalchukh, a southern tributary of the Kuskokwim." Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 7. "This group—living along the shores and surrounding areas of Cook's Inlet and around the lakes Iliamna and Kisshick—belongs to the same tribe as the Galzanen, Koltschanen, Atnaer, and Koloschen." Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 103. "The Kenayzi inhabit the west coast of Cook Inlet or the Kenayskaja Gulf." Humboldt, Pol., vol. i., p. 348. "The Indians of Cook's Inlet and nearby waters are referred to as 'Kanisky.' They are located along the shore of the inlet and on the east shore of the peninsula." "East of Cook's Inlet, in Prince William's Sound, there are only a few Indians, known as 'Nuchusk.'" Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 575.

The Atnas occupy the Atna or Copper River from near its mouth to near its source. 'At the mouth of the Copper River.' Latham's Comp. Phil., vol. viii., p. 392. 'Die Athnaer, am Athna oder Kupferflusse.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 7. 'On the upper part of the Atna or Copper River are a little-known tribe of the above name [viz., Ah-tena]. They have been called Atnaer and Kolshina by the Russians, and Yellow Knife or Nehaunee by the English.' Dall's Alaska, p. 429. 'Diese kleine, jetzt ungefähr aus 60 Familien bestehende, Völkerschaft wohnt an den Ufern des Flusses Atna und nennt sich Atnaer.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 97.

The Atnas live along the Atna or Copper River, from close to its mouth to near its source. 'At the mouth of the Copper River.' Latham's Comp. Phil., vol. viii., p. 392. 'Die Athnaer, am Athna oder Kupferflusse.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 7. 'In the upper part of the Atna or Copper River, there's a little-known tribe called Ah-tena. They've been referred to as Atnaer and Kolshina by the Russians, and Yellow Knife or Nehaunee by the English.' Dall's Alaska, p. 429. 'Diese kleine, jetzt ungefähr aus 60 Familien bestehende, Völkerschaft wohnt an den Ufern des Flusses Atna und nennt sich Atnaer.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 97.

Columbian Group

NATIVE RACES of the PACIFIC STATES
COLUMBIAN GROUP

NATIVE RACES of the PACIFIC STATES
COLUMBIAN GROUP

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CHAPTER III.

COLUMBIANS.

Habitat of the Columbian Group—Physical Geography—Sources of Food-Supply—Influence of Food and Climate—Four extreme Classes—Haidahs—Their Home—Physical Peculiarities—Clothing—Shelter—Sustenance—Implements—Manufactures—Arts—Property—Laws—Slavery—Women—Customs—Medicine—Death—The Nootkas—The Sound Nations—The Chinooks—The Shushwaps—The Salish—The Sahaptins—Tribal Boundaries.

Habitat of the Columbian Group—Physical Geography—Sources of Food Supply—Effect of Food and Climate—Four Extreme Classes—Haidahs—Their Home—Physical Traits—Clothing—Shelter—Food—Tools—Production—Arts—Property—Laws—Slavery—Women—Traditions—Medicine—Death—The Nootkas—The Sound Nations—The Chinooks—The Shushwaps—The Salish—The Sahaptins—Tribal Boundaries.

The term Columbians, or, as Scouler[228] and others have called them, Nootka-Columbians, is, in the absence of a native word, sufficiently characteristic to distinguish the aboriginal nations of north-western America between the forty-third and fifty-fifth parallels, from those of the other great divisions of this work. The Columbia River, which suggests the name of this group, and Nootka Sound on the western shore of Vancouver Island, were originally the chief centres of European settlement on the North-west Coast; and at an early period these names were compounded to designate the natives of the Anglo-American possessions on the Pacific, which lay between the discoveries of the Russians on the north and those of the Spaniards on the south. As a simple name is always preferable to a complex one, and as no more pertinent name suggests itself than that of the great river which, with its tributaries, drains a large portion of this 151 territory, I drop 'Nootka' and retain only the word 'Columbian.'[229] These nations have also been broadly denominated Flatheads, from a custom practiced more or less by many of their tribes, of compressing the cranium during infancy;[230] although the only Indians in the whole area, tribally known as Flatheads, are those of the Salish family, who do not flatten the head at all.

The term Colombians, or as Scouler[228] and others refer to them, Nootka-Columbians, is, in the absence of a native word, distinct enough to differentiate the indigenous nations of northwestern America between the forty-third and fifty-fifth parallels from those of other major sections of this work. The Columbia River, which inspired the name for this group, and Nootka Sound on the western shore of Vancouver Island, were originally the main centers of European settlement on the Northwest Coast; and early on, these names were combined to refer to the natives of the Anglo-American territories on the Pacific, located between the Russian discoveries to the north and the Spanish discoveries to the south. Since a simple name is always preferred over a complex one, and since no more suitable name comes to mind than that of the great river, which, along with its tributaries, drains a large part of this 151 region, I will drop 'Nootka' and keep only the word 'Columbian.'[229] These nations have also been broadly called Flatheads, because many of their tribes practiced the custom of compressing the skull during infancy;[230] although the only group in the entire region known as Flatheads, tribally speaking, are those of the Salish family, who do not actually flatten their heads at all.

COLUMBIAN FAMILIES.

COLOMBIAN FAMILIES.

In describing the Columbian nations it is necessary, as in the other divisions, to subdivide the group; arbitrarily this may have been done in some instances, but as naturally as possible in all. Thus the people of Queen Charlotte Islands, and the adjacent coast for about a hundred miles inland, extending from 55° to 52° of north latitude, are called Haidahs from the predominant tribe of the islands. The occupants of Vancouver Island and the opposite main, with its labyrinth of inlets from 52° to 49°, I term Nootkas. The Sound Indians inhabit the region drained by streams flowing into Puget Sound, and the adjacent shores of the strait and ocean; the Chinooks occupy the banks of the Columbia from the Dalles to the sea, extending along the coast northward to Gray Harbor, and southward nearly to the Californian line. The interior of British Columbia, between the Cascade and Rocky Mountains, and south of the territory occupied by the Hyperborean Carriers, is peopled by the Shushwaps, the Kootenais, and the Okanagans. Between 49° and 47°, 152 extending west from the Cascade to the Rocky Mountains, chiefly on the Columbia and Clarke Fork, is the Salish or Flathead family. The nations dwelling south of 47° and east of the Cascade range, on the Columbia, the lower Snake, and their tributary streams, may be called Sahaptins, from the name of the Nez Percé tribes.[231] The great Shoshone family, extending south-east from the upper waters of the Columbia, and spreading out over nearly the whole of the Great Basin, although partially included in the Columbian limits, will be omitted in this, and included in the Californian Group, which follows. These divisions, as before stated, are geographic rather than ethnographic.[232] Many attempts have been made by practical ethnologists, to draw partition lines between these peoples according to race, all of which have proved signal failures, the best approximation to a scientific division being that of philologists, the results of whose researches are given in the third volume of this series; but neither the latter division, nor that into coast and inland tribes—in many respects the most natural and clearly defined of all[233]—is adapted to my present purpose. In treating of the Columbians, I shall first take up the coast families, going from north to south, and afterward follow the same order with those east of the mountains.

When describing the nations of the Columbia region, it’s important, as with other divisions, to break the group down further. This might seem arbitrary in some cases, but I aim to do it as naturally as possible. The people of Queen Charlotte Islands and the nearby coast, extending about a hundred miles inland from 55° to 52° north latitude, are called Haidahs, named after the dominant tribe of the islands. The inhabitants of Vancouver Island and the opposite shore, with its complex inlets from 52° to 49°, are referred to as Nootkas. The Sound Indians live in the area where rivers flow into Puget Sound, along with the neighboring shores of the strait and ocean; the Chinooks reside along the Columbia River from the Dalles to the sea, stretching northward along the coast to Gray Harbor, and southward almost to the California border. The interior of British Columbia, located between the Cascade and Rocky Mountains, and south of the region occupied by the Hyperborean Carriers, is home to the Shushwaps, Kootenais, and Okanagans. Between 49° and 47°, which extends west from the Cascade to the Rocky Mountains, primarily along the Columbia and Clark Fork rivers, lies the Salish or Flathead family. Nations residing south of 47° and east of the Cascade range, along the Columbia, the lower Snake, and their tributary streams, can be called Sahaptins, after the name of the Nez Percé tribes.[231] The large Shoshone family, extending southeast from the upper Columbia waters and nearly covering the entire Great Basin, will be excluded from this category and included in the following Californian Group, even though it partially overlaps with the Columbia limits. As mentioned earlier, these divisions are based on geography rather than ethnicity.[232] Various practical ethnologists have attempted to draw boundaries among these groups based on race, but all of these efforts have failed. The closest scientific division comes from philologists, whose findings are detailed in the third volume of this series; however, neither this division nor the separation into coastal and inland tribes—which is, in many ways, the most natural and clearly defined of all—suits my current purpose. When discussing the Columbians, I will first focus on the coastal families, moving from north to south, and then proceed in the same order with those living east of the mountains.

HOME OF THE COLUMBIANS.

HOME OF THE COLUMBIANS.

No little partiality was displayed by the Great Spirit of the Columbians in the apportionment of their dwelling-place. The Cascade Mountains, running from north to south throughout their whole territory, make of it two distinct climatic divisions, both highly but unequally favored by nature. On the coast side—a strip which 153 may be called one hundred and fifty miles wide and one thousand miles long—excessive cold is unknown, and the earth, warmed by Asiatic currents and watered by numerous mountain streams, is thickly wooded; noble forests are well stocked with game; a fertile soil yields a great variety of succulent roots and edible berries, which latter means of subsistence were lightly appreciated by the indolent inhabitants, by reason of the still more abundant and accessible food-supply afforded by the fish of ocean, channel, and stream. The sources of material for clothing were also bountiful far beyond the needs of the people.

No small favoritism was shown by the Great Spirit of the Columbians in determining their living area. The Cascade Mountains run from north to south across their entire territory, creating two distinct climate zones, both rich but unevenly blessed by nature. On the coastal side—a strip that's about one hundred and fifty miles wide and one thousand miles long—extreme cold is unheard of, and the land, warmed by warm Asian currents and fed by numerous mountain streams, is densely forested; magnificent forests are filled with game; fertile soil provides a wide variety of delicious roots and edible berries, which the lazy inhabitants took for granted because of the even more plentiful and accessible food from the fish in the ocean, channels, and streams. The resources for clothing were also plentiful, far exceeding the people’s needs.

Passing the Cascade barrier, the climate and the face of the country change. Here we have a succession of plains or table-lands, rarely degenerating into deserts, with a good supply of grass and roots; though generally without timber, except along the streams, until the heavily wooded western spurs of the Rocky Mountains are reached. The air having lost much of its moisture, affords but a scanty supply of rain, the warming and equalizing influence of the ocean stream is no longer felt, and the extremes of heat and cold are undergone according to latitude and season. Yet are the dwellers in this land blessed above many other aboriginal peoples, in that game is plenty, and roots and insects are at hand in case the season's hunt prove unsuccessful.

Crossing the Cascade barrier, the climate and landscape change. Here, we find a series of plains or plateaus, rarely turning into deserts, with plenty of grass and roots; though generally lacking trees, except along the streams, until we reach the heavily forested western foothills of the Rocky Mountains. The air has lost much of its moisture, resulting in limited rainfall; the warming and balancing effects of the ocean current are no longer felt, and temperatures can vary widely depending on the latitude and season. However, the people living in this land are fortunate compared to many other indigenous groups, as there is an abundance of game, and roots and insects are available if the current hunting season fails.

Ethnologically, no well-defined line can be drawn to divide the people occupying these two widely different regions. Diverse as they certainly are in form, character, and customs, their environment, the climate, and their methods of seeking food may well be supposed to have made them so. Not only do the pursuit of game in the interior and the taking of fish on the coast, develop clearly marked general peculiarities of character and life in the two divisions, but the same causes produce grades more or less distinct in each division. West of the Cascade range, the highest position is held by the tribes who in their canoes pursue the whale upon the ocean, and in the effort to capture Leviathan become themselves great 154 and daring as compared with the lowest order who live upon shell-fish and whatever nutritious substances may be cast by the tide upon the beach. Likewise in the interior, the extremes are found in the deer, bear, elk, and buffalo hunters, especially when horses are employed, and in the root and insect eaters of the plains. Between these four extreme classes may be traced many intermediate grades of physical and intellectual development, due to necessity and the abilities exercised in the pursuit of game.

Ethnologically, there’s no clear line that separates the people living in these two very different regions. While they are certainly diverse in appearance, character, and customs, their environment, climate, and ways of finding food have likely shaped them. The way they hunt game in the interior and catch fish on the coast clearly creates distinct characteristics and lifestyles in both areas, and similar factors cause varying degrees of distinction within each group. West of the Cascade Range, the tribes that chase whales in their canoes hold the highest status, becoming bold and adventurous as they try to capture the great Leviathan, unlike those at the lower end who rely on shellfish and whatever nutritious items wash up on the beach. Similarly, in the interior, extremes can be observed between those who hunt deer, bears, elk, and buffalo—especially when using horses—and those who primarily eat roots and insects on the plains. There are many intermediate levels of physical and intellectual development between these four extreme classes, shaped by necessity and the skills honed in the hunt.

The Columbians hitherto have been brought in much closer contact with the whites than the Hyperboreans, and the results of the association are known to all. The cruel treacheries and massacres by which nations have been thinned, and flickering remnants of once powerful tribes gathered on government reservations or reduced to a handful of beggars, dependent for a livelihood on charity, theft, or the wages of prostitution, form an unwritten chapter in the history of this region. That this process of duplicity was unnecessary as well as infamous, I shall not attempt to show, as the discussion of Indian policy forms no part of my present purpose. Whatever the cause, whether from an inhuman civilized policy, or the decrees of fate, it is evident that the Columbians, in common with all the aborigines of America, are doomed to extermination. Civilization and savagism will not coalesce, any more than light and darkness; and although it may be necessary that these things come, yet are those by whom they are unrighteously accomplished none the less culpable.

The Columbians have been brought into much closer contact with white people than the Hyperboreans, and the results of this association are well known. The brutal betrayals and massacres that have resulted in the thinning of nations, with the remaining members of once-powerful tribes kept on government reservations or reduced to a few beggars dependent on charity, theft, or prostitution, form an untold chapter in the history of this region. I won't try to show that this duplicitous process was both unnecessary and shameful, as discussing Indian policy is not my current focus. Whatever the cause, whether it's an inhumane civilized policy or the workings of fate, it's clear that the Columbians, like all Indigenous peoples of America, are facing extermination. Civilization and savagery will not merge, just as light and darkness cannot; and even if these outcomes are inevitable, those who carry them out unjustly are still guilty.

Once more let it be understood that the time of which this volume speaks, was when the respective peoples were first known to Europeans. It was when, throughout this region of the Columbia, nature's wild magnificence was yet fresh; primeval forests unprofaned; lakes, and rivers, and rolling plains unswept; it was when countless villages dotted the luxuriant valleys; when from the warrior's camp-fire the curling smoke never ceased to ascend, nor the sounds of song and dance to be heard; when bands of gaily dressed savages roamed over every 155 hill-side; when humanity unrestrained vied with bird and beast in the exercise of liberty absolute. This is no history; alas! they have none; it is but a sun-picture, and to be taken correctly must be taken quickly. Nor need we pause to look back through the dark vista of unwritten history, and speculate, who and what they are, nor for how many thousands of years they have been coming and going, counting the winters, the moons, and the sleeps; chasing the wild game, basking in the sunshine, pursuing and being pursued, killing and being killed. All knowledge regarding them lies buried in an eternity of the past, as all knowledge of their successors remains folded in an eternity of the future. We came upon them unawares, unbidden, and while we gazed they melted away. The infectious air of civilization penetrated to the remotest corner of their solitudes. Their ignorant and credulous nature, unable to cope with the intellect of a superior race, absorbed only its vices, yielding up its own simplicity and nobleness for the white man's diseases and death.

Once again, let it be clear that the time this book discusses was when the various peoples were first known to Europeans. It was a time when, throughout the Columbia region, nature's wild beauty was still intact; untouched primeval forests, pristine lakes, rivers, and rolling plains; it was when countless villages filled the lush valleys; when the smoke from the warrior's camp-fires never stopped rising, and the sounds of singing and dancing were always present; when groups of brightly dressed natives roamed every hillside; when unrestrained humanity competed with birds and animals in exercising complete freedom. This is not history; unfortunately, they have none; it is just a snapshot, and to understand it correctly, it must be taken quickly. There’s no need to look back through the dark path of unwritten history and wonder who they are and what they are, nor how many thousands of years they have been here, counting the winters, moons, and nights; chasing game, basking in the sun, pursuing and being pursued, killing and being killed. All knowledge about them is buried in an endless past, just as all knowledge about their descendants remains hidden in an endless future. We encountered them unexpectedly, uninvited, and while we watched, they disappeared. The pervasive influence of civilization reached even the most remote parts of their solitude. Their naive and gullible nature, unable to deal with the intellect of a superior race, absorbed only its flaws, sacrificing their own simplicity and greatness for the white man's diseases and death.

HAIDAH NATIONS.

HAIDA NATIONS.

In the Haidah family I include the nations occupying the coast and islands from the southern extremity of Prince of Wales Archipelago to the Bentinck Arms in about 52°. Their territory is bounded on the north and east by the Thlinkeet and Carrier nations of the Hyperboreans, and on the south by the Nootka family of the Columbians. Its chief nations, whose boundaries however can rarely be fixed with precision, are the Massets, the Skiddegats, and the Cumshawas, of Queen Charlotte Islands; the Kaiganies, of Prince of Wales Archipelago; the Chimsyans, about Fort Simpson, and on Chatham Sound; the Nass and the Skeenas, on the rivers of the same names; the Sebassas, on Pitt Archipelago and the shores of Gardner Channel; and the Millbank Sound Indians, including the Hailtzas and the Bellacoolas, the most southern of this family. These nations, the orthography of whose names is far from uniform among different writers, are still farther subdivided into numerous indefinite tribes, as specified at the end of this chapter. 156

In the Haidah family, I include the nations along the coast and islands from the southern tip of the Prince of Wales Archipelago to the Bentinck Arms at around 52°. Their territory is bordered to the north and east by the Thlinkeet and Carrier nations of the Hyperboreans and to the south by the Nootka family of the Columbians. The main nations, whose boundaries are often hard to define, are the Massets, Skiddegats, and Cumshawas from the Queen Charlotte Islands; the Kaiganies from the Prince of Wales Archipelago; the Chimsyans near Fort Simpson and in Chatham Sound; the Nass and Skeenas on the rivers of the same names; the Sebassas on Pitt Archipelago and the shores of Gardner Channel; and the Millbank Sound Indians, which include the Hailtzas and the Bellacoolas, the southernmost groups of this family. These nations, whose name spellings vary among different writers, are also further divided into many vague tribes, as detailed at the end of this chapter. 156

The Haidah territory, stretching on the mainland three hundred miles in length, and in width somewhat over one hundred miles from the sea to the lofty Chilkoten Plain, is traversed throughout its length by the northern extension of the Cascade Range. In places its spurs and broken foot-hills touch the shore, and the very heart of the range is penetrated by innumerable inlets and channels, into which pour short rapid streams from interior hill and plain. The country, though hilly, is fertile and covered by an abundant growth of large, straight pines, cedars, and other forest trees. The forest abounds with game, the waters with fish. The climate is less severe than in the middle United States; and notwithstanding the high latitude of their home, the Haidahs have received no small share of nature's gifts. Little has been explored, however, beyond the actual coast, and information concerning this nation, coming from a few sources only, is less complete than in the case of the more southern Nootkas.

The Haidah territory spans three hundred miles in length on the mainland, and is over one hundred miles wide from the sea to the high Chilkoten Plain. Its entire length is crossed by the northern extension of the Cascade Range. In some areas, its spurs and rugged foothills meet the shore, and the heart of the range is filled with countless inlets and channels, fed by short, fast streams from the interior hills and plains. Although the landscape is hilly, it is fertile and covered in a rich growth of tall, straight pines, cedars, and other types of trees. The forest is full of game, and the waters are rich with fish. The climate is milder than in the central United States; and despite their high latitude, the Haidahs have received a significant share of nature's gifts. However, little has been explored beyond the actual coastline, and information about this nation, which comes from only a few sources, is less complete than that of the more southern Nootkas.

PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES OF THE HAIDAHS.

HAIDA PHYSICAL FEATURES.

Favorable natural conditions have produced in the Haidahs a tall, comely, and well-formed race, not inferior to any in North-western America;[234] the northern nations of 157 the family being generally superior to the southern,[235] and having physical if not linguistic affinities with their Thlinkeet neighbors, rather than with the Nootkas. Their faces are broad, with high cheek bones;[236] the eyes small, generally black, though brown and gray with a reddish tinge have been observed among them.[237] The few who have seen their faces free from paint pronounce their complexion light,[238] and instances of Albino characteristics are sometimes found.[239] The hair is not uniformly coarse and black, but often soft in texture, and of varying shades of brown, worn by some of the tribes cut close to the head.[240] The beard is usually plucked out with great care, but moustaches are raised sometimes as strong as those of Europeans;[241] indeed there seems to 158 be little authority for the old belief that the North-western American Indians were destitute of hair except on the head.[242] Dr Scouler, comparing Chimsyan skulls with those of the Chinooks, who are among the best known of the north-western nations, finds that in a natural state both have broad, high cheek-bones, with a receding forehead, but the Chimsyan skull, between the parietal and temporal bones, is broader than that of the Chinook, its vertex being remarkably flat.[243] Swollen and deformed legs are common from constantly doubling them under the body while sitting in the canoe. The teeth are frequently worn down to the gums by eating sanded salmon.[244]

Favorable natural conditions have created a tall, attractive, and well-built group among the Haidahs, who are comparable to any others in Northwestern America; the northern nations typically excel over the southern ones and show physical, if not linguistic, connections with their Thlinkeet neighbors, rather than with the Nootkas. Their faces are broad with high cheekbones; their eyes are small and generally black, although brown and gray eyes with a reddish tint have been noted among them. A few who have seen their faces without paint describe their complexion as light, and there are occasional instances of albino features. Their hair isn't always coarse and black; it can be soft and come in various shades of brown, with some tribes keeping it cut close to the head. Beards are usually carefully plucked out, although mustaches can be as prominent as those of Europeans; in fact, there seems to be little support for the old belief that Northwestern American Indians lacked body hair except on their heads. Dr. Scouler, comparing Chimsyan skulls with those of the Chinooks, who are well-known among the northwestern nations, notes that in their natural state, both have broad, high cheekbones and a receding forehead, but the Chimsyan skull is broader between the parietal and temporal bones, with a remarkably flat vertex. Swollen and deformed legs are common due to the habit of folding them under the body while sitting in a canoe. Their teeth are often worn down to the gums from eating sanded salmon.

HAIDAH DRESS AND ORNAMENT.

Haidah dress and accessories.

The Haidahs have no methods of distortion peculiar to themselves, by which they seek to improve their fine physique; but the custom of flattening the head in infancy obtains in some of the southern nations of this family, as the Hailtzas and Bellacoolas,[245] and the Thlinkeet lip-piece, already sufficiently described, is in use throughout a larger part of the whole territory. It was observed by Simpson as far south as Millbank Sound, where it was highly useful as well as ornamental, affording a firm hold for the fair fingers of the sex in their drunken fights. These ornaments, made of either wood, bone, or metal, are worn particularly large in Queen 159 Charlotte Islands, where they seem to be not a mark of rank, but to be worn in common by all the women.[246] Besides the regular lip-piece, ornaments, various in shape and material, of shell, bone, wood, or metal, are worn stuck in the lips, nose, and ears, apparently according to the caprice or taste of the wearer, the skin being sometimes, though more rarely, tattooed to correspond.[247] Both for ornament and as a protection against the weather, the skin is covered with a thick coat of paint, a black polish being a full dress uniform. Figures of birds and beasts, and a coat of grease are added in preparation for a feast, with fine down of duck or goose—a stylish coat of tar and feathers—sprinkled over the body as an extra attraction.[248] When the severity of the weather makes additional protection desirable, a blanket, formerly woven by themselves from dog's hair, and stained in varied colors, but now mostly procured from Europeans, is thrown loosely over the shoulders. Chiefs, especially in times of feasting, wear richer robes of skins.[249] The styles of dress and ornament adopted around the forts from contact with the whites need not be described. Among the more unusual articles that have been noticed by travelers are, "a large hat, resembling the top of a small parasol, made of the twisted fibres of the roots of trees, with an aperture in the inside, at the broader end" for the head, worn by a Sebassa chief; and at Millbank Sound, "masks set with 160 seals' whiskers and feathers, which expand like a fan," with secret springs to open the mouth and eyes.[250] Mackenzie and Vancouver, who were among the earliest visitors to this region, found fringed robes of bark-fibre, ornamented with fur and colored threads. A circular mat, with an opening in the centre for the head, was worn as a protection from the rain; and war garments consisted of several thicknesses of the strongest hides procurable, sometimes strengthened by strips of wood on the inside.[251]

The Haidahs don't have unique methods of distortion to enhance their bodies, but some southern nations in this family, like the Hailtzas and Bellacoolas, have a custom of flattening the head in infancy. The Thlinkeet lip-piece, which has already been described, is commonly used across a larger part of the territory. Simpson noted its presence as far south as Millbank Sound, where it served both practical and decorative purposes, providing a firm grip for women's fingers during their drunken fights. These ornaments, made from wood, bone, or metal, are especially large in Queen Charlotte Islands, where they are not symbols of rank but are worn commonly by all women. In addition to the standard lip-piece, varied ornaments made from shell, bone, wood, or metal can be found in the lips, nose, and ears, seemingly based on personal preference, with skin sometimes, though less frequently, tattooed to match. For both decoration and weather protection, the skin is covered with a thick layer of paint, with a black polish serving as full dress uniform. Patterns of birds and animals, along with a layer of grease, are added for feasts, and fine duck or goose down—a stylish mix of tar and feathers—is sprinkled over the body for extra allure. When harsh weather calls for additional protection, a blanket, previously woven from dog hair and dyed in various colors but now mainly acquired from Europeans, is draped loosely over the shoulders. Chiefs, especially during feasts, wear more extravagant robes made of skins. The styles of clothing and adornment adopted around the forts due to contact with Europeans don't need detailing. Some unusual items travelers have noted include "a large hat resembling the top of a small parasol, crafted from twisted tree root fibers, featuring a hole at the wider end" for the head, worn by a Sebassa chief; and at Millbank Sound, "masks adorned with seals' whiskers and feathers that fan out," with mechanisms to open the mouth and eyes. Mackenzie and Vancouver, among the first visitors to this area, discovered fringed robes made from bark fibers decorated with fur and colored threads. A circular mat with a center opening for the head was used for rain protection, and war attire was made of multiple layers of the toughest hides available, sometimes reinforced with strips of wood on the inside.

HAIDAH HOUSES.

HAIDAH HOMES.

The Haidahs use as temporary dwellings, in their frequent summer excursions for war and the hunt, simple lodges of poles, covered, among the poorer classes by cedar mats, and among the rich by skins. Their permanent villages are usually built in strong natural positions, guarded by precipices, sometimes on rocks detached from the main land, but connected with it by a narrow platform. Their town houses are built of light logs, or of thick split planks, usually of sufficient size to accommodate a large number of families. Poole mentions a house on Queen Charlotte Islands, which formed a cube of fifty feet, ten feet of its height being dug in the ground, and which accommodated seven hundred Indians. The buildings are often, however, raised above the ground on a platform supported by posts, sometimes carved into human or other figures. Some of these raised buildings seen by the earlier visitors were twenty-five or thirty feet from the ground, solidly and neatly constructed, an inclined log with notches serving as a ladder. These houses were found only in the southern part of the Haidah 161 territory. The fronts were generally painted with figures of men and animals. There were no windows or chimney; the floors were spread with cedar mats, on which the occupants slept in a circle round a central fire, whose smoke in its exit took its choice between the hole which served as a door and the wall-cracks. On the south-eastern boundary of this territory, Mackenzie found in the villages large buildings of similar but more careful construction, and with more elaborately carved posts, but they were not dwellings, being used probably for religious purposes.[252]

The Haida people use simple lodges made of poles as temporary homes during their summer trips for war and hunting. The poorer families cover their lodges with cedar mats, while the wealthier ones use skins. Their permanent villages are typically located in strong natural spots, protected by cliffs, and sometimes on rocks that are separated from the mainland but linked to it by a narrow platform. Their townhouses are constructed from lightweight logs or thick split planks, usually big enough to house many families. Poole mentions a house on Queen Charlotte Islands that was a cube measuring fifty feet on each side, with ten feet of it built into the ground, accommodating seven hundred Indigenous people. These buildings are often elevated above the ground on platforms held up by posts, some of which are intricately carved into human or other forms. Some of the raised buildings seen by early visitors were twenty-five to thirty feet high, solidly built and tidy, with a slanted log with notches serving as a ladder. These houses were primarily found in the southern part of the Haida territory. The fronts were typically adorned with painted images of humans and animals. There were no windows or chimneys; the floors were covered with cedar mats, where the occupants slept in a circle around a central fire, with the smoke escaping through the door or cracks in the walls. On the southeastern edge of this territory, Mackenzie discovered larger buildings in the villages that were similar but constructed with greater care and more intricately carved posts, though they were not homes, likely serving religious purposes.

FOOD OF THE HAIDAHS.

HAIDA FOOD.

Although game is plentiful, the Haidahs are not a race of hunters, but derive their food chiefly from the innumerable multitude of fish and sea animals, which, each 162 variety in its season, fill the coast waters. Most of the coast tribes, and all who live inland, kill the deer and other animals, particularly since the introduction of firearms, but it is generally the skin and not the flesh that is sought. Some tribes about the Bentinck channels, at the time of Mackenzie's visit, would not taste flesh except from the sea, from superstitious motives. Birds that burrow in the sand-banks are enticed out by the glare of torches, and knocked down in large numbers with clubs. They are roasted without plucking or cleaning, the entrails being left in to improve the flavor. Potatoes, and small quantities of carrots and other vegetables, are now cultivated throughout this territory, the crop being repeated until the soil is exhausted, when a new place is cleared. Wild parsnips are abundant on the banks of lakes and streams, and their tender tops, roasted, furnish a palatable food; berries and bulbs abound, and the inner tegument of some varieties of the pine and hemlock is dried in cakes and eaten with salmon-oil. The varieties of fish sent by nature to the deep inlets and streams for the Haidah's food, are very numerous; their standard reliance for regular supplies being the salmon, herring, eulachon or candle-fish, round-fish, and halibut. Salmon are speared; dipped up in scoop-nets; entangled in drag-nets managed between two canoes and forced by poles to the bottom; intercepted in their pursuit of smaller fish by gill-nets with coarse meshes, made of cords of native hemp, stretched across the entrance of the smaller inlets; and are caught in large wicker baskets, placed at openings in weirs and embankments which are built across the rivers. The salmon fishery differs little in different parts of the Northwest. The candle-fish, so fat that in frying they melt almost completely into oil, and need only the insertion of a pith or bark wick to furnish an excellent lamp, are impaled on the sharp teeth of a rake, or comb. The handle of the rake is from six to eight feet long, and it is swept through the water by the Haidahs in their canoes by moonlight. Herring in immense numbers are taken in April 163 by similar rakes, as well as by dip-nets, a large part of the whole take being used for oil. Seals are speared in the water or shot while on the rocks, and their flesh is esteemed a great delicacy. Clams, cockles, and shell-fish are captured by squaws, such an employment being beneath manly dignity. Fish, when caught, are delivered to the women, whose duty it is to prepare them for winter use by drying. No salt is used, but the fish are dried in the sun, or smoke-dried by being hung from the top of dwellings, then wrapped in bark, or packed in rude baskets or chests, and stowed on high scaffolds out of the reach of dogs and children. Salmon are opened, and the entrails, head, and back-bone removed before drying. During the process of drying, sand is blown over the fish, and the teeth of the eater are often worn down by it nearly even with the gums. The spawn of salmon and herring is greatly esteemed, and besides that obtained from the fish caught, much is collected on pine boughs, which are stuck in the mud until loaded with the eggs. This native caviare is dried for preservation, and is eaten prepared in various ways; pounded between two stones, and beaten with water into a creamy consistency; or boiled with sorrel and different berries, and moulded into cakes about twelve inches square and one inch thick by means of wooden frames. After a sufficient supply of solid food for the winter is secured, oil, the great heat-producing element of all northern tribes, is extracted from the additional catch, by boiling the fish in wooden vessels, and skimming the grease from the water or squeezing it from the refuse. The arms and breast of the women are the natural press in which the mass, wrapped in mats, is hugged; the hollow stalks of an abundant sea-weed furnish natural bottles in which the oil is preserved for use as a sauce, and into which nearly everything is dipped before eating. When the stock of food is secured, it is rarely infringed upon until the winter sets in, but then such is the Indian appetite—ten pounds of flour in the pancake-form at a meal being nothing for the stomach of a Haidah, according to Poole—that 164 whole tribes frequently suffer from hunger before spring.[253]

Although there’s plenty of game, the Haida aren't hunters; they primarily get their food from the countless fish and sea animals that fill the coastal waters in their respective seasons. Most coastal tribes, and all those living inland, hunt deer and other animals, especially with the advent of firearms, but usually, they seek the skin rather than the meat. Some tribes near the Bentinck channels, during Mackenzie's visit, wouldn’t touch land animals due to superstitious beliefs. Birds that nest in the sandbanks are drawn out by the light of torches and taken down in large numbers with clubs. They are roasted without being plucked or cleaned, leaving in the entrails to enhance the flavor. Potatoes and small amounts of carrots and other vegetables are now grown throughout the area, with the crops repeated until the soil is depleted, at which point a new area is cleared. Wild parsnips are plentiful along the banks of lakes and streams, and their tender tops, when roasted, make a tasty food; berries and bulbs are abundant, and the inner bark of certain pine and hemlock varieties is dried into cakes and eaten with salmon oil. The types of fish available for Haida meals are numerous; their main food sources are salmon, herring, eulachon (candlefish), round fish, and halibut. Salmon are caught by spearing, scooping with nets, entrapment in drag nets managed between two canoes and forced to the bottom with poles, intercepted with coarse-mesh gill nets made of native hemp across smaller inlets, and caught in large wicker baskets placed at openings in weirs and embankments across rivers. The salmon fishing methods are quite similar across different areas of the Northwest. Candlefish, which are so fatty that they almost completely dissolve into oil when fried, require only a pith or bark wick to serve as an excellent lamp, and they’re speared on the sharp teeth of a rake or comb. The rake’s handle measures six to eight feet long, and the Haida sweep it through the water from their canoes in moonlight. Herring are caught in huge numbers in April using similar rakes and dip nets, with a significant portion used for oil. Seals are speared in the water or shot on the rocks, and their meat is considered a delicacy. Clams, cockles, and shellfish are collected by women, as this task is deemed beneath men. Fish caught are handed to the women, whose role is to prepare them for winter by drying. Salt isn't used, but fish are dried in the sun or smoked by hanging them in the homes, wrapped in bark, or packed into crude baskets or chests, stored on high platforms out of reach of dogs and children. Salmon are gutted, with entrails, heads, and backbones removed before drying. During the drying process, sand often blows onto the fish, causing the teeth of the eaters to be worn down to the gums. Salmon and herring roe is highly valued, and aside from what’s obtained from caught fish, much is gathered on pine branches stuck in mud until covered with eggs. This native caviar is dried for preservation and consumed in various ways—pounded between two stones and mixed with water to a creamy texture, or boiled with sorrel and various berries, then shaped into twelve-inch square and one-inch thick cakes using wooden frames. Once a sufficient supply of solid food for winter is secured, oil, a critical source of heat for all northern tribes, is extracted from any extra catch by boiling the fish in wooden containers and skimming off the fat or pressing it out from the leftovers. The arms and chests of women serve as natural presses, where the mass, wrapped in mats, is squeezed; the hollow stalks of abundant seaweed provide natural containers for storing oil, which is used as a sauce for almost everything before eating. Once food stocks are secured, they typically aren’t touched until winter arrives, but during that time, the Indian appetite is so great—ten pounds of pancake flour per meal is nothing for a Haida, according to Poole—that whole tribes often go hungry before spring.

The Haidah weapons are spears from four to sixteen feet long, some with a movable head or barb, which comes off when the seal or whale is struck; bows and arrows; hatchets of bone, horn, or iron, with which their planks are made; and daggers. Both spears and arrows are frequently pointed with iron, which, whether it found its way across the continent from the Hudson-Bay settlements, down the coast from the Russians, or was obtained from wrecked vessels, was certainly used in British Columbia for various purposes before the coming of the whites. Bows are made of cedar, with sinew glued along one side. Poole states that before the introduction of fire-arms, the Queen Charlotte Islanders had no weapon but a club. Brave as the Haidah warrior is admitted to be, open fair fight is unknown to him, and in true Indian style he resorts to night attacks, superior numbers, and treachery, to defeat his foe. Cutting off the head as a trophy is practiced instead of scalping, but though unmercifully cruel to all sexes and ages in the heat of battle, prolonged torture of captives seems to be unknown. Treaties of peace are arranged by delegations from the hostile tribes, following set forms, and the ceremonies terminate with a many days' feast.[254] Nets are made of native wild hemp and of cedar-bark fibre; hooks, of two pieces of wood or bone fastened together at an obtuse angle; boxes, troughs, and household dishes, of wood; ladles and spoons, of wood, horn, and bone. Candle-fish, with a wick of bark or pith, serve as 165 lamps; drinking vessels and pipes are carved with great skill from stone. The Haidahs are noted for their skill in the construction of their various implements, particularly for sculptures in stone and ivory, in which they excel all the other tribes of Northern America.[255]

The Haidah weapons include spears that range from four to sixteen feet long, some featuring a detachable head or barb that comes off when hitting a seal or whale; bows and arrows; axes made of bone, horn, or iron for crafting their planks; and daggers. Both spears and arrows often have iron tips, which likely came from various sources—crossing the continent from the Hudson Bay settlements, arriving down the coast from the Russians, or being obtained from shipwrecks. Iron was definitely utilized in British Columbia for different purposes before the arrival of white settlers. Bows are crafted from cedar, with sinew glued onto one side. Poole mentions that before firearms were introduced, the Queen Charlotte Islanders relied solely on clubs for weaponry. While the Haidah warrior is recognized for his bravery, he is not known for open fair fights; instead, he engages in nighttime raids, relies on larger numbers, and uses deception to overcome his enemies. Rather than scalping, they practice taking heads as trophies, but despite being mercilessly brutal in battle to all genders and ages, extended torture of captives seems to be uncommon. Peace treaties are negotiated by representatives from opposing tribes, following specific protocols, and the ceremonies conclude with a feast that lasts several days. Nets are made from native wild hemp and cedar bark fiber; hooks are created from two pieces of wood or bone joined at an angle; boxes, troughs, and household dishes are carved from wood; ladles and spoons are fashioned from wood, horn, and bone. Candlefish, with wicks made from bark or pith, serve as lamps; drinking vessels and pipes are expertly carved from stone. The Haidah are renowned for their craftsmanship in creating various tools, especially their sculptures in stone and ivory, in which they surpass all other tribes in Northern America.

HAIDAH MANUFACTURES.

HAIDAH CREATES.

The cedar-fibre and wild hemp were prepared for use by the women by beating on the rocks; they were then spun with a rude distaff and spindle, and woven on a frame into the material for blankets, robes, and mats, or twisted by the men into strong and even cord, between 166 the hand and thigh. Strips of otter-skin, bird-feathers, and other materials, were also woven into the blankets. Dogs of a peculiar breed, now nearly extinct, were shorn each year, furnishing a long white hair, which, mixed with fine hemp and cedar, made the best cloth. By dyeing the materials, regular colored patterns were produced, each tribe having had, it is said, a peculiar pattern by which its matting could be distinguished. Since the coming of Europeans, blankets of native manufacture have almost entirely disappeared. The Bellacoolas made very neat baskets, called zeilusqua, as well as hats and water-tight vessels, all of fine cedar-roots. Each chief about Fort Simpson kept an artisan, whose business it was to repair canoes, make masks, etc.[256]

The women prepared cedar fiber and wild hemp for use by beating them on rocks. They then spun the fibers with a simple distaff and spindle and wove them on a frame to create materials for blankets, robes, and mats. The men twisted them into strong, even cord using their hands and thighs. Strips of otter skin, bird feathers, and other materials were also woven into the blankets. Dogs of a special breed, now nearly extinct, were shorn each year to provide long white hair, which, when mixed with fine hemp and cedar, made the best cloth. By dyeing the materials, they created regular colored patterns, each tribe reportedly having a unique pattern that made their matting recognizable. Since the arrival of Europeans, blankets made by natives have almost completely disappeared. The Bellacoolas crafted very neat baskets called zeilusqua, along with hats and waterproof vessels, all made from fine cedar roots. Each chief around Fort Simpson employed an artisan whose job was to repair canoes, make masks, and so on.

The Haidah canoes are dug out of cedar logs, and are sometimes sixty feet long, six and a half wide, and four and a half deep, accommodating one hundred men. The prow and stern are raised, and often gracefully curved like a swan's neck, with a monster's head at the extremity. Boats of the better class have their exteriors carved and painted, with the gunwale inlaid in some cases with otter-teeth. Each canoe is made of a single log, except the raised extremities of the larger boats. They are impelled rapidly and safely over the often rough waters of the coast inlets, by shovel-shaped paddles, and when on shore, are piled up and covered with mats for protection against the rays of the sun. Since the coming of Europeans, sails have been added to the native boats, and other foreign features imitated.[257] 167

The Haidah canoes are carved out of cedar logs and can be as long as sixty feet, six and a half feet wide, and four and a half feet deep, holding up to one hundred people. The front and back of the canoe are raised and often curved gracefully like a swan's neck, featuring a monster's head at the tip. Higher-quality boats have their exteriors intricately carved and painted, with the edges sometimes inlaid with otter teeth. Each canoe is made from a single log, except for the raised ends of the larger boats. They glide quickly and safely over the often choppy waters of coastal inlets using shovel-shaped paddles, and when they’re on land, they are stacked and covered with mats to protect them from the sun's rays. Since the arrival of Europeans, sails have been added to the native boats, along with other foreign features mimicked. 167

TRADE AND GOVERNMENT.

Trade and government.

Rank and power depend greatly upon wealth, which consists of implements, wives, and slaves. Admission to alliance with medicine-men, whose influence is greatest in the tribe, can only be gained by sacrifice of private property. Before the disappearance of sea-otters from the Haidah waters, the skins of that animal formed the chief element of their trade and wealth; now the potatoes cultivated in some parts, and the various manufactures of Queen Charlotte Islands, supply their slight necessities. There is great rivalry among the islanders in supplying the tribes on the main with potatoes, fleets of forty or fifty canoes engaging each year in the trade from Queen Charlotte Islands. Fort Simpson is the great commercial rendezvous of the surrounding nations, who assemble from all directions in September, to hold a fair, dispose of their goods, visit friends, fight enemies, feast, and dance. Thus continue trade and merry-making for several weeks. Large fleets of canoes from the north also visit Victoria each spring for trading purposes.[258]

Rank and power largely depend on wealth, which includes tools, wives, and slaves. Joining forces with medicine men, who are the most influential in the tribe, requires sacrificing personal property. Before sea otters disappeared from Haida waters, their skins were the main component of their trade and wealth; now, the potatoes grown in some areas and the various products from the Queen Charlotte Islands meet their basic needs. There is intense competition among the islanders to provide potatoes to the tribes on the mainland, with fleets of forty or fifty canoes taking part in the trade from the Queen Charlotte Islands each year. Fort Simpson serves as the main commercial hub for the surrounding nations, who gather from all directions in September to hold a fair, trade their goods, visit friends, confront enemies, feast, and dance. Trade and festivities continue for several weeks. Large fleets of canoes from the north also come to Victoria each spring for trading purposes.[258]

Very little can be said of the government of the Haidahs in distinction from that of the other nations of the Northwest Coast. Among nearly all of them rank is nominally hereditary, for the most part by the female line, but really depends to a great extent on wealth and ability in war. Females often possess the right of chieftainship. In early intercourse with whites the chief traded for the whole tribe, subject, however, to the approval of the several families, each of which seemed to form a kind of subordinate government by itself. In some parts the power of the 168 chief seems absolute, and is wantonly exercised in the commission of the most cruel acts according to his pleasure. The extensive embankments and weirs found by Mackenzie, although their construction must have required the association of all the labor of the tribe, were completely under the chief's control, and no one could fish without his permission. The people seemed all equal, but strangers must obey the natives or leave the village. Crimes have no punishment by law; murder is settled for with relatives of the victim, by death or by the payment of a large sum; and sometimes general or notorious offenders, especially medicine-men, are put to death by an agreement among leading men.[259] Slavery is universal, and as the life of the slave is of no value to the owner except as property, they are treated with extreme cruelty. Slaves the northern tribes purchase, kidnap, or capture in war from their southern neighbors, who obtain them by like means from each other, the course of the slave traffic being generally from south to north, and from the coast inland.[260]

Very little can be said about the government of the Haidahs compared to other nations on the Northwest Coast. Among almost all of them, social rank is mostly inherited, primarily through the female line, but it really depends heavily on wealth and military skill. Women can often hold the title of chief. In early interactions with white settlers, the chief would trade on behalf of the entire tribe, but this was subject to approval from various families, each of which acted like a subordinate government of its own. In some areas, the chief's power appears absolute and is often exercised in cruel ways as he sees fit. The large embankments and weirs noted by Mackenzie, which must have required the collective effort of the whole tribe to build, were completely controlled by the chief, and no one could fish without his permission. Although the people seemed equal, outsiders had to obey the locals or leave the village. Crimes aren't punished by law; murder is resolved with the victim's relatives, either by causing the death of the offender or paying a hefty sum. Sometimes, high-profile or notorious offenders, especially medicine men, are executed by agreement among the community leaders. Slavery is widespread, and since a slave's life is only valued as property to the owner, they are often treated with extreme brutality. Northern tribes acquire slaves through purchase, kidnapping, or capture in wars against their southern neighbors, who similarly obtain them from each other, with the flow of the slave trade generally moving from south to north and from the coast inland.

Polygamy is everywhere practiced, and the number of wives is regulated only by wealth, girls being bought of parents at any price which may be agreed upon, and returned, and the price recovered, when after a proper trial they are not satisfactory. The transfer of the presents or price to the bride's parents is among some tribes accompanied by slight ceremonies nowhere fully described. The marriage ceremonies at Millbank Sound are performed on a platform over the water, supported by canoes. While jealousy is not entirely unknown, chastity appears to be so, as women who can earn the 169 greatest number of blankets win great admiration for themselves and high position for their husbands. Abortion and infanticide are not uncommon. Twin births are unusual, and the number of children is not large, although the age of bearing extends to forty or forty-six years. Women, except in the season of preparing the winter supply of fish, are occupied in household affairs and the care of children, for whom they are not without some affection, and whom they nurse often to the age of two or three years. Many families live together in one house, with droves of filthy dogs and children, all sleeping on mats round a central fire.[261]

Polygamy is commonly practiced, with the number of wives determined mainly by wealth. Girls can be bought from their parents for any agreed price, and if they don't meet expectations after a trial period, they can be returned, and the payment refunded. In some tribes, the exchange of gifts or payment to the bride's family is marked by simple ceremonies that aren't fully detailed. At Millbank Sound, marriage ceremonies take place on a platform over the water, supported by canoes. While jealousy isn't entirely absent, chastity seems to be, as women who can produce the most blankets gain a lot of admiration for themselves and elevate their husbands' status. Abortion and infanticide are fairly common, while twin births are rare, and families usually don't have many children, even though women can bear children until they are around forty or forty-six. Women, aside from when they're preparing the winter fish supply, spend their time on household duties and caring for children, to whom they often show affection and nurse up to two or three years old. Many families live together under one roof, with plenty of messy dogs and children all sleeping on mats around a central fire.

HAIDAH GAMBLERS.

HAIDAH GAMBLERS.

The Haidahs, like all Indians, are inveterate gamblers, the favorite game on Queen Charlotte Islands being odd and even, played with small round sticks, in which the game is won when one player has all the bunch of forty or fifty sticks originally belonging to his opponent. Farther south, and inland, some of the sticks are painted with red rings, and the player's skill or luck consists in naming the number and marks of sticks previously wrapped by his antagonist in grass. All have become fond of whisky since the coming of whites, but seem to have had no intoxicating drink before. At their annual trading fairs, and on other occasions, they are fond of visiting and entertaining friends with ceremonious interchange of presents, a suitable return being expected for each gift. At these reception feasts, men and women 170 are seated on benches along opposite walls; at wedding feasts both sexes dance and sing together. In dancing, the body, head, and arms are thrown into various attitudes to keep time with the music, very little use being made of the legs. On Queen Charlotte Islands the women dance at feasts, while the men in a circle beat time with sticks, the only instruments, except a kind of tambourine. For their dances they deck themselves in their best array, including plenty of birds' down, which they delight to communicate to their partners in bowing, and which they also blow into the air at regular intervals, through a painted tube. Their songs are a simple and monotonous chant, with which they accompany most of their dances and ceremonies, though Mackenzie heard among them some soft, plaintive tones, not unlike church music. The chiefs in winter give a partly theatrical, partly religious entertainment, in which, after preparation behind a curtain, dressed in rich apparel and wearing masks, they appear on a stage and imitate different spirits for the instruction of the hearers, who meanwhile keep up their songs.[262]

The Haidahs, like all Native Americans, are passionate gamblers, and their favorite game on Queen Charlotte Islands is odd and even, played with small round sticks. One player wins when they collect all the forty or fifty sticks that originally belonged to their opponent. Further south and inland, some of the sticks have red rings painted on them, and a player’s skill or luck lies in guessing the number and marks of the sticks that their opponent had wrapped in grass. Since the arrival of white settlers, they have developed a taste for whisky, but they didn’t have any intoxicating drinks beforehand. At their annual trading fairs and other events, they enjoy visiting and hosting friends, exchanging gifts with a reciprocal return expected for each one. During these social feasts, men and women sit on benches along opposite walls; at weddings, both genders dance and sing together. In their dances, they strike various poses with their bodies, heads, and arms to match the music, with minimal use of their legs. On Queen Charlotte Islands, women dance during feasts while men form a circle and keep time by beating sticks, which are the only instruments used, aside from a type of tambourine. For these dances, they dress in their finest clothes, adorned with plenty of bird down, which they enjoy sharing with their partners while bowing, and they also blow it into the air at regular intervals through a painted tube. Their songs consist of simple and monotonous chants that accompany most of their dances and ceremonies, although Mackenzie noted some soft, plaintive melodies that resembled church music. In winter, the chiefs host a performance that is part theatrical and part religious, during which, after some preparation behind a curtain, they appear on stage in rich outfits and masks, imitating different spirits for the education of the audience, who continue to sing in the meantime.

After the salmon season, feasting and conjuring are in order. The chief, whose greatest authority is in his character of conjurer, or tzeetzaiak as he is termed in the Hailtzuk tongue, pretends at this time to live alone in the forest, fasting or eating grass, and while there is known as taamish. When he returns, clad in bear-robe, chaplet, and red-bark collar, the crowd flies at his approach, except a few brave spirits, who boldly present their naked arms, from which he bites and swallows large mouthfuls. This, skillfully done, adds to the reputation of both biter and bitten, and is perhaps all the foundation that exists for the report that these people are 171 cannibals; although Mr Duncan, speaking of the Chimsyans in a locality not definitely fixed, testifies to the tearing to pieces and actual devouring of the body of a murdered slave by naked bands of cannibal medicine-men. Only certain parties of the initiated practice this barbarism, others confining their tearing ceremony to the bodies of dogs.[263]

After the salmon season, it's time for feasting and rituals. The chief, who has his main power as a conjurer, or tzeetzaiak in the Hailtzuk language, acts as if he lives alone in the forest during this time, fasting or eating grass, and is known as taamish while there. When he comes back wearing a bear robe, a crown of leaves, and a collar made of red bark, the crowd rushes to greet him, except for a few courageous individuals who boldly extend their bare arms for him to bite and take large mouthfuls. This, done skillfully, enhances the reputation of both the biter and the bitten, and might be the reason behind rumors that these people are cannibals. However, Mr. Duncan, talking about the Chimsyans in an unspecified location, reports that naked bands of cannibal medicine-men have torn apart and actually eaten the body of a murdered slave. Only specific groups of the initiated engage in this brutality, while others limit their tearing rituals to the bodies of dogs.

MAGICIANS AND MEDICINE-MEN.

MAGICIANS AND HEALERS.

None of these horrible orgies are practiced by the Queen Charlotte Islanders. The performances of the Haidah magicians, so far as they may differ from those of the Nootkas have not been clearly described by travelers. The magicians of Chatham Sound keep infernal spirits shut up in a box away from the vulgar gaze, and possess great power by reason of the implicit belief on the part of the people, in their ability to charm away life. The doctor, however, is not beyond the reach of a kinsman's revenge, and is sometimes murdered.[264] With their ceremonies and superstitions there seems to be mixed very little religion, as all their many fears have reference to the present life. Certain owls and squirrels are regarded with reverence, and used as charms; salmon must not be cut across the grain, or the living fish will leave the river; the mysterious operations with astronomical and other European instruments about their rivers caused great fear that the fisheries would be ruined; fogs are conjured away without the slightest suspicion of the sun's agency.[265] European navigators they welcome by paddling their boats several times round the ship, making long speeches, scattering birds' down, and singing.[266] 172 Ordinary presents, like tobacco or trinkets, are gladly received, but a written testimonial is most highly prized by the Haidahs, who regard writing as a great and valuable mystery. They have absolutely no methods of recording events. Although living so constantly on the water, I find no mention of their skill in swimming, while Poole states expressly that they have no knowledge of that art.[267]

None of these terrible parties take place among the Queen Charlotte Islanders. The performances of the Haida magicians, while they may differ from those of the Nootka, haven't been clearly described by travelers. The magicians of Chatham Sound keep evil spirits locked away in a box, hidden from the eyes of ordinary people, and have significant power because the community truly believes in their ability to ward off death. However, the doctor isn’t immune to a relative's revenge and can sometimes be killed. With their rituals and superstitions, there seems to be very little religion involved, as all their many fears relate to everyday life. Certain owls and squirrels are held in high regard and used as charms; salmon must not be cut against the grain, or the living fish will leave the river. Strange activities with astrological and other European tools around their rivers have caused great fear that the fisheries would be damaged; fogs are dismissed without any thought of the sun's role. European navigators are greeted by paddling their boats around the ship multiple times, giving long speeches, scattering birds' down, and singing. Ordinary gifts like tobacco or trinkets are gladly accepted, but a written note is the most treasured by the Haida, who see writing as a precious and mystical skill. They have no way of recording events. Even though they live on the water constantly, there's no mention of their swimming ability, while Poole specifically states that they have no knowledge of that skill.

Very slight accounts are extant of the peculiar methods of curing diseases practiced by the Haidahs. Their chief reliance, as in the case of all Indian tribes, is on the incantations and conjurings of their sorcerers, who claim supernatural powers of seeing, hearing, and extracting disease, and are paid liberally when successful. Bark, herbs, and various decoctions are used in slight sickness, but in serious cases little reliance is placed on them. To the bites of the sorcerer-chiefs on the main, eagle-down is applied to stop the bleeding, after which a pine-gum plaster or sallal-bark is applied. On Queen Charlotte Islands, in a case of internal uneasiness, large quantities of sea-water are swallowed, shaken up, and ejected through the mouth for the purpose, as the natives say, of 'washing themselves inside out.'[268]

Very few records exist of the unique ways the Haidahs treat illnesses. Like all Native American tribes, they primarily depend on the chants and rituals of their medicine men, who claim to have supernatural abilities to perceive, hear, and remove illness, and they are well-compensated when they succeed. For minor ailments, they use bark, herbs, and various infusions, but for serious conditions, they place little trust in these remedies. For bites from the sorcerer-chiefs on the mainland, eagle down is used to stop the bleeding, followed by a pine-gum bandage or sallal bark. On the Queen Charlotte Islands, for internal discomfort, large amounts of seawater are consumed, shaken up, and then expelled through the mouth, as the locals describe it, to 'wash themselves inside out.'[268]

HAIDAH BURIALS.

HAIDA BURIALS.

Death is ascribed to the ill will and malign influence of an enemy, and one suspected of causing the death of a prominent individual, must make ready to die. As a rule, the bodies of the dead are burned, though exceptions are noted in nearly every part of the territory. In the disposal of the ashes and larger bones which remain unburned, there seems to be no fixed usage. Encased in boxes, baskets, or canoes, or wrapped in 173 mats or bark, they are buried in or deposited on the ground, placed in a tree, on a platform, or hung from a pole. Articles of property are frequently deposited with the ashes, but not uniformly. Slaves' bodies are simply thrown into the river or the sea. Mourning for the dead consists usually of cutting the hair and blackening anew the face and neck for several months. Among the Kaiganies, guests at the burning of the bodies are wont to lacerate themselves with knives and stones. A tribe visited by Mackenzie, kept their graves free from shrubbery, a woman clearing that of her husband each time she passed. The Nass Indians paddle a dead chief, gaily dressed, round the coast villages.[269]

Death is attributed to the bad intentions and harmful influence of an enemy, and anyone suspected of causing the death of an important person must prepare for their own demise. Typically, the bodies of the deceased are cremated, although there are exceptions noted in almost every region. There doesn't seem to be a standard practice for disposing of the ashes and larger bones that remain unburned. They may be placed in boxes, baskets, or canoes, or wrapped in mats or bark, and then buried, placed on the ground, put in a tree, set on a platform, or hung from a pole. Personal belongings are often buried with the ashes, but this is not consistent. Slaves' bodies are simply thrown into the river or the sea. Mourning usually involves cutting the hair and repainting the face and neck black for several months. Among the Kaiganies, guests at the cremation of bodies tend to cut themselves with knives and stones. A tribe that Mackenzie visited made sure their graves were clear of shrubs, with a woman tending to her husband's grave each time she passed by. The Nass Indians paddle a deceased chief, dressed in bright clothing, around the coastal villages.173

The Haidahs, compared with other North American Indians, may be called an intelligent, honest, and brave race, although not slow under European treatment to become drunkards, gamblers, and thieves. Acts of unprovoked cruelty or treachery are rare; missionaries have been somewhat successful in the vicinity of Fort Simpson, finding in intoxicating liquors their chief obstacle.[270] 174

The Haida people, when compared to other Native Americans, can be seen as intelligent, honest, and brave, although they have quickly fallen into the vices of drunkenness, gambling, and theft due to European influences. Instances of unprovoked cruelty or betrayal are uncommon; missionaries have had some success around Fort Simpson, encountering intoxicating liquor as their main challenge.[270] 174

THE NOOTKAS.

The Nootkas.

The Nootkas, the second division of the Columbian group, are immediately south of the Haidah country; occupying Vancouver Island, and the coast of the main land, between the fifty-second and the forty-ninth parallels. The word nootka is not found in any native dialect of the present day. Captain Cook, to whom we are indebted for the term, probably misunderstood the name given by the natives to the region of Nootka Sound.[271] 175 The first European settlement in this region was on the Sound, which thus became the central point of early English and Spanish intercourse with the Northwest Coast; but it was soon abandoned, and no mission or trading post has since taken its place, so that no tribes of this family have been less known in later times than those on the west coast of Vancouver Island. The chief tribes of the Nootka family, or those on whose tribal existence, if not on the orthography of their names authors to some extent agree, are as follows.[272] The Nitinats, Clayoquots, and Nootkas, on the sounds of the same names along the west coast of Vancouver Island; the Quackolls and Newittees,[273] in the north; the Cowichins, Ucletas, and Comux, on the east coast of Vancouver and on the opposite main; the Saukaulutuchs[274], in the interior of the island; the Clallums,[275] Sokes, and Patcheena, on the south end; and the Kwantlums and Teets,[276] on the lower Fraser River. These tribes differ but little in physical peculiarities, or manners and customs, but by their numerous dialects they have been classed in nations. No comprehensive or satisfactory names have, however, been applied to them as national divisions.[277] 176

The Nootka Tribe, the second group within the Columbian category, are located directly south of the Haidah region; they inhabit Vancouver Island and the mainland coast, between the fifty-second and forty-ninth parallels. The term nootka isn't present in any current native dialect. Captain Cook, who we credit with the term, likely misinterpreted the name used by the locals for the area around Nootka Sound.[271] 175 The first European settlement in this area was on the Sound, making it the focal point of early English and Spanish interactions with the Northwest Coast; however, it was quickly abandoned, and no missions or trading posts have since been established, leaving the tribes in this family less known in more recent times compared to those on the west coast of Vancouver Island. The main tribes of the Nootka family, or those whose tribal existence—if not the spelling of their names—is somewhat agreed upon by authors, include the following: [272] The Nitinats, Clayoquots, and Nootkas, along the sounds sharing their names on the west coast of Vancouver Island; the Quackolls and Newittees,[273] in the north; the Cowichins, Ucletas, and Comux, on the east coast of Vancouver and the opposite mainland; the Saukaulutuchs[274], in the island's interior; the Clallums,[275] Sokes, and Patcheena, at the southern end; and the Kwantlums and Teets,[276] along the lower Fraser River. These tribes show minimal differences in physical traits or customs, but due to their many dialects, they've been categorized into nations. However, there haven't been any comprehensive or satisfactory names assigned to them as national divisions.[277] 176

Between the Nootka family and its fish-eating neighbors on the north and south, the line of distinction is not clearly marked, but the contrast is greater with the interior hunting tribes on the east. Since their first intercourse with whites, the Nootkas have constantly decreased in numbers, and this not only in those parts where they have been brought into contact with traders and miners, but on the west coast, where they have retained in a measure their primitive state. The savage fades before the superior race, and immediate intercourse is not necessary to produce in native races those 'baleful influences of civilization,' which like a pestilence are wafted from afar, as on the wings of the wind.[278]

Between the Nootka family and their fish-eating neighbors to the north and south, the line of distinction isn't clearly defined, but the difference is more apparent when compared to the hunting tribes in the east. Since their first encounters with white settlers, the Nootkas have steadily declined in number, and this decline isn't limited to the areas where they've had contact with traders and miners, but also on the west coast, where they've mostly maintained their traditional way of life. The native people diminish in the presence of a more dominant race, and direct contact isn't necessary to bring about those 'negative effects of civilization' in indigenous groups, which can spread like a disease, carried from a distance, as if on the wings of the wind.[278]

NOOTKA PHYSIQUE.

NOOTKA FITNESS.

The Nootkas are of less than medium height, smaller than the Haidahs, but rather strongly built; usually plump, but rarely corpulent;[279] their legs, like those of 177 all the coast tribes, short, small, and frequently deformed, with large feet and ankles;[280] the face broad, round, and full, with the usual prominent cheek-bone, a low forehead, flat nose, wide nostrils, small black eyes, round thickish-lipped mouth, tolerably even well-set teeth; the whole forming a countenance rather dull and expressionless, but frequently pleasant.[281] The Nootka complexion, 178 so far as grease and paint have allowed travelers to observe it, is decidedly light, but apparently a shade darker than that of the Haidah family.[282] The hair, worn long, 179 is as a rule black or dark brown, coarse, and straight, though instances are not wanting where all these qualities are reversed.[283] The beard is carefully plucked out by the young men, and this operation, repeated for generations, has rendered the beard naturally thin. Old men often allow it to grow on the chin and upper lip.

The Nootkas are shorter than average, smaller than the Haidahs, but fairly strong; usually chubby, but rarely overweight;[279] their legs, like those of all the coastal tribes, are short, small, and often misshapen, with large feet and ankles;[280] the face is broad, round, and full, featuring prominent cheekbones, a low forehead, flat nose, wide nostrils, small black eyes, and a round, thick-lipped mouth, with fairly even, well-aligned teeth; all these traits create a face that is somewhat dull and expressionless, but often pleasant.[281] The Nootka complexion, 178 as much as grease and paint have allowed travelers to see it, is definitely light, but seems to be a shade darker than that of the Haidah family.[282] The hair, typically worn long, 179 is usually black or dark brown, coarse, and straight, though there are cases where these characteristics are reversed.[283] The young men carefully pluck out their beards, and this practice, continued for generations, has made their beards naturally thin. Older men often let theirs grow on the chin and upper lip.

NOOTKA HAIR AND BEARD.

NOOTKA HAIR & BEARD.

To cut the hair short is to the Nootka a disgrace. Worn at full length, evened at the ends, and sometimes cut straight across the forehead, it is either allowed to hang loosely from under a band of cloth or fillet of bark, or is tied in a knot on the crown. On full-dress occasions the top-knot is secured with a green bough, and after being well saturated with whale-grease, the hair is powdered plentifully with white feathers, which are regarded as the crowning ornament for manly dignity in all these regions. Both sexes, but particularly the women, take great pains with the hair, carefully combing and plaiting their long tresses, fashioning tasteful head-dresses of bark-fibre, decked with beads and shells, attaching 180 leaden weights to the braids to keep them straight. The bruised root of a certain plant is thought by the Ahts to promote the growth of the hair.[284]

Cutting the hair short is considered a disgrace among the Nootka. When worn long, trimmed at the ends, and sometimes cut straight across the forehead, the hair can either hang loosely below a cloth band or a bark fillet, or it can be tied in a knot on top. On special occasions, the top-knot is held in place with a green bough, and after being well soaked in whale grease, the hair is generously dusted with white feathers, which are seen as the ultimate symbol of manly dignity in these areas. Both men and women, especially the women, put a lot of effort into their hair, carefully combing and braiding their long locks, creating stylish headpieces from bark fibers, decorated with beads and shells, and attaching lead weights to the braids to keep them straight. The Ahts believe that the bruised root of a certain plant helps promote hair growth.

The custom of flattening the head is practiced by the Nootkas, in common with the Sound and Chinook families, but is not universal, nor is so much importance attached to it as elsewhere; although all seem to admire a flattened forehead as a sign of noble birth, even among tribes that do not make this deformity a sign of freedom. Among the Quatsinos and Quackolls of the north, the head, besides being flattened, is elongated into a conical sugar-loaf shape, pointed at the top. The flattening process begins immediately after birth, and is continued until the child can walk. It is effected by compressing the head with tight bandages, usually attached to the log cradle, the forehead being first fitted with a soft pad, a fold of soft bark, a mould of hard wood, or a flat stone. Observers generally agree that little or no harm is done to the brain by this infliction, the traces of which to a great extent disappear later in life. Many tribes, including the Aht nations, are said to have abandoned the custom since they have been brought into contact with the whites.[285]

The practice of flattening the head is followed by the Nootkas, similar to the Sound and Chinook tribes, but it isn't universal and isn't as highly valued as in some other cultures. Still, many admire a flattened forehead as a mark of noble birth, even among groups that don't consider this deformity a sign of freedom. Among the Quatsinos and Quackolls in the north, the head is not only flattened but also elongated into a conical, sugar-loaf shape that is pointed at the top. The flattening process starts right after birth and continues until the child can walk. It’s done by compressing the head with tight bandages, usually attached to a log cradle, with the forehead first fitted with a soft pad, a fold of soft bark, a hard wooden mold, or a flat stone. Observers generally agree that this practice causes little to no harm to the brain, and the effects largely fade as the person grows older. Many tribes, including the Aht nations, are said to have given up this practice since coming into contact with white settlers.

NOOTKA FACE-PAINTING.

Nootka face painting.

The body is kept constantly anointed with a reddish clayey earth, mixed in train oil, and consequently little affected by their frequent baths. In war and mourning the whole body is blackened; on feast days the head, limbs, and body are painted in fantastic figures with various colors, apparently according to individual fancy, although the chiefs monopolize the fancy figures, the 181 common people being restricted to plain colors. Solid grease is sometimes applied in a thick coating, and carved or moulded in alto-rilievo into ridges and figures afterwards decorated with red paint, while shining sand or grains of mica are sprinkled over grease and paint to impart a glittering appearance. The women are either less fond of paint than the men, or else are debarred by their lords from the free use of it; among the Ahts, at least of late, the women abandon ornamental paint after the age of twenty-five. In their dances, as in war, masks carved from cedar to represent an endless variety of monstrous faces, painted in bright colors, with mouth and eyes movable by strings, are attached to their heads, giving them a grotesquely ferocious aspect.[286] The nose 182 and ears are regularly pierced in childhood, with from one to as many holes as the feature will hold, and from the punctures are suspended bones, shells, rings, beads, or in fact any ornament obtainable. The lip is sometimes, though more rarely, punctured. Bracelets and anklets of any available material are also commonly worn.[287]

The body is always covered with a reddish clay mixed with train oil, so it's not really affected by their frequent baths. In times of war and mourning, the entire body is painted black; on feast days, the head, limbs, and body are decorated with imaginative designs in various colors, likely based on personal taste, although the chiefs tend to have the more elaborate designs while the common people stick to plain colors. Sometimes, a thick layer of solid grease is applied and shaped into raised designs, which are then highlighted with red paint, while shiny sand or mica flakes are sprinkled over the grease and paint to create a sparkling effect. The women either like to use less paint than the men or are restricted by their husbands from using it freely; among the Ahts, at least recently, women stop using decorative paint after they turn twenty-five. In their dances, like in war, they wear masks carved from cedar representing all sorts of monstrous faces, painted in bright colors, with movable mouths and eyes operated by strings, giving them a ridiculously fierce look. The nose and ears are regularly pierced in childhood, with as many holes as the features can hold, and from these piercings hang bones, shells, rings, beads, or basically any available ornaments. The lip is also sometimes pierced, though less often. Bracelets and anklets made from whatever materials are available are commonly worn.

The aboriginal dress of the Nootkas is a square blanket, of a coarse yellow material resembling straw matting, made by the women from cypress bark, with a mixture of dog's hair. This blanket had usually a border of fur; it sometimes had arm-holes, but was ordinarily thrown over the shoulders, and confined at the waist by a belt. Chiefs wore it painted in variegated colors or unpainted, but the common people wore a coarser material painted uniformly red. Women wore the garment longer and fastened under the chin, binding an additional strip of cloth closely about the middle, and showing much modesty about disclosing the person, while the men often went entirely naked. Besides the blanket, garments of many kinds of skin were in use, particularly by the chiefs on public days. In war, a heavy skin dress was worn as a protection against arrows. The Nootkas usually went bareheaded, but sometimes wore a conical hat plaited of rushes, bark, or flax. European blankets have replaced those of native manufacture, and many Indians about the settlements have adopted also the shirt and breeches.[288] 183

The traditional dress of the Nootkas is a square blanket made from a rough yellow material that looks like straw matting, created by women using cypress bark mixed with dog hair. This blanket often has a fur border; sometimes it has armholes, but usually, it's draped over the shoulders and secured at the waist with a belt. Chiefs wore it in colorful designs or left unpainted, while regular people wore a coarser fabric painted solid red. Women wore longer garments that were fastened under the chin, with an extra strip of cloth wrapped tightly around the middle, showing a lot of modesty when it came to covering their bodies, while men often went completely naked. In addition to the blanket, various other skin garments were commonly worn, especially by chiefs on public occasions. In battle, they wore heavy skin outfits for protection against arrows. The Nootkas typically went without headgear but occasionally wore a conical hat woven from rushes, bark, or flax. European blankets have now replaced the traditional ones, and many Indians in the settlements have also adopted shirts and trousers.[288] 183

DWELLINGS OF THE NOOTKAS.

Nootka Homes.

The Nootkas choose strong positions for their towns and encampments. At Desolation Sound, Vancouver found a village built on a detached rock with perpendicular sides, only accessible by planks resting on the branches of a tree, and protected on the sea side by a projecting platform resting on timbers fixed in the crevices of the precipice. The Nimkish tribe, according to Lord, build their homes on a table-land overhanging the sea, and reached by ascending a vertical cliff on a bark-rope ladder. Each tribe has several villages in favorable locations for fishing at different seasons. The houses, when more than one is needed for a tribe, are placed with regularity along streets; they vary in size according to the need or wealth of the occupants, and are held in common under the direction of the chief. They are constructed in the manner following. A row of large posts, from ten to fifteen feet high, often grotesquely carved, supports an immense ridge-pole, sometimes two and a half feet thick and one hundred feet long. Similar but smaller beams, on shorter posts, are placed on either side of the central row, distant from it fifteen, twenty, or twenty-five feet, according to the dimensions required. This frame is then covered with split cedar planks, about two inches thick, and from three to eight feet wide. The 184 side planks are tied together with bark, and supported by slender posts in couples just far enough apart to receive the thickness of the plank. A house like this, forty by one hundred feet, accommodates many families, each of which has its allotted space, sometimes partitioned off like a double row of stalls, with a wide passage in the middle. In the centre of each stall is a circle of stones for a fire-place, and round the walls are raised couches covered with mats. In rainy weather, cracks in the roof and sides are covered with mats. No smoke or window holes are left, and when smoke becomes troublesome a roof-plank is removed. The entrance is at one end. These dwellings furnish, according to Nootka ideas, a comfortable shelter, except when a high wind threatens to unroof them, and then the occupants go out and sit on the roof to keep it in place. Frequently the outside is painted in grotesque figures of various colors. Only the frame is permanent; matting, planks, and all utensils are several times each year packed up and conveyed in canoes to another locality where a frame belonging to the tribe awaits covering. The odor arising from fish-entrails and other filth, which they take no pains to remove, appears to be inoffensive, but the Nootkas are often driven by mosquitos to sleep on a stage over the water.[289] 185

The Nootkas choose strong locations for their towns and camps. At Desolation Sound, Vancouver discovered a village built on a separate rock with steep sides, accessible only by wooden planks resting on tree branches, and protected on the water side by a platform extending from beams fixed in the cracks of the cliff. The Nimkish tribe, according to Lord, builds their homes on a flat area overlooking the sea, which you reach by climbing a vertical cliff using a rope ladder. Each tribe has several villages in prime spots for fishing at different times of the year. The houses, when a tribe needs more than one, are arranged in a neat row along streets; they vary in size based on the needs or wealth of the residents and are shared under the leadership of the chief. They are built as follows: a row of large wooden posts, towering ten to fifteen feet high and often carved in strange shapes, supports a massive ridge-pole that can be two and a half feet thick and one hundred feet long. Similar but smaller beams, on shorter posts, are placed on either side of the central row, spaced fifteen, twenty, or twenty-five feet apart, depending on the required dimensions. This frame is then covered with split cedar planks, about two inches thick and three to eight feet wide. The side planks are tied together with bark and supported by slender posts placed just far enough apart to fit the thickness of the planks. A house of this kind, measuring forty by one hundred feet, can accommodate many families, each having their designated space, sometimes divided like a double row of stalls with a wide aisle in the center. In the middle of each space is a circle of stones for a fireplace, and along the walls are raised couches covered with mats. During rainy weather, cracks in the roof and sides are covered with mats. There are no smoke or window holes, and if smoke becomes an issue, a roof plank is removed. The entrance is at one end. These homes provide, according to Nootka beliefs, a comfortable shelter, except when strong winds threaten to blow the roof off, at which point the occupants go out and sit on the roof to hold it down. Often, the outside is painted with strange figures in various colors. Only the frame is permanent; the mats, planks, and all utensils are packed up several times a year and moved by canoe to another location where a frame owned by the tribe is waiting for coverage. The smell coming from fish entrails and other debris, which they don't bother to remove, seems to be harmless, but the Nootkas are frequently driven by mosquitoes to sleep on a platform over the water. 184 185

FOOD OF THE NOOTKAS.

NOOTKA FOOD.

The Nootkas, like the Haidahs, live almost wholly on the products of the sea, and are naturally expert fishermen. Salmon, the great staple, are taken in August and September, from sea, inlet, and river, by nets, spears, pots or baskets, and even by hooks. Hooks consist of sharp barbed bones bound to straight pieces of hard wood; sea-wrack, maple-bark, and whale-sinew furnish lines, which in salmon-fishing are short and attached to the paddles. The salmon-spear is a forked pole, some fifteen feet long, the detachable head having prongs pointed with fish-bone or iron, and the fish in deep water is sometimes attracted within its reach by a wooden decoy, forced down by a long pole, and then detached and allowed to ascend rapidly to the surface. Spearing is carried on mostly by torch-light. A light-colored stone pavement is sometimes laid upon the bottom of the stream, which renders the fish visible in their passage over it. Nets are made of nettles or of wild flax, found along Fraser River. They are small in size, and used as dip-nets, or sunk between two canoes and lifted as the fish pass over. A pot or basket fifteen to twenty feet long, three to five feet in diameter at one end, and tapering to a point at the other, is made of pine splinters one or two inches apart, with twig-hoops; and placed, large end up stream, at the foot of a fall or at an opening in an embankment. The salmon are driven down the fall with poles, and entering the basket are taken out by a door in the small end. This basket is sometimes enclosed in another one, similar but of uniform diameter, and closed at one end. Fences of stakes across the river oblige the salmon to enter the open mouth in their passage up, and passing readily through 186 an opening left in the point of the inner basket, they find themselves entrapped. In March, herring appear on the coast in great numbers, and in April and May they enter the inlets and streams, where they are taken with a dip-net, or more commonly by the fish-rake—a pole armed with many sharp bones or nails. Early in the season they can be taken only by torch-light. Halibut abound from March to June, and are caught with hooks and long lines, generally at some distance from shore. For all other fish, European hooks were early adopted, but the halibut, at least among the Ahts, must still be taken with the native hook. Many other varieties of fish, caught by similar methods, are used as food, but those named supply the bulk of the Nootka's provision. In May or June, whales appear and are attacked in canoes by the chief, with the select few from each tribe who alone have the right to hunt this monarch of the sea. The head of their harpoon is made of two barbed bones and pointed with muscle-shell; it is fastened to a whale-sinew line of a few feet in length, and this short line to a very long bark rope, at one end of which are seal-skin air-bags and bladders, to keep it afloat. The point is also fastened to a shaft from ten to twenty-five feet in length, from which it is easily detached. With many of these buoys in tow the whale cannot dive, and becomes an easy prey. Whale-blubber and oil are great delicacies, the former being preferred half putrid, while the oil with that of smaller denizens of the sea preserved in bladders, is esteemed a delicious sauce, and eaten with almost everything. Sea-otters and seals are also speared, the former with a weapon more barbed and firmly attached to the handle, as they are fierce fighters; but when found asleep on the rocks, they are shot with arrows. Seals are often attracted within arrow-shot by natives disguised as seals in wooden masks.

The Nootkas, like the Haidahs, primarily rely on the sea for their food and have become skilled fishermen. They catch salmon, which is their main food source, during August and September in the sea, inlets, and rivers using nets, spears, pots, baskets, and even hooks. The hooks are made from sharp, barbed bones attached to straight, hard wood. They use lines made from seaweed, maple bark, and whale sinew, which are short and connected to paddles when fishing for salmon. The salmon spear is a forked pole about fifteen feet long, with a detachable head that has prongs pointed with fish bone or iron. To attract salmon in deep water, they use a wooden decoy pushed down by a long pole, then released to quickly rise to the surface. Spearing usually happens at night with torches. Sometimes, a light-colored stone surface is laid on the streambed to make the fish visible as they swim over it. They make nets from nettles or wild flax found along the Fraser River; these are small and used as dip-nets or placed between two canoes to scoop up fish. They also use pots or baskets that are fifteen to twenty feet long, three to five feet wide at one end, and tapering to a point at the other, made from pine splinters with twig hoops. They position these baskets, open end upstream, at the base of a waterfall or a break in an embankment. The salmon are pushed down the fall with poles and enter the basket where there is a door at the small end. Sometimes, one basket is enclosed within another of the same shape, closed at one end. Fences made of stakes across the river encourage the salmon to swim into the open end as they move upstream. If they pass through a small opening left in the point of the inner basket, they get trapped. In March, large numbers of herring appear along the coast, and by April and May, they enter inlets and streams where they are usually caught with a dip-net or a fish rake—a pole fitted with sharp bones or nails. Early in the season, herring are caught with torches. Halibut are plentiful from March to June and are caught using hooks and long lines, generally far from shore. For other types of fish, European hooks were adopted early on, but Ahts still use traditional hooks for halibut. Many other fish caught by similar methods are eaten, but the ones mentioned make up the majority of the Nootka's food supply. Whales appear in May or June and are hunted in canoes by the chief and a select few tribe members who have the exclusive right to hunt these giant sea creatures. Their harpoon head consists of two barbed bones, sharpened with muscle shell, connected to a short whale sinew line, which in turn is attached to a much longer bark rope that has seal skin air bags and bladders to keep it afloat. The point of the harpoon is attached to a shaft ranging from ten to twenty-five feet long, which can be easily detached. With several of these buoy lines in tow, the whale can't dive and becomes easier to catch. Whale blubber and oil are considered delicacies, with many preferring the blubber when it's somewhat spoiled, while the oil, along with that of smaller sea creatures stored in bladders, is viewed as a tasty sauce to accompany nearly everything. Sea otters and seals are also hunted using spears, with sea otter spears being more barbed and securely attached to the handle since they are tough fighters. However, when they are found sleeping on the rocks, they are shot with arrows. Natives often disguise themselves as seals wearing wooden masks to lure seals within arrow range.

Clams and other shell-fish, which are collected in great numbers by the women, are cooked, strung on cypress-bark cords, and hung in the houses to dry for winter use. Fish are preserved by drying only, the use of salt 187 being unknown. Salmon, after losing their heads and tails, which are eaten in the fishing season, are split open and the back-bone taken out before drying; smaller fry are sometimes dried as they come from their element; but halibut and cod are cut up and receive a partial drying in the sun. The spawn of all fish, but particularly of salmon and herring, is carefully preserved by stowing it away in baskets, where it ferments. Bear, deer, and other land animals, as well as wild fowl, are sometimes taken for food, by means of rude traps, nets, and covers, successful only when game is abundant, for the Nootkas are but indifferent hunters. In the time of Jewitt, three peculiarities were observable in the Nootka use of animal food, particularly bear-meat. When a bear was killed, it was dressed in a bonnet, decked with fine down, and solemnly invited to eat in the chief's presence, before being eaten; after partaking of bruin's flesh, which was appreciated as a rarity, the Nootka could not taste fresh fish for two months; and while fish to be palatable must be putrid, meat when tainted was no longer fit for food. The Nootka cuisine furnished food in four styles; namely, boiled—the mode par excellence, applicable to every variety of food, and effected, as by the Haidahs, by hot stones in wooden vessels; steamed—of rarer use, applied mostly to heads, tails, and fins, by pouring water over them on a bed of hot stones, and covering the whole tightly with mats; roasted—rarely, in the case of some smaller fish and clams; and raw—fish-spawn and most other kinds of food, when conveniences for cooking were not at hand. Some varieties of sea-weed and lichens, as well as the camass, and other roots, were regularly laid up for winter, while berries, everywhere abundant, were eaten in great quantities in their season, and at least one variety preserved by pressing in bunches. In eating, they sit in groups of five or six, with their legs doubled under them round a large wooden tray, and dip out the food nearly always boiled to a brothy consistency, with their fingers or clam-shells, paying little or no attention to cleanliness. Chiefs and slaves have trays apart, and 188 the principal meal, according to Cook, was about noon. Feasting is the favorite way of entertaining friends, so long as food is plentiful; and by a curious custom, of the portion allotted them, guests must carry away what they cannot eat. Water in aboriginal days was the only Nootka drink; it is also used now when whisky is not to be had.[290]

Clams and other shellfish, collected in large quantities by the women, are cooked, strung on cords made from cypress bark, and hung in the houses to dry for winter use. Fish are preserved solely by drying, as salt is not used. Salmon, after having their heads and tails removed—parts that are eaten during the fishing season—are split open and the backbone is removed before drying; smaller fish are sometimes dried whole; but halibut and cod are cut into pieces and get partially dried in the sun. The roe of all fish, especially salmon and herring, is carefully kept by storing it in baskets where it ferments. Bears, deer, and other land animals, as well as wild fowl, are sometimes caught for food using simple traps, nets, and cover, but this is only effective when game is abundant, as the Nootkas are not very skilled hunters. During Jewitt's time, three unique practices were observed in the Nootka consumption of animal food, particularly bear meat. When a bear was killed, it was dressed in a bonnet adorned with fine down and solemnly invited to eat in front of the chief before it was eaten; after consuming bear meat, which was considered a delicacy, the Nootka could not eat fresh fish for two months; while fish had to be spoiled to be tasty, meat that had gone bad was no longer edible. The Nootka cuisine offered food in four ways: boiled—which was the preferred method used for all types of food, similar to the Haidahs, achieved by using hot stones in wooden containers; steamed—which was used less often, mostly for heads, tails, and fins, by pouring water over them on hot stones and covering everything tightly with mats; roasted—which happened rarely, for some smaller fish and clams; and raw—where fish roe and most other types of food were eaten when cooking facilities were not available. Some varieties of seaweed and lichens, as well as camass and other roots, were regularly stored for winter, while berries, which were abundant, were eaten in large quantities during their season, and at least one variety was preserved by pressing it into bunches. When eating, they sit in groups of five or six, with their legs folded under them around a large wooden tray, using their fingers or clam shells to scoop out food that is usually prepared in a brothy consistency, paying little to no attention to cleanliness. Chiefs and slaves have separate trays, and the main meal, according to Cook, was typically around noon. Feasting is the preferred way to entertain friends, as long as there is plenty of food; by a unique custom, guests must take away any uneaten portions. In the past, water was the only drink for the Nootka; it is still used today when whisky is not available.

NOOTKA BATTLES AND BOATS.

Nootka battles and boats.

Lances and arrows, pointed with shell, slate, flint, or bone, and clubs and daggers of wood and bone, were the weapons with which they met their foes; but firearms and metallic daggers, and tomahawks, have long since displaced them, as they have to a less degree the original hunting and fishing implements.[291] The Nootka tribes were always at war with each other, hereditary 189 quarrels being handed down for generations. According to their idea, loss of life in battle can be forgotten only when an equal number of the hostile tribe are killed. Their military tactics consist of stratagem and surprise in attack, and watchfulness in defense. Before engaging in war, some weeks are spent in preparation, which consists mainly of abstinence from women, bathing, scrubbing the skin with briers till it bleeds, and finally painting the whole body jet-black. All prisoners not suitable for slaves are butchered or beheaded. In an attack the effort is always made to steal into the adversary's camp at night and kill men enough to decide the victory before the alarm can be given. When they fail in this, the battle is seldom long continued, for actual hand-to-hand fighting is not to the Nootka taste. On the rare occasions when it is considered desirable to make overtures of peace, an ambassador is sent with an ornamented pipe, and with this emblem his person is safe. Smoking a pipe together by hostile chiefs also solemnizes a treaty.[292]

Lances and arrows tipped with shell, slate, flint, or bone, along with clubs and daggers made of wood and bone, were the weapons they used to face their enemies; however, firearms, metal daggers, and tomahawks have long replaced them, and to a lesser extent, the original hunting and fishing tools. The Nootka tribes were constantly at war with one another, with family feuds passed down through generations. They believed that the loss of life in battle can only be forgotten when an equal number of the enemy tribe is killed. Their military strategy involves surprise attacks and vigilance in defense. Before going to war, they spend weeks preparing, which mainly includes avoiding women, bathing, scrubbing their skin with thorns until it bleeds, and finally painting their entire body jet-black. Any prisoners who are not suitable for slavery are killed or decapitated. In an attack, they always aim to sneak into the enemy's camp at night and kill enough men to secure victory before an alarm can sound. If they fail to do this, battles rarely last long, as the Nootka do not enjoy fighting hand-to-hand. On the rare occasions when they want to make peace, they send an ambassador with a decorated pipe, and this symbol ensures their safety. Smoking a pipe together by hostile chiefs also formalizes a treaty.

Nootka boats are dug out each from a single pine-tree, and are made of all sizes from ten to fifty feet long, the largest accommodating forty or fifty men. Selecting a proper tree in the forest, the aboriginal Nootka fells it with a sort of chisel of flint or elk-horn, three by six inches, fastened in a wooden handle, and struck by a smooth stone mallet. Then the log is split with wooden wedges, and the better piece being selected, it is hollowed out with the aforesaid chisel, a mussel-shell adze, and a bird's-bone gimlet worked between the two hands. Sometimes, but not always, fire is used as an assistant. The 190 exterior is fashioned with the same tools. The boat is widest in the middle, tapers toward each end, and is strengthened by light cross-pieces extending from side to side, which, being inserted after the boat is soaked in hot water, modify and improve the original form. The bow is long and pointed, the stern square-cut or slightly rounded; both ends are raised higher than the middle by separate pieces of wood painted with figures of birds or beasts, the head on the bow and the tail on the stern. The inside is painted red; the outside, slightly burned, is rubbed smooth and black, and for the whale fishery is ornamented along the gunwales with a row of small shells or seal-teeth, but for purposes of war it is painted with figures in white. Paddles are neatly made of hard wood, about five and a half feet long with a leaf-shaped blade of two feet, sharp at the end, and used as a weapon in canoe-fighting. A cross-piece is sometimes added to the handle like the top of a crutch.[293]

Nootka boats are carved from a single pine tree and come in sizes ranging from ten to fifty feet long, with the largest ones able to hold forty or fifty people. To create one, the indigenous Nootka first select a suitable tree in the forest, which they chop down using a flint or elk-horn chisel, three by six inches wide, attached to a wooden handle and struck with a smooth stone mallet. They then split the log with wooden wedges, choosing the better piece to hollow it out using the same chisel, a mussel-shell adze, and a bird-bone gimlet worked between their hands. Fire is sometimes used to assist with this process, but not always. The outside of the boat is shaped with the same tools. The boat is widest in the middle and narrows toward each end, reinforced by light cross-pieces that extend from side to side. These are added after the boat is soaked in hot water to adjust and enhance its original shape. The bow is long and pointed, while the stern is either square-cut or slightly rounded; both ends are raised higher than the middle with separate pieces of wood painted with images of birds or animals, the head on the bow and the tail on the stern. The inside is painted red, and the outside, which is slightly burned, is smoothed and blackened. For whale hunting, it’s decorated along the gunwales with a line of small shells or seal teeth, and for warfare, it features white-painted designs. Paddles are carefully crafted from hard wood, about five and a half feet long, with a two-foot leaf-shaped blade that is sharp at the end, doubling as a weapon in canoe battles. Sometimes a cross-piece is added to the handle, similar to the top of a crutch.

In addition to the implements already named are chests and boxes, buckets, cups and eating-troughs, all of wood, either dug out or pinned together; baskets of twigs and bags of matting; all neatly made, and many of the articles painted or carved, or ornamented with shell work. As among the Haidahs, the dried eulachon is often used as a lamp.[294] The matting and coarser kinds 191 of cloth are made of rushes and of pine or cedar bark, which after being soaked is beaten on a plank with a grooved instrument of wood or bone until the fibres are separated. The threads are twisted into cords between the hand and thigh; these cords, hung to a horizontal beam and knotted with finer thread at regular intervals, form the cloth. Thread of the same bark is used with a sharpened twig for a needle. Intercourse with Europeans has modified their manufactures, and checked the development of their native ingenuity.[295]

Along with the tools already mentioned, there are chests and boxes, buckets, cups, and feeding troughs, all made of wood, either carved from a single piece or joined together; baskets made of twigs and bags woven from matting; all well-crafted, with many items painted, carved, or decorated with shell work. Like among the Haidahs, the dried eulachon is often used as a lamp.[294] The matting and coarser fabrics are made from rushes and pine or cedar bark, which, after soaking, is pounded on a plank with a notched tool made of wood or bone until the fibers separate. The threads are twisted into cords between the hand and thigh; these cords, hung from a horizontal beam and tied with finer thread at regular intervals, create the fabric. The same bark is used with a sharpened twig as a needle. Interaction with Europeans has changed their manufacturing methods and stifled the growth of their native creativity.[295]

PROPERTY OF THE NOOTKAS.

NOOTKA TRIBE PROPERTY.

Captain Cook found among the Ahts very "strict notions of their having a right to the exclusive property of everything that their country produces," so that they claimed pay for even wood, water, and grass. The limits of tribal property are very clearly defined, but individuals rarely claim any property in land. Houses belong to the men who combine to build them. Private wealth consists of boats and implements for obtaining food, domestic utensils, slaves, and blankets, the latter being generally the standard by which wealth or price is computed. Food is not regarded as common property, yet any man may help himself to his neighbor's store when needy. The accumulation of property beyond the necessities of life is considered desirable only for the purpose of distributing it in presents on great feast-days, and thereby acquiring a reputation for wealth and liberality; and as these feasts occur frequently, an unsuccessful man may often take a fresh start in the race. Instead of being given away, canoes and blankets are often destroyed, which proves that the motive in this disposal of property is not to favor friends, but merely to appear indifferent to wealth. It is certainly a most 192 remarkable custom, and one that exerts a great influence on the whole people. Gifts play an important part in procuring a wife, and a division of property accompanies a divorce. To enter the ranks of the medicine-men or magicians, or to attain rank of any kind, property must be sacrificed; and a man who receives an insult or suffers any affliction must tear up the requisite quantity of blankets and shirts, if he would retain his honor.[296] Trade in all their productions was carried on briskly between the different Nootka tribes before the coming of the whites. They manifest much shrewdness in their exchanges; even their system of presents is a species of trade, the full value of each gift being confidently expected in a return present on the next festive occasion. In their intertribal commerce, a band holding a strong position where trade by canoes between different parts may be stopped, do not fail to offer and enforce the acceptance of their services as middlemen, thereby greatly increasing market prices.[297]

Captain Cook discovered that the Ahts had very "strict ideas about their right to exclusive ownership of everything their land produces," which led them to ask for payment for even wood, water, and grass. The boundaries of tribal property are clearly defined, but individuals rarely claim ownership of land. Houses belong to the men who come together to build them. Personal wealth includes boats and tools for gathering food, household items, slaves, and blankets, with blankets typically serving as the measure of wealth or value. Food isn't seen as communal property, but any man can take from his neighbor's supply when he's in need. Gathering more property than what's necessary for life is only seen as worthwhile if it can be given away as gifts during major feasts, thus earning a reputation for wealth and generosity; with how often these feasts occur, a down-on-his-luck person might get a fresh chance to succeed. Rather than being given away, canoes and blankets are often destroyed, which shows that the intent behind this disposal of goods isn't to help friends but simply to show indifference toward wealth. This is certainly a striking custom and has a significant impact on the entire community. Gifts are crucial for acquiring a wife, and property is divided during a divorce. To join the ranks of medicine men or magicians or to achieve any kind of status, property must be sacrificed; and a man who is insulted or experiences any misfortune must destroy a certain amount of blankets and shirts if he wants to keep his honor. Trade in all their goods was vibrant among the various Nootka tribes before the arrival of white settlers. They show great shrewdness in their trade; even their gift-giving system operates like a form of trade, with the full value of each gift expected to be returned during the next celebration. In their commerce between tribes, a group in a strong trading position that can control canoe routes doesn’t hesitate to offer and enforce their role as middlemen, thereby significantly raising market prices.

The system of numeration, sufficiently extensive for the largest numbers, is decimal, the numbers to ten having names which are in some instances compounds but not multiples of smaller numbers. The fingers are used to aid in counting. The year is divided into months with some reference to the moon, but chiefly by the fish-seasons, ripening of berries, migrations of birds, and other periodical events, for which the months are named, as: 'when the herrings spawn,' etc. The unit of measure is the span, the fingers representing its fractional parts.[298] The Nootkas display considerable taste in ornamenting 193 with sculpture and paintings their implements and houses, their chief efforts being made on the posts of the latter, and the wooden masks which they wear in war and some of their dances; but all implements may be more or less carved and adorned according to the artist's fancy. They sometimes paint fishing and hunting scenes, but generally their models exist only in imagination, and their works consequently assume unintelligible forms. There seems to be no evidence that their carved images and complicated paintings are in any sense intended as idols or hieroglyphics. A rude system of heraldry prevails among them, by which some animal is adopted as a family crest, and its figure is painted or embroidered on canoes, paddles, or blankets.[299]

The numerical system they use is decimal and can accommodate very large numbers. The names for numbers up to ten sometimes combine terms but aren't just multiples of smaller numbers. They use their fingers to help with counting. The year is split into months, referencing the moon but mainly based on things like fish seasons, berry ripening, bird migrations, and other recurring events, leading to names like "when the herrings spawn," etc. The basic unit of measurement is the span, with fingers representing its fractions. The Nootkas show great skill in decorating their tools and homes with sculpture and paintings, focusing mostly on the posts of their houses and the wooden masks they wear during wars and some dances. However, almost all tools can be carved and adorned based on the artist’s creativity. They occasionally paint scenes of fishing and hunting, but often their designs are imaginary, resulting in forms that are hard to understand. There’s no clear evidence that their carved figures or complex paintings serve as idols or symbols. They have a basic system of heraldry, where a certain animal is chosen as a family emblem, which is then painted or stitched onto canoes, paddles, or blankets.

NOOTKA ART AND GOVERNMENT.

Nootka Art and Government.

To the Nootka system of government the terms patriarchal, hereditary, and feudal have been applied. There is no confederation, each tribe being independent of all the rest, except as powerful tribes are naturally dominant over the weak. In each tribe the head chief's rank is hereditary by the male line; his grandeur is displayed on great occasions, when, decked in all his finery, he is the central figure. At the frequently recurring feasts of state he occupies the seat of honor; presides at all councils of the tribe, and is respected and highly honored by all; but has no real authority over any but his slaves. Between the chief, or king, and the people is a nobility, in number about one fourth of the whole tribe, composed of several grades, the highest being partially hereditary, but also, as are all the lower grades, obtainable by feats 194 of valor or great liberality. All chieftains must be confirmed by the tribe, and some of them appointed by the king; each man's rank is clearly defined in the tribe, and corresponding privileges strictly insisted on. There are chiefs who have full authority in warlike expeditions. Harpooners also form a privileged class, whose rank is handed down from father to son. This somewhat complicated system of government nevertheless sits lightly, since the people are neither taxed nor subjected to any laws, nor interfered with in their actions. Still, long-continued custom serves as law and marks out the few duties and privileges of the Nootka citizen. Stealing is not common except from strangers; and offenses requiring punishment are usually avenged—or pardoned in consideration of certain blankets received—by the injured parties and their friends, the chiefs seeming to have little or nothing to do in the matter.[300] 195

The Nootka system of government has been described as patriarchal, hereditary, and feudal. There is no confederation; each tribe operates independently, although powerful tribes naturally dominate the weaker ones. In each tribe, the head chief's position is passed down through the male line. His status is showcased during significant events, where he appears in full regalia as the focal point. During the regular state feasts, he takes the seat of honor, leads all tribal councils, and earns respect and admiration from everyone, but he only has real authority over his slaves. Between the chief, or king, and the community lies a nobility, making up about a quarter of the tribe. This nobility has several ranks, with the highest being somewhat hereditary, but also achievable through acts of bravery or generosity, just like the lower ranks. All chiefs need to be confirmed by the tribe, and some are appointed by the king; each individual's rank is clearly established within the tribe, with strict adherence to corresponding privileges. There are chiefs who hold full authority leading military campaigns. Harpooners also make up a privileged class, inheriting their status from their fathers. Despite the complexities of this governance system, life is relatively easy for the people, as they face no taxes, laws, or external interference. However, longstanding customs function as law, outlining the few responsibilities and privileges of Nootka citizens. Theft is uncommon except from outsiders, and offenses needing punishment are usually dealt with by the victims and their allies, with the chiefs appearing to play a minimal role in the process. 194 195

NOOTKA SLAVERY AND MARRIAGE.

Nootka Slavery and Marriage.

Slavery is practiced by all the tribes, and the slave-trade forms an important part of their commerce. Slaves are about the only property that must not be sacrificed to acquire the ever-desired reputation for liberality. Only rich men—according to some authorities only the nobles—may hold slaves. War and kidnapping supply the slave-market, and no captive, whatever his rank in his own tribe, can escape this fate, except by a heavy ransom offered soon after he is taken, and before his whereabouts becomes unknown to his friends. Children of slaves, whose fathers are never known, are forever slaves. The power of the owner is arbitrary and unlimited over the actions and life of the slave, but a cruel exercise of his power seems of rare occurrence, and, save the hard labor required, the material condition of the slave is but little worse than that of the common free people, since he is sheltered by the same roof and partakes of the same food as his master. Socially the slave is despised; his hair is cut short, and his very name becomes a term of reproach. Female slaves are prostituted for hire, especially in the vicinity of white settlements. A runaway slave is generally seized and resold by the first tribe he meets.[301]

Slavery is practiced by all the tribes, and the slave trade is a key part of their commerce. Slaves are almost the only property that can't be sacrificed to gain the much-coveted reputation for generosity. Only wealthy individuals—according to some sources, only the nobles—can own slaves. War and kidnapping feed the slave market, and no captive, regardless of his status in his own tribe, can escape this fate unless a substantial ransom is offered soon after his capture and before his whereabouts become unknown to his friends. The children of slaves, whose fathers are never known, remain slaves forever. The owner's power over the slave's life and actions is arbitrary and unlimited, but instances of cruel treatment seem rare. Apart from the hard labor, the material conditions for slaves are not much worse than for the average free people, as they live under the same roof and share the same food as their masters. Socially, slaves are looked down upon; their hair is cut short, and their very name becomes a derogatory term. Female slaves are often prostituted for hire, particularly near white settlements. A runaway slave is usually captured and resold by the first tribe he encounters.[301]

THE NOOTKA FAMILY.

THE NOOTKA FAMILY.

The Nootka may have as many wives as he can buy, but as prices are high, polygamy is practically restricted to the chiefs, who are careful not to form alliances with 196 families beneath them in rank. Especially particular as to rank are the chiefs in choosing their first wife, always preferring the daughters of noble families of another tribe. Courtship consists in an offer of presents by the lover to the girl's father, accompanied generally by lengthy speeches of friends on both sides, extolling the value of the man and his gift, and the attractions of the bride. After the bargain is concluded, a period of feasting follows if the parties are rich, but this is not necessary as a part of the marriage ceremony. Betrothals are often made by parents while the parties are yet children, mutual deposits of blankets and other property being made as securities for the fulfillment of the contract, which is rarely broken. Girls marry at an average age of sixteen. The common Nootka obtains his one bride from his own rank also by a present of blankets, much more humble than that of his rich neighbor, and is assisted in his overtures by perhaps a single friend instead of being followed by the whole tribe. Courtship among this class is not altogether without the attentions which render it so charming in civilized life; as when the fond girl lovingly caresses and searches her lover's head, always giving him the fattest of her discoveries. Wives are not ill treated, and although somewhat overworked, the division of labor is not so oppressive as among many Indian tribes. Men build houses, make boats and implements, hunt and fish; women prepare the fish and game for winter use, cook, manufacture cloth and clothing, and increase the stock of food by gathering berries and shell-fish; and most of this work among the richer class is done by slaves. Wives are consulted in matters of trade, and in fact seem to be nearly on terms of equality with their husbands, except that they are excluded from some public feasts and ceremonies. There is much reason to suppose that before the advent of the whites, the Nootka wife was comparatively faithful to her lord, that chastity was regarded as a desirable female quality, and offenses against it severely punished. The females so freely brought on board the vessels of early voyagers and offered 197 to the men, were perhaps slaves, who are everywhere prostituted for gain, so that the fathers of their children are never known. Women rarely have more than two or three children, and cease bearing at about twenty-five, frequently preventing the increase of their family by abortions. Pregnancy and childbirth affect them but little. The male child is named at birth, but his name is afterwards frequently changed. He is suckled by the mother until three or four years old, and at an early age begins to learn the arts of fishing by which he is to live. Children are not quarrelsome among themselves, and are regarded by both parents with some show of affection and pride. Girls at puberty are closely confined for several days, and given a little water but no food; they are kept particularly from the sun or fire, to see either of which at this period would be a lasting disgrace. At such times feasts are given by the parents. Divorces or separations may be had at will by either party, but a strict division of property and return of betrothal presents is expected, the woman being allowed not only the property she brought her husband, and articles manufactured by her in wedlock, but a certain proportion of the common wealth. Such property as belongs to the father and is not distributed in gifts during his life, or destroyed at his death, is inherited by the eldest son.[302] 198

The Nootka can have as many wives as he can afford, but since prices are high, polygamy is mostly limited to chiefs, who are careful not to ally with families of lower rank. Chiefs are particularly selective about choosing their first wife, often preferring the daughters of noble families from other tribes. Courtship involves the man giving gifts to the girl's father, usually accompanied by long speeches from friends on both sides praising the man's value and his gifts, as well as the bride's qualities. After the agreement is made, there’s often a feast if the families are wealthy, but this isn't required as part of the marriage. Betrothals frequently happen through parents while the kids are still young, with mutual gifts of blankets and other items made as security for the contract, which is seldom broken. Girls typically marry around age sixteen. A common Nootka man gets his one wife from his own social group with a modest gift of blankets, much less lavish than that of his wealthy neighbor, and usually has just one friend helping him instead of being accompanied by the whole tribe. Courtship in this social class still has some charming elements, like when a loving girl affectionately touches her lover's head, always sharing the best of what she finds. Wives aren't mistreated, and while they may be somewhat overworked, the division of labor isn't as harsh as in many other tribes. Men build houses, make boats and tools, and hunt and fish; women prepare food for winter, cook, make cloth and clothing, and gather berries and shellfish to increase the food supply, with much of this work among the wealthier class done by slaves. Wives are consulted on trade matters and seem to be nearly equal to their husbands, except they're excluded from some public feasts and ceremonies. It's likely that before the arrival of Europeans, Nootka wives were relatively faithful to their husbands, with chastity seen as an important quality in women, and offenses against it severely punished. The women who were brought onto early explorers' ships and offered to the men were probably slaves, who are commonly exploited for profit, meaning that the fathers of their children are often unknown. Women typically have no more than two or three children and stop having kids around age twenty-five, often using abortions to limit their family size. Pregnancy and childbirth have little impact on them. Male babies are named at birth, but their names are often changed later. They are breastfed by their mothers until they are three or four years old, and they start learning fishing skills at an early age to prepare for their future. Children generally don't fight with each other and are regarded by both parents with visible affection and pride. Girls are kept in close confinement for several days when they reach puberty, given a little water but no food; they are kept away from the sun or fire, as seeing either during this time would be a lasting embarrassment. During this period, parents host feasts. Divorces or separations can be requested by either partner, but a careful division of property and the return of betrothal gifts is expected. The woman retains not only what she brought into the marriage and items she made while married but also a certain share of the common property. Property that belongs to the father and isn’t given away during his life or destroyed after his death is inherited by the eldest son.

From the middle of November to the middle of January, is the Nootka season of mirth and festivity, when nearly the whole time is occupied with public and private gaiety. Their evenings are privately passed by the family group within doors in conversation, singing, joking, boasting of past exploits, personal and tribal, and teasing the women until bed-time, when one by one they retire to rest in the same blankets worn during the day.[303] Swimming and trials of strength by hooking together the little fingers, or scuffling for a prize, seem to be the only out-door amusements indulged in by adults, while the children shoot arrows and hurl spears at grass figures of birds and fishes, and prepare themselves for future conflicts by cutting off the heads of imaginary enemies modeled in mud.[304] To gambling the Nootkas are passionately addicted, but their games are remarkably few and uniform. Small bits of wood compose their entire paraphernalia, sometimes used like dice, when the game depends on the side turned up; or passed rapidly from hand to hand, when the gamester attempts to name the hand containing the trump stick; or again concealed in dust spread over a blanket and moved about by one player that the rest may guess its location. In playing they always form a circle seated on the ground, and the women rarely if ever join the game.[305] They indulge in smoking, 199 the only pipes of their own manufacture being of plain cedar, filled now with tobacco by those who can afford it, but in which they formerly smoked, as it is supposed, the leaves of a native plant—still mixed with tobacco to lessen its intoxicating properties. The pipe is passed round after a meal, but seems to be less used in serious ceremonies than among eastern Indian nations.[306]

From mid-November to mid-January is the Nootka season of fun and celebration, when almost all the time is filled with public and private festivities. Their evenings are spent indoors with the family, chatting, singing, joking, bragging about past adventures—both personal and tribal—and teasing the women until bedtime, when they one by one retire to sleep in the same blankets they wore during the day.[303] Swimming and strength challenges, like hooking their little fingers together or play-fighting for a prize, seem to be the only outdoor activities enjoyed by adults, while children shoot arrows and throw spears at grass figures of birds and fish, preparing for future battles by decapitating imaginary enemies made of mud.[304] The Nootkas are really into gambling, but their games are surprisingly limited and consistent. Small pieces of wood make up their entire gaming equipment, sometimes used like dice, depending on which side lands up; or passed quickly from hand to hand while the player tries to guess which one has the trump stick; or hidden in dust spread over a blanket for others to guess where it is. When playing, they always sit in a circle on the ground, and women rarely, if ever, participate in the games.[305] They enjoy smoking, with their only pipes made from simple cedar. Those who can afford it now fill them with tobacco, but in the past, it's believed they smoked the leaves of a native plant—still mixed with tobacco to reduce its intoxicating effects. The pipe is passed around after meals but seems to be used less in serious ceremonies than among eastern Indian tribes.[306]

NOOTKA AMUSEMENTS.

NOOTKA AMUSEMENTS.

But the Nootka amusement par excellence is that of feasts, given by the richer classes and chiefs nearly every evening during 'the season.' Male and female heralds are employed ceremoniously to invite the guests, the house having been first cleared of its partitions, and its floor spread with mats.[307] As in countries more civilized, the common people go early to secure the best seats, their allotted place being near the door. The élite come later, after being repeatedly sent for; on arrival they are announced by name, and assigned a place according to rank. In one corner of the hall the fish and whale-blubber are boiled by the wives of the chiefs, who serve it to the guests in pieces larger or smaller, according to their rank. What can not be eaten must be carried home. Their drink ordinarily is pure water, but occasionally berries of a peculiar kind, preserved in cakes, are stirred in until a froth is formed which swells the body of the drinker nearly to bursting.[308] Eating is followed by conversation and speech-making, oratory being an art highly prized, in which, with their fine voices, they become skillful. Finally, the floor is cleared for dancing. In the dances in which the crowd participate, the dancers, with faces painted in black and vermilion, form a circle round a few leaders who give the step, which consists chiefly in jumping with 200 both feet from the ground, brandishing weapons or bunches of feathers, or sometimes simply bending the body without moving the feet. As to the participation of women in these dances, authorities do not agree.[309] In a sort of conversational dance all pass briskly round the room to the sound of music, praising in exclamations the building and all within it, while another dance requires many to climb upon the roof and there continue their motions. Their special or character dances are many, and in them they show much dramatic talent. A curtain is stretched across a corner of the room to conceal the preparations, and the actors, fantastically dressed, represent personal combats, hunting scenes, or the actions of different animals. In the seal-dance naked men jump into the water and then crawl out and over the floors, imitating the motions of the seal. Indecent performances are mentioned by some visitors. Sometimes in these dances men drop suddenly as if dead, and are at last revived by the doctors, who also give dramatic or magic performances at their houses; or they illuminate a wax moon out on the water, and make the natives believe they are communing with the man in the moon. To tell just where amusement ceases and solemnity begins in these dances is impossible.[310] Birds' down forms an important item in the decoration at dances, especially at the reception of strangers. All dances, as well as other ceremonies, are accompanied by continual music, instrumental and vocal. The instruments are: boxes and benches 201 struck with sticks; a plank hollowed out on the under side and beaten with drum-sticks about a foot long; a rattle made of dried seal-skin in the form of a fish, with pebbles; a whistle of deer-bone about an inch long with one hole, which like the rattle can only be used by chiefs; and a bunch of muscle-shells, to be shaken like castanets.[311] Their songs are monotonous chants, extending over but few notes, varied by occasional howls and whoops in some of the more spirited melodies, pleasant or otherwise, according to the taste of the hearer.[312] Certain of their feasts are given periodically by the head chiefs, which distant tribes attend, and during which take place the distributions of property already mentioned. Whenever a gift is offered, etiquette requires the recipient to snatch it rudely from the donor with a stern and surly look.[313]

But the Nootka’s favorite entertainment is their feasts, hosted by the wealthier classes and chiefs almost every evening during 'the season.' Male and female heralds are ceremoniously sent to invite the guests, after which the house is cleared of its partitions and the floor is spread with mats.[307] Like in more civilized countries, the common people arrive early to claim the best spots, which are usually near the door. The elite arrive later, after being called repeatedly; when they come in, they are announced by name and given a seat based on their rank. In one corner of the hall, the fish and whale blubber are cooked by the chiefs' wives, who serve it to the guests in pieces that vary in size according to their rank. Any uneaten food must be taken home. Their usual drink is plain water, but sometimes they mix in preserved berries until a frothy drink forms that makes the drinker feel almost ready to burst.[308] After eating, guests engage in conversation and speech-making, as oratory is a highly valued skill, and they are quite skilled at it with their beautiful voices. Eventually, the floor is cleared for dancing. During the dances that involve the crowd, the dancers, with faces painted in black and red, form a circle around a few leaders who set the steps, primarily consisting of jumping off the ground with both feet while waving weapons or bunches of feathers, or sometimes merely bending their bodies without moving their feet. Regarding women's participation in these dances, opinions differ.[309] In a kind of conversational dance, everyone moves quickly around the room to music, praising the building and everything inside with shouts, while another dance requires many to climb onto the roof and continue their movements there. They have numerous special dances that showcase significant dramatic talent. A curtain is pulled across a corner of the room to hide the preparations, and the actors, dressed in elaborate costumes, reenact personal battles, hunting scenes, or the actions of various animals. In the seal dance, naked men jump into the water and then crawl out and across the floor, mimicking the movements of seals. Some visitors have commented on inappropriate performances. Occasionally, during these dances, men drop suddenly as if dead and are eventually revived by the doctors, who also perform dramatic or magical acts at their homes; or they illuminate a wax moon on the water, convincing the locals that they are in contact with the man in the moon. It’s hard to tell exactly where the amusement ends and solemnity begins in these dances.[310] Birds' down is a significant part of the decoration at dances, especially when welcoming strangers. All dances and other ceremonies are accompanied by constant music, both instrumental and vocal. The instruments include: boxes and benches struck with sticks; a plank hollowed out underneath and beaten with drumsticks about a foot long; a rattle made of dried seal skin shaped like a fish, filled with pebbles; a deer-bone whistle about an inch long with one hole, which like the rattle can only be used by chiefs; and a bunch of muscle shells shaken like castanets.[311] Their songs are monotonous chants covering only a few notes, occasionally interrupted by howls and whoops in some of the livelier melodies, which can be pleasant or not, depending on the listener’s taste.[312] Some of their feasts are held periodically by the head chiefs, which distant tribes attend, and during which the previously mentioned property distributions occur. Whenever a gift is offered, etiquette dictates that the recipient snatch it abruptly from the giver with a stern and unhappy expression.[313]

MISCELLANEOUS CUSTOMS.

MISCELLANEOUS PRACTICES.

Among the miscellaneous customs noticed by the different authorities already quoted, may be mentioned the following. Daily bathing in the sea is practiced, the vapor-bath not being used. Children are rolled in the snow by their mothers to make them hardy. Camps and other property are moved from place to place by piling them on a plank platform built across the canoes. Whymper saw Indians near Bute Inlet carrying burdens on the back by a strap across the forehead. In a fight they rarely strike but close and depend on pulling hair and scratching; a chance blow must be made up by a present. Invitations 202 to eat must not be declined, no matter how often repeated. Out of doors there is no native gesture of salutation, but in the houses a guest is motioned politely to a couch; guests are held sacred, and great ceremonies are performed at the reception of strangers; all important events are announced by heralds. Friends sometimes saunter along hand in hand. A secret society, independent of tribe, family, or crest, is supposed by Sproat to exist among them, but its purposes are unknown. In a palaver with whites the orator holds a long white pole in his hand, which he sticks occasionally into the ground by way of emphasis. An animal chosen as a crest must not be shot or ill-treated in the presence of any wearing its figure; boys recite portions of their elders' speeches as declamations; names are changed many times during life, at the will of the individual or of the tribe.

Among the various customs noted by the different authorities mentioned earlier, the following can be highlighted. Daily bathing in the sea is common, and vapor baths are not used. Mothers roll their children in the snow to toughen them up. Camps and other belongings are transported by stacking them on a plank platform built across canoes. Whymper observed Indians near Bute Inlet carrying loads on their backs secured by a strap across their foreheads. In a fight, they rarely throw punches; instead, they get close and rely on pulling hair and scratching. If someone lands a lucky blow, they must make amends by giving a gift. Invitations to share a meal must never be turned down, no matter how many times they are repeated. Outside, there is no traditional way to greet someone, but inside homes, guests are politely directed to a couch; guests are treated with great respect, and elaborate ceremonies are held to welcome strangers; all significant events are announced by heralds. Friends sometimes walk together hand in hand. A secret society, distinct from tribes, families, or crests, is believed to exist among them, although its purpose remains unknown. During discussions with white people, the speaker holds a long white pole in hand, which he occasionally drives into the ground for emphasis. An animal chosen as a crest must not be shot or mistreated in the presence of anyone displaying its figure; boys recite parts of their elders' speeches as performances; names are changed multiple times throughout life, based on the individual's choice or the tribe's wishes.

CUSTOMS AND CANNIBALISM.

Customs and Cannibalism.

In sorcery, witchcraft, prophecy, dreams, evil spirits, and the transmigration of souls, the Nootkas are firm believers, and these beliefs enable the numerous sorcerers of different grades to acquire great power in the tribes by their strange ridiculous ceremonies. Most of their tricks are transparent, being deceptions worked by the aid of confederates to keep up their power; but, as in all religions, the votary must have some faith in the efficacy of their incantations. The sorcerer, before giving a special demonstration, retires apart to meditate. After spending some time alone in the forests and mountains, fasting and lacerating the flesh, he appears suddenly before the tribe, emaciated, wild with excitement, clad in a strange costume, grotesquely painted, and wearing a hideous mask. The scenes that ensue are indescribable, but the aim seems to be to commit all the wild freaks that a maniac's imagination may devise, accompanied by the most unearthly yells which can terrorize the heart. Live dogs and dead human bodies are seized and torn by their teeth; but, at least in later times, they seem not to attack the living, and their performances are somewhat less horrible and bloody than the wild orgies of the northern tribes. The sorcerer is 203 thought to have more influence with bad spirits than with good, and is always resorted to in the case of any serious misfortune. New members of the fraternity are initiated into the mysteries by similar ceremonies. Old women are not without their traditional mysterious powers in matters of prophecy and witchcraft; and all chiefs in times of perplexity practice fasting and laceration. Dreams are believed to be the visits of spirits or of the wandering soul of some living party, and the unfortunate Nootka boy or girl whose blubber-loaded stomach causes uneasy dreams, must be properly hacked, scorched, smothered, and otherwise tormented until the evil spirit is appeased.[314] Whether or not these people were cannibals, is a disputed question, but there seems to be little doubt that slaves have been sacrificed and eaten as a part of their devilish rites.[315] 204

In magic, witchcraft, prophecy, dreams, evil spirits, and the rebirth of souls, the Nootkas are strong believers. These beliefs allow many sorcerers of various levels to gain significant power in the tribes through their bizarre and ridiculous rituals. Most of their tricks are obvious deceptions, supported by accomplices to maintain their influence; however, like in all religions, the followers need to have some faith in the effectiveness of their chants. Before putting on a special display, the sorcerer goes off by himself to meditate. After spending some time alone in the forests and mountains, fasting and inflicting pain on himself, he suddenly appears before the tribe, gaunt, wild with excitement, dressed in an odd outfit, painted in a bizarre way, and wearing a terrifying mask. The resulting scenes are beyond description, but the goal seems to be to perform all the wild antics that a maniac's imagination can create, accompanied by eerie screams that can terrify anyone. Live dogs and dead human bodies are grabbed and bitten, but at least in more recent times, they seem to avoid attacking the living, and their performances are somewhat less horrific and bloody than the wild parties of the northern tribes. The sorcerer is believed to have more sway over evil spirits than good ones and is always called upon in times of serious trouble. New members of the group are initiated into the mysteries through similar ceremonies. Older women also have their traditional mysterious abilities in prophecy and witchcraft; and all chiefs, during difficult times, fast and inflict pain on themselves. Dreams are thought to be visits from spirits or the wandering soul of someone alive, and the unfortunate Nootka boy or girl whose stomach, heavy with fat, causes restless dreams, must be properly cut, burned, smothered, and otherwise tortured until the evil spirit is satisfied. Whether or not these people were cannibals is a debated issue, but there seems to be little doubt that slaves were sacrificed and eaten as part of their wicked rituals.

The Nootkas are generally a long-lived race, and from the beginning to the failing of manhood undergo little change in appearance. Jewitt states that during his captivity of three years at Nootka Sound, only five natural deaths occurred, and the people suffered scarcely any disease except the colic. Sproat mentions as the commonest diseases; bilious complaints, dysentery, a consumption which almost always follows syphilis, fevers, and among the aged, ophthalmia. Accidental injuries, as cuts, bruises, sprains, and broken limbs, are treated with considerable success by means of simple salves or gums, cold water, pine-bark bandages, and wooden splints. Natural pains and maladies are invariably ascribed to the absence or other irregular conduct of the soul, or to the influence of evil spirits, and all treatment is directed to the recall of the former and to the appeasing of the latter. Still, so long as the ailment is slight, simple means are resorted to, and the patient is kindly cared for by the women; as when headache, colic, or rheumatism is treated by the application of hot or cold water, hot ashes, friction, or the swallowing of cold teas made from various roots and leaves. Nearly every disease has a specific for its cure. Oregon grape and other herbs cure syphilis; wasp-nest powder is a tonic, and blackberries an astringent; hemlock bark forms a plaster, and dog-wood bark is a strengthener; an infusion of young pine cones or the inside scrapings of a human skull prevent too rapid family increase, while certain plants facilitate abortion. When a sickness becomes serious, the sorcerer or medicine-man is called in and incantations begin, more or less noisy according to the amount of the prospective fee 205 and the number of relatives and friends who join in the uproar. A very poor wretch is permitted to die in comparative quiet. In difficult cases the doctor, wrought up to the highest state of excitement, claims to see and hear the soul, and to judge of the patient's prospects by its position and movements. The sick man shows little fortitude, and abandons himself helplessly to the doctor's ridiculous measures. Failing in a cure, the physician gets no pay, but if successful, does not fail to make a large demand. Both the old and the helplessly sick are frequently abandoned by the Ahts to die without aid in the forest.[316]

The Nootkas are generally a long-lived group, and from the beginning to the decline of adulthood, they undergo little change in appearance. Jewitt notes that during his three-year captivity at Nootka Sound, only five natural deaths occurred, and the people hardly experienced any diseases except for colic. Sproat mentions the most common diseases: digestive issues, dysentery, a type of consumption that almost always follows syphilis, fevers, and for older people, eye infections. Accidental injuries like cuts, bruises, sprains, and broken bones are treated quite effectively with simple ointments or gums, cold water, pine-bark bandages, and wooden splints. Natural pains and ailments are usually blamed on the absence or irregular behavior of the soul or the influence of evil spirits, and all treatment aims to bring back the former and to appease the latter. However, as long as the illness is mild, simple remedies are used, and the patient is taken care of kindly by the women, such as when headaches, colic, or rheumatism are treated with hot or cold water, hot ashes, rubbing, or drinking cold teas made from various roots and leaves. Nearly every disease has a specific cure. Oregon grape and other herbs treat syphilis; wasp-nest powder acts as a tonic, while blackberries are an astringent; hemlock bark is used for making a plaster, and dogwood bark strengthens; an infusion of young pine cones or the inner scrapings of a human skull prevent rapid family growth, whereas certain plants aid in abortion. When an illness becomes serious, the sorcerer or medicine man is called in, and chants begin, becoming noisier depending on the expected fee and the number of relatives and friends who join in the chaos. A very poor person is allowed to die in relative silence. In tough situations, the doctor, highly agitated, claims to see and hear the soul, judging the patient's chances based on its position and movements. The sick person shows little strength and helplessly surrenders to the doctor’s absurd methods. If a cure fails, the physician receives no payment, but if successful, will not hesitate to demand a large fee. Both the elderly and those who are seriously ill are often abandoned by the Ahts to die alone in the forest.

NOOTKA BURIAL.

NOOTKA FUNERAL.

After death the Nootka's body is promptly put away; a slave's body is unceremoniously thrown into the water; that of a freeman, is placed in a crouching posture, their favorite one during life, in a deep wooden box, or in a canoe, and suspended from the branches of a tree, deposited on the ground with a covering of sticks and stones, or, more rarely, buried. Common people are usually left on the surface; the nobility are suspended from trees at heights differing, as some authorities say, according to rank. The practice of burning the dead seems also to have been followed in some parts of this region. Each tribe has a burying-ground chosen on some hill-side or small island. With chiefs, blankets, skins, and other property in large amounts are buried, hung up about the grave, or burned during the funeral ceremonies, which are not complicated except for the highest officials. The coffins are often ornamented with carvings 206 or paintings of the deceased man's crest, or with rows of shells. When a death occurs, the women of the tribe make a general howl, and keep it up at intervals for many days or months; the men, after a little speech-making, keep silent. The family and friends, with blackened faces and hair cut short, follow the body to its last resting-place with music and other manifestations of sorrow, generally terminating in a feast. There is great reluctance to explain their funeral usages to strangers; death being regarded by this people with great superstition and dread, not from solicitude for the welfare of the dead, but from a belief in the power of departed spirits to do much harm to the living.[317]

After someone dies, the Nootka quickly take care of the body; a slave’s body is simply tossed into the water; a free person’s body is positioned in a crouching pose, which was their favorite during life, either in a deep wooden box or in a canoe, then hung from tree branches, laid on the ground covered with sticks and stones, or, less often, buried. Common folk are usually left out in the open; nobles are hung from trees at varying heights based on their rank, according to some sources. Some areas also practiced cremation. Each tribe has a chosen burial ground on a hillside or a small island. When chiefs die, large amounts of blankets, skins, and other belongings are buried, hung around the grave, or burned during the funeral rites, which are typically simple, except for the highest officials. Coffins are often decorated with carvings or paintings of the deceased's crest, or adorned with rows of shells. When someone dies, the women of the tribe wail loudly, continuing for many days or even months; the men, after delivering a few speeches, fall silent. Family and friends, with their faces blackened and hair cut short, accompany the body to its final resting place accompanied by music and other expressions of grief, usually ending with a feast. They are very reluctant to explain their funeral customs to outsiders; death is viewed with significant superstition and fear among this people, not out of concern for the deceased's welfare, but due to a belief in the ability of departed spirits to harm the living.

CHARACTER OF THE NOOTKAS.

NOOTKA CHARACTER.

The Nootka character presents all the inconsistencies observable among other American aborigines, since there is hardly a good or bad trait that has not by some observer been ascribed to them. Their idiosyncrasies as a race are perhaps best given by Sproat as "want of observation, a great deficiency of foresight, extreme fickleness in their passions and purposes, habitual suspicion, and a love of power and display; added to which may be noticed their ingratitude and revengeful disposition, 207 their readiness for war, and revolting indifference to human suffering." These qualities, judged by civilized standards censurable, to the Nootka are praiseworthy, while contrary qualities are to be avoided. By a strict application, therefore, of 'put yourself in his place' principles, to which most 'good Indians' owe their reputation, Nootka character must not be too harshly condemned. They are not, so far as physical actions are concerned, a remarkably lazy people, but their minds, although intelligent when aroused, are averse to effort and quickly fatigued; nor can they comprehend the advantage of continued effort for any future good which is at all remote. What little foresight they have, has much in common with the instinct of beasts. Ordinarily, they are quiet and well behaved, especially the higher classes, but when once roused to anger, they rage, bite, spit and kick without the slightest attempt at self-possession. A serious offense against an individual, although nominally pardoned in consideration of presents, can really never be completely atoned for except by blood; hence private, family, and tribal feuds continue from generation to generation. Women are not immodest, but the men have no shame. Stealing is recognized as a fault, and the practice as between members of the same tribe is rare, but skillful pilfering from strangers, if not officially sanctioned, is extensively carried on and much admired; still any property confided in trust to a Nootka is said to be faithfully returned. To his wife he is kind and just; to his children affectionate. Efforts for their conversion to foreign religions have been in the highest degree unsuccessful.[318] 208

The Nootka people show all the contradictions seen in other Native Americans, as there’s scarcely a positive or negative trait that hasn’t been attributed to them by someone. Their unique characteristics might best be summed up by Sproat as "a lack of observation, significant shortcomings in foresight, extreme unpredictability in their emotions and goals, habitual distrust, and a desire for power and attention; along with ingratitude and a tendency for revenge, readiness for conflict, and a shocking indifference to human suffering." Qualities that would be criticized by civilized standards are seen as admirable by the Nootka, while opposite traits are shunned. Thus, if we strictly apply the principle of 'put yourself in their shoes,' for which many 'good Indians' are praised, we shouldn't be too harsh in judging Nootka character. Physically, they’re not particularly lazy, but their minds, though capable when engaged, shy away from effort and tire quickly; they also struggle to see the benefit of sustained effort for any distant future gain. Their limited foresight resembles animal instinct. Usually, they are calm and well-behaved, especially among the higher classes, but once angered, they lash out without any self-control. A serious offense against someone, although officially forgiven with gifts, can never be fully resolved without bloodshed; thus, personal, family, and tribal disputes can carry on for generations. Women are modest, while the men show no shame. Stealing is seen as wrong, and it’s uncommon among members of the same tribe, but crafty theft from outsiders, though not officially encouraged, is widespread and admired; still, any property entrusted to a Nootka is believed to be returned faithfully. He is kind and fair to his wife and affectionate to his children. Attempts to convert them to outside religions have been extremely unsuccessful. 207 208

THE SOUND INDIANS.

THE SOUND PEOPLE.

The Sound Indians, by which term I find it convenient to designate the nations about Puget Sound, constitute the third family of the Columbian group. In this division I include all the natives of that part of Washington which lies to the west of the Cascade Range, except a strip from twenty-five to forty miles wide along the north bank of the Columbia. The north-eastern section of this territory, including the San Juan group, Whidbey Island, and the region tributary to Bellingham Bay, is the home of the Nooksak, Lummi, Samish and Skagit nations, whose neighbors and constant harassers on the north are the fierce Kwantlums and Cowichins of the Nootka family about the mouth of the Fraser. The central section, comprising the shores and islands of Admiralty Inlet, Hood Canal, and Puget Sound proper, is occupied by numerous tribes with variously spelled names, mostly terminating in mish, which names, with all their orthographic diversity, have been given generally to the streams on whose banks the different nations dwelt. All these tribes may be termed the Nisqually nation, taking the name from the most numerous and best-known of the tribes located about the head of the sound. The Clallams inhabit the eastern portion of the peninsula between the sound and the Pacific. The western extremity of the same peninsula, terminating at Cape Flattery, is occupied by the Classets or Makahs; 209 while the Chehalis and Cowlitz nations are found on the Chehalis River, Gray Harbor, and the upper Cowlitz. Excepting a few bands on the headwaters of streams that rise in the vicinity of Mount Baker, the Sound family belongs to the coast fish-eating tribes rather than to the hunters of the interior. Indeed, this family has so few marked peculiarities, possessing apparently no trait or custom not found as well among the Nootkas or Chinooks, that it may be described in comparatively few words. When first known to Europeans they seem to have been far less numerous than might have been expected from the extraordinary fertility and climatic advantages of their country; and since they have been in contact with the whites, their numbers have been reduced,—chiefly through the agency of small-pox and ague,—even more rapidly than the nations farther to the north-west.[319] 210

The Sound Native Americans, which is the term I use to refer to the nations around Puget Sound, make up the third group of the Columbian family. In this group, I include all the native people from that part of Washington located west of the Cascade Range, except for a strip that is 25 to 40 miles wide along the north bank of the Columbia River. The northeastern section of this area, which includes the San Juan group, Whidbey Island, and the region around Bellingham Bay, is home to the Nooksak, Lummi, Samish, and Skagit nations, whose northern neighbors and persistent troublemakers are the fierce Kwantlums and Cowichins from the Nootka family near the mouth of the Fraser River. The central part, which includes the shores and islands of Admiralty Inlet, Hood Canal, and Puget Sound itself, is filled with various tribes that have names mostly ending in mish, which have been given to the rivers where these nations lived. All these tribes can be referred to as the Nisqually nation, named after the largest and most well-known tribe located at the head of the sound. The Clallams live in the eastern part of the peninsula between the sound and the Pacific Ocean. The western end of the peninsula, ending at Cape Flattery, is occupied by the Classets or Makahs; 209 while the Chehalis and Cowlitz nations are found along the Chehalis River, Gray Harbor, and the upper Cowlitz. Aside from a few groups in the headwaters of streams near Mount Baker, the Sound family belongs to the coastal fish-eating tribes rather than to the interior hunters. In fact, this family has so few distinct characteristics and seemingly lacks any traits or customs that aren't also found among the Nootkas or Chinooks that it can be described in relatively few words. When they were first encountered by Europeans, their population seemed much smaller than one would expect given the remarkable fertility and favorable climate of their land; since coming into contact with white settlers, their numbers have diminished—primarily due to smallpox and ague—at a rate even faster than the nations further north-west. [319] 210

These natives of Washington are short and thick-set, with strong limbs, but bow-legged; they have broad faces, eyes fine but wide apart; noses prominent, both of Roman and aquiline type; color, a light copper, perhaps a shade darker than that of the Nootkas, but capable of transmitting a flush; the hair usually black and almost universally worn long.[320]

These people from Washington are short and stocky, with strong limbs but bow-legged. They have broad faces, eyes that are fine yet spaced apart; their noses are prominent, resembling both Roman and aquiline types. Their skin color is a light copper, maybe a bit darker than the Nootkas, but they can easily flush. Their hair is usually black and almost always worn long.[320]

All the tribes flatten the head more or less, but none carry the practice to such an extent as their neighbors on the south, unless it be the Cowlitz nation, which might indeed as correctly be classed with the Chinooks. By most of the Sound natives tattooing is not practiced, and they seem somewhat less addicted to a constant use of paint than the Nootkas; yet on festive occasions a plentiful and hideous application is made of charcoal or colored earth pulverized in grease, and the women appreciate the charms imparted to the face by the use of vermilion clay. The nose, particularly at Cape Flattery, is the grand centre of facial ornamentation. Perforating is extravagantly 211 practiced, and pendant trinkets of every form and substance are worn, those of bone or shell preferred, and, if we may credit Wilkes, by some of the women these ornaments are actually kept clean.

All the tribes shape their heads to varying degrees, but none take it as far as their southern neighbors, except possibly the Cowlitz nation, which could easily be grouped with the Chinooks. Most of the local tribes around the Sound don't practice tattooing and seem a bit less inclined to use paint constantly compared to the Nootkas; however, during celebrations, they apply a lot of charcoal or colored earth mixed with grease, and the women enjoy the look that vermilion clay gives their faces. The nose, especially at Cape Flattery, is the main focus of facial decoration. Piercing is done extensively, and they wear hanging ornaments of all shapes and materials, with those made of bone or shell being preferred. According to Wilkes, some of the women actually keep these ornaments clean.

SOUND DRESS AND DWELLINGS.

Sound Clothing and Homes.

The native garment, when the weather makes nakedness uncomfortable, is a blanket of dog's hair, sometimes mixed with birds' down and bark-fibre, thrown about the shoulders. Some few fasten this about the neck with a wooden pin. The women are more careful in covering the person with the blanket than are the men, and generally wear under it a bark apron hanging from the waist in front. A cone-shaped, water-proof hat, woven from colored grasses, is sometimes worn on the head.[321]

The traditional clothing, when the weather makes being naked uncomfortable, is a blanket made from dog hair, sometimes mixed with bird down and bark fiber, draped over the shoulders. A few people secure it around the neck with a wooden pin. Women are more attentive to covering themselves with the blanket than men are, and usually wear a bark apron that hangs from the waist in front. A cone-shaped, waterproof hat, made from colored grasses, is sometimes worn on the head.[321]

Temporary hunting-huts in summer are merely cross-sticks covered with coarse mats made by laying bulrushes side by side, and knotting them at intervals with cord or grass. The poorer individuals or tribes dwell permanently in similar huts, improved by the addition of a few slabs; while the rich and powerful build substantial houses, of planks split from trees by means of bone wedges, much like the Nootka dwellings in plan, and nearly as large. These houses sometimes measure over one hundred feet in length, and are divided into rooms or 212 pens, each house accommodating many families. There are several fire-places in each dwelling; raised benches extend round the sides, and the walls are often lined with matting.[322]

Temporary summer hunting huts are just some cross-sticks covered with rough mats made by laying bulrushes side by side and tying them together with cord or grass. The poorer individuals or tribes live permanently in similar huts, which are improved with a few added slabs; meanwhile, the wealthier and more powerful build substantial houses made from planks split from trees using bone wedges, similar in layout to the Nootka homes and nearly as large. These houses can exceed one hundred feet in length and are divided into rooms or pens, allowing each house to accommodate multiple families. There are several fireplaces in each home; raised benches run along the sides, and the walls are often covered with matting.212

FOOD OF THE SOUND INDIANS.

Sound Indian Cuisine.

In spring time they abandon their regular dwellings and resort in small companies to the various sources of food-supply. Fish is their chief dependence, though game is taken in much larger quantities than by the Nootkas; some of the more inland Sound tribes subsisting almost entirely by the chase and by root-digging. Nearly all the varieties of fish which support the northern tribes are also abundant here, and are taken substantially by the same methods, namely, by the net, hook, spear, and rake; but fisheries seem to be carried on somewhat less systematically, and I find no account of the extensive and complicated embankments and traps mentioned by travelers in British Columbia. To the salmon, sturgeon, herring, rock-cod, and candle-fish, abundant 213 in the inlets of the sound, the Classets, by venturing out to sea, add a supply of whale-blubber and otter-meat, obtained with spears, lines, and floats. At certain points on the shore tall poles are erected, across which nets are spread; and against these nets large numbers of wild fowl, dazzled by torch-lights at night, dash themselves and fall stunned to the ground, where the natives stand ready to gather in the feathery harvest. Vancouver noticed many of these poles in different localities, but could not divine their use. Deer and elk in the forests are also hunted by night, and brought within arrow-shot by the spell of torches. For preservation, fish are dried in the sun or dried and smoked by the domestic hearth, and sometimes pounded fine, as are roots of various kinds; clams are dried on strings and hung up in the houses, or occasionally worn round the neck, ministering to the native love of ornament until the stronger instinct of hunger impairs the beauty of the necklace. In the better class of houses, supplies are neatly stored in baskets at the sides. The people are extremely improvident, and, notwithstanding their abundant natural supplies in ocean, stream, and forest, are often in great want. Boiling in wooden vessels by means of hot stones is the ordinary method of cooking. A visitor to the Nooksaks thus describes their method of steaming elk-meat: "They first dig a hole in the ground, then build a wood fire, placing stones on the top of it. As it burns, the stones become hot and fall down. Moss and leaves are then placed on the top of the hot stones, the meat on these, and another layer of moss and leaves laid over it. Water is poured on, which is speedily converted into steam. This is retained by mats carefully placed over the heap. When left in this way for a night, the meat is found tender and well cooked in the morning." Fowls were cooked in the same manner by the Queniults.[323] 214

In spring, they leave their usual homes and gather in small groups at various food sources. Fish is their main source of food, but they catch a lot more game than the Nootkas do; some of the tribes further inland mostly live off hunting and collecting roots. Almost all the types of fish that support the northern tribes are also plentiful here, caught mainly using nets, hooks, spears, and rakes. However, fishing seems to be done a bit less systematically, and I haven't found any mention of the extensive and complex embankments and traps that travelers have noted in British Columbia. The Classets also venture out to sea for whale blubber and otter meat, using spears, lines, and floats, in addition to the abundant salmon, sturgeon, herring, rock cod, and candlefish found in the inlets of the sound. At certain spots on the shore, tall poles are set up with nets spread across them; at night, large numbers of wild birds, confused by torchlight, fly into the nets and fall stunned to the ground, where the locals are ready to collect their feathery harvest. Vancouver saw many of these poles in various areas but couldn't figure out their purpose. Deer and elk in the forests are also hunted at night, brought within arrow range using torches. For preservation, fish are dried in the sun or smoked at home, and sometimes ground up like various root vegetables; clams are dried on strings and hung in the houses or occasionally worn as necklaces, catering to the Native love of decoration until hunger diminishes the necklace's beauty. In the nicer homes, supplies are neatly stored in baskets along the sides. The people are very wasteful, and despite their abundant natural resources in the ocean, rivers, and forests, they often face shortages. Cooking is usually done by boiling in wooden containers with hot stones. A visitor to the Nooksaks described their method of steaming elk meat like this: "They first dig a hole in the ground, then build a wood fire with stones on top. As it burns, the stones heat up and fall down. Moss and leaves are then placed on the hot stones, followed by the meat, and another layer of moss and leaves is put on top. Water is poured on, quickly turning into steam. Mats are carefully placed over the pile to trap the steam. When left like this overnight, the meat is tender and well-cooked by morning." Chickens were cooked in the same way by the Queniults.[323] 214

I find no mention of other weapons, offensive or defensive, than spears, and bows and arrows. The arrows and spears were usually pointed with bone; the bows were of yew, and though short, were of great power. Vancouver describes a superior bow used at Puget Sound. It was from two and a half to three feet long, made from a naturally curved piece of yew, whose concave side became the convex of the bow, and to the whole length of this side a strip of elastic hide or serpent-skin was attached so firmly by a kind of cement as to become almost a part of the wood. This lining added greatly 215 to the strength of the bow, and was not affected by moisture. The bow-string was made of sinew.[324] The tribes were continually at war with each other, and with northern nations, generally losing many of their people in battle. Sticking the heads of the slain enemy on poles in front of their dwellings, is a common way of demonstrating their joy over a victory. The Indians at Port Discovery spoke to Wilkes of scalping among their warlike exploits, but according to Kane the Classets do not practice that usage.[325] Vancouver, finding sepulchres at Penn Cove, in which were large quantities of human bones but no limb-bones of adults, suspected that the latter were used by the Indians for pointing their arrows, and in the manufacture of other implements.[326]

I didn't find any reference to other weapons, either offensive or defensive, besides spears, and bows and arrows. The arrows and spears were usually tipped with bone; the bows were made from yew and, although short, were very powerful. Vancouver talks about a superior bow used at Puget Sound. It was between two and a half to three feet long, crafted from a naturally curved piece of yew, where the concave side became the outer part of the bow. A strip of elastic hide or snake skin was strongly attached along the entire length of this side with a type of cement, making it feel almost like part of the wood. This lining significantly enhanced the bow's strength and was resistant to moisture. The bowstring was made from sinew. The tribes were constantly at war with each other and with northern nations, often resulting in the loss of many lives in battle. A common way of showing joy over a victory was by displaying the heads of slain enemies on poles outside their homes. The Indians at Port Discovery mentioned scalping to Wilkes among their war practices, but Kane noted that the Classets do not engage in that practice. Vancouver, upon discovering graves at Penn Cove that contained many human bones but no adult limb bones, suspected that the Indians used the latter for arrow points and to create other tools. 215

MANUFACTURES OF PUGET SOUND.

Puget Sound Manufacturers.

The Sound manufactures include only the weapons and utensils used by the natives. Their articles were made with the simplest tools of bone or shell. Blankets were made of dog's hair,—large numbers of dogs being raised for the purpose,—the wool of mountain sheep, or wild goats, found on the mountain slopes, the down of wild-fowl, cedar bark-fibre, ravellings of foreign blankets, or more commonly of a mixture of several of these materials. The fibre is twisted into yarn between the hand and thigh, and the strands arranged in perpendicular frames for weaving purposes. Willow and other twigs supply material for baskets of various forms, often neatly made and colored. Oil, both for domestic use and for barter, is extracted by boiling, except in the case of the candle-fish, when hanging in the hot sun suffices; it is preserved in bladders and skin-bottles.[327] 216

The Sound manufacturers only create the tools and items used by the locals. Their products were crafted using basic tools made from bone or shell. Blankets were made from dog hair—many dogs were raised specifically for this purpose—wool from mountain sheep or wild goats found on the slopes, down from wild birds, cedar bark fibers, scraps from foreign blankets, or more commonly a mix of these materials. The fiber is twisted into yarn using the hands and thighs, and the strands are set up in vertical frames for weaving. Willow and other twigs are used to create various types of baskets, which are often well-made and colorful. Oil, used for household needs and trading, is extracted by boiling, except for the candlefish, where leaving it in the hot sun is enough; it’s stored in bladders and skin bottles.[327] 216

Canoes are made by the Sound Indians in the same manner as by the Nootkas already described; being always dug out, formerly by fire, from a single cedar trunk, and the form improved afterwards by stretching when soaked in hot water. Of the most elegant proportions, they are modeled by the builder with no guide but the eye, and with most imperfect tools; three months' work is sufficient to produce a medium-sized boat. The form varies among different nations according as the canoe is intended for ocean, sound, or river navigation; being found with bow or stern, or both, in various forms, pointed, round, shovel-nosed, raised or level. The raised stern, head-piece, and stern-post are usually formed of separate pieces. Like the Nootkas, they char and polish the outside and paint the interior with red. The largest and finest specimen seen by Mr. Swan was forty-six feet long and six feet wide, and crossed the bar into Shoalwater Bay with thirty Queniult Indians from the north. The paddle used in deep water has a crutch-like handle and a sharp-pointed blade.[328] 217

Canoes are made by the Sound Indians just like the Nootkas described earlier; they are always carved out of a single cedar trunk, originally using fire, and shaped further by stretching them when soaked in hot water. They have elegant proportions and are crafted by the builder relying solely on their eye, using very basic tools; it takes about three months to make a medium-sized boat. The design varies among different tribes based on whether the canoe is meant for ocean, sound, or river travel, with bows or sterns in different styles, including pointed, rounded, shovel-nosed, raised, or flat. The raised stern, headpiece, and stern-post are typically made of separate pieces. Like the Nootkas, they char and polish the outside and paint the inside red. The largest and finest canoe seen by Mr. Swan measured forty-six feet long and six feet wide and was navigated by thirty Queniult Indians from the north across the bar into Shoalwater Bay. The paddle used in deep water has a crutch-like handle and a sharp-pointed blade.[328] 217

TRADE AND GOVERNMENT OF THE SOUND INDIANS.

TRADE AND GOVERNMENT OF THE SOUND INDIANS.

In their barter between the different tribes, and in estimating their wealth, the blanket is generally the unit of value, and the hiaqua, a long white shell obtained off Cape Flattery at a considerable depth, is also extensively used for money, its value increasing with its length. A kind of annual fair for trading purposes and festivities is held by the tribes of Puget Sound at Bajada Point, and here and in their other feasts they are fond of showing their wealth and liberality by disposing of their surplus property in gifts.[329]

In the trade between different tribes, the blanket is usually the standard unit of value, and the hiaqua, a long white shell found off Cape Flattery at significant depths, is also commonly used as money, with its value increasing with its length. The tribes of Puget Sound hold a kind of annual fair at Bajada Point for trading and celebrations, where they enjoy demonstrating their wealth and generosity by giving away their excess belongings as gifts.[329]

The system of government seems to be of the simplest nature, each individual being entirely independent and master of his own actions. There is a nominal chief in each tribe, who sometimes acquires great influence and privileges by his wealth or personal prowess, but he has no authority, and only directs the movements of his band in warlike incursions. I find no evidence of hereditary rank or caste except as wealth is sometimes inherited.[330] Slaves are held by all the tribes, and are treated very much like their dogs, being looked upon as 218 property, and not within the category of humanity. For a master to kill half a dozen slaves is no wrong or cruelty; it only tends to illustrate the owner's noble disposition in so freely sacrificing his property. Slaves are obtained by war and kidnapping, and are sold in large numbers to northern tribes. According to Sproat, the Classets, a rich and powerful tribe, encourage the slave-hunting incursions of the Nootkas against their weaker neighbors.[331]

The government system appears to be quite simple, with each person completely independent and in control of their own actions. Each tribe has a nominal chief who sometimes gains significant influence and privileges through wealth or personal skills, but he holds no real authority and only guides his group during military actions. There's no sign of hereditary status or social classes, aside from the occasional passing down of wealth. All tribes have slaves, who are treated much like pets, regarded as property rather than human beings. For a master to kill several slaves is not seen as wrong or cruel; it merely showcases the owner's generous nature in so readily sacrificing their property. Slaves are acquired through warfare and kidnapping and sold in large numbers to northern tribes. According to Sproat, the Classets, a wealthy and powerful tribe, promote the slave-hunting raids of the Nootkas against their weaker neighbors.

Wives are bought by presents, and some performances or ceremonies, representative of hunting or fishing scenes, not particularly described by any visitor, take place at the wedding. Women have all the work to do except hunting and fishing, while their lords spend their time in idleness and gambling. Still the females are not ill-treated; they acquire great influence in the tribe, and are always consulted in matters of trade before a bargain is closed. They are not overburdened with modesty, nor are husbands noted for jealousy. Hiring out their women, chiefly however slaves, for prostitution, has been a prominent source of tribal revenue since the country was partially settled by whites. Women are not prolific, three or four being ordinarily the limit of their offspring. Infants, properly bound up with the necessary apparatus for head-flattening, are tied to their cradle or to a piece of bark, and hung by a cord to the end of a springy pole kept in motion by a string attached to the mother's great toe. Affection for children is by no means rare, but in few tribes can they resist the temptation to sell or gamble them away.[332] 219

Wives are given as gifts, and certain events or ceremonies, showcasing hunting or fishing scenes, which aren't detailed by any visitor, occur at weddings. Women do all the work except for hunting and fishing, while their husbands spend their time idly and gambling. However, the women are not mistreated; they hold significant influence in the tribe and are always consulted in trade matters before any deals are made. They aren't overly modest, nor are the husbands known for being jealous. Renting out their women, mainly slaves, for prostitution has been a major source of income for the tribe since the area was partially settled by white people. Women typically have a few children, usually three or four. Infants, properly secured with the necessary gear for head-flattening, are tied to their cradle or a piece of bark and suspended by a cord from a flexible pole, which is kept moving by a string attached to the mother’s big toe. Affection for children is not uncommon, but in few tribes can they resist the temptation to sell or gamble them away.[332] 219

AMUSEMENTS OF THE SOUND INDIANS.

Sound Indians' Entertainment.

Feasting, gambling, and smoking are the favorite amusements; all their property, slaves, children, and even their own freedom in some cases are risked in their games. Several plants are used as substitutes for tobacco when that article is not obtainable. If any important differences exist between their ceremonies, dances, songs and feasts, and those of Vancouver Island, such variations have not been recorded. In fact, many authors describe the manners and customs of 'North-west America' as if occupied by one people.[333] There is no evidence of cannibalism; indeed, during Vancouver's visit at Puget Sound, some meat offered to the natives was refused, because it was suspected to be human flesh. Since their acquaintance with the whites they have acquired a habit of assuming great names, as Duke of York, or Jenny Lind, and highly prize scraps of paper with writing purporting to substantiate their claims to such distinctions. Their superstitions are many, and they are continually on the watch in all the commonest acts of life against the swarm of evil influences, from which they may escape only by the greatest care.[334]

Feasting, gambling, and smoking are their favorite pastimes; they risk all their possessions, slaves, children, and even their own freedom in these games. Several plants are used as substitutes for tobacco when it’s not available. If there are any significant differences between their ceremonies, dances, songs, and feasts and those of Vancouver Island, those variations haven't been documented. In fact, many authors describe the manners and customs of 'Northwest America' as if they were all part of a single culture.[333] There is no evidence of cannibalism; in fact, during Vancouver's visit to Puget Sound, some meat offered to the natives was rejected because it was suspected to be human flesh. Since meeting the white settlers, they have developed a habit of adopting grand titles, like Duke of York or Jenny Lind, and they highly value pieces of paper with writing that they believe proves their claims to such titles. They have many superstitions and are always on the lookout in the most ordinary activities to guard against a host of negative influences, which they feel they can avoid only with great care.[334]

CHARACTER OF THE SOUND INDIANS.

CHARACTER OF THE SOUND INDIANS.

Disorders of the throat and lungs, rheumatism and intermittent fevers, are among the most prevalent forms of disease, and in their methods of cure, as usual, the absurd ceremonies, exorcisms, and gesticulations of the medicine-men play the principal part; but hot and cold baths are also often resorted to without regard to the nature or stage of the malady.[335] The bodies of such as 220 succumb to their diseases, or to the means employed for cure, are disposed of in different ways according to locality, tribe, rank, or age. Skeletons are found by travelers buried in the ground or deposited in a sitting posture on its surface; in canoes or in boxes supported by posts, or, more commonly, suspended from the branches of trees. Corpses are wrapped in cloth or matting, and more or less richly decorated according to the wealth of the deceased. Several bodies are often put in one canoe or box, and the bodies of young children are found suspended in baskets. Property and implements, the latter always broken, are deposited with or near the remains, and these last resting-places of their people are religiously cared for and guarded from intrusion by all the tribes.[336] All the peculiarities and inconsistencies of the 221 Nootka character perhaps have been noted by travelers among the Indians of the Sound, but none of these peculiarities are so clearly marked in the latter people. In their character, as in other respects, they have little individuality, and both their virtues and vices are but faint reflections of the same qualities in the great families north and south of their territory. The Cape Flattery tribes are at once the most intelligent, bold, and treacherous of all, while some of the tribes east and north-east of the Sound proper have perhaps the best reputation. Since the partial settlement of their territory by the whites, the natives here as elsewhere have lost many of their original characteristics, chiefly the better ones. The remnants now for the most part are collected on government reservations, or live in the vicinity of towns, by begging and prostitution. Some tribes, especially in the region of Bellingham Bay, have been nominally converted to Christianity, have abandoned polygamy, slavery, head-flattening, gambling, and superstitious ceremonies, and pay considerable attention to a somewhat mixed version of church doctrine and ceremonies.[337] 222

Disorders of the throat and lungs, rheumatism, and intermittent fevers are among the most common diseases, and as usual, the bizarre rituals, exorcisms, and gestures of the medicine men play a major role in their treatment. However, hot and cold baths are also often used without considering the nature or stage of the illness.[335] The bodies of those who succumb to their diseases or the treatments used vary in their burial practices depending on location, tribe, status, or age. Travelers have found skeletons buried in the ground or positioned sitting on the surface; in canoes or boxes on posts, or more commonly, hanging from tree branches. Corpses are wrapped in cloth or matting, often lavishly decorated based on the deceased's wealth. Multiple bodies are frequently placed in one canoe or box, and the bodies of young children are found suspended in baskets. Belongings and tools, which are always broken, are placed with or near the remains, and these final resting places are carefully maintained and protected from disturbance by all the tribes.[336] All the unique traits and inconsistencies of the Nootka people may have been observed by travelers among the Indians of the Sound, but none of these traits are as clearly defined in them. In their character, as in other areas, they lack individuality, and both their virtues and vices are just weak reflections of the same qualities found in the prominent families to the north and south of their territory. The tribes at Cape Flattery are simultaneously the most intelligent, daring, and deceitful of all, while some tribes to the east and northeast of the Sound have perhaps the best reputation. Since the partial settlement of their territory by white people, the natives have lost many of their original characteristics, especially their better traits. The remaining population now mostly lives on government reservations or near towns, relying on begging and prostitution. Some tribes, particularly in the Bellingham Bay area, have been nominally converted to Christianity, abandoned polygamy, slavery, head-flattening, gambling, and superstitious practices, and are paying significant attention to a somewhat mixed version of church doctrine and rituals.[337]

THE CHINOOKS.

THE CHINOOKS.

The Chinooks constitute the fourth division of the Columbian group. Originally the name was restricted to a tribe on the north bank of the Columbia between Gray Bay and the ocean; afterwards, from a similarity in language and customs, it was applied to all the bands on both sides of the river, from its mouth to the Dalles.[338] It is employed in this work to designate all the Oregon tribes west of the Cascade Range, southward to the Rogue River or Umpqua Mountains. This family lies between the Sound Indians on the north and the Californian group on the south, including in addition to the tribes of the Columbia, those of the Willamette Valley and the Coast. All closely resemble each other in manners and customs, having also a general resemblance to the northern families already described, springing from their methods of obtaining food; and although probably without linguistic affinities, except along the Columbia River, they may be consistently treated as one 223 family—the last of the great coast or fish-eating divisions of the Columbian group.

The Chinooks make up the fourth division of the Columbian group. Originally, the name referred to a tribe located on the north bank of the Columbia River between Gray Bay and the ocean; later, due to similarities in language and customs, it was used to describe all the groups on both sides of the river, from its mouth to the Dalles.[338] In this work, it’s used to refer to all the Oregon tribes west of the Cascade Range, extending southward to the Rogue River or Umpqua Mountains. This family is situated between the Sound Indians to the north and the Californian group to the south, including not only the tribes of the Columbia but also those of the Willamette Valley and the Coast. They all closely resemble each other in customs and practices and also share a general likeness with the northern groups already described, stemming from their food acquisition methods; and while they likely lack any linguistic connections, except along the Columbia River, they can be consistently treated as one223 family—the last of the major coastal or fish-eating divisions of the Columbian group.

Among the prominent tribes, or nations of the Chinook family may be mentioned the following: the Watlalas or upper Chinooks, including the bands on the Columbia from the Cascades to the Cowlitz, and on the lower Willamette; the lower Chinooks from the Cowlitz to the Pacific comprising the Wakiakums and Chinooks on the north bank, and the Cathlamets and Clatsops on the south; the Calapooyas occupying the Valley of the Willamette, and the Clackamas on one of its chief tributaries of the same name; with the Killamooks and Umpquas who live between the Coast Range[339] and the ocean.

Among the prominent tribes or nations of the Chinook family are the following: the Watlalas or upper Chinooks, which include the groups along the Columbia River from the Cascades to the Cowlitz, and on the lower Willamette; the lower Chinooks from the Cowlitz to the Pacific, which include the Wakiakums and Chinooks on the north bank, and the Cathlamets and Clatsops on the south; the Calapooyas in the Willamette Valley, and the Clackamas along one of its main tributaries with the same name; along with the Killamooks and Umpquas who reside between the Coast Range[339] and the ocean.

With respect to the present condition of these nations, authorities agree in speaking of them as a squalid and poverty-stricken race, once numerous and powerful, now few and weak. Their country has been settled by whites much more thickly than regions farther north, and they have rapidly disappeared before the influx of strangers. Whole tribes have been exterminated by war and disease, and in the few miserable remnants collected on 224 reservations or straggling about the Oregon towns, no trace is apparent of the independent, easy-living bands of the remote past.[340] It is however to be noted that at no time since this region has been known to Europeans has the Indian population been at all in proportion to the supporting capacity of the land, while yet in a state of nature, with its fertile soil and well-stocked streams and forests.

Regarding the current situation of these nations, authorities describe them as a destitute and impoverished group, once numerous and strong, now few and weak. Their land has been settled by white people much more densely than areas further north, and they have quickly declined in numbers due to the arrival of newcomers. Entire tribes have been wiped out by war and disease, and among the few unfortunate remnants gathered on 224 reservations or wandering around the towns of Oregon, there is no sign of the independent, easy-going groups from the distant past. It is important to note that at no point since this area has been known to Europeans has the Native American population matched the land's capacity to support them, even while in its natural state, with its fertile soil and abundant streams and forests.

CHINOOK PHYSIQUE.

CHINOOK BODY TYPE.

In physique the Chinook can not be said to differ materially from the Nootka. In stature the men rarely exceed five feet six inches, and the women five feet. Both sexes are thick-set, but as a rule loosely built, although in this respect they had doubtless degenerated when described by most travelers. Their legs are bowed and otherwise deformed by a constant squatting position in and out of their canoes. Trained by constant exposure with slight clothing, they endure cold and hunger better than the white man, but to continued muscular exertion they soon succumb. Physically they improve in proportion to their distance from the Columbia and its fisheries; the Calapooyas on the upper Willamette, according to early visitors, presenting the finest specimens.[341] Descending from the north along the coast, 225 Hyperboreans, Columbians, and Californians gradually assume a more dusky hue as we proceed southward. The complexion of the Chinooks may be called a trifle darker than the natives of the Sound, and of Vancouver; though nothing is more difficult than from the vague expressions of travelers to determine shades of color.[342] Points of resemblance have been noted by many observers between the Chinook and Mongolian physiognomy, consisting chiefly in the eyes turned obliquely upward at the outer corner. The face is broad and round, the nose flat and fat, with large nostrils, the mouth wide and thick-lipped, teeth irregular and much worn, eyes black, dull and expressionless; the hair generally black and worn long, and the beard carefully plucked out; nevertheless, their features are often regular.[343] 226

In terms of physique, the Chinook are not significantly different from the Nootka. The men rarely exceed five feet six inches in height, and the women are about five feet tall. Both genders are stocky but generally have a loose build, although it's likely that their physical condition had declined by the time most travelers described them. Their legs are bowed and misshapen due to a constant squatting position in and out of their canoes. Accustomed to the cold with minimal clothing, they handle cold and hunger better than white people, but they quickly tire under sustained physical exertion. Their physical condition improves the further they are from the Columbia River and its fisheries; the Calapooyas on the upper Willamette, according to early visitors, exhibited the finest physiques. Traveling down the coast from the north, 225 the Hyperboreans, Columbians, and Californians gradually become darker as we head south. The skin tone of the Chinooks is slightly darker than that of the natives from the Sound and Vancouver; however, it's very challenging to determine color variations from the vague descriptions of travelers. Many observers have pointed out similarities between Chinook and Mongolian facial features, primarily in the eyes that tilt upwards at the outer corners. The face is broad and round, the nose is flat and wide, with large nostrils, the mouth is wide with thick lips, and the teeth are uneven and heavily worn. The eyes are black, dull, and lacking expression; the hair is typically black and worn long, and the beard is carefully removed; still, their features are often well-defined. 226

HEAD-FLATTENING PHENOMENON.

HEAD-FLATTENING TREND.

It is about the mouth of the Columbia that the custom of flattening the head seems to have originated. Radiating from this centre in all directions, and becoming less universal and important as the distance is increased, the usage terminates on the south with the nations which I have attached to the Chinook family, is rarely found east of the Cascade Range, but extends, as we have seen, northward through all the coast families, although it is far from being held in the same esteem in the far north as in its apparently original centre. The origin of this deformity is unknown. All we can do is to refer it to that strange infatuation incident to humanity which lies at the root of fashion and ornamentation, and which even in these later times civilization is not able to eradicate. As Alphonso the Wise regretted not having been present at the creation—for then he would have had the world to suit him—so different ages and nations strive in various ways to remodel and improve the human form. Thus the Chinese lady compresses the feet, the European the waist, and the Chinook the head. Slaves are not allowed to indulge in this extravagance, 227 and as this class are generally of foreign tribes or families, the work of ethnologists in classifying skulls obtained by travelers, and thereby founding theories of race is somewhat complicated; but the difficulty is lessened by the fact that slaves receive no regular burial, and hence all skulls belonging to bodies from native cemeteries are known to be Chinook.[344] The Chinook ideal of facial beauty is a straight line from the end of the nose to the crown of the head. The flattening of the skull is effected by binding the infant to its cradle immediately after birth, and keeping it there from three months to a year. The simplest form of cradle is a piece of board or plank on which the child is laid upon its back with the head slightly raised by a block of wood. Another piece of wood, or bark, or leather, is then placed over the forehead and tied to the plank with strings which are tightened more and more each day until the skull is shaped to the required pattern. Space is left for lateral expansion; and under ordinary circumstances the child's head is not allowed to leave its position until the process is complete. The body and limbs are also bound to the cradle, but more loosely, by bandages, which are sometimes removed for cleansing purposes. Moss or soft bark is generally introduced between the skin and the wood, and in some tribes comfortable pads, 228 cushions, or rabbit-skins are employed. The piece of wood which rests upon the forehead is in some cases attached to the cradle by leather hinges, and instances are mentioned where the pressure is created by a spring. A trough or canoe-shaped cradle, dug out from a log, often takes the place of the simple board, and among the rich this is elaborately worked, and ornamented with figures and shells. The child while undergoing this process, with its small black eyes jammed half out of their sockets, presents a revolting picture. Strangely enough, however, the little prisoner seems to feel scarcely any pain, and travelers almost universally state that no perceptible injury is done to the health or brain. As years advance the head partially but not altogether resumes its natural form, and among aged persons the effects are not very noticeable. As elsewhere, the personal appearance of the women is of more importance than that of the men, therefore the female child is subjected more rigorously and longer to the compressing process, than her brothers. Failure properly to mould the cranium of her offspring gives to the Chinook matron the reputation of a lazy and undutiful mother, and subjects the neglected children to the ridicule of their young companions;[345] so despotic is fashion. A practice 229 which renders the Chinook more hideous than the compression of his skull is that of piercing or slitting the cartilage of the nose and ears, and inserting therein long strings of beads or hiaqua shells, the latter being prized above all other ornaments. Tattooing seems to have been practiced, but not extensively, taking usually the form of lines of dots pricked into the arms, legs, and cheeks with pulverized charcoal. Imitation tattooing, with the bright-colored juices of different berries, was a favorite pastime with the women, and neither sex could resist the charms of salmon-grease and red clay. In later times, however, according to Swan, the custom of greasing and daubing the body has been to a great extent abandoned. Great pains is taken in dressing the hair, which is combed, parted in the middle, and usually allowed to hang in long tresses down the back, but often tied up in a queue by the women and girls, or braided so as to hang in two tails tied with strings.[346]

It seems that the practice of flattening heads originated around the mouth of the Columbia River. This custom radiates in all directions but becomes less common and significant as you move away from the center. It ends to the south with the nations I’ve associated with the Chinook family, is rarely found east of the Cascade Range, but extends northward through all the coastal tribes, even though it’s not as highly regarded in the far north as it is in its apparent original center. The origin of this head shape is unknown. We can only link it to that peculiar fascination inherent to humanity that underlies fashion and decoration, which civilization today hasn’t managed to eliminate. Just as Alphonso the Wise wished he had been there at creation—because then he could have made the world to his liking—different cultures and eras strive to reshape the human form in various ways. For example, Chinese women bind their feet, Europeans cinch their waists, and Chinook people flatten their heads. Slaves aren't permitted to indulge in this practice, and since they are typically from foreign tribes, categorizing skulls gathered by anthropologists can be tricky. However, this challenge is somewhat eased by the fact that slaves typically don’t receive formal burials, meaning all skulls from native graves are known to belong to the Chinook. The Chinook’s standard of facial beauty is a straight line from the tip of the nose to the crown of the head. The flattening process begins by binding the newborn to a cradle shortly after birth, which remains in place for three months to a year. The simplest cradle is just a flat board or plank where the baby lies on its back with its head slightly raised by a wooden block. Another piece of wood, bark, or leather is then placed across the forehead and tied to the plank with strings that are tightened more and more each day until the head fits the desired shape. There’s space allowed for lateral growth, and typically the baby’s head isn’t allowed to move from that position until the process is finished. The body and limbs are also secured to the cradle, but more loosely, with bandages that can be taken off for cleaning. Soft moss or bark is often used between the skin and the wood, and in some tribes, they use comfort pads, cushions, or rabbit fur. The wood piece resting on the forehead can be attached to the cradle by leather hinges, and there are cases where a spring creates the pressure. Some cradles are carved into the shape of a trough or canoe from a log, which replaces the simple board; among the wealthy, these are often elaborately designed and decorated with figures and shells. During this process, the child, with its little black eyes pushed partly out of their sockets, presents a rather unpleasant sight. Interestingly, however, the little one appears to feel hardly any pain, and travelers generally report that no noticeable harm comes to their health or brain. As they grow older, their heads partially, but not fully, return to their natural shape, and the effects aren’t very noticeable in older individuals. Like in many cultures, the appearance of women is valued more than that of men, so girls endure the head flattening process more strictly and for longer than boys. If a Chinook woman fails to properly shape her child’s skull, she earns a reputation as a lazy and irresponsible mother, and her neglected children face mockery from their peers; such is the tyranny of fashion. Additionally, the practice that makes the Chinook appear even less attractive than head flattening is piercing or slitting the cartilage of the nose and ears to insert long strands of beads or hiaqua shells, which are highly prized. Tattooing has been practiced, but not extensively, usually appearing as dotted lines pricked into arms, legs, and cheeks with crushed charcoal. Imitative tattooing using colorful juices from various berries was a popular pastime for women, and both genders could not resist the allure of salmon grease and red clay. In more recent times, according to Swan, the practice of greasing and decorating the body has largely fallen out of favor. Significant effort goes into grooming hair, which is usually combed, parted in the middle, and allowed to hang down in long tresses along the back, but women and girls often tie it back in a queue or braid it into two tails secured with strings.

CHINOOK DRESS.

CHINOOK DRESS.

For dress, skins were much more commonly used in this region than among other coast families; particularly the skins of the smaller animals, as the rabbit and woodrat. These skins, dressed and often painted, were sewed together so as to form a robe or blanket similar in form and use to the more northern blanket of wool, which, as well as a similar garment of goose-skin with the feathers on, was also made and worn by the Chinooks, though not in 230 common use among them. They prefer to go naked when the weather permits. Skins of larger animals, as the deer and elk, are also used for clothing, and of the latter is made a kind of arrow-proof armor for war; another coat of mail being made of sticks bound together. Females almost universally wear a skirt of cedar bark-fibre, fastened about the waist and hanging to the knees. This garment is woven for a few inches at the top, but the rest is simply a hanging fringe, not very effectually concealing the person. A substitute for this petticoat in some tribes is a square piece of leather attached to a belt in front; and in others a long strip of deer-skin passed between the thighs and wound about the waist. A fringed garment, like that described, is also sometimes worn about the shoulders; in cold weather a fur robe is wrapped about the body from the hips to the armpits, forming a close and warm vest; and over all is sometimes thrown a cape, or fur blanket, like that of the men, varying in quality and value with the wealth of the wearer. The best are made of strips of sea-otter skin, woven with grass or cedar bark, so that the fur shows on both sides. Chiefs and men of wealth wear rich robes of otter and other valuable furs. The conical hat woven of grass and bark, and painted in black and white checks or with rude figures, with or without a brim, and fastened under the chin, is the only covering for the head.[347] 231

For clothing, skins were much more commonly used in this region than among other coastal families, especially the skins of smaller animals like rabbits and woodrats. These skins, tanned and often decorated, were stitched together to make robes or blankets that resembled the wool blankets of the north. The Chinooks also made similar garments from goose skins with feathers attached, but these weren't commonly worn. They generally prefer to go naked when the weather allows. Skins from larger animals like deer and elk are also used for clothing, and from elk, they create a type of armor that is arrow-proof for war; another type of armor is made from sticks bound together. Women almost universally wear a skirt made from cedar bark fiber, tied around the waist and reaching the knees. This skirt is woven at the top for a few inches, but the rest is just a hanging fringe that doesn’t really cover much. In some tribes, a square piece of leather attached to a belt in front serves as a substitute for this skirt, while in others, a long strip of deer skin is passed between the thighs and wrapped around the waist. A fringed garment, similar to the skirt, is sometimes worn on the shoulders; in colder weather, a fur robe is wrapped around the body from the hips to the armpits, creating a snug and warm vest; over this, there may be a cape or fur blanket like that worn by the men, varying in quality and value according to the wealth of the wearer. The best ones are made from strips of sea-otter skin woven with grass or cedar bark, showing fur on both sides. Chiefs and wealthy men wear luxurious robes made of otter and other valuable furs. The conical hat, made from woven grass and bark and painted with black and white checks or crude designs, with or without a brim and tied under the chin, is the only head covering.

DWELLINGS OF THE CHINOOKS.

Chinook Homes.

The Chinooks moved about less for the purpose of obtaining a supply of food, than many others, even of the coast families, yet the accumulation of filth or—a much stronger motive—of fleas, generally forced them to take down their winter dwellings each spring, preserving the materials for re-erection on the same or another spot. The best houses were built of cedar planks attached by bark-fibre cords to a frame, which consisted of four corner, and two central posts and a ridge pole. The planks of the sides and ends were sometimes perpendicular, but oftener laid horizontally, overlapping here in clapboard fashion as on the roof. In some localities the roof and even the whole structure was of cedar bark. These dwellings closely resembled those farther north, but were somewhat inferior in size, twenty-five to seventy-five feet long, and fifteen to twenty-five feet wide, being the ordinary dimensions. On the Columbia they were only four or five feet high at the eaves, but an equal depth was excavated in the ground, while on the Willamette the structure was built on the surface. The door was only just large enough to admit the body, and it was a favorite fancy of the natives to make it represent the mouth of an immense head painted round it. Windows there were none, nor chimney; one or more fireplaces were sunk in the floor, and the smoke escaped by the cracks, a plank in the roof being sometimes moved for the purpose. Mats were spread on the floor and raised berths were placed on the sides, sometimes in several tiers. Partitions of plank or matting separated the apartments of the several families. Smaller temporary huts, and the permanent homes of the poorer Indians were built in various forms, of sticks, covered with bark, rushes, or skins. The interior and exterior of all dwellings were in a state of chronic filth.[348] 232

The Chinooks moved around less to gather food compared to many others, including coastal families, but the buildup of dirt or, more importantly, fleas, typically forced them to take down their winter homes each spring, saving the materials to rebuild in the same or different location. The best houses were made of cedar planks attached with bark-fiber cords to a frame consisting of four corner posts, two central posts, and a ridge pole. The planks on the sides and ends were sometimes vertical but more often laid horizontally, overlapping in a clapboard style like the roof. In some areas, the roof and even the entire structure were made of cedar bark. These homes resembled those further north but were somewhat smaller, usually ranging from twenty-five to seventy-five feet long and fifteen to twenty-five feet wide. On the Columbia River, they were only four or five feet high at the eaves, but an equal amount was dug out underground, while on the Willamette, the structure was built on the ground level. The door was barely big enough to let a person through, and it was a common idea among the natives to design it to look like the mouth of a giant head painted around it. There were no windows or chimneys; one or more fireplaces were set in the floor, with smoke escaping through the cracks, and sometimes a plank in the roof was moved for this purpose. Mats were spread on the floor, and raised sleeping spaces were placed along the sides, sometimes in several layers. Partitions made of planks or mats divided the living spaces of different families. Smaller temporary huts and the permanent homes of poorer Indians were built in various shapes, made from sticks covered with bark, reeds, or skins. Both the inside and outside of all dwellings were perpetually dirty. 232

FISHERIES OF THE CHINOOKS.

CHINOOK FISHERIES.

The salmon fisheries of the Columbia are now famous throughout the world. Once every year innumerable multitudes of these noble fish enter the river from the ocean to deposit their spawn. Impelled by instinct, they struggle to reach the extreme limits of the stream, working their way in blind desperation to the very sources of every little branch, overcoming seeming impossibilities, and only to fulfill their destiny and die; for if they escape human enemies, they either kill themselves in their mad efforts to leap impassable falls, or if their efforts are crowned with success, they are supposed never to return to the ocean. This fishery has always been the chief and an inexhaustible source of food for the Chinooks, who, although skillful fishermen, have not been obliged to invent a great variety of methods or implements for the capture of the salmon, which rarely if ever have failed them. Certain ceremonies must, however, be observed with the first fish taken; his meat must be cut only with the grain, and the hearts of all caught must be burned or eaten, and on no account be thrown into the water or be devoured by a dog. With these precautions there is no reason to suppose that the Chinook would ever lack a supply of fish. The salmon begin to run in April, but remain several weeks in the 233 warmer waters near the mouth, and are there taken while in their best condition, by the Chinook tribe proper, with a straight net of bark or roots, sometimes five hundred feet long and fifteen feet deep, with floats and sinkers. One end of the net is carried out into the river at high water, and drawn in by the natives on the shore, who with a mallet quiet the fish and prevent them from jumping over the net and escaping. Farther up, especially at the Cascades and at the falls of the Willamette, salmon are speared by natives standing on the rocks or on planks placed for the purpose; scooped up in small dip-nets; or taken with a large unbaited hook attached by a socket and short line to a long pole. There is some account of artificial channels of rocks at these places, but such expedients were generally not needed, since, beside those caught by the Chinooks, such numbers were cast on the rocks by their own efforts to leap the falls, that the air for months was infected by the decaying mass; and many of these in a palatable state of decay were gathered by the natives for food. Hooks, spears, and nets were sometimes rubbed with the juice of certain plants supposed to be attractive to the fish. Once taken, the salmon were cleaned by the women, dried in the sun and smoked in the lodges; then they were sometimes powdered fine between two stones, before packing in skins or mats for winter use. The heads were always eaten as favorite portions during the fishing season. Next to the salmon the sturgeon was ranked as a source of food. This fish, weighing from two hundred to five hundred pounds, was taken by a baited hook, sunk about twenty feet, and allowed to float down the current; when hooked, the sturgeon rises suddenly and is dispatched by a spear, lifted into the canoe by a gaff-hook, or towed ashore. The Chinooks do not attack the whale, but when one is accidentally cast upon the shore, more or less decayed, a season of feasting ensues and the native heart is glad. Many smaller varieties of fish are taken by net, spear, hook, or rake, but no methods are employed meriting special description. Wild fowl are 234 snared or shot; elk and deer are shot with arrows or taken in a carefully covered pit, dug in their favorite haunts. As to the methods of taking rabbits and woodrats, whose skins are said to have been so extensively used for clothing, I find no information. Nuts, berries, wild fruits and roots are all used as food, and to some extent preserved for winter. The Wapato, a bulbous root, compared by some to the potatoe and turnip, was the aboriginal staple, and was gathered by women wading in shallow ponds, and separating the root with their toes.[349] Boiling in wooden kettles by means of hot stones, was the usual manner of cooking, but roasting on sticks stuck in the sand near the fire was also common. Clam-shells and a few rude platters and spoons of wood were in use, but the fingers, with the hair for a napkin, 235 were found much more convenient table ware.[350] In all their personal habits the Chinooks are disgustingly filthy, although said to be fond of baths for health and pleasure. The Clatsops, as reported by one visitor, form a partial exception to this rule, as they occasionally wash the hands and face.[351]

The salmon fisheries of the Columbia are now famous worldwide. Every year, countless numbers of these magnificent fish enter the river from the ocean to lay their eggs. Driven by instinct, they desperately try to reach the furthest points of the stream, struggling through seemingly impossible obstacles, only to fulfill their destiny and die; for if they escape human predators, they either die trying to leap impassable falls or, if they succeed, they're thought never to return to the ocean. This fishery has always been the main and endless source of food for the Chinooks, who, while skillful fishermen, haven't had to invent a wide variety of methods or tools to catch salmon, which rarely, if ever, let them down. Certain rituals must be followed with the first fish caught; its meat must be cut with the grain, the hearts of all caught must be burned or eaten, and must never be thrown back into the water or fed to a dog. With these precautions, there’s little reason to think the Chinook would ever run out of fish. Salmon start to run in April but spend several weeks in the warmer waters near the mouth, where they are caught at their best condition by the Chinook tribe using a straight net made of bark or roots, sometimes five hundred feet long and fifteen feet deep, with floats and sinkers. One end of the net is set out into the river at high tide and pulled in by the natives on the shore, who use a mallet to calm the fish and stop them from jumping over the net and escaping. Further upstream, especially at the Cascades and the falls of the Willamette, salmon are speared by natives standing on rocks or on planks set up for this purpose; scooped up in small dip-nets; or caught with a large unbaited hook attached by a socket and short line to a long pole. While there's some mention of artificial channels made of rocks at these locations, such measures were generally not necessary, since in addition to those caught by the Chinooks, so many were washed onto the rocks in their attempts to leap the falls that the air was filled with the smell of decaying fish for months; many of these were gathered by the natives for food in a still-palatable state of decay. Hooks, spears, and nets were sometimes treated with the juice of certain plants believed to attract fish. Once caught, the salmon were cleaned by the women, dried in the sun, and smoked in the lodges; sometimes they were ground fine between two stones before being packed in skins or mats for winter use. The heads were always eaten as a favorite part during fishing season. After salmon, sturgeon were next in line as a food source. This fish, weighing between two hundred and five hundred pounds, was caught using a baited hook, sunk about twenty feet deep, and allowed to float down the current; when hooked, the sturgeon suddenly surfaces and is dispatched by a spear, lifted into the canoe with a gaff-hook, or pulled ashore. The Chinooks don’t hunt whales, but when one is accidentally washed ashore, even if somewhat decayed, it leads to a season of feasting, making the natives happy. Many smaller fish species are caught using nets, spears, hooks, or rakes, but none of the methods warrant special mention. Wild birds are snared or shot; elk and deer are hunted with arrows or caught in carefully covered pits dug in places they frequent. I have no information about methods for catching rabbits or woodrats, whose skins were said to be widely used for clothing. Nuts, berries, wild fruits, and roots are all consumed as food and, to some extent, preserved for winter. The Wapato, a bulb-like root compared by some to potatoes and turnips, was the primary food item, gathered by women wading in shallow ponds and separating the root with their toes. Cooking was typically done by boiling in wooden kettles using hot stones, but roasting on sticks placed in the sand near the fire was also common. They used clam shells and a few crude wooden platters and spoons, but found fingers, along with hair used as a napkin, much more convenient. In terms of personal hygiene, the Chinooks are quite dirty, although they are said to enjoy bathing for health and relaxation. The Clatsops, according to one visitor, are somewhat of an exception to this, as they occasionally wash their hands and faces.

WEAPONS OF THE CHINOOKS.

CHINOOK WEAPONS.

Their chief weapons are bows and arrows, the former of which is made of cedar, or occasionally, as it is said, of horn and bone; its elasticity is increased by a covering of sinew glued on. The arrow-head is of bone, flint, or copper, and the shaft consists of a short piece of some hard wood, and a longer one of a lighter material. The bows are from two and a half to four feet long; five styles, differing in form and curve, are pictured by Schoolcraft. Another weapon in common use was a double-edged wooden broad-sword, or sharp club, two and a half or three feet long; spears, tomahawks, and scalping knives are mentioned by many travelers, but not described, and it is doubtful if either were ever used by these aborigines.[352] I have already spoken of their thick arrow-proof elk-skin armor, and of a coat of short sticks bound together with grass; a bark helmet is also employed of sufficient strength to ward off arrows and light blows. Ross states that they also carry a circular elk-skin shield about eighteen inches in diameter. Although by no means a blood-thirsty race, the Chinook tribes were frequently involved in quarrels, resulting, it is said, from the abduction of women more frequently than from other causes. They, like almost all other American tribes, 236 make a free use of war paint, laying it on grotesquely and in bright colors; but unlike most other nations, they never resorted to treachery, surprise, night attacks, or massacre of women and children. Fighting was generally done upon the water. When efforts to settle amicably their differences, always the first expedient, failed, a party of warriors, covered from head to foot with armor, and armed with bows, arrows, and bludgeons, was paddled by women to the enemies' village, where diplomatic efforts for peace were renewed. If still unsuccessful, the women were removed from danger, and the battle commenced, or, if the hour was late, fighting was postponed till the next morning. As their armor was arrow-proof and as they rarely came near enough for hand-to-hand conflict, the battles were of short duration and accompanied by little bloodshed; the fall of a few warriors decided the victory, the victors gained their point in the original dispute, the vanquished paid some damages, and the affair ended.[353]

Their main weapons are bows and arrows, with the bows usually made of cedar, or sometimes, as it’s said, from horn and bone; a layer of sinew glued on enhances their flexibility. The arrowheads are made of bone, flint, or copper, while the shaft includes a short piece of dense wood and a longer one of a lighter material. The bows range from two and a half to four feet long; five different styles, varying in shape and curve, are illustrated by Schoolcraft. Another common weapon was a two-edged wooden sword or sharp club, about two and a half to three feet long; many travelers mention spears, tomahawks, and scalping knives, but they don’t describe them, and it's uncertain if either was used by these natives. I’ve already mentioned their thick, arrow-proof elk-skin armor and a coat made of short sticks tied together with grass; they also use a strong bark helmet to protect against arrows and light blows. Ross notes that they also carry a round elk-skin shield, about eighteen inches in diameter. Even though they weren’t a violent people, the Chinook tribes often got into fights, usually due to the kidnapping of women more than any other reason. Like almost all other Native American tribes, 236 they used war paint liberally, applying it in a bizarre manner and in vibrant colors; however, unlike most other groups, they never resorted to deceit, ambushes, nighttime attacks, or the massacre of women and children. Most fighting took place on the water. When attempts to resolve their disputes peacefully, which was always their first approach, failed, a group of warriors—fully armored and armed with bows, arrows, and clubs—was rowed by women to the enemy village, where more diplomatic efforts for peace were attempted. If those efforts also failed, the women were taken to safety, and the battle began; if it was late in the day, fighting would be postponed until the next morning. Since their armor was arrow-proof and they rarely engaged in close combat, battles were usually short and resulted in minimal bloodshed; the defeat of a few warriors often decided the outcome, the winners achieved their objectives from the original dispute, the losers compensated with some damages, and the matter was resolved.

IMPLEMENTS, MANUFACTURES, BOATS.

Makes and sells boats.

Troughs dug out of one piece of cedar, and woven baskets served this people for dishes, and were used for every purpose. The best baskets were of silk grass or fine fibre, of a conical form, woven in colors so closely as to hold liquids, and with a capacity of from one to six gallons. Coarser baskets were made of roots and rushes, rude spoons of ash-wood, and circular mats did duty as plates. Wapato diggers used a curved stick with handle of horn; fish-hooks and spears were made of wood and bone in a variety of forms; the wing-bone of the crane supplied a needle. With regard to their original cutting instruments, by which trees were felled for canoes or for planks which were split off by wedges, there is much uncertainty; since nearly all authorities 237 state that before their intercourse with Europeans, chisels made of 'old files,' were employed, and driven by an oblong stone or a spruce-knot mallet. Pipe-bowls were of hard wood fitted to an elder stem, but the best ones, of stone elegantly carved, were of Haidah manufacture and obtained from the north.[354] To kindle a fire the Chinook twirls rapidly between the palms a cedar stick, the point of which is pressed into a small hollow in a flat piece of the same material, the sparks falling on finely-frayed bark. Sticks are commonly carried for the purpose, improving with use. Besides woven baskets, matting is the chief article of Chinook manufacture. It is made by the women by placing side by side common bulrushes or flags about three feet long, tying the ends, and passing strings of twisted rushes through the whole length, sometimes twenty or thirty feet, about four inches apart, by means of a bone needle.[355]

Troughs carved from single pieces of cedar and woven baskets were used by this community for everything, including dishes. The finest baskets were made from silk grass or fine fibers, shaped like cones, woven tightly enough to hold liquids, with a capacity ranging from one to six gallons. Coarser baskets were made from roots and rushes, basic spoons were crafted from ash wood, and circular mats served as plates. Wapato diggers utilized a curved stick with a horn handle; fish hooks and spears were fashioned from wood and bone in various shapes, and the wing bone of the crane was used as a needle. There's a lot of uncertainty about their original cutting tools, which were used to fell trees for canoes or to split planks with wedges. Most sources suggest that before contact with Europeans, they used chisels made from "old files," struck with a rectangular stone or spruce-knot mallet. Pipe bowls were made from hard wood fitted onto an elder stem, but the best ones, elegantly carved from stone, were crafted by the Haida and obtained from the north. To start a fire, the Chinook would quickly spin a cedar stick between their palms, pressing the tip into a small hollow in a flat piece of the same wood, allowing sparks to fall onto finely frayed bark. They commonly carried sticks for this purpose, which improved with use. Besides woven baskets, matting is the main product of Chinook craftsmanship. Women make it by placing common bulrushes or flags, about three feet long, side by side, tying the ends, and threading twisted rush strings through the entire length, sometimes twenty or thirty feet long, with about four inches between them, using a bone needle.

Chinook boats do not differ essentially, either in material, form, or method of manufacture, from those already described as in use among the Sound family. Always dug out of a single log of the common white cedar, they vary in length from ten to fifty feet, and in form according to the waters they are intended to navigate or the freight they are to carry. In these canoes lightness, strength, and elegance combine to make them perfect models of water-craft. Lewis and Clarke describe four forms in use in this region, and their description of boats, as of most other matters connected with this people, has been taken with or without credit by nearly all who have treated of the subject. I cannot do better than to give their account of the largest and best boats used by the Killamooks and 238 other tribes on the coast outside the river. "The sides are secured by cross-bars, or round sticks, two or three inches in thickness, which are inserted through holes just below the gunwale, and made fast with cords. The upper edge of the gunwale itself is about five-eighths of an inch thick, and four or five in breadth, and folds outwards, so as to form a kind of rim, which prevents the water from beating into the boat. The bow and stern are about the same height, and each provided with a comb, reaching to the bottom of the boat. At each end, also, are pedestals, formed of the same solid piece, on which are placed strange grotesque figures of men or animals, rising sometimes to the height of five feet, and composed of small pieces of wood, firmly united, with great ingenuity, by inlaying and mortising, without a spike of any kind. The paddle is usually from four feet and a half to five feet in length; the handle being thick for one-third of its length, when it widens, and is hollowed and thinned on each side of the centre, which forms a sort of rib. When they embark, one Indian sits in the stern, and steers with a paddle, the others kneel in pairs in the bottom of the canoe, and sitting on their heels, paddle over the gunwale next to them. In this way they ride with perfect safety the highest waves, and venture without the least concern in seas where other boats or seamen could not live an instant." The women are as expert as the men in the management of canoes.[356]

Chinook boats don't really differ in material, shape, or build method from those used by the Sound family. Always carved from a single log of common white cedar, they range in length from ten to fifty feet and are shaped according to the waters they navigate or the cargo they carry. In these canoes, lightness, strength, and elegance come together to create perfect models of watercraft. Lewis and Clarke describe four types in use in this area, and their descriptions of boats, like many other aspects related to this people, have often been referenced—with or without credit—by almost everyone who has discussed the topic. I can do no better than to share their account of the largest and best boats used by the Killamooks and other coastal tribes outside the river. "The sides are secured by cross-bars or round sticks, two or three inches thick, which are inserted through holes just below the top edge, and secured with cords. The upper edge of the top is about five-eighths of an inch thick and four or five inches wide and folds outward, forming a sort of rim that keeps water from splashing into the boat. The bow and stern are about the same height, each equipped with a comb that reaches to the bottom of the boat. At each end are pedestals made from the same solid piece, topped with strange, grotesque figures of men or animals, sometimes as tall as five feet, constructed from small pieces of wood, skillfully joined together through inlaying and mortising, without any nails. The paddle is usually four and a half to five feet long, with a thick handle for the first third, which then widens and is hollowed and thinned on each side of the center to create a sort of rib. When they embark, one person sits in the stern and steers with a paddle, while the others kneel in pairs at the bottom of the canoe, paddling over the edge next to them. This way, they can ride safely over the highest waves and venture confidently into seas where other boats or sailors wouldn’t last a moment." The women are just as skilled as the men in handling canoes.

CHINOOK PROPERTY AND TRADE.

CHINOOK PROPERTY & TRADE.

The Chinooks were always a commercial rather than a warlike people, and are excelled by none in their 239 shrewdness at bargaining. Before the arrival of the Europeans they repaired annually to the region of the Cascades and Dalles, where they met the tribes of the interior, with whom they exchanged their few articles of trade—fish, oil, shells, and Wapato—for the skins, roots, and grasses of their eastern neighbors. The coming of ships to the coast gave the Chinooks the advantage in this trade, since they controlled the traffic in beads, trinkets and weapons; they found also in the strangers ready buyers of the skins obtained from the interior in exchange for these articles. Their original currency or standard of value was the hiaqua shell from the northern coast, whose value was in proportion to its length, a fathom string of forty shells being worth nearly double a string of fifty to the fathom. Since the white men came, beaver-skins and blankets have been added to their currency. Individuals were protected in their rights to personal property, such as slaves, canoes, and implements, but they had no idea of personal property in lands, the title to which rested in the tribe for purposes of fishing and the chase.[357]

The Chinooks were primarily a trading community rather than a warlike people, and they were unmatched in their cleverness when it came to negotiating. Before Europeans arrived, they traveled every year to the Cascade and Dalles regions, where they met with interior tribes to trade their limited goods—like fish, oil, shells, and Wapato—for the skins, roots, and grasses from their eastern neighbors. The arrival of ships on the coast gave the Chinooks an edge in this trade, as they controlled the flow of beads, trinkets, and weapons. They also found that the newcomers were eager buyers for the skins they obtained in exchange for these goods. Their original form of currency was the hiaqua shell from the northern coast, which was valued based on its length, with a fathom string of forty shells worth almost double that of a string of fifty to the fathom. Since the arrival of white settlers, beaver skins and blankets have also become part of their currency. Individuals had rights to personal property, such as slaves, canoes, and tools, but they didn’t have a concept of owning land; the title to land belonged to the tribe for purposes of fishing and hunting.

In decorative art this family cannot be said to hold a high place compared with more northern nations, their only superior work being the modeling of their canoes, and the weaving of ornamental baskets. In carving they are far inferior to the Haidahs; the Cathlamets, according to Lewis and Clarke, being somewhat superior to the others, or at least more fond of the art. Their attempts at painting are exceedingly rude.[358] 240

In decorative art, this group can't be seen as highly regarded compared to the northern nations. Their main achievements are the design of their canoes and the creation of decorative baskets. In terms of carving, they are much less skilled than the Haidahs; the Cathlamets, according to Lewis and Clark, are somewhat better than the others or at least have a greater interest in the art. Their efforts in painting are quite basic.[358] 240

Little can be said of their system of government except that it was eminently successful in producing peaceful and well regulated communities. Each band or village was usually a sovereignty, nominally ruled by a chief, either hereditary or selected for his wealth and popularity, who exerted over his tribe influence rather than authority, but who was rarely opposed in his measures. Sometimes a league existed, more or less permanent, for warlike expeditions. Slight offenses against usage—the tribal common law—were expiated by the payment of an amount of property satisfactory to the party offended. Theft was an offense, but the return of the article stolen removed every trace of dishonor. Serious crimes, as the robbery of a burial-place, were sometimes punished with death by the people, but no special authorities or processes seem to have been employed, either for detection or punishment.[359]

Little can be said about their system of government except that it was very successful in creating peaceful and well-regulated communities. Each band or village was usually an independent entity, nominally led by a chief, either from a hereditary line or chosen for his wealth and popularity, who had more influence over his tribe than actual authority, but was rarely challenged in his decisions. Sometimes a league existed, somewhat permanently, for military expeditions. Minor offenses against customs—the tribal common law—were resolved by paying a compensation that satisfied the offended party. Theft was a crime, but returning the stolen item erased any dishonor. Serious crimes, like stealing from a burial site, could sometimes lead to death as a punishment by the people, but no specific authorities or processes seemed to be employed for either catching or punishing offenders.[359]

Slavery, common to all the coast families, is also practiced by the Chinooks, but there is less difference here perhaps than elsewhere between the condition of the slaves and the free. Obtained from without the limits of the family, towards the south or east, by war, or more commonly by trade, the slaves are obliged to perform all the drudgery for their masters, and their children must remain in their parents' condition, their round heads serving as a distinguishing mark from freemen. But the amount of the work connected with the Chinook household is never great, and so long as the slaves are well and strong, they are liberally fed and well treated. True, many instances are known of slaves murdered by the whim of a cruel and rich master, and it was not very uncommon to kill slaves on the occasion of the death of prominent persons, but wives and friends are also known to have been sacrificed on similar occasions. 241 No burial rights are accorded to slaves, and no care taken of them in serious illness; when unable to work they are left to die, and their bodies cast into the sea or forest as food for fish or beast. It was not a rare occurrence for a freeman to voluntarily subject himself to servitude in payment of a gambling-debt; nor for a slave to be adopted into the tribe, and the privilege of head-flattening accorded to his offspring.[360]

Slavery, which was common among all the coastal families, is also practiced by the Chinooks, but there’s probably less of a difference here than elsewhere between the situation of the slaves and the free. Slaves are acquired from outside the family, whether to the south or east, usually through war or trade, and they are required to do all the hard work for their masters. Their children must follow in their parents’ footsteps, with their round heads marking them as different from free people. However, the amount of work involved in a Chinook household isn't very high, and as long as the slaves are healthy and strong, they are generally well-fed and treated fairly. It's true that there are many cases of slaves being killed at the whim of a cruel and wealthy master, and it wasn't uncommon for slaves to be killed during the funeral rites of important individuals, though wives and friends were also known to be sacrificed on similar occasions. 241 Slaves aren’t granted burial rights, and when they fall seriously ill, no care is given to them; when they can’t work, they are left to die, and their bodies are thrown into the sea or the forest as food for fish or wildlife. It wasn’t unusual for a free person to willingly enter servitude to settle a gambling debt, nor for a slave to be adopted into the tribe, with the privilege of head-flattening granted to his descendants. [360]

MARITAL RELATIONS OF THE CHINOOKS.

Chinook Marriage Practices.

Not only were the Chinooks a peaceable people in their tribal intercourse, but eminently so in their family relations. The young men when they married brought their wives to their father's home, and thus several generations lived amicably in their large dwellings until forced to separate by numbers, the chief authority being exercised not by the oldest but by the most active and useful member of the household. Overtures for marriage were made by friends of the would-be bridegroom, who offered a certain price, and if accepted by the maiden's parents, the wedding ceremony was celebrated simply by an interchange and exhibition of presents with the congratulations of invited guests. A man might take as many wives as he could buy and support, and all lived together without jealousy; but practically few, and those among the rich and powerful, indulged in the luxury of more than one wife. It has been noticed that there was often great disparity in the ages of bride and groom, for, say the Chinooks, a very young or very aged couple lack either the experience or the activity necessary for fighting the battles of life. Divorce or separation is easily accomplished, but is not of frequent occurrence. A husband can repudiate his wife for infidelity, or any cause of dissatisfaction, and she can marry again. Some cases are known of infidelity punished with 242 death. Barrenness is common, the birth of twins rare, and families do not usually exceed two children. Childbirth, as elsewhere among aboriginals, is accompanied with but little inconvenience, and children are often nursed until three or five years old. They are carried about on the mother's back until able to walk; at first in the head-flattening cradle, and later in wicker baskets. Unmarried women have not the slightest idea of chastity, and freely bestow their favors in return for a kindness, or for a very small consideration in property paid to themselves or parents. When married, all this is changed—female virtue acquires a marketable value, the possessorship being lodged in the man and not in the woman. Rarely are wives unfaithful to their husbands; but the chastity of the wife is the recognized property of the husband, who sells it whenever he pleases. Although attaching no honor to chastity, the Chinook woman feels something like shame at becoming the mother of an illegitimate child, and it is supposed to be partly from this instinct, that infanticide and abortion are of frequent occurrence. At her first menstruation a girl must perform a certain penance, much less severe, however, than among the northern nations. In some tribes she must bathe frequently for a moon, and rub the body with rotten hemlock, carefully abstaining from all fish and berries which are in season, and remaining closely in the house during a south wind. Did she partake of the forbidden food, the fish would leave the streams and the berries drop from the bushes; or did she go out in a south wind, the thunder-bird would come and shake his wings. All thunder-storms are thus caused. Both young children and the old and infirm are kindly treated. Work is equally divided between the sexes; the women prepare the food which the men provide; they also manufacture baskets and matting; they are nearly as skillful as the men with the canoe, and are consulted on all important matters. Their condition is by no means a hard one. It is among tribes that live by the chase or by other means in which women can be 243 of little service, that we find the sex most oppressed and cruelly treated.[361]

Not only were the Chinooks a peaceful people in their tribal interactions, but they were also very harmonious in their family relationships. When young men married, they brought their wives to their father’s home, allowing several generations to live together happily in their large homes until they had to separate due to population. The chief authority in the household was held not by the oldest member but by the most active and useful one. Marriage proposals were made by friends of the prospective groom, who would offer a certain price. If the girl’s parents accepted, the wedding was celebrated simply with an exchange of gifts and congratulations from invited guests. A man could take as many wives as he could buy and support, and they all lived together without jealousy; however, in practice, only a few wealthy and powerful men had more than one wife. It was often noticed that there was a significant age difference between the bride and groom because, as the Chinooks say, a very young or very old couple lacks the experience or energy needed to face life's challenges. Divorce or separation can happen easily but is not very common. A husband could reject his wife for infidelity or any dissatisfaction, and she could remarry. There are cases where infidelity was punished with death. Infertility is common, the birth of twins is rare, and families typically do not exceed two children. Like among other indigenous people, childbirth involves little inconvenience, and children are often nursed until they are three to five years old. They are carried on the mother's back until they can walk, first in a cradle that flattens their heads and later in woven baskets. Unmarried women have no concept of chastity, freely offering their favors in exchange for kindness or a small amount of property given to them or their parents. When they marry, this changes—female virtue gains a marketable value, owned by the man rather than the woman. Wives are rarely unfaithful to their husbands; however, the chastity of a wife is seen as the husband’s property, which he can sell whenever he wants. Although they do not attach honor to chastity, Chinook women feel some shame in becoming mothers of illegitimate children, which is partly why infanticide and abortion are common. When a girl first menstruates, she has to perform a specific penance, which is much less severe than among northern nations. In some tribes, she must bathe frequently for a month, rub her body with rotting hemlock, avoid all fish and berries that are in season, and stay indoors during south winds. If she eats the forbidden foods, the fish will leave the streams, and the berries will fall from bushes; if she goes out in a south wind, the thunderbird will come and shake his wings. All thunderstorms are thus explained. Both young children and the elderly or infirm are treated kindly. Work is equally divided between the sexes; women prepare food from what the men provide. They also make baskets and mats and are almost as skilled as men with canoes, and they are consulted on important matters. Their condition is by no means harsh. It is among tribes that live by hunting or other means, where women have little role, that we find the most oppression and cruel treatment of women.

CHINOOK FEASTS AND FESTIVITIES.

Chinook Feasts and Celebrations.

Like all Indians, the Chinooks are fond of feasting, but their feasts are simply the coming together of men and women during the fishing season with the determination to eat as much as possible, and this meeting is devoid of those complicated ceremonies of invitation, reception, and social etiquette, observed farther north; nor has any traveler noticed the distribution of property as a feature of these festivals. Fantastically dressed and gaudily decked with paint, they are wont to jump about on certain occasions in a hopping, jolting kind of dance, accompanied by songs, beating of sticks, clapping of hands, and occasional yells, the women usually dancing in a separate set. As few visitors mention their dances, it is probable that dancing was less prevalent than with others. Their songs were often soft and pleasing, differing in style for various occasions, the words extemporized, the tunes being often sung with meaningless sounds, like our tra-la-la. Swan gives examples of the music used under different circumstances. Smoking was universal, the leaves of the bear-berry being employed, mixed in later times with tobacco obtained from the whites. Smoke is swallowed and retained in the stomach and lungs until partial intoxication ensues. No intoxicating drink was known to them before the whites came, and after their coming for a little time they looked on strong drink with suspicion, and were averse to its use. They are sometimes sober even now, when no whisky is at hand. But the favorite amusement of all the Chinook nations is gambling, which occupies the larger part of their time when 244 not engaged in sleeping, eating, or absolutely necessary work. In their games they risk all their property, their wives and children, and in many instances their own freedom, losing all with composure, and nearly always accompanying the game with a song. Two persons, or two parties large or small, play one against the other; a banking game is also in vogue, in which one individual plays against all comers. A favorite method is to pass rapidly from hand to hand two small sticks, one of which is marked, the opponent meanwhile guessing at the hand containing the marked stick. The sticks sometimes take the form of discs of the size of a silver dollar, each player having ten; these are wrapped in a mass of fine bark-fibre, shuffled and separated in two portions; the winner naming the bunch containing the marked or trump piece. Differently marked sticks may also be shuffled or tossed in the air, and the lucky player correctly names the relative position in which they shall fall. A favorite game of females, called ahikia, is played with beaver-teeth, having figured sides, which are thrown like dice; the issue depends on the combinations of figures which are turned up. In all these games the players squat upon mats; sticks are used as counters; and an essential point for a successful gambler is to make as much noise as possible, in order to confuse the judgment of opponents. In still another game the players attempt to roll small pieces of wood between two pins set up a few inches apart, at a distance of ten feet, into a hole in the floor just beyond. The only sports of an athletic nature are shooting at targets with arrows and spears, and a game of ball in which two goals are placed a mile apart, and each party—sometimes a whole tribe—endeavors to force the ball past the other's goal, as in foot-ball, except that the ball is thrown with a stick, to one end of which is fixed a small hoop or ring.[362] Children's sports are described 245 only by Swan, and as rag babies and imitated Catholic baptisms were the favorite pastimes mentioned, they may be supposed not altogether aboriginal.

Like all Indians, the Chinooks love to feast, but their gatherings are simply when men and women come together during the fishing season to eat as much as they can. This meeting lacks the complicated ceremonies of invitation, reception, and social niceties that are seen farther north; no traveler has noted the distribution of property as a part of these festivals. Dressed in colorful and elaborate outfits, they often jump around in a lively, bouncy dance on certain occasions, accompanied by singing, stick-beating, clapping, and occasional shouting, with women usually dancing separately. Since few visitors mention their dances, it's likely that dancing was less common than with other tribes. Their songs tended to be soft and enjoyable, varying in style for different moments, with extemporaneous lyrics and tunes often sung with nonsensical sounds, like our "tra-la-la." Swan provides examples of the music used in different situations. Smoking was widespread, using bear-berry leaves, later mixed with tobacco obtained from white settlers. Smoke is inhaled and held in the stomach and lungs until a mild intoxication sets in. They were not familiar with any intoxicating drinks before the arrival of the whites, and for a while after that, they viewed strong liquor with suspicion and were reluctant to use it. Even now, they may be sober if there's no whiskey around. But the favorite pastime of all the Chinook tribes is gambling, which takes up most of their time when they're not sleeping, eating, or doing essential work. In their games, they risk everything they own, including their wives and children, and often even their own freedom, losing it all with calmness, usually singing during the game. Two individuals or teams, large or small, compete against each other; there’s also a banking game where one person plays against everyone else. A popular method involves quickly passing two small sticks, one of which is marked, between hands while the opponent guesses which hand holds the marked stick. The sticks sometimes resemble silver dollar-sized discs; each player has ten, which are wrapped in fine bark-fiber, shuffled, and divided into two groups, with the winner identifying the bunch containing the marked piece. Sticks with different markings can also be shuffled or tossed in the air, and the fortunate player correctly names how they will land. A favorite game for women is called ahikia, played with beaver teeth that have designs on the sides and are tossed like dice; the outcome depends on the combinations shown. In all these games, players sit on mats, use sticks as counters, and a key aspect for a successful gambler is to make as much noise as possible to confuse their opponents. In another game, players try to roll small pieces of wood between two pins set a few inches apart, from ten feet away, into a hole in the ground just beyond. The only athletic activities are target shooting with arrows and spears, and a ball game where two goals are set a mile apart, with each team—sometimes an entire tribe—trying to get the ball past the other team's goal, similar to football, except the ball is thrown with a stick that has a small hoop or ring attached to one end. Children's games are only described by Swan, and since rag babies and imitated Catholic baptisms were the favorite activities mentioned, they may not be completely traditional.

CUSTOMS AND SUPERSTITIONS.

Customs and superstitions.

Personal names with the Chinooks are hereditary, but in many cases they either have no meaning or their original signification is soon forgotten. They are averse to telling their true name to strangers, for fear, as they sometimes say, that it may be stolen; the truth is, however, that with them the name assumes a personality; it is the shadow or spirit, or other self, of the flesh and blood person, and between the name and the individual there is a mysterious connection, and injury cannot be done to one without affecting the other; therefore, to give one's name to a friend is a high mark of Chinook favor. No account is kept of age. They are believers in sorcery and secret influences, and not without fear of their medicine-men or conjurers, but, except perhaps in their quality of physicians, the latter do not exert the influence which is theirs farther north; their ceremonies and tricks are consequently fewer and less ridiculous. Inventions of the whites not understood by the natives are looked on with great superstition. It was, for instance, very difficult at first to persuade them to risk their lives before a photographic apparatus, and this for the reason before mentioned; they fancied that their spirit thus passed into the keeping of others, who could torment it at pleasure.[363] Consumption, liver complaint and ophthalmia are the most prevalent Chinook maladies; to which, since the whites came, fever and ague have been added, and have killed eighty or ninety per cent. of the 246 whole people, utterly exterminating some tribes. The cause of this excessive mortality is supposed to be the native method of treatment, which allays a raging fever by plunging the patient in the river or sea. On the Columbia this alleviating plunge is preceded by violent perspiration in a vapor bath; consequently the treatment has been much more fatal there than on the coast where the vapor bath is not in use. For slight ills and pains, especially for external injuries, the Chinooks employ simple remedies obtained from various plants and trees. Many of these remedies have been found to be of actual value, while others are evidently quack nostrums, as when the ashes of the hair of particular animals are considered essential ingredients of certain ointments. Fasting and bathing serve to relieve many slight internal complaints. Strangely enough, they never suffer from diseases of the digestive organs, notwithstanding the greasy compounds used as food. When illness becomes serious or refuses to yield to simple treatment, the conclusion is that either the spirits of the dead are striving to remove the spirit of the sick person from the troubles of earth to a happier existence, or certain evil spirits prefer this world and the patient's body for their dwelling-place. Then the doctor is summoned. Medical celebrities are numerous, each with his favorite method of treatment, but all agree that singing, beating of sticks, indeed a noise, however made, accompanied by mysterious passes and motions, with violent pressure and kneading of the body are indispensable. The patient frequently survives the treatment. Several observers believe that mesmeric influences are exerted, sometimes with benefit, by the doctors in their mummeries.[364] 247

Personal names among the Chinooks are passed down through generations, but often they have little meaning or their original significance is soon forgotten. They don't like to share their real names with strangers for fear, as they sometimes say, that it might be stolen; however, the truth is that to them, a name has a personality of its own. It represents the shadow or spirit, or another version of the physical person, and there is a mysterious link between the name and the individual; hurting one will also affect the other. Thus, sharing one’s name with a friend is a significant sign of trust among the Chinooks. Age is not something they keep track of. They believe in sorcery and hidden influences and have a degree of fear of their medicine men or conjurers. But aside from their role as healers, these individuals don’t have the same influence as they do further north; their rituals and tricks are therefore fewer and less absurd. Inventions from white people that the natives don’t understand are viewed with great superstition. For example, it was initially very hard to convince them to risk their lives in front of a camera, primarily for the aforementioned reason; they believed that their spirit would be taken over by others, who could then torment it at will. Consumption, liver disorders, and eye infections are the most common illnesses among the Chinooks; since the arrival of white people, fever and chills have also emerged and have claimed the lives of eighty to ninety percent of the entire population, completely wiping out some tribes. This high rate of mortality is thought to stem from their traditional treatment methods, which cool a high fever by immersing the patient in a river or the sea. Along the Columbia River, this cooling immersion is preceded by intense sweating in a steam bath, making the treatment much deadlier there than on the coast, where steam baths are not used. For minor ailments and pains, especially for external injuries, the Chinooks use simple remedies made from various plants and trees. Many of these treatments have proven to be effective, while others are clearly ineffective, such as when the ashes from the hair of certain animals are believed to be key ingredients in some ointments. Fasting and bathing help alleviate many minor internal issues. Interestingly, they never seem to have problems with digestive diseases, despite their greasy diet. When an illness becomes severe or doesn't respond to simple treatments, they believe that either the spirits of the deceased are trying to guide the sick person's spirit to a better place, or some evil spirits prefer to inhabit this world and the patient's body. At that point, a doctor is called in. There are many well-known healers, each with their own favored methods, but they all agree that singing, banging sticks, or making any kind of noise, along with mysterious gestures and pressing on the body, are essential. Often, the patient survives the treatment. Several observers think that the doctors exert some kind of mesmerizing influence, sometimes with positive results, through their performances.

CHINOOK BURIAL RITES.

CHINOOK FUNERAL RITUALS.

When the Chinook dies, relatives are careful to speak in whispers, and indulge in no loud manifestations of grief so long as the body remains in the house. The body is prepared for final disposition by wrapping it in blankets, together with ornaments and other property of a valuable but not bulky nature. For a burial place an elevated but retired spot near the river bank or on an island is almost always selected, but the methods of disposing of the dead in these cemeteries differ somewhat among the various tribes. In the region about the mouth of the Columbia, the body with its wrappings is placed in the best canoe of the deceased, which is washed for the purpose, covered with additional blankets, mats, and property, again covered, when the deceased is of the richer class, by another inverted canoe, the whole bound together with matting and cords, and deposited usually on a plank platform five or six feet high, but sometimes suspended from the branches of trees, or even left on the surface of the ground. The more bulky articles of property, such as utensils, and weapons, are deposited about or hung from the platform, being previously spoiled for use that they may not tempt desecrators among the whites or foreign tribes; or, it may be that the sacrifice or death of the implements is necessary before the spirits of the implements can accompany the spirit of the owner. For the same purpose, and to allow the water to pass off, holes are bored in the bottom of the canoe, the head of the corpse being raised a little higher than the feet. Some travelers have observed a uniformity in the position of the canoe, the head pointing towards the east, or down the current of the stream. After about a year, the bones are sometimes taken out and buried, but the canoe and platform are never removed. Chiefs' canoes are often repainted. 248 Farther up both the Columbia and Willamette Rivers, excavations of little depth are often made, in which bodies are deposited on horizontal boards and covered over with a slightly inclining roof of heavy planks or poles. In these vaults several tiers of corpses are often placed one above another. At the Cascades, depositories of the dead have been noticed in the form of a roofed inclosure of planks, eight feet long, six feet wide, and five feet high, with a door in one end, and the whole exterior painted. The Calapooyas also buried their dead in regular graves, over which was erected a wooden head-board. Desecration of burial places is a great crime with the Chinook; he also attaches great importance to having his bones rest in his tribal cemetery wherever he may die. For a long time after a death, relatives repair daily at sunrise and sunset to the vicinity of the grave to sing songs of mourning and praise. Until the bones are finally disposed of, the name of the deceased must not be spoken, and for several years it is spoken only with great reluctance. Near relatives often change their name under the impression that spirits will be attracted back to earth if they hear familiar names often repeated. Chiefs are supposed to die through the evil influence of another person, and the suspected, though a dear friend, was formerly often sacrificed. The dead bodies of slaves are never touched save by other slaves.[365] 249

When a Chinook person passes away, their relatives make sure to speak softly and avoid showing loud expressions of grief as long as the body is in the house. They prepare the body for burial by wrapping it in blankets along with valuable but not bulky items. A burial site is usually chosen in a high yet secluded location near the riverbank or on an island, although the burial practices vary among different tribes. In the area near the mouth of the Columbia River, the body, wrapped up, is placed in the deceased's best canoe, which is cleaned beforehand, then covered with more blankets, mats, and belongings. If the deceased was wealthy, another canoe is placed upside down on top, secured with matting and cords, and typically placed on a wooden platform five or six feet high, but sometimes it is hung from tree branches or left on the ground. Bulky belongings, like utensils and weapons, are placed around or hung from the platform, having been broken to prevent them from being used by outsiders or rival tribes; or it could be that these items must be sacrificed before their spirits can join the owner's spirit. To allow for drainage, holes are made in the bottom of the canoe, with the head of the body elevated slightly above the feet. Some travelers have noted that the canoe is consistently oriented with the head pointing east or downstream. After about a year, the bones may be removed and buried, but the canoe and platform remain untouched. Canoes belonging to chiefs are often repainted. 248 Further up the Columbia and Willamette Rivers, shallow graves are often dug, where bodies are laid on horizontal boards and covered with a slightly sloping roof made of heavy planks or poles. In these vaults, multiple layers of corpses may be stacked on top of each other. At the Cascades, there are burial structures that consist of a roofed enclosure made of planks, measuring eight feet long, six feet wide, and five feet high, with a door at one end, and the outside is painted. The Calapooyas also buried their dead in traditional graves, topped with a wooden headboard. The Chinook consider it a serious crime to desecrate burial sites, and they place great importance on having their bones rested in their tribal cemetery, regardless of where they die. For a significant time after a death, relatives visit the grave at sunrise and sunset to sing mourning and praise songs. The deceased's name cannot be spoken until the bones are finally interred, and for several years, it is mentioned only with great hesitation. Close relatives may even change their name, believing that familiar names could draw the spirits back to earth. Chiefs are thought to have died due to someone else's malevolent influence, and the suspected individual, even if a close friend, was often sacrificed. The bodies of slaves are never handled except by other slaves. [365] 249

CHINOOK CHARACTER.

CHINOOK CHARACTER.

There is little difference of opinion concerning the character of the Chinooks. All agree that they are intelligent and very acute in trade; some travelers have found them at different points harmless and inoffensive; and in a few instances honesty has been detected. So much for their good qualities. As to the bad, there is unanimity nearly as great that they are thieves and liars, and for the rest each observer applies to them a selection of such adjectives as lazy, superstitious, cowardly, inquisitive, intrusive, libidinous, treacherous, turbulent, hypocritical, fickle, etc. The Clatsops, with some authors, have the reputation of being the most honest and moral; for the lowest position in the scale all the rest might present a claim. It should however be said in their favor that they are devotedly attached to their homes, and treat kindly both their young children and aged parents; also that not a few of their bad traits originated with or have been aggravated by contact with civilization.[366] 250

There’s not much disagreement about the character of the Chinooks. Everyone agrees that they are smart and very skilled in trade; some travelers have found them harmless and friendly in different locations, and in a few cases, honesty has been noted. That’s the good side. On the downside, there is almost universal agreement that they can be thieves and liars, and individual observers often describe them with various terms like lazy, superstitious, cowardly, curious, intrusive, lustful, treacherous, disruptive, hypocritical, fickle, and so on. The Clatsops, according to some authors, are known for being the most honest and moral; the others could claim the lowest position in that regard. However, it’s worth noting that they are very attached to their homes and treat their young children and elderly parents with kindness; also, many of their negative traits have either originated from or been worsened by contact with civilization.[366] 250

The Inland Families, constituting the fifth and last division of the Columbians, inhabit the region between the Cascade Range and the eastern limit of what I term the Pacific States, from 52° 30´ to 45° of north latitude. These bounds are tolerably distinct; though that on the south, separating the eastern portions of the Columbian and Californian groups, is irregular and marked by no great river, mountain chain, or other prominent physical feature. These inland natives of the Northwest occupy, in person, character, and customs, as well as in the location of their home, an intermediate position between the coast people already described—to whom they are pronounced superior in most respects—and the Rocky Mountain or eastern tribes. Travelers crossing the Rocky Mountains into this territory from the east, or entering it from the Pacific by way of the Columbia or Fraser, note contrasts on passing the limits, sufficient to justify me in regarding its inhabitants as one people for the purposes aimed at in this volume.[367] Instead, therefore, 251 of treating each family separately, as has been done with the coast divisions of the group, I deem it more convenient, as well as less monotonous to the reader, to avoid repetition by describing the manners and customs of all the people within these limits together, taking care to note such variations as may be found to exist. The division into families and nations, made according to principles already sufficiently explained, is as follows, beginning again at the north:

The Inland Families, the fifth and final group of the Columbians, live in the area between the Cascade Range and the eastern boundary of what I refer to as the Pacific States, from 52° 30′ to 45° north latitude. These boundaries are fairly clear; however, the southern limit, which separates the eastern parts of the Columbian and Californian groups, is irregular and not defined by any major river, mountain range, or other significant geographical feature. The inland natives of the Northwest occupy an intermediary role in terms of their physical presence, character, and customs, as well as in the location of their homes, standing between the coastal people previously described—who are generally seen as superior in many ways—and the tribes of the Rocky Mountains or the east. Travelers crossing the Rocky Mountains into this area from the east, or entering from the Pacific via the Columbia or Fraser rivers, observe enough differences at the borders to support my view of its inhabitants as one people for the purposes of this book.[367] Therefore, instead of discussing each family individually, as was done with the coastal divisions of the group, I think it’s more practical and less repetitive for the reader to describe the customs and practices of all the people within these boundaries together, while still noting any existing differences. The classification into families and nations, based on principles I’ve already explained, is as follows, starting again from the north:

THE SHUSHWAPS.

The Shushwaps.

The Shushwaps, our first family division, live between 52° 30´ and 49° in the interior of British Columbia, occupying the valleys of the Fraser, Thompson, and Upper Columbia rivers with their tributary streams and lakes. They are bounded on the west by the Nootkas and on the north by the Carriers, from both of which families they seem to be distinct. As national divisions of this family may be mentioned the Shushwaps proper, or Atnahs,[368] who occupy the whole northern portion of the territory; the Okanagans,[369] in the valley of the lake and river of the same name; and the Kootenais,[370] who 252 inhabit the triangle bounded by the Upper Columbia, the Rocky Mountains, and the 49th parallel, living chiefly on Flatbow river and lake. All three nations might probably be joined with quite as much reason to the Salish family farther south, as indeed has usually been done with the Okanagans; while the Kootenais are by some considered distinct from any of their adjoining nations.

The Secwepemc, the first branch of our family, reside between 52° 30´ and 49° in the interior of British Columbia, occupying the valleys of the Fraser, Thompson, and Upper Columbia rivers along with their tributary streams and lakes. They are bordered on the west by the Nootkas and on the north by the Carriers, from whom they appear to be distinct. The national divisions of this family include the Shushwaps proper, or Atnahs,[368] who inhabit the entire northern part of the territory; the Okanagans,[369] located in the valley of the lake and river of the same name; and the Kootenais,[370] who 252 live in the triangle formed by the Upper Columbia, the Rocky Mountains, and the 49th parallel, primarily residing along Flatbow river and lake. All three nations could likely be more reasonably associated with the Salish family further south, as has often been the case with the Okanagans; while some consider the Kootenais to be distinct from their neighboring nations.

The Salish Family dwells south of the Shushwaps, between 49° and 47°, altogether on the Columbia and its tributaries. Its nations, more clearly defined than in most other families, are the Flatheads,[371] or Salish proper, between the Bitter Root and Rocky Mountains on Flathead and Clarke rivers; the Pend d'Oreilles,[372] who dwell about the lake of the same name and on Clarke River, for fifty to seventy-five miles above and below the lake; the Coeurs d'Alêne,[373] south of the Pend d'Oreilles, on Coeur d'Alêne Lake and the streams falling into it; the Colvilles,[374] a term which may be used to designate the variously named bands about Kettle Falls, and northward along the Columbia to the Arrow Lakes; the Spokanes,[375] on the Spokane River and plateau along the Columbia below Kettle Falls, nearly to the mouth of the 253 Okanagan; and the Pisquouse,[376] on the west bank of the Columbia between the Okanagan and Priest Rapids.

The Salish Family lives south of the Shushwaps, between 49° and 47°, primarily along the Columbia River and its tributaries. Its nations, which are more distinctly defined than in many other families, include the Flatheads,[371] or Salish proper, located between the Bitter Root and Rocky Mountains on the Flathead and Clarke rivers; the Pend d'Oreilles,[372] who reside around the lake of the same name and along Clarke River, for fifty to seventy-five miles above and below the lake; the Coeurs d'Alêne,[373] south of the Pend d'Oreilles, on Coeur d'Alêne Lake and the streams feeding into it; the Colvilles,[374] which can refer to the variously named bands around Kettle Falls and north along the Columbia to the Arrow Lakes; the Spokanes,[375] located on the Spokane River and plateau along the Columbia below Kettle Falls, almost to the mouth of the 253 Okanagan; and the Pisquouse,[376] on the west bank of the Columbia between the Okanagan and Priest Rapids.

THE SAHAPTIN FAMILY.

THE SAHAPTIN FAMILY.

The Sahaptin Family, the last of the Columbian group, is immediately south of the Salish, between the Cascade and Bitter Root mountains, reaching southward, in general terms, to the forty-fifth parallel, but very irregularly bounded by the Shoshone tribes of the Californian group. Of its nations, the Nez Percés,[377] or Sahaptins proper, dwell on the Clearwater and its branches, and on the Snake about the forks; the Palouse[378] occupy the region north of the Snake about the mouth of the Palouse; the south banks of the Columbia and Snake near their confluence, and the banks of the lower Walla Walla are occupied by the Walla Wallas;[379] the Yakimas and Kliketats[380] inhabit the region north of the Dalles, 254 between the Cascade Range and the Columbia, the former in the valley of the Yakima, the latter in the mountains about Mt. Adams. Both nations extend in some bands across into the territory of the Sound family. The natives of Oregon east of the Cascade Range, who have not usually been included in the Sahaptin family, I will divide somewhat arbitrarily into the Wascos, extending from the mountains eastward to John Day River, and the Cayuse,[381] from this river across the Blue Mountains to the Grande Ronde.

The Sahaptin Tribe, the last of the Columbian group, is located just south of the Salish, between the Cascade and Bitter Root mountains, generally extending south to the forty-fifth parallel, but its boundaries are quite irregular and influenced by the Shoshone tribes of the Californian group. Among its nations, the Nez Percés,[377] or Sahaptins proper, live along the Clearwater and its tributaries, as well as on the Snake River near the forks; the Palouse[378] inhabit the area north of the Snake around the mouth of the Palouse; the southern banks of the Columbia and Snake near their confluence, along with the banks of the lower Walla Walla, are home to the Walla Wallas;[379] the Yakimas and Kliketats[380] reside in the region north of the Dalles, between the Cascade Range and the Columbia, with the Yakimas mainly in the Yakima Valley and the Kliketats in the mountains around Mt. Adams. Both nations have some bands that extend into the territory of the Sound family. The natives of Oregon east of the Cascade Range, who are typically not considered part of the Sahaptin family, can be somewhat arbitrarily divided into the Wascos, reaching from the mountains eastward to the John Day River, and the Cayuse,[381] from this river across the Blue Mountains to the Grande Ronde.

PHYSIQUE OF THE INLAND TRIBES.

PHYSICALITY OF THE INLAND TRIBES.

The inland Columbians are of medium stature, usually from five feet seven to five feet ten inches, but sometimes reaching a height of six feet; spare in flesh, but muscular and symmetrical; with well-formed limbs, the legs not being deformed as among the Chinooks by constant sitting in the canoe; feet and hands are in many tribes small and well made. In bodily strength they are inferior to whites, but superior, as might be expected from their habits, to the more indolent fish-eaters on the Pacific. The women, though never corpulent, are more inclined to rotundity than the men. The Nez Percés and Cayuses are considered the best specimens, while in 255 the north the Kootenais seem to be superior to the other Shushwap nations. The Salish are assigned by Wilkes and Hale an intermediate place in physical attributes between the coast and mountain tribes, being in stature and proportion superior to the Chinooks, but inferior to the Nez Percés.[382] Inland, a higher order of face is observed than on the coast. The cheek-bones are still high, the forehead is rather low, the face long, the eyes black, rarely oblique, the nose prominent and frequently aquiline, the lips thin, the teeth white and regular but generally much worn. The general expression of the features is stern, often melancholy, but not as a rule harsh or repulsive. Dignified, fine-looking men, and handsome young women have been remarked in nearly all the tribes, but here again the Sahaptins bear off the palm. The complexion is not darker than on the coast, but has more of a coppery hue. The hair is black, generally coarse, and worn long. The beard is very thin, and its growth is carefully prevented by plucking.[383] 256

The inland Columbians are of average height, typically ranging from five feet seven to five feet ten inches, though some reach up to six feet. They are lean but muscular and well-proportioned, with well-shaped limbs. Unlike the Chinooks, their legs aren't deformed from prolonged sitting in canoes. In many tribes, hands and feet are small and well-formed. While they are not as strong as white people, they tend to be stronger than the more sedentary fish-eaters on the Pacific Coast. Women aren't overweight, but they are more likely to have rounded figures than the men. The Nez Percés and Cayuses are seen as the best examples, whereas in the north, the Kootenais appear to be superior to other Shushwap nations. Wilkes and Hale place the Salish in an intermediate position regarding physical characteristics, being taller and better-proportioned than the Chinooks, but not as much as the Nez Percés. Inland, the facial features tend to be more refined compared to those on the coast. They have high cheekbones, a somewhat low forehead, a long face, and black eyes that are rarely slanted. Their noses are prominent, often hooked, and they have thin lips with white, aligned teeth that are usually quite worn down. The overall expression is serious, often appearing sad, but generally not harsh or uninviting. Many tribes feature dignified, good-looking men and attractive young women, with the Sahaptins standing out as the best-looking. Their complexion is not darker than that of coastal tribes but tends to have a more coppery shade. Hair is black, usually coarse, and worn long, while the beard is thin and its growth is managed through plucking.

HEAD-FLATTENING IN THE INTERIOR.

HEAD-FLATTERING IN THE INTERIOR.

The custom of head-flattening, apparently of seaboard origin and growth, extends, nevertheless, across the Cascade barrier, and is practiced to a greater or less extent by all the tribes of the Sahaptin family. Among them all, however, with the exception perhaps of the Kliketats, the deformity consists only of a very slight compression of the forehead, which nearly or quite disappears at maturity. The practice also extends inland up the valley of the Fraser, and is found at least in nearly all the more western tribes of the Shushwaps. The Salish family do not flatten the skull.[384] Other methods of 257 deforming the person, such as tattooing and perforating the features are as a rule not employed; the Yakimas and Kliketats, however, with some other lower Columbia tribes, pierce or cut away the septum of the nose,[385] and the Nez Percés probably derived their name from a similar custom formerly practiced by them. Paint, however, is used by all inland as well as coast tribes on occasions when decoration is desired, but applied in less profusion by the latter. The favorite color is vermilion, applied as a rule only to the face and hair.[386] Elaborate hair-dressing is not common, and both sexes usually wear the hair in the same style, soaked in grease, often painted, and hanging in a natural state, or in braids, plaits, or queues, over the shoulders. Some of the southern tribes cut the hair across the forehead, while others farther north tie it up in knots on the back of the head.[387]

The practice of head-flattening, which seems to have originated by the coast, extends across the Cascade Mountains and is carried out to varying degrees by all the tribes of the Sahaptin family. However, among them all, except maybe for the Kliketats, the deformity only involves a very slight compression of the forehead, which nearly disappears by adulthood. This practice also reaches inland up the Fraser River valley and is found in almost all the western tribes of the Shushwaps. The Salish family does not flatten their skulls. [384] Other methods of body modification, like tattooing and piercing, are generally not used; however, the Yakimas and Kliketats, along with some other lower Columbia tribes, do pierce or cut away the septum of the nose, [385] and the Nez Percés likely got their name from a similar practice they used to do. Paint is, however, used by all inland and coastal tribes on occasions when they want to decorate themselves, but the coastal tribes use it less extensively. The preferred color is vermilion, typically applied only to the face and hair. [386] Elaborate hair styling isn't common, and both men and women usually wear their hair in similar styles—greased, often painted, and left natural or styled into braids, plaits, or queues that hang over the shoulders. Some of the southern tribes cut their hair straight across the forehead, while others further north tie it up in knots at the back of the head. [387]

The coast dress—robes or blankets of bark-fibre or 258 small skins—is also used for some distance inland on the banks of the Columbia and Fraser, as among the Nicoutamuch, Kliketats, and Wascos; but the distinctive inland dress is of dressed skin of deer, antelope, or mountain sheep; made into a rude frock, or shirt, with loose sleeves; leggins reaching half-way up the thigh, and either bound to the leg or attached by strings to a belt about the waist; moccasins, and rarely a cap. Men's frocks descend half-way to the knees; women's nearly to the ankles. Over this dress, or to conceal the want of some part of it, a buffalo or elk robe is worn, especially in winter. All garments are profusely and often tastefully decorated with leather fringes, feathers, shells, and porcupine quills; beads, trinkets and various bright-colored cloths having been added to Indian ornamentation since the whites came. A new suit of this native skin clothing is not without beauty, but by most tribes the suit is worn without change till nearly ready to drop off, and becomes disgustingly filthy. Some tribes clean and whiten their clothing occasionally with white earth, or pipe-clay. The buffalo and most of the other large skins are obtained from the country east of the mountains.[388] 259

The coastal dress—robes or blankets made from bark fibers or small animal hides—is also worn a bit inland along the banks of the Columbia and Fraser Rivers, especially by the Nicoutamuch, Kliketats, and Wascos. However, the typical inland attire consists of tanned deer, antelope, or mountain sheep skin; fashioned into a simple tunic or shirt with loose sleeves; leggings that extend halfway up the thigh, either tied to the leg or connected by strings to a waist belt; and moccasins, with a cap being a rare addition. Men's tunics typically reach halfway down the knees, while women's usually go nearly to the ankles. Over this outfit, or to cover any missing parts, a buffalo or elk robe is worn, particularly in winter. All clothing is richly and often beautifully decorated with leather fringes, feathers, shells, and porcupine quills; beads, trinkets, and various brightly colored fabrics have been added to Native American adornments since the arrival of European settlers. A new outfit made from this native skin can be quite attractive, but in most tribes, the outfit is worn until it is nearly falling apart and becomes extremely dirty. Some tribes occasionally clean and whiten their clothing using white earth or pipe clay. Buffalo and most other large hides are sourced from the area east of the mountains.

INLAND DWELLINGS.

Inland homes.

The inland dwelling is a frame of poles, covered with rush matting, or with the skins of the buffalo or elk. As a rule the richest tribes and individuals use skins, although many of the finest Sahaptin houses are covered with mats only. Notwithstanding these nations are rich in horses, I find no mention that horse-hides are ever employed for this or any other purpose. The form of the lodge is that of a tent, conical or oblong, and usually sharp at the top, where an open space is left for light and air to enter, and smoke to escape. Their internal condition presents a marked contrast with that of the Chinook and Nootka habitations, since they are by many interior tribes kept free from vermin and filth. Their light material and the frequency with which their location is changed contributes to this result. The lodges are pitched by the women, who acquire great skill and celerity in the work. Holes are left along the sides for entrance, and within, a floor of sticks is laid, or more frequently the ground is spread with mats, and skins serve for beds. Dwellings are often built sufficiently large to accommodate many families, each of which in such case has its own fireplace on a central longitudinal line, a definite space being allotted for its goods, but no dividing partitions are ever used. The dwellings are 260 arranged in small villages generally located in winter on the banks of small streams a little away from the main rivers. For a short distance up the Columbia, houses similar to those of the Chinooks are built of split cedar and bark. The Walla Wallas, living in summer in the ordinary mat lodge, often construct for winter a subterranean abode by digging a circular hole ten or twelve feet deep, roofing it with poles or split cedar covered with grass and mud, leaving a small opening at the top for exit and entrance by means of a notched-log ladder. The Atnahs on Fraser River spend the winter in similar structures, a simple slant roof of mats or bark sufficing for shade and shelter in summer. The Okanagans construct their lodges over an excavation in the ground several feet deep, and like many other nations, cover their matting in winter with grass and earth.[389] 261

The inland dwelling is made of poles covered with rush mats or the skins of buffalo or elk. Generally, the wealthiest tribes and individuals use skins, although many of the finest Sahaptin houses are only covered with mats. Even though these nations have plenty of horses, there's no mention of horse hides being used for this or any other purpose. The shape of the lodge is like a tent, either conical or oblong, and it usually has a sharp top where there's an open space for light and air to get in, and smoke to escape. Inside, the conditions are quite different from those of the Chinook and Nootka homes, as many interior tribes keep their spaces free from pests and dirt. Their lightweight materials and frequent relocation play a part in this cleanliness. The women set up the lodges and become very skilled and quick at the task. There are openings along the sides for entrance, and inside, a floor of sticks is laid down, or more commonly, the ground is covered with mats, with skins used for beds. The dwellings are often large enough to accommodate multiple families, each with its own fireplace along a central line, with designated space for their belongings, but no dividing walls are used. The homes are arranged in small villages, usually found in winter along the banks of small streams, somewhat away from the main rivers. A short distance up the Columbia, houses similar to those of the Chinooks are made of split cedar and bark. The Walla Wallas, who typically live in mat lodges during the summer, often build a subterranean home for winter by digging a circular hole ten or twelve feet deep, covering it with poles or split cedar, topped with grass and mud, leaving a small opening at the top for entry and exit via a notched-log ladder. The Atnahs on the Fraser River winter in similar structures, using a simple slanted roof of mats or bark for shade and shelter in the summer. The Okanagans build their lodges over a several-foot-deep excavation in the ground, and like many other nations, cover their mats in winter with grass and earth. 260 261

FOOD OF THE INLAND NATIONS.

FOOD OF THE INLAND TRIBES.

The inland families eat fish and game, with roots and fruit; no nation subsists without all these supplies; but the proportion of each consumed varies greatly according to locality. Some tribes divide their forces regularly into bands, of men to fish and hunt, of women to cure fish and flesh, and to gather roots and berries. I have spoken of the coast tribes as a fish-eating, and the interior tribes as a hunting people, attributing in great degree their differences of person and character to their food, or rather to their methods of obtaining it; yet fish constitutes an important element of inland subsistence as well. Few tribes live altogether without salmon, the great staple of the Northwest; since those dwelling on streams inaccessible to the salmon by reason of intervening falls, obtain their supply by annual migrations to the fishing-grounds, or by trade with other nations. The principal salmon fisheries of the Columbia are at the Dalles, the falls ten miles above, and at Kettle Falls. Other productive stations are on the Powder, Snake, Yakima, Okanagan, and Clarke rivers. On the Fraser, which has no falls in its lower course, fishing is carried on all along the banks of the river instead of at regular stations, as on the Columbia. Nets, weirs, hooks, spears, and all the implements and methods by which fish are taken and cured have been sufficiently described in treating of the coast region; in the interior I find no important variations except in the basket method in use at the Chaudières or Kettle Falls by the Quiarlpi tribe. Here an immense willow basket, often ten feet in diameter and twelve feet deep, is suspended at the falls from 262 strong timbers fixed in crevices of the rocks, and above this is a frame so attached that the salmon in attempting to leap the fall strike the sticks of the frame and are thrown back into the basket, in the largest of which naked men armed with clubs await them. Five thousand pounds of salmon have thus been taken in a day by means of a single basket. During the fishing-season the Salmon Chief has full authority; his basket is the largest, and must be located a month before others are allowed to fish. The small nets used in the same region have also the peculiarity of a stick which keeps the mouth open when the net is empty, but is removed by the weight of the fish. Besides the salmon, sturgeon are extensively taken in the Fraser, and in the Arrow Lakes, while trout and other varieties of small fish abound in most of the streams. The fishing-season is the summer, between June and September, varying a month or more according to locality. This is also the season of trade and festivity, when tribes from all directions assemble to exchange commodities, gamble, dance, and in later times to drink and fight.[390] 263

The families inland eat fish and game, along with roots and fruit; no nation can survive without these resources, but the amount consumed varies a lot depending on the area. Some tribes regularly split into groups, with men fishing and hunting, and women processing fish and meat, as well as gathering roots and berries. I’ve talked about the coast tribes as fish-eaters and the interior tribes as hunters, largely crediting their differences in appearance and character to their diet, or rather how they get it; still, fish is a crucial part of the diet for inland people too. Few tribes exist entirely without salmon, the staple of the Northwest; those living near streams that salmon can’t reach because of waterfalls get their supply by migrating annually to fishing spots or trading with other tribes. The main salmon fishing locations on the Columbia are at the Dalles, the falls ten miles upstream, and Kettle Falls. Other productive areas include the Powder, Snake, Yakima, Okanagan, and Clarke rivers. In contrast, the Fraser, which has no falls in its lower section, allows for fishing along the entire riverbank instead of at fixed spots like on the Columbia. Nets, weirs, hooks, spears, and all the tools and methods for catching and processing fish have been sufficiently described in relation to the coastal area; in the interior, I see no significant differences except for the basket method used at the Chaudières or Kettle Falls by the Quiarlpi tribe. Here, a huge willow basket, sometimes ten feet across and twelve feet deep, is suspended by sturdy wood fixed in rock crevices at the falls, and above this, there’s a frame that causes salmon trying to leap the falls to hit the sticks of the frame and fall back into the basket, where naked men armed with clubs are waiting. Up to five thousand pounds of salmon have been captured in a single day using just one basket. During the fishing season, the Salmon Chief has complete authority; his basket is the largest and must be established a month before others can fish. The small nets used in that area have a distinctive feature: a stick keeps the net open when it’s empty but is removed by the weight of the fish. Besides salmon, sturgeon are commonly caught in the Fraser and the Arrow Lakes, and trout and other small fish are plentiful in most streams. The fishing season runs from summer, between June and September, but it can vary by a month or more depending on the area. This is also the time for trade and celebration when tribes gather from all directions to exchange goods, gamble, dance, and in later years, to drink and fight.

HUNTING BY SHUSHWAPS, SALISH, AND SAHAPTINS.

HUNTING BY SHUSHWAPS, SALISH, AND SAHAPTINS.

The larger varieties of game are hunted by the natives on horseback wherever the nature of the country will permit. Buffalo are now never found west of the Rocky Mountains, and there are but few localities where large game has ever been abundant, at least since the country became known to white men. Consequently the Flatheads, Nez Percés, and Kootenais, the distinctively hunting nations, as well as bands from nearly every other tribe, cross the mountains once or twice each year, penetrating to the buffalo-plains between the Yellowstone and the Missouri, in the territory of hostile nations. The bow and arrow was the weapon with which buffalo and all other game were shot. No peculiar cunning seems to have been necessary to the native hunter of buffalo; he had only to ride into the immense herds on his well-trained horse, and select the fattest animals for his arrows. Various devices are mentioned as being practiced in the chase of deer, elk, and mountain sheep; such as driving them by a circle of fire on the prairie towards the concealed hunters, or approaching within arrow-shot 264 by skillful manipulations of a decoy animal; or the frightened deer are driven into an ambush by converging lines of bright-colored rags so placed in the bushes as to represent men. Kane states that about the Arrow Lakes hunting dogs are trained to follow the deer and to bring back the game to their masters even from very long distances. Deer are also pursued in the winter on snow-shoes, and in deep snow often knocked down with clubs. Bear and beaver are trapped in some places; and, especially about the northern lakes and marshes, wild fowl are very abundant, and help materially to eke out the supply of native food.[391]

The larger types of game are hunted by the locals on horseback wherever the landscape allows. Buffalo are now never found west of the Rocky Mountains, and there are very few places where large game has been plentiful, at least since white men discovered the area. As a result, the Flatheads, Nez Percés, and Kootenais—the primary hunting nations—along with groups from almost every other tribe, cross the mountains once or twice a year to reach the buffalo plains between the Yellowstone and the Missouri, entering the territory of hostile nations. The bow and arrow were the weapons used to hunt buffalo and other game. The native buffalo hunters didn’t need any special tricks; they just rode into the massive herds on their well-trained horses and picked out the fattest animals for their arrows. Various techniques were used in hunting deer, elk, and mountain sheep, such as driving them towards hidden hunters using a circle of fire on the prairie, or getting within arrow range by skillfully manipulating a decoy animal. Sometimes, frightened deer were driven into an ambush using converging lines of brightly colored rags placed in the bushes to look like people. Kane notes that around the Arrow Lakes, hunting dogs are trained to track deer and bring the game back to their owners, even from great distances. In the winter, deer are also pursued on snowshoes, and in deep snow, they are often taken down with clubs. Bears and beavers are trapped in some areas, and especially around the northern lakes and marshes, wildfowl are very plentiful, significantly supplementing the local food supply.

FOOD AND ITS PREPARATION.

Food and cooking.

Their natural improvidence, or an occasional unlucky hunting or fishing season, often reduces them to want, and in such case the resort is to roots, berries, and mosses, several varieties of which are also gathered and laid up 265 as a part of their regular winter supplies. Chief among the roots are the camass, a sweet, onion-like bulb, which grows in moist prairies, the couse, which flourishes in more sterile and rocky spots, and the bitter-root, which names a valley and mountain range. To obtain these roots the natives make regular migrations, as for game or fish. The varieties of roots and berries used for food are very numerous; and none seem to grow in the country which to the native taste are unpalatable or injurious, though many are both to the European.[392]

Their natural lack of foresight, or an occasional bad hunting or fishing season, often leaves them in need. In those situations, they turn to roots, berries, and mosses, several kinds of which they gather and store as part of their regular winter supplies. The main roots include camass, a sweet, onion-like bulb that grows in wet prairies, couse, which thrives in drier, rocky areas, and bitter-root, which gives its name to a valley and mountain range. To collect these roots, the natives make migrations just like they would for hunting or fishing. There is a wide variety of roots and berries used for food, and none seem to grow in the area that the natives find unappetizing or harmful, although many are unappealing to Europeans.265

Towards obtaining food the men hunt and fish; all the other work of digging roots, picking berries, as well as dressing, preserving, and cooking all kinds of food is done by the women, with some exceptions among the Nez Percés and Pend d'Oreilles. Buffalo-meat is jerked by cutting in thin pieces and drying in the sun and over smouldering fires on scaffolds of poles. Fish is sun-dried on scaffolds, and by some tribes on the lower Columbia 266 is also pulverized between two stones and packed in baskets lined with fish-skin. Here, as on the coast, the heads and offal only are eaten during the fishing-season. The Walla Wallas are said usually to eat fish without cooking. Roots, mosses, and such berries as are preserved, are usually kept in cakes, which for eating are moistened, mixed in various proportions and cooked, or eaten without preparation. To make the cakes simply drying, pulverizing, moistening, and sun-drying usually suffice; but camas and pine-moss are baked or fermented for several days in an underground kiln by means of hot stones, coming out in the form of a dark gluey paste of the proper consistency for moulding. Many of these powdered roots may be preserved for years without injury. Boiling by means of hot stones and roasting on sharp sticks fixed in the ground near the fire, are the universal methods of cooking. No mention is made of peculiar customs in eating; to eat often and much is the aim; the style of serving is a secondary consideration.[393] Life with all these nations is but a struggle for food, 267 and the poorer tribes are often reduced nearly to starvation; yet they never are known to kill dogs or horses for food. About the missions and on the reservations cattle have been introduced and the soil is cultivated by the natives to considerable extent.[394]

To get food, the men hunt and fish; all the other tasks of digging up roots, picking berries, and preparing, preserving, and cooking all kinds of food are handled by the women, with a few exceptions among the Nez Percés and Pend d'Oreilles. Buffalo meat is made into jerky by slicing it into thin strips and drying it in the sun and over smoldering fires on scaffolds made of poles. Fish is dried in the sun on scaffolds, and in some tribes along the lower Columbia, it is also ground between two stones and packed into baskets lined with fish skin. Here, as on the coast, only the heads and guts are eaten during the fishing season. The Walla Wallas are said to usually eat fish raw. Roots, mosses, and preserved berries are typically kept in cakes that are moistened and either cooked or eaten without preparation. Making the cakes usually just requires drying, grinding, moistening, and sun-drying; however, camas and pine moss are baked or fermented for several days in an underground kiln using hot stones, resulting in a dark, sticky paste that has the right consistency for molding. Many of these powdered roots can be preserved for years without spoiling. Boiling with hot stones and roasting on sharp sticks near the fire are the universal cooking methods. There's no mention of specific customs when it comes to eating; the goal is to eat frequently and in large amounts, while the style of serving is less important. Life among all these nations is primarily a fight for food, and the poorer tribes often face near starvation; however, they are never known to kill dogs or horses for food. Around the missions and on the reservations, cattle have been introduced, and the locals are cultivating the land to a significant extent.

PERSONAL HABITS IN THE INTERIOR.

Personal habits indoors.

In their personal habits, as well as the care of their lodges, the Cayuses, Nez Percés, and Kootenais, are mentioned as neat and cleanly; the rest, though filthy, are still somewhat superior to the dwellers on the coast. The Flatheads wash themselves daily, but their dishes and utensils never. De Smet represents the Pend d'Oreille women as untidy even for savages.[395] Guns, 268 knives and tomahawks have generally taken the place of such native weapons as these natives may have used against their foes originally. Only the bow and arrow have survived intercourse with white men, and no other native weapon is described, except one peculiar to the Okanagans,—a kind of Indian slung-shot. This is a small cylindrical ruler of hard wood, covered with raw hide, which at one end forms a small bag and holds a round stone as large as a goose-egg; the other end of the weapon is tied to the wrist. Arrow-shafts are of hard wood, carefully straightened by rolling between two blocks, fitted by means of sinews with stone or flint heads at one end, and pinnated with feathers at the other. The most elastic woods are chosen for the bow, and its force is augmented by tendons glued to its back.[396]

In their personal habits and how they take care of their homes, the Cayuses, Nez Percés, and Kootenais are noted for being neat and clean, while the others, though dirty, are still a bit better than those living on the coast. The Flatheads wash themselves every day, but they never clean their dishes and utensils. De Smet describes the Pend d'Oreille women as messy, even for natives. Guns, knives, and tomahawks have largely replaced the traditional weapons that these natives might have originally used against their enemies. The only native weapon that has survived interactions with white men is the bow and arrow, and the only other weapon mentioned is unique to the Okanagans—a type of slingshot. This is a small cylindrical stick made of hard wood, wrapped in rawhide, with one end forming a small pouch for a round stone about the size of a goose egg; the other end is tied to the wrist. The arrow shafts are made of hard wood, carefully straightened by rolling them between two blocks, fitted with stone or flint heads on one end using sinew, and fletched with feathers on the other. The most flexible woods are chosen for making the bow, and its power is enhanced by tendons glued to its back.

THE INLAND NATIONS AT WAR.

INLAND NATIONS AT WAR.

The inland families cannot be called a warlike race. Resort to arms for the settlement of their intertribal disputes seems to have been very rare. Yet all are brave warriors when fighting becomes necessary for defense or vengeance against a foreign foe; notably so the Cayuses, Nez Percés, Flatheads and Kootenais. The two former waged both aggressive and defensive warfare against the Snakes of the south; while the latter joined their arms against their common foes, the eastern Blackfeet, who, though their inferiors in bravery, nearly exterminated the Flathead nation by superiority in numbers, and by being the first to obtain the white man's weapons. Departure on a warlike expedition is always preceded by ceremonious preparation, including councils of the wise, great, and old; smoking the pipe, harangues by the chiefs, dances, and a general review, or display of equestrian feats and the manœuvres of battle. The warriors are always mounted; in many tribes white or speckled 269 war-horses are selected, and both rider and steed are gaily painted, and decked with feathers, trinkets, and bright-colored cloths. The war-party in most nations is under the command of a chief periodically elected by the tribe, who has no authority whatever in peace, but who keeps his soldiers in the strictest discipline in time of war. Stealthy approach and an unexpected attack in the early morning constitute their favorite tactics. They rush on the enemy like a whirlwind, with terrific yells, discharge their guns or arrows, and retire to prepare for another attack. The number slain is rarely large; the fall of a few men, or the loss of a chief decides the victory. When a man falls, a rush is made for his scalp, which is defended by his party, and a fierce hand-to-hand conflict ensues, generally terminating the battle. After the fight, or before it when either party lacks confidence in the result, a peace is made by smoking the pipe, with the most solemn protestations of goodwill, and promises which neither party has the slightest intention of fulfilling. The dead having been scalped, and prisoners bound and taken up behind the victors, the party starts homeward. Torture of the prisoners, chiefly perpetrated by the women, follows the arrival. By the Flatheads and northern nations captives are generally killed by their sufferings; among the Sahaptins some survive and are made slaves. In the Flathead torture of the Blackfeet are practiced all the fiendish acts of cruelty that native cunning can devise, all of which are borne with the traditional stoicism and taunts of the North American Indian. The Nez Percé system is a little less cruel in order to save life for future slavery. Day after day, at a stated hour, the captives are brought out and made to hold the scalps of their dead friends aloft on poles while the scalp-dance is performed about them, the female participators meanwhile exerting all their devilish ingenuity in tormenting their victims.[397] 270

The inland families can't really be considered a warlike group. They rarely turn to fighting to resolve their intertribal disputes. However, they are all brave warriors when fighting is necessary for defense or revenge against outsiders; this is especially true for the Cayuses, Nez Percés, Flatheads, and Kootenais. The first two engaged in both offensive and defensive battles against the Snakes to the south, while the latter united against the eastern Blackfeet, who, despite being less brave, nearly wiped out the Flathead nation due to their superior numbers and being the first to acquire white men's weapons. Before heading out on a military expedition, there's always a significant amount of preparation, including councils with elders, smoking the pipe, speeches by the chiefs, dances, and a general display of horseback skills and battle maneuvers. The warriors are always mounted; in many tribes, they choose white or speckled war horses, with both the rider and horse painted brightly and adorned with feathers, trinkets, and colorful fabric. In most tribes, the war party is led by a chief elected by the tribe, who doesn't have any authority during peacetime but enforces strict discipline during war. They prefer stealthy approaches and surprise attacks in the early morning. They charge at the enemy like a whirlwind, letting out terrifying battle cries, firing their guns or arrows, and then retreating to prepare for another assault. The number of casualties is usually small; losing a few men or a chief often determines the outcome of the battle. When a warrior falls, there's a rush for his scalp, which his party defends, leading to intense hand-to-hand combat that typically ends the battle. After a fight, or sometimes before if either side is unsure of the outcome, peace is made by smoking the pipe, accompanied by solemn expressions of goodwill and promises neither side plans to keep. After scalping the dead and binding the captives to take home, the party heads back. Once home, the prisoners, often tortured by the women, suffer greatly. In the Flatheads and northern tribes, captives are typically killed due to their torture; among the Sahaptins, some survive and are turned into slaves. The Flatheads inflict horrific cruelty on the Blackfeet using all kinds of torturous methods that their cunning produces, all while the North American Indian endures it with traditional stoicism and mockery. The Nez Percé approach is slightly less brutal, aiming to keep some alive for future use as slaves. Day by day, at a specific time, the captives are brought out and made to hold the scalps of their dead friends high on poles while the scalp dance is performed around them, with the women participants using all their malicious creativity to torment their victims. [397] 270

The native saddle consists of a rude wooden frame, under and over which is thrown a buffalo-robe, and which is bound to the horse by a very narrow thong of hide in place of the Mexican cincha. A raw-hide crupper is used; a deer-skin pad sometimes takes the place of the upper robe, or the robe and pad are used without the wooden frame. Stirrups are made by binding three straight pieces of wood or bone together in triangular form, and sometimes covering all with raw-hide put on wet; or one straight piece is suspended from a forked thong, and often the simple thong passing round the foot suffices. The bridle is a rope of horse-hair or of skin, made fast with a half hitch round the animal's lower jaw. The same rope usually serves for bridle and lariat. Sharp bones, at least in later times, are used for spurs. Wood is split for the few native uses by elk-horn wedges driven by bottle-shaped stone mallets. Baskets and vessels for holding water and cooking are woven of willow, bark, and grasses. Rushes, growing in all swampy localities are cut of uniform length, laid parallel and tied 271 together for matting. Rude bowls and spoons are sometimes dug out of horn or wood, but the fingers, with pieces of bark and small mats are the ordinary table furniture. Skins are dressed by spreading, scraping off the flesh, and for some purposes the hair, with a sharp piece of bone, stone, or iron attached to a short handle, and used like an adze. The skin is then smeared with the animal's brains, and rubbed or pounded by a very tedious process till it becomes soft and white, some hides being previously smoked and bleached with white clay.[398]

The native saddle consists of a rough wooden frame, covered with a buffalo robe, and is secured to the horse with a narrow leather thong instead of the Mexican cincha. A rawhide crupper is used; sometimes a deer-skin pad replaces the upper robe, or both the robe and pad are used without the wooden frame. Stirrups are made by tying three straight pieces of wood or bone together in a triangular shape, sometimes covered with wet rawhide; alternatively, one straight piece can be hung from a forked thong, and often just a simple thong around the foot will work. The bridle is a rope made of horsehair or leather, secured with a half hitch around the animal's lower jaw. This same rope is usually used for both the bridle and lasso. Sharp bones were later used as spurs. Wood for the few native uses is split using elk antler wedges driven with stone mallets shaped like bottles. Baskets and containers for water and cooking are woven from willow, bark, and grasses. Rushes, found in swampy areas, are cut to the same length, laid side by side, and tied together for matting. Simple bowls and spoons are sometimes carved from horn or wood, but fingers, pieces of bark, and small mats are the usual dining tools. Skins are processed by spreading and scraping off the flesh and, for some uses, the hair, with a sharp piece of bone, stone, or iron attached to a short handle and used like an adze. The skin is then coated with the animal's brains and rubbed or pounded through a long process until it becomes soft and white, with some hides being smoked and bleached with white clay. 271

PREPARATION OF SKINS. RIVER-BOATS.

Skin preparation. Riverboats.

On the lower Columbia the Wascos, Kliketats, Walla Wallas, and other tribes use dug-out boats like those of the coast, except that little skill or labor is expended on their construction or ornamentation; the only requisite being supporting capacity, as is natural in a country where canoes play but a small part in the work of procuring food. Farther in the interior the mountain tribes of the Sahaptin family, as the Cayuses and Nez Percés, make no boats, but use rude rafts or purchase an occasional canoe from their neighbors, for the rare cases when it becomes necessary to transport property across an unfordable stream. The Flatheads sew up their lodge-skins into a temporary boat for the same purpose. On the Fraser the Nootka dug-out is in use. But on the northern lakes and rivers of the interior, the Pend d'Oreille, Flatbow, Arrow, and Okanagan, northward to the Tacully 272 territory, the natives manufacture and navigate bark canoes. Both birch and pine are employed, by stretching it over a cedar hoop-work frame, sewing the ends with fine roots, and gumming the seams and knots. The form is very peculiar; the stem and stern are pointed, but the points are on a level with the bottom of the boat, and the slope or curve is upward towards the centre. Travelers describe them as carrying a heavy load, but easily capsized unless when very skillfully managed.[399]

On the lower Columbia, the Wascos, Kliketats, Walla Wallas, and other tribes use dugout boats similar to those used on the coast, but they don’t put much effort or craftsmanship into making or decorating them; the main consideration is how much weight they can hold, as canoes are not essential for getting food in this region. Moving further inland, the mountain tribes of the Sahaptin family, like the Cayuses and Nez Percés, don’t make boats at all; they use basic rafts or occasionally buy a canoe from nearby tribes for rare instances when they need to transport goods across a stream that can’t be crossed on foot. The Flatheads create temporary boats by sewing their lodge skins together for the same purpose. Along the Fraser River, the Nootka dugout is commonly used. However, in the northern lakes and rivers inland, the Pend d'Oreille, Flatbow, Arrow, and Okanagan tribes produce and use bark canoes. They utilize both birch and pine by stretching the bark over a cedar frame, sewing the ends with fine roots, and sealing the seams and knots with gum. The design is quite unique; both the front and back taper to a point, which is level with the bottom of the canoe, and the shape curves upward toward the center. Travelers note that these canoes can carry a heavy load but are prone to capsizing unless handled very skillfully.

HORSES, PROPERTY, AND TRADE.

Horses, real estate, and commerce.

Horses constitute the native wealth, and poor indeed is the family which has not for each member, young and old, an animal to ride, as well as others sufficient to transport all the household goods, and to trade for the few foreign articles needed. The Nez Percés, Cayuses and Walla Wallas have more and better stock than other nations, individuals often possessing bands of from one thousand to three thousand. The Kootenais are the most northern equestrian tribes mentioned. How the natives originally obtained horses is unknown, although there are some slight traditions in support of the natural supposition that they were first introduced from the south by way of the Shoshones. The latter are one people with the Comanches, by whom horses were obtained during the Spanish expeditions to New Mexico in the sixteenth century. The horses of the natives are 273 of small size, probably degenerated from a superior stock, but hardy and surefooted; sustaining hunger and hard usage better than those of the whites, but inferior to them in form, action, and endurance. All colors are met with, spotted and mixed colors being especially prized.[400]

Horses are a vital part of the local wealth, and a family is quite poor if every member, young and old, doesn't have an animal to ride, along with enough others to transport all their belongings and trade for the few foreign goods they need. The Nez Percés, Cayuses, and Walla Wallas have more and better horses than other tribes, with individuals often owning herds ranging from one thousand to three thousand. The Kootenais are the northernmost horse-riding tribes mentioned. It's unclear how the natives originally got horses, although there are some minor traditions that suggest they were first brought in from the south by the Shoshones. The Shoshones are linked with the Comanches, who obtained horses during the Spanish expeditions to New Mexico in the sixteenth century. The natives' horses are small, likely descended from a better stock, but they are hardy and surefooted, handling hunger and rough treatment better than those of the whites, though they fall short in terms of appearance, movement, and stamina. All colors can be found, with spotted and mixed colors especially valued.

The different articles of food, skins and grasses for clothing and lodges and implements, shells and trinkets for ornamentation and currency are also bartered between the nations, and the annual summer gatherings on the rivers serve as fairs for the display and exchange of commodities; some tribes even visit the coast for purposes of trade. Smoking the pipe often precedes and follows a trade, and some peculiar commercial customs prevail, as for instance when a horse dies soon after purchase, the price may be reclaimed. The rights of property are jealously defended, but in the Salish nations, according to Hale, on the death of a father his relatives seize the most valuable property with very little attention to the rights of children too young to look out for their own interests.[401] Indeed, I have heard of 274 deeds of similar import in white races. In decorative art the inland natives must be pronounced inferior to those of the coast, perhaps only because they have less time to devote to such unproductive labor. Sculpture and painting are rare and exceedingly rude. On the coast the passion for ornamentation finds vent in carving and otherwise decorating the canoe, house, and implements; in the interior it expends itself on the caparison of the horse, or in bead and fringe work on garments. Systems of numeration are simple, progressing by fours, fives, or tens, according to the different languages, and is sufficiently extensive to include large numbers; but the native rarely has occasion to count beyond a few hundreds, commonly using his fingers as an aid to his numeration. Years are reckoned by winters, divided by moons into months, and these months named from the ripening of some plant, the occurrence of a fishing or hunting season, or some other periodicity in their lives, or by the temperature. Among the Salish the day is divided according to the position of the sun into nine parts. De Smet states that maps are made on bark or skins by which to direct their course on distant excursions, 275 and that they are guided at night by the polar star.[402]

The various food items, animal hides, and plants used for clothing, shelters, and tools, along with shells and decorative items used for trade, are exchanged among the tribes. The annual summer gatherings along the rivers function like fairs for showcasing and trading goods; some tribes even make trips to the coast to trade. Smoking a pipe often happens before and after a trade, and there are some unique trading customs. For instance, if a horse dies soon after being purchased, the buyer might get their money back. Property rights are fiercely protected, but in the Salish communities, as Hale notes, when a father dies, his relatives often take the most valuable belongings, disregarding the interests of young children. Indeed, I've heard of similar practices among white families. When it comes to decorative art, the inland natives are generally considered less skilled than those from the coast, possibly because they have less time to spend on what some see as non-essential activities. Sculpture and painting are uncommon and quite primitive. On the coast, the desire for decoration shows through in the carving and embellishing of canoes, houses, and tools; while in the interior, it is reflected in the decorative gear for horses or bead and fringe work on clothing. Their counting systems are straightforward, using increments of fours, fives, or tens depending on the language, and they're extensive enough to handle large numbers. However, a person usually doesn't have to count beyond a few hundred, often using their fingers to help keep track. They count years by winters, which are divided by moons into months that are named after the ripening of specific plants, the timing of fishing or hunting seasons, or other recurring events in their lives, or simply by the temperature. Among the Salish, the day is segmented into nine parts based on the sun's position. De Smet reported that they create maps on bark or hides to navigate during long journeys, and they use the North Star for guidance at night.

CHIEFS AND THEIR AUTHORITY.

Chiefs and Their Authority.

War chiefs are elected for their bravery and past success, having full authority in all expeditions, marching at the head of their forces, and, especially among the Flatheads, maintaining the strictest discipline, even to the extent of inflicting flagellation on insubordinates. With the war their power ceases, yet they make no effort by partiality during office to insure re-election, and submit without complaint to a successor. Except by the war chiefs no real authority is exercised. The regular chieftainship is hereditary so far as any system is observed, but chiefs who have raised themselves to their position by their merits are mentioned among nearly all the nations. The leaders are always men of commanding influence and often of great intelligence. They take the lead in haranguing at the councils of wise men, which meet to smoke and deliberate on matters of public moment. These councils decide the amount of fine necessary to atone for murder, theft, and the few crimes known to the native code; a fine, the chief's reprimand, and rarely flogging, probably not of native origin, are the only punishments; and the criminal seldom attempts to escape. As the more warlike nations have especial chiefs with real power in time of war, so the fishing tribes, some of them, grant great authority to a 'salmon chief' during the fishing-season. But the regular inland 276 chiefs never collect taxes nor presume to interfere with the rights or actions of individuals or families.[403] Prisoners of war, not killed by torture, are made slaves, but they are few in number, and their children are adopted into the victorious tribe. Hereditary slavery and the slave-trade are unknown. The Shushwaps are said to have no slaves.[404]

War chiefs are chosen for their bravery and past achievements, holding full authority in all military campaigns, leading their troops, and maintaining strict discipline, especially among the Flatheads, even going so far as to punish insubordination with whipping. Their power ends with the war, yet they make no effort to secure re-election and willingly accept a successor. Real authority is exercised only by the war chiefs. The regular chiefs inherit their positions to some extent, but those who rise through merit are recognized across many nations. The leaders are typically influential men and often intelligent. They take charge of discussions in councils of wise men, which convene to smoke and talk about important public issues. These councils determine the fines needed for offenses like murder and theft, as well as the few crimes known in the native code. Penalties consist of fines, chief reprimands, and very rarely whipping, which likely isn't a native practice; typically, criminals do not attempt to flee. Just as more warlike nations have specific chiefs with genuine power during conflicts, some fishing tribes grant significant authority to a 'salmon chief' during the fishing season. However, the regular inland chiefs do not collect taxes or interfere with the rights or actions of individuals or families. Prisoners of war who aren’t killed through torture become slaves, but their numbers are small, and their offspring are adopted into the victorious tribe. Hereditary slavery and the slave trade are unknown. The Shushwaps reportedly have no slaves.

FAMILY RELATIONS.

FAMILY TIES.

In choosing a helpmate, or helpmates, for his bed and board, the inland native makes capacity for work the standard of female excellence, and having made a selection buys a wife from her parents by the payment of an amount of property, generally horses, which among the southern nations must be equaled by the girl's parents. Often a betrothal is made by parents while both 277 parties are yet children, and such a contract, guaranteed by an interchange of presents, is rarely broken. To give away a wife without a price is in the highest degree disgraceful to her family. Besides payment of the price, generally made for the suitor by his friends, courtship in some nations includes certain visits to the bride before marriage; and the Spokane suitor must consult both the chief and the young lady, as well as her parents; indeed the latter may herself propose if she wishes. Runaway matches are not unknown, but by the Nez Percés the woman is in such cases considered a prostitute, and the bride's parents may seize upon the man's property. Many tribes seem to require no marriage ceremony, but in others an assemblage of friends for smoking and feasting is called for on such occasions; and among the Flatheads more complicated ceremonies are mentioned, of which long lectures to the couple, baths, change of clothing, torch-light processions, and dancing form a part. In the married state the wife must do all the heavy work and drudgery, but is not otherwise ill treated, and in most tribes her rights are equally respected with those of the husband.

In choosing a partner for marriage and household, the inland native values a woman's ability to work as the key standard of her worth. Once a decision is made, he purchases a wife from her parents, typically with property like horses, which must be matched by the girl's family in southern nations. Often, parents arrange betrothals while both individuals are still children, and these agreements, secured by exchanging gifts, are seldom broken. Giving away a daughter without receiving a payment is considered extremely shameful for her family. In addition to the payment, which is usually provided by the suitor's friends, courtship in some cultures involves several visits to the bride prior to marriage. A Spokane suitor must consult both the chief and the young woman, as well as her parents; in fact, she can even propose if she wishes. Although elopements do happen, the Nez Percés view the woman in such cases as a disgrace, and her family may take the man's property. Many tribes do not require a marriage ceremony, but others call for gathering friends for smoking and feasting during the event; among the Flatheads, more elaborate rituals are noted, including lengthy discussions for the couple, baths, changing clothes, torch-lit processions, and dancing. Once married, the wife is responsible for all heavy work and chores, though she is not otherwise mistreated, and her rights are generally regarded as equal to those of her husband in most tribes.

WOMEN AND CHILDREN.

Women and kids.

When there are several wives each occupies a separate lodge, or at least has a separate fire. Among the Spokanes a man marrying out of his own tribe joins that of his wife, because she can work better in a country to which she is accustomed; and in the same nation all household goods are considered as the wife's property. The man who marries the eldest daughter is entitled to all the rest, and parents make no objection to his turning off one in another's favor. Either party may dissolve the marriage at will, but property must be equitably divided, the children going with the mother. Discarded wives are often reinstated. If a Kliketat wife die soon after marriage, the husband may reclaim her price; the Nez Percé may not marry for a year after her death, but he is careful to avoid the inconvenience of this regulation by marrying just before that event. The Salish widow must remain a widow for about two years, 278 and then must marry agreeably to her mother-in-law's taste or forfeit her husband's property.[405] The women make faithful, obedient wives and affectionate mothers. Incontinence in either girls or married women is extremely rare, and prostitution almost unknown, being severely punished, especially among the Nez Percés. In this respect the inland tribes present a marked contrast to their coast neighbors.[406] At the first appearance of the menses the woman must retire from the sight of all, 279 especially men, for a period varying from ten days to a month, and on each subsequent occasion for two or three days, and must be purified by repeated ablutions before she may resume her place in the household. Also at the time of her confinement she is deemed unclean, and must remain for a few weeks in a separate lodge, attended generally by an old woman. The inland woman is not prolific, and abortions are not uncommon, which may probably be attributed in great measure to her life of labor and exposure. Children are not weaned till between one and two years of age; sometimes not until they abandon the breast of their own accord or are supplanted by a new arrival; yet though subsisting on the mother's milk alone, and exposed with slight clothing to all extremes of weather, they are healthy and robust, being carried about in a rude cradle on the mother's back, or mounted on colts and strapped to the saddle that they may not fall off when asleep. After being weaned the child is named after some animal, but the name is changed frequently later in life.[407] Although children and old people are as a rule kindly cared for, yet so great the straits to which the tribes are reduced by circumstances, that both are sometimes abandoned if not put to death.[408] 280

When several wives are involved, each has her own lodge or at least a separate fire. Among the Spokanes, a man who marries outside his tribe joins his wife's tribe because she can adapt better to her familiar surroundings; in this culture, all household goods are seen as the wife's property. The man who marries the eldest daughter is entitled to all the others, and parents don't mind if he decides to replace one wife with another. Either partner can end the marriage whenever they want, but property must be fairly divided, with the children going to the mother. Former wives are often taken back. If a Kliketat wife dies soon after the wedding, the husband can reclaim the bride price; a Nez Percé man must wait a year to remarry, but he often finds a way around this rule by marrying just before her death. A Salish widow has to stay single for about two years and then must marry according to her mother-in-law's wishes, or she loses her husband's property. Women tend to be loyal, obedient wives and loving mothers. Infidelity among girls or married women is very rare, and prostitution is almost non-existent, facing harsh penalties, especially among the Nez Percés. This is in stark contrast to tribes on the coast. When a girl first gets her period, she must remove herself from everyone's sight, especially men, for a period that can last from ten days to a month; after that, she must spend two or three days in seclusion during future cycles, followed by purifying baths before returning to the household. During childbirth, she is also considered unclean and must stay in a separate lodge for a few weeks, usually cared for by an older woman. Inland women aren't very fertile, and miscarriages are fairly common, likely due to their hard-working and exposed lifestyle. Children aren’t weaned until they are between one and two years old; sometimes they aren’t weaned until they stop breastfeeding on their own or are replaced by a new sibling. Despite being solely nourished by their mother's milk and exposed to harsh weather with minimal clothing, infants are healthy and strong, often carried in a crude cradle on the mother's back or strapped to a saddle on colts to prevent falling off while they sleep. After weaning, children are named after animals, but their names often change as they grow older. While children and the elderly are generally well taken care of, the tough circumstances that tribes face sometimes lead to abandonment or even death for some of them.

GAMES IN THE INTERIOR.

INDOOR GAMES.

The annual summer gathering on the river banks for fishing and trade, and, among the mountain nations, the return from a successful raid in the enemy's country, are the favorite periods for native diversions.[409] To gambling they are no less passionately addicted in the interior than on the coast,[410] but even in this universal Indian vice, their preference for horse-racing, the noblest form of gaming, raises them above their stick-shuffling brethren of the Pacific. On the speed of his horse the native stakes all he owns, and is discouraged only when his animal is lost, and with it the opportunity to make up past losses in another race. Foot-racing and target-shooting, in which men, women and children participate, also afford them indulgence in their gambling propensities and at the same time develop their bodies by exercise, and perfect their skill in the use of their native weapon.[411] The Colvilles have a game, alkollock, played 281 with spears. A wooden ring some three inches in diameter is rolled over a level space between two slight stick barriers about forty feet apart; when the ring strikes the barrier the spear is hurled so that the ring will fall over its head; and the number scored by the throw depends on which of six colored beads, attached to the hoop's inner circumference, falls over the spear's head.[412] The almost universal Columbian game of guessing which hand contains a small polished bit of bone or wood is also a favorite here, and indeed the only game of the kind mentioned; it is played, to the accompaniment of songs and drumming, by parties sitting in a circle on mats, the shuffler's hands being often wrapped in fur, the better to deceive the players.[413] All are excessively fond of dancing and singing; but their songs and dances, practiced on all possible occasions, have not been, if indeed they can be, described. They seem merely a succession of sounds and motions without any fixed system. Pounding on rude drums of hide accompanies the songs, which are sung without words, and in which some listeners have detected a certain savage melody. Scalp-dances are performed by women hideously painted, who execute their diabolical antics in the centre of a circle formed by the rest of the tribe who furnish music to the dancers.[414] 282 All are habitual smokers, always inhaling the smoke instead of puffing it out after the manner of more civilized devotees of the weed. To obtain tobacco the native will part with almost any other property, but no mention is made of any substitute used in this region before the white man came. Besides his constant use of the pipe as an amusement or habit, the inland native employs it regularly to clear his brain for the transaction of important business. Without the pipe no war is declared, no peace officially ratified; in all promises and contracts it serves as the native pledge of honor; with ceremonial whiffs to the cardinal points the wise men open and close the deliberations of their councils; a commercial smoke clinches a bargain, as it also opens negotiations of trade.[415]

The annual summer gathering by the river for fishing and trading, and among the mountain tribes, the return from a successful raid in enemy territory, are the favorite times for local festivities. To gambling, they are just as passionately devoted in the interior as on the coast, but even in this widespread Indian pastime, their preference for horse racing, the most honorable type of gaming, sets them apart from their stick-shuffling counterparts in the Pacific. The native bets everything he owns on the speed of his horse and feels discouraged only when his animal loses, along with the chance to recover past losses in another race. Foot races and target shooting, where men, women, and children take part, also allow them to indulge in their gambling desires while simultaneously enhancing their physical fitness and honing their skills with their traditional weapons. The Colvilles have a game called alkollock, which is played with spears. A wooden ring about three inches in diameter is rolled over a flat area between two small stick barriers about forty feet apart; when the ring hits the barrier, the spear is thrown so that the ring lands over its head, with the score depending on which of six colored beads attached to the ring's inner edge lands over the spear's head. The nearly universal Columbian game of guessing which hand holds a small polished piece of bone or wood is also a favorite here, indeed the only game of its kind mentioned; it's played to the tune of songs and drumming by groups sitting in a circle on mats, with the shuffler's hands often wrapped in fur to better deceive the players. Everyone is extremely fond of dancing and singing; however, their songs and dances, performed on every possible occasion, have not been, if they can be, described. They seem merely to consist of sounds and movements without any set structure. Beating on rough hide drums accompanies the songs, which are sung without words, and some listeners have noticed a certain raw melody. Scalp dances are performed by women who are grotesquely painted, executing their eerie antics in the center of a circle formed by the rest of the tribe, who provide music for the dancers. Everyone is a habitual smoker, constantly inhaling the smoke rather than puffing it out like more civilized users of the substance. To get tobacco, a native will trade almost any other possession, but there’s no mention of any substitutes used in the area before the arrival of white settlers. Besides using the pipe frequently as a pastime or habit, the inland native also uses it to clear his mind for important business dealings. Without the pipe, no war is declared, no peace is formally agreed upon; in all promises and contracts, it acts as the native's pledge of honor; with ceremonial puffs to the cardinal points, the elders open and close their councils; a commercial smoke seals a deal, just as it initiates trade negotiations.

TREATMENT OF HORSES.

Horse Care.

The use of the horse has doubtless been a most powerful agent in molding inland customs; and yet the introduction of the horse must have been of comparatively recent date. What were the customs and character of these people, even when America was first discovered by the Spaniards, must ever be unknown. It is by no means certain that the possession of the horse has materially bettered their condition. Indeed, by facilitating the capture of buffalo, previously taken perhaps by stratagem, by introducing a medium with which at least the wealthy may always purchase supplies, as well as by rendering practicable long migrations for food and trade, the 283 horse may have contributed somewhat to their present spirit of improvidence. The horses feed in large droves, each marked with some sign of ownership, generally by clipping the ears, and when required for use are taken by the lariat, in the use of which all the natives have some skill, though far inferior to the Mexican vaqueros. The method of breaking and training horses is a quick and an effectual one. It consists of catching and tying the animal; then buffalo-skins and other objects are thrown at and upon the trembling beast, until all its fear is frightened out of it. When willing to be handled, horses are treated with great kindness, but when refractory, the harshest measures are adopted. They are well trained to the saddle, and accustomed to be mounted from either side. They are never shod and never taught to trot. The natives are skillful riders, so far as the ability to keep their seat at great speed over a rough country is concerned, but they never ride gracefully, and rarely if ever perform the wonderful feats of horsemanship so often attributed to the western Indians. A loose girth is used under which to insert the knees when riding a wild horse. They are hard riders, and horses in use always have sore backs and mouths. Women ride astride, and quite as well as the men; children also learn to ride about as early as to walk.[416] Each nation has its superstitions; by each individual is recognized the influence of unseen powers, exercised usually through the medium of his medicine animal chosen early in life. The peculiar customs arising from this belief in the supernatural are not very numerous or complicated, and belong rather to the religion of these people treated elsewhere. The Pend d'Oreille, on approaching manhood, 284 was sent by his father to a high mountain and obliged to remain until he dreamed of some animal, bird, or fish, thereafter to be his medicine, whose claw, tooth, or feather was worn as a charm. The howling of the medicine-wolf and some other beasts forebodes calamity, but by the Okanagans the white-wolf skin is held as an emblem of royalty, and its possession protects the horses of the tribe from evil-minded wolves. A ram's horns left in the trunk of a tree where they were fixed by the misdirected zeal of their owner in attacking a native, were much venerated by the Flatheads, and gave them power over all animals so long as they made frequent offerings at the foot of the tree. The Nez Percés had a peculiar custom of overcoming the mawish or spirit of fatigue, and thereby acquiring remarkable powers of endurance. The ceremony is performed annually from the age of eighteen to forty, lasts each time from three to seven days, and consists of thrusting willow sticks down the throat into the stomach, a succession of hot and cold baths, and abstinence from food. Medicine-men acquire or renew their wonderful powers by retiring to the mountains to confer with the wolf. They are then invulnerable; a bullet fired at them flattens on their breast. To allowing their portraits to be taken, or to the operations of strange apparatus they have the same aversion that has been noted on the coast.[417] Steam baths are universally used, not for motives of cleanliness, but sometimes for medical purposes, and chiefly in their superstitious ceremonies of purification. The bath-house is a hole dug in the ground from three to eight feet deep, and sometimes fifteen feet in diameter, in some locality where wood and water are at hand, often in the river bank. It is also built above ground of willow branches covered with grass and earth. Only a small hole is left 285 for entrance, and this is closed up after the bather enters. Stones are heated by a fire in the bath itself, or are thrown in after being heated outside. In this oven, heated to a suffocating temperature, the naked native revels for a long time in the steam and mud, meanwhile singing, howling, praying, and finally rushes out dripping with perspiration, to plunge into the nearest stream.[418] Every lodge is surrounded by a pack of worthless coyote-looking curs. These are sometimes made to carry small burdens on their backs when the tribe is moving; otherwise no use is made of them, as they are never eaten, and, with perhaps the exception of a breed owned by the Okanagans, are never trained to hunt. I give in a note a few miscellaneous customs noticed by travelers.[419]

The use of horses has definitely played a significant role in shaping inland customs, but the introduction of horses likely happened not too long ago. The customs and character of these people, even at the time when America was first discovered by the Spaniards, will always remain a mystery. It's not certain that having horses has really improved their situation. In fact, by making it easier to hunt buffalo—previously captured through clever tactics—by giving the wealthy a way to buy supplies, and by allowing for long migrations in search of food and trade, horses may have contributed a bit to their current lack of foresight. Horses roam in large herds, each marked with a sign of ownership, typically by clipping their ears. When needed, they are captured using a lasso, which all the natives can handle to some extent, though their skills are much less refined than those of Mexican vaqueros. The method for breaking and training horses is quick and effective, involving catching and tying the animal, then throwing buffalo skins and other items at it until it stops being scared. Once they are willing to be touched, horses are treated with kindness, but if they resist, the harshest measures are taken. They are well trained for riding and are accustomed to being mounted from either side. They never wear shoes and are not taught to trot. The natives are skilled riders when it comes to staying on their horses at high speeds across rough terrain, but they don’t ride gracefully and rarely perform the impressive stunts often credited to western Indians. They use a loose girth to brace their knees while riding a wild horse. They ride hard, and as a result, their horses often have sore backs and mouths. Women ride astride just as well as men do, and children start riding as early as they start walking. Each nation has its own superstitions; every individual acknowledges the influence of unseen forces usually connected to their medicine animal chosen in their youth. The specific customs that come from this belief in the supernatural are not very many or complex and relate more to the religion of these people, which is discussed elsewhere. When a Pend d'Oreille boy is nearing manhood, his father sends him to a high mountain where he must stay until he dreams of an animal, bird, or fish that will become his medicine, wearing its claw, tooth, or feather as a charm. The howling of the medicine-wolf and a few other animals is seen as a bad omen, but the Okanagans regard the white-wolf skin as a symbol of royalty, and owning one protects the tribe's horses from malevolent wolves. A ram's horns, left lodged in a tree by their owner's misguided attempt to attack a native, were greatly respected by the Flatheads and gave them power over all animals as long as they continued to make offerings at the base of the tree. The Nez Percés had a unique custom to fight against the mawish, or spirit of fatigue, which gave them exceptional endurance. This ceremony takes place yearly from ages eighteen to forty, lasts three to seven days each time, and includes thrusting willow sticks down the throat into the stomach, alternating hot and cold baths, and fasting. Medicine men gain or renew their remarkable powers by retreating to the mountains to commune with the wolf. During this time, they are invulnerable; bullets fired at them simply flatten against their chests. They share the same aversion to having their portraits taken or being around strange equipment that has been noted along the coast. Steam baths are commonly used, not for hygiene but sometimes for medicinal purposes, mainly during their purification ceremonies involving superstition. The bathhouse is a hole dug into the ground, ranging from three to eight feet deep and up to fifteen feet in diameter, often located near a source of wood and water, like a riverbank. Alternatively, it can be built above ground with willow branches covered in grass and dirt. Only a small opening is left for entry, which is sealed once the person enters. Stones are heated in a fire within the bath or thrown in after being heated elsewhere. In this oven, heated to an unbearable temperature, the naked native enjoys the steam and mud for an extended period while singing, howling, praying, and then rushes out, dripping with sweat, to plunge into the nearest stream. Each lodge is surrounded by a pack of scruffy coyote-like dogs. These are sometimes used to carry small loads when the tribe moves; otherwise, they aren't used for anything, as they are never eaten, and except for a type owned by the Okanagans, they are never trained to hunt. I’ll include in a note some miscellaneous customs observed by travelers.

MEDICAL PRACTICE.

Healthcare practice.

These natives of the interior are a healthy but not a very long-lived race. Ophthalmia, of which the sand, smoke of the lodges, and reflection of the sun's rays on the lakes are suggested as the causes, is more or less prevalent throughout the territory; scrofulous complaints and skin-eruptions are of frequent occurrence, especially in the Sahaptin family. Other diseases are comparatively rare, excepting of course epidemic disorders like 286 small-pox and measles contracted from the whites, which have caused great havoc in nearly all the tribes. Hot and cold baths are the favorite native remedy for all their ills, but other simple specifics, barks, herbs, and gums are employed as well. Indeed, so efficacious is their treatment, or rather, perhaps, so powerful with them is nature in resisting disease, that when the locality or cause of irregularity is manifest, as in the case of wounds, fractures, or snake-bites, remarkable cures are ascribed to these people. But here as elsewhere, the sickness becoming at all serious or mysterious, medical treatment proper is altogether abandoned, and the patient committed to the magic powers of the medicine-man. In his power either to cause or cure disease at will implicit confidence is felt, and failure to heal indicates no lack of skill; consequently the doctor is responsible for his patient's recovery, and in case of death is liable to, and often does, answer with his life, so that a natural death among the medical fraternity is extremely rare. His only chance of escape is to persuade relatives of the dead that his ill success is attributable to the evil influence of a rival physician, who is the one to die; or in some cases a heavy ransom soothes the grief of mourning friends and avengers. One motive of the Cayuses in the massacre of the Whitman family is supposed to have been the missionary's failure to cure the measles in the tribe. He had done his best to relieve the sick, and his power to effect in all cases a complete cure was unquestioned by the natives. The methods by which the medicine-man practices his art are very uniform in all the nations. The patient is stretched on his back in the centre of a large lodge, and his friends few or many sit about him in a circle, each provided with sticks wherewith to drum. The sorcerer, often grotesquely painted, enters the ring, chants a song, and proceeds to force the evil spirit from the sick man by pressing both clenched fists with all his might in the pit of his stomach, kneading and pounding also other parts of the body, blowing occasionally through his own fingers, and sucking blood 287 from the part supposed to be affected. The spectators pound with their sticks, and all, including doctor, and often the patient in spite of himself, keep up a continual song or yell. There is, however, some method in this madness, and when the routine is completed it is again begun, and thus repeated for several hours each day until the case is decided. In many nations the doctor finally extracts the spirit, in the form of a small bone or other object, from the patient's body or mouth by some trick of legerdemain, and this once effected, he assures the surrounding friends that the tormentor having been thus removed, recovery must soon follow.[420] 288

These indigenous people from the interior are healthy, but they don’t live very long. Ophthalmia, caused by sand, smoke from the lodges, and sunlight reflecting off the lakes, is pretty common throughout the area. Scrofulous conditions and skin rashes happen often, especially in the Sahaptin community. Other illnesses are relatively uncommon, except for epidemic diseases like smallpox and measles brought in by white settlers, which have devastated almost all the tribes. Hot and cold baths are the natives’ favorite remedy for any ailments, but they also use simple treatments like barks, herbs, and gums. In fact, their treatments are so effective, or more likely, nature is particularly good at fighting off illness for them, that when the source of the problem is clear—like in the case of wounds, fractures, or snake bites—amazing recoveries are credited to them. However, as in other places, if an illness becomes serious or mysterious, proper medical treatment is completely abandoned, and the patient is handed over to the magical powers of the medicine man. The community has complete faith in his ability to cause or cure disease at will, and a failure to heal isn’t seen as a lack of skill. As a result, the doctor is held accountable for the patient’s recovery, and if someone dies, he can be at risk of losing his own life, making natural deaths among healers quite rare. The only way he might escape is by convincing the deceased's relatives that his failure was due to the malevolent influence of a rival doctor, who then is the one who suffers the consequences; in some cases, a hefty payment eases the sorrow of grieving friends and family. One reason the Cayuses attacked the Whitman family is thought to be the missionary’s inability to cure the measles in their tribe. He had tried his best to help the sick, and the natives trusted his ability to completely heal them. The methods used by the medicine man are pretty similar across different cultures. The patient lies on his back in the middle of a large lodge, and his friends, whether few or many, gather around in a circle, each holding sticks to drum. The healer, often wearing exaggerated body paint, enters the circle, sings a chant, and tries to force the evil spirit out of the sick person by pummeling his stomach with his clenched fists, kneading and hitting other parts of the body, occasionally blowing air through his fingers, and sucking blood from the area thought to be affected. The audience drums with their sticks, and everyone, including the doctor, and often the patient against his will, keeps up a constant song or shout. However, there is some method to this chaos, and once a routine is completed, it starts over, repeating for several hours each day until a decision is reached about the case. In many cultures, the doctor eventually pretends to extract the spirit, represented as a small bone or another object, from the patient's body or mouth through sleight of hand, and once that’s done, he assures the friends around that the tormentor has been removed, and recovery is sure to follow.[420]

Grief at the death of a relative is manifested by cutting the hair and smearing the face with black. The women also howl at intervals for a period of weeks or even months; but the men on ordinary occasions rarely make open demonstrations of sorrow, though they sometimes shed tears at the death of a son. Several instances of suicide in mourning are recorded; a Walla Walla chieftain caused himself to be buried alive in the grave with the last of his five sons. The death of a wife or daughter is deemed of comparatively little consequence. In case of a tribal disaster, as the death of a prominent chief, or the killing of a band of warriors by a hostile tribe, all indulge in the most frantic demonstrations, tearing the hair, lacerating the flesh with flints, often inflicting serious injury. The sacrifice of human life, generally that of a slave, was practiced, but apparently nowhere as a regular part of the funeral rites. Among the Flatheads the bravest of the men and women ceremonially bewail the loss of a warrior by cutting out pieces of their own flesh and casting them with roots and other articles into the fire. A long time passes before a dead person's name is willingly spoken in the tribe. The corpse is commonly disposed of by wrapping in ordinary clothing and burying in the ground without a coffin. The northern tribes sometimes suspended the body in a canoe from a tree, while those in the south formerly piled their dead in wooden sheds or sepulchres above ground. The Okanagans often bound the body upright to the trunk of a tree. Property was in all cases sacrificed; horses usually, and slaves sometimes, killed on the grave. The more valuable articles of wealth were deposited with the body; the rest suspended on poles over and about the grave or left on the surface of the ground; always previously damaged in such manner as not to tempt the sacrilegious thief, for their places of 289 burial are held most sacred. Mounds of stones surmounted with crosses indicate in later times the conversion of the natives to a foreign religion.[421]

Grief over the death of a family member involves cutting hair and smearing the face with black. Women often cry out at intervals for weeks or even months, while men usually don't express their sadness openly, though they might shed tears when a son dies. There are several recorded instances of suicide during mourning; for example, a Walla Walla chieftain had himself buried alive with his last remaining son. The death of a wife or daughter is considered less significant. In the case of a tribal disaster, like the death of a prominent chief or the loss of warriors to an enemy tribe, everyone engages in intense demonstrations of grief, tearing their hair and injuring themselves with sharp stones, sometimes seriously. Human sacrifice, typically of a slave, was practiced but doesn't seem to have been an official part of funeral rites. Among the Flatheads, the bravest men and women mourn a warrior's death by cutting pieces of their own flesh and throwing them, along with roots and other items, into the fire. A long time usually passes before a dead person's name is freely spoken in the tribe. The body is typically wrapped in ordinary clothing and buried in the ground without a coffin. Northern tribes sometimes suspended the body in a canoe from a tree, while those in the south used to place their dead in wooden sheds or above-ground tombs. The Okanagans often tied the body upright to a tree trunk. Property was sacrificed in all cases; usually horses, and sometimes slaves, were killed at the grave. Valuable possessions were placed with the body, while less valuable items were hung on poles over the grave or left on the ground, usually damaged beforehand to deter thieves, as burial sites are considered very sacred. Stone mounds topped with crosses indicate the conversion of the natives to a foreign religion. 289

INLAND MORALITY.

Inland Morality.

In character and in morals,[422] as well as in physique, the 290 inland native is almost unanimously pronounced superior to the dweller on the coast. The excitement of the chase, of war, and of athletic sports ennobles the mind as it develops the body; and although probably not by nature less indolent than their western neighbors, yet are these natives of the interior driven by circumstances to habits of industry, and have much less leisure time for the cultivation of the lower forms of vice. As a race, and compared with the average American aborigines, they are honest, intelligent, and pure in morals. Travelers are liable to form their estimate of national character from a view, perhaps unfair and prejudiced, of the actions of a few individuals encountered; consequently qualities the best and the worst have been given by some to each of the nations now under consideration. For the best reputation the Nez Percés, Flatheads and Kootenais have always been rivals; their good qualities have been praised by all, priest, trader and tourist. Honest, just, and often charitable; ordinarily cold and reserved, but on occasions social and almost gay; quick-tempered and revengeful under what they consider injustice, 291 but readily appeased by kind treatment; cruel only to captive enemies, stoical in the endurance of torture; devotedly attached to home and family; these natives probably come as near as it is permitted to flesh-and-blood savages to the traditional noble red man of the forest, sometimes met in romance. It is the pride and boast of the Flathead that his tribe has never shed the blood of a white man. Yet none, whatever their tribe, could altogether resist the temptation to steal horses from their neighbors of a different tribe, or in former times, to pilfer small articles, wonderful to the savage eye, introduced by Europeans. Many have been nominally converted by the zealous labors of the Jesuit fathers, or Protestant missionaries; and several nations have greatly improved, in material condition as well as in character, under their change of faith. As Mr Alexander Ross remarks, "there is less crime in an Indian camp of five hundred souls than there is in a civilized village of but half that number. Let the lawyer or moralist point out the cause." 292

In terms of character and morals, as well as physical attributes, the inland native is generally considered superior to the coastal dweller. The thrill of hunting, war, and sports elevates the mind while strengthening the body; and while they may not be naturally more industrious than their western neighbors, these natives of the interior are compelled by their circumstances to work harder, leaving them with less free time to indulge in lower vices. As a group, compared to the average Native Americans, they are honest, intelligent, and morally upright. Travelers often base their opinions of national character on the actions of a few individuals they encounter, which can lead to unfair and biased assessments; hence, both the best and worst traits have been attributed to the various nations in question. The Nez Percés, Flatheads, and Kootenais constantly vie for the best reputation; all—priests, traders, and tourists—have praised their positive attributes. They are honest, just, and often generous; typically reserved and aloof but can be social and cheerful at times; they can be quick-tempered and vengeful when they feel wronged, yet they are easily appeased by kindness; cruel only to captured enemies, they endure torture with stoicism; deeply devoted to home and family; these natives likely come closest to the romanticized ideal of the noble savage of the forest. The Flatheads take pride in the fact that their tribe has never killed a white man. However, none, regardless of their tribe, could completely resist the temptation to steal horses from neighboring tribes or, in the past, to take small items that caught their eye, brought by Europeans. Many have been nominally converted through the dedicated efforts of Jesuit priests or Protestant missionaries; several nations have significantly improved both materially and morally due to their new faith. As Mr. Alexander Ross notes, "there is less crime in an Indian camp of five hundred souls than there is in a civilized village of only half that size. Let the lawyer or moralist point out the cause."

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

The Columbian Group comprises the tribes inhabiting the territory immediately south of that of the Hyperboreans, extending from the fifty-fifth to the forty-third parallel of north latitude.

The Columbian Group includes the tribes living in the area just south of the Hyperboreans, stretching from the fifty-fifth to the forty-third parallel of north latitude.

THE HAIDAH FAMILY.

THE HAIDA FAMILY.

In the Haidah Family, I include all the coast and island nations of British Columbia, from 55° to 52°, and extending inland about one hundred miles to the borders of the Chilcoten Plain, the Haidah nation proper having their home on the Queen Charlotte Islands. 'The Haidah tribes of the Northern Family inhabit Queen Charlotte's Island.' 'The Massettes, Skittegás, Cumshawás, and other (Haidah) tribes inhabiting the eastern shores of Queen Charlotte's Island.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 219. 'The principal tribes upon it (Q. Char. Isl.) are the Sketigets, Massets, and Comshewars.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 292. 'Tribal names of the principal tribes inhabiting the islands:—Klue, Skiddan, Ninstence or Cape St. James, Skidagate, Skidagatees, Gold-Harbour, Cumshewas, and four others.... Hydah is the generic name for the whole.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 309. 'The Cumshewar, Massit, Skittageets, Keesarn, and Kigarnee, are mentioned as living on the island.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 157. The following bands, viz.: Lulanna, (or Sulanna), Nightan, Massetta, (or Mosette), Necoon, Aseguang, (or Asequang), Skittdegates, Cumshawas, Skeedans, Queeah, Cloo, Kishawin, Kowwelth, (or Kawwelth), and Too, compose the Queen Charlotte Island Indians, 'beginning at N. island, north end, and passing round by the eastward.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 489; and Kane's Wand., end of vol. 'The Hydah nation which is divided into numerous tribes inhabiting the island and the mainland opposite.' Reed's Nar. 'Queen Charlotte's Island and Prince of Wales Archipelago are the country of the Haidahs; ... including the Kygany, Massett, Skittegetts, Hanega, Cumshewas, and other septs.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 74. 'Les Indiens Koumchaouas, Haïdas, Massettes, et Skidegats, de l'île de la Reine Charlotte.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 337. My Haidah Family is called by Warre and Vavasour Quacott, who with the Newette and twenty-seven other tribes live, 'from Lat. 54° to Lat. 50°, including Queen Charlotte's Island; North end of Vancouver's Island, Millbank Sound and Island, and the Main shore.' Martin's Hudson's Bay, p. 80.

In the Haidah Family, I include all the coastal and island nations of British Columbia, from 55° to 52°, extending inland about one hundred miles to the borders of the Chilcotin Plain, with the Haidah nation primarily based on the Queen Charlotte Islands. 'The Haidah tribes of the Northern Family live on Queen Charlotte's Island.' 'The Massettes, Skittegás, Cumshawás, and other Haidah tribes inhabit the eastern shores of Queen Charlotte's Island.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 219. 'The main tribes on it (Q. Char. Isl.) are the Sketigets, Massets, and Comshewars.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 292. 'The tribal names of the main tribes living on the islands include: Klue, Skiddan, Ninstence or Cape St. James, Skidagate, Skidagatees, Gold-Harbour, Cumshewas, and four others.... Hydah is the general name for all of them.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 309. 'The Cumshewar, Massit, Skittageets, Keesarn, and Kigarnee are mentioned as residing on the island.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 157. The following groups, namely: Lulanna (or Sulanna), Nightan, Massetta (or Mosette), Necoon, Aseguang (or Asequang), Skittdegates, Cumshawas, Skeedans, Queeah, Cloo, Kishawin, Kowwelth (or Kawwelth), and Too, make up the Queen Charlotte Island Indians, 'starting from the north end of N. island and going around to the east.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 489; and Kane's Wand., end of vol. 'The Hydah nation is divided into many tribes living on the island and the mainland across from it.' Reed's Nar. 'Queen Charlotte's Island and the Prince of Wales Archipelago are the territory of the Haidahs; ... which includes the Kygany, Massett, Skittegetts, Hanega, Cumshewas, and other groups.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 74. 'The Koumchaouas, Haïdas, Massettes, and Skidegats Indians from Queen Charlotte Island.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 337. My Haidah Family is referred to by Warre and Vavasour as Quacott, who along with the Newette and twenty-seven other tribes live 'from Lat. 54° to Lat. 50°, covering Queen Charlotte's Island; the northern part of Vancouver's Island, Millbank Sound and Island, and the main shore.' Martin's Hudson's Bay, p. 80.

The Massets and thirteen other tribes besides the Quacott tribes occupy Queen Charlotte Islands. Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. Bay, p. 80.

The Massets and thirteen other tribes, in addition to the Quacott tribes, inhabit the Queen Charlotte Islands. Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. Bay, p. 80.

The Ninstence tribe inhabits 'the southernmost portions of Moresby Island.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 122, 314-15.

The Ninstence tribe lives in the southernmost parts of Moresby Island. Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 122, 314-15.

The Crosswer Indians live on Skiddegate Channel. Downie, in B. Col. Papers, vol. iii., p. 72.

The Crosswer Indians live on Skiddegate Channel. Downie, in B. Col. Papers, vol. iii., p. 72.

The Kaiganies inhabit the southern part of the Prince of Wales Archipelago, and the northern part of Queen Charlotte Island. The Kygargeys or Kygarneys are divided by Schoolcraft and Kane into the Youahnoe, Clictass (or Clictars), Quiahanles, Houaguan, (or Wonagan), Shouagan, (or Showgan), 293 Chatcheenie, (or Chalchuni). Archives, vol. v., p. 489; Wanderings, end of vol. The Kygáni 'have their head-quarters on Queen Charlotte's Archipelago, but there are a few villages on the extreme southern part of Prince of Wales Archipelago.' Dall's Alaska, p. 411. A colony of the Hydahs 'have settled at the southern extremity of Prince of Wales's Archipelago, and in the Northern Island.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 219. 'Die Kaigàni (Kigarnies, Kigarnee, Kygànies der Engländer) bewohnen den südlichen Theil der Inseln (Archipels) des Prinzen von Wales.' Radloff, Sprache der Kaiganen, in Mélanges Russes, tom. iii., livrais. v., p. 569. 'The Kegarnie tribe, also in the Russian territory, live on an immense island, called North Island.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 287. The Hydahs of the south-eastern Alexander Archipelago include 'the Kassaaus, the Chatcheenees, and the Kaiganees.' Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 28. 'Called Kaiganies and Kliavakans; the former being near Kaigan Harbor, and the latter near the Gulf of Kliavakan scattered along the shore from Cordova to Tonvel's Bay.' Halleck and Scott, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 562-4. 'A branch of this tribe, the Kyganies (Kigarnies) live in the southern part of the Archipel of the Prince of Wales.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 80.

The Kaiganies live in the southern part of the Prince of Wales Archipelago and the northern part of Queen Charlotte Island. The Kygargeys or Kygarneys are categorized by Schoolcraft and Kane into the Youahnoe, Clictass (or Clictars), Quiahanles, Houaguan (or Wonagan), Shouagan (or Showgan), 293 Chatcheenie (or Chalchuni). Archives, vol. v., p. 489; Wanderings, end of vol. The Kygáni have their headquarters on Queen Charlotte's Archipelago, but there are a few villages in the far southern part of Prince of Wales Archipelago. Dall's Alaska, p. 411. A group of the Hydahs have settled at the southern end of Prince of Wales's Archipelago and on the Northern Island. Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 219. 'Die Kaigàni (Kigarnies, Kigarnee, Kygànies der Engländer) bewohnen den südlichen Theil der Inseln (Archipels) des Prinzen von Wales.' Radloff, Sprache der Kaiganen, in Mélanges Russes, tom. iii., livrais. v., p. 569. 'The Kegarnie tribe, also in the Russian territory, live on a huge island called North Island.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 287. The Hydahs of the southeastern Alexander Archipelago include 'the Kassaaus, the Chatcheenees, and the Kaiganees.' Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 28. 'Called Kaiganies and Kliavakans; the former being near Kaigan Harbor and the latter near the Gulf of Kliavakan, scattered along the shore from Cordova to Tonvel's Bay.' Halleck and Scott, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 562-4. 'A branch of this tribe, the Kyganies (Kigarnies) live in the southern part of the Archipelago of the Prince of Wales.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 80.

'To the west and south of Prince of Wales Island is an off-shoot of the Hydah,' Indians, called Anega or Hennegas. Mahony, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 575.

'To the west and south of Prince of Wales Island is a group of the Hydah Indians, known as Anega or Hennegas. Mahony, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 575.'

The Chimsyans inhabit the coast and islands about Fort Simpson. Ten tribes of Chymsyans at 'Chatham Sound, Portland Canal, Port Essington, and the neighbouring Islands.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hudson's Bay, p. 80. 'The Chimsians or Fort Simpson Indians.' Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 231. 'Indians inhabiting the coast and river mouth known by the name of Chyniseyans.' Ind. Life, p. 93. The Tsimsheeans live 'in the Fort Simpson section on the main land.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 257. Chimpsains, 'living on Chimpsain Peninsula.' Scott, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 553. The Chimmesyans inhabit 'the coast of the main land from 55° 30´ N., down to 53° 30´ N.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 202; Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 40. The Chimseeans 'occupy the country from Douglas' Canal to Nass River.' Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 206. Divided into the following bands; Kispachalaidy, Kitlan (or Ketlane), Keeches (or Keechis), Keenathtoix, Kitwillcoits, Kitchaclaith, Kelutsah (or Ketutsah), Kenchen Kieg, Ketandou, Ketwilkcipa, who inhabit 'Chatham's Sound, from Portland Canal to Port Essington (into which Skeena River discharges) both main land and the neighboring islands.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 487; Kane's Wand., end of vol. The Chymsyan connection 'extending from Milbank Sound to Observatory Inlet, including the Sebassas, Neecelowes, Nass, and other offsets.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii. p. 74. Mr. Duncan divides the natives speaking the Tsimshean language into four parts at Fort Simpson, Nass River, Skeena River, and the islands of Milbank Sound. Mayne's B. C., p. 250.

The Chimsyans live along the coast and islands near Fort Simpson. There are ten tribes of Chymsyans at 'Chatham Sound, Portland Canal, Port Essington, and the nearby Islands.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hudson's Bay, p. 80. 'The Chimsyans or Fort Simpson Indians.' Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 231. 'Indians living along the coast and river mouth known as Chyniseyans.' Ind. Life, p. 93. The Tsimsheeans reside 'in the Fort Simpson area on the mainland.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 257. Chimpsains are 'living on Chimpsain Peninsula.' Scott, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 553. The Chimmesyans inhabit 'the coast of the mainland from 55° 30´ N. to 53° 30´ N.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 202; Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 40. The Chimseeans 'occupy the territory from Douglas' Canal to Nass River.' Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 206. They are divided into the following bands: Kispachalaidy, Kitlan (or Ketlane), Keeches (or Keechis), Keenathtoix, Kitwillcoits, Kitchaclaith, Kelutsah (or Ketutsah), Kenchen Kieg, Ketandou, Ketwilkcipa, who inhabit 'Chatham's Sound, from Portland Canal to Port Essington (where the Skeena River flows into) both the mainland and the nearby islands.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 487; Kane's Wand., end of vol. The Chymsyan community 'extends from Milbank Sound to Observatory Inlet, including the Sebassas, Neecelowes, Nass, and other branches.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii. p. 74. Mr. Duncan divides the natives who speak the Tsimshean language into four groups at Fort Simpson, Nass River, Skeena River, and the islands of Milbank Sound. Mayne's B. C., p. 250.

The Keethratlah live 'near Fort Simpson.' Id., p. 279.

The Keethratlah live "near Fort Simpson." Id., p. 279.

The Nass nation lives on the banks of the Nass River, but the name is often applied to all the mainland tribes of what I term the Haidah Family. The nation consists of the Kithateen, Kitahon, Ketoonokshelk, Kinawalax (or 294 Kinaroalax), located in that order from the mouth upward. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 487; Kane's Wand., end of vol. Four tribes, 'Nass River on the Main land.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hudson's Bay, p. 80. 'On Observatory Inlet, lat. 55°.' Bryant, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 302. Adjoin the Sebassa tribe. Cornwallis' N. El Dorado, p. 107. About Fort Simpson. Dunn's Oregon, p. 279. The Hailtsa, Haeeltzuk, Billechoola, and Chimmesyans are Nass tribes. Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 130. See Buschmann, Brit. Nordamer., pp. 398-400.

The Nass nation lives along the Nass River, but the name is often used to refer to all the mainland tribes of what I call the Haidah Family. The nation includes the Kithateen, Kitahon, Ketoonokshelk, and Kinawalax (or 294 Kinaroalax), listed in that order from the river mouth moving upstream. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 487; Kane's Wand., end of vol. Four tribes, 'Nass River on the Mainland.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hudson's Bay, p. 80. 'On Observatory Inlet, lat. 55°.' Bryant, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 302. They border the Sebassa tribe. Cornwallis' N. El Dorado, p. 107. Around Fort Simpson. Dunn's Oregon, p. 279. The Hailtsa, Haeeltzuk, Billechoola, and Chimmesyans are Nass tribes. Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 130. See Buschmann, Brit. Nordamer., pp. 398-400.

'There is a tribe of about 200 souls now living on a westerly branch of the Naas near Stikeen River; they are called "Lackweips" and formerly lived on Portland Channel.' Scott, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 563.

'There is a group of about 200 people currently living on a western branch of the Naas near Stikeen River; they are called "Lackweips" and used to live on Portland Channel.' Scott, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 563.

The Skeenas are on the river of the same name, 'at the mouth of the Skeena River.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hudson's Bay, p. 80. They are the 'Kitsalas, Kitswingahs, Kitsiguchs, Kitspayuchs, Hagulgets, Kitsagas, and Kitswinscolds.' Scott, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 563.

The Skeenas are located on the river with the same name, "at the mouth of the Skeena River." Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hudson's Bay, p. 80. They include the 'Kitsalas, Kitswingahs, Kitsiguchs, Kitspayuchs, Hagulgets, Kitsagas, and Kitswinscolds.' Scott, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 563.

Keechumakarlo (or Keechumakailo) situated 'on the lower part of the Skeena River.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 487; Kane's Wand., end of vol.

Keechumakarlo (or Keechumakailo) located 'on the lower part of the Skeena River.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 487; Kane's Wand., end of vol.

The Kitswinscolds live 'between the Nass and the Skeena.' Scott, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 563. The Kitatels live 'on the islands in Ogden's Channel, about sixty miles below Fort Simpson.' Id.

The Kitswinscolds live 'between the Nass and the Skeena.' Scott, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 563. The Kitatels live 'on the islands in Ogden's Channel, about sixty miles below Fort Simpson.' Id.

The Sebassas occupy the shores of Gardner Channel and the opposite islands. Inhabit Banks Island. Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 206. The Labassas in five tribes are situated on 'Gardner's Canal, Canal de Principe, Canal de la Reida.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hudson's Bay, p. 80. Keekheatla (or Keetheatla), on Canal de Principe; Kilcatah, at the entrance of Gardner Canal; Kittamaat (or Kittamuat), on the north arm of Gardner Canal; Kitlope on the south arm; Neeslous on Canal de la Reido (Reina). Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 487; Kane's Wand., end of vol. 'In the neighbourhood of Seal Harbour dwell the Sebassa tribe.' Cornwallis' N. El Dorado, p. 106. 'The Shebasha, a powerful tribe inhabiting the numerous islands of Pitt's Archipelago.' Bryant, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 302.

The Sebassas live along the shores of Gardner Channel and the nearby islands. They inhabit Banks Island. Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 206. The Labassas are divided into five tribes located on 'Gardner's Canal, Canal de Principe, Canal de la Reida.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hudson's Bay, p. 80. Keekheatla (or Keetheatla) is found on Canal de Principe; Kilcatah is at the entrance of Gardner Canal; Kittamaat (or Kittamuat) is along the north arm of Gardner Canal; Kitlope is on the south arm; and Neeslous is on Canal de la Reido (Reina). Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 487; Kane's Wand., end of vol. 'In the area around Seal Harbour lives the Sebassa tribe.' Cornwallis' N. El Dorado, p. 106. 'The Shebasha, a strong tribe living on the many islands of Pitt's Archipelago.' Bryant, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 302.

The Millbank Sound tribes are the Onieletoch, Weitletoch (or Weetletoch), and Kokwaiytoch, on Millbank Sound; Eesteytoch, on Cascade Canal; Kuimuchquitoch, on Dean Canal; Bellahoola, at entrance of Salmon River of Mackenzie; Guashilla, on River Canal; Nalalsemoch, at Smith Inlet, and Weekemoch on Calvert Island. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 487-8; Kane's Wand., end of vol. 'The Millbank Indians on Millbank Sound.' Bryant, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 302.

The Millbank Sound tribes are the Onieletoch, Weitletoch (or Weetletoch), and Kokwaiytoch, located on Millbank Sound; Eesteytoch, found on Cascade Canal; Kuimuchquitoch, situated on Dean Canal; Bellahoola, at the entrance of Salmon River of Mackenzie; Guashilla, on River Canal; Nalalsemoch, at Smith Inlet; and Weekemoch on Calvert Island. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 487-8; Kane's Wand., end of vol. 'The Millbank Indians on Millbank Sound.' Bryant, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 302.

The Bellacoolas live about the mouth of Salmon River. '"Bentick's Arms"—inhabited by a tribe of Indians—the Bellaghchoolas. Their village is near Salmon River.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 267. The Billechoolas live on Salmon River in latitude 53° 30´. Buschmann, Brit. Nordamer., p. 384. The Bellahoolas 'on the banks of the Salmon river.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 258. 'The Indians at Milbank Sound called Belbellahs.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 271. 'Spread along the margins of the numerous canals or inlets with which this part of the coast abounds.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 224. 295

The Bellacoolas live near the mouth of Salmon River. '"Bentick's Arms"—occupied by a tribe of Indians—the Bellaghchoolas. Their village is close to Salmon River.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 267. The Billechoolas are located on Salmon River at latitude 53° 30´. Buschmann, Brit. Nordamer., p. 384. The Bellahoolas are 'on the banks of the Salmon River.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 258. 'The Indians at Milbank Sound referred to Belbellahs.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 271. 'They are spread along the edges of the many canals or inlets that this part of the coast has.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 224. 295

'In the neighbourhood of the Fort (McLoughlin) was a village of about five hundred Ballabollas.' Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 202.

'In the area around the Fort (McLoughlin) was a village of about five hundred Ballabollas.' Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 202.

The Hailtzas, Hailtzuks, or Haeelzuks 'dwell to the south of the Billechoola, and inhabit both the mainland and the northern entrance of Vancouver's Island from latitude 53° 30´ N. to 50° 30´ N.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 224. 'The Hailtsa commencing in about latitude 51° N., and extending through the ramifications of Fitzhugh and Milbank Sounds.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 74. 'An diesem Sunde (Milbank) wohnen die Hailtsa-Indianer.' Buschmann, Brit. Nordamer., p. 383; Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 230.

The Hailtzas, Hailtzuks, or Haeelzuks are located to the south of the Billechoola and live on both the mainland and the northern entrance of Vancouver Island, from latitude 53° 30´ N. to 50° 30´ N. Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 224. 'The Hailtsa start around latitude 51° N and stretch through the branches of Fitzhugh and Milbank Sounds.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 74. 'At this point (Milbank), the Hailtsa Indians reside.' Buschmann, Brit. Nordamer., p. 383; Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 230.

THE NOOTKA FAMILY.

THE NOOTKA FAMILY.

The Nootka Family dwells south of the Haidah, occupying the coast of British Columbia, from Bentinck Arms to the mouth of the Fraser, and the whole of Vancouver Island. By other authors the name has been employed to designate a tribe at Nootka Sound, or applied to nearly all the Coast tribes of the Columbian Group. 'The native population of Vancouver Island ... is chiefly composed of the following tribes:—North and East coasts (in order in which they stand from North to South)—Quackolls, Newittees, Comuxes, Yukletas, Suanaimuchs, Cowitchins, Sanetchs, other smaller tribes;—South Coast (... from East to West)—Tsomass, Tsclallums, Sokes, Patcheena, Sennatuch;—West Coast ... (from South to North)—Nitteenats, Chadukutl, Oiatuch, Toquatux, Schissatuch, Upatsesatuch, Cojuklesatuch, Uqluxlatuch, Clayoquots, Nootkas, Nespods, Koskeemos, other small tribes.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 293. 'In Barclay Sound: Pacheenett, Nittinat, Ohiat, Ouchuchlisit, Opecluset, Shechart, Toquart, Ucletah, Tsomass;—Clayoquot Sound: Clayoquot, Kilsamat, Ahouset, Mannawousut, Ishquat;—Nootka Sound: Matchclats, Moachet, Neuchallet, Ehateset.' Mayne's B. C., p. 251. 'About Queen Charlotte Sound;—Naweetee, Quacolth, Queehavuacolt (or Queehaquacoll), Marmalillacalla, Clowetsus (or Clawetsus), Murtilpar (or Martilpar), Nimkish, Wewarkka, Wewarkkum, Clallueis (or Clalluiis), Cumquekis, Laekquelibla, Clehuse (or Clehure), Soiitinu (or Soiilenu), Quicksutinut (or Quicksulinut), Aquamish, Clelikitte, Narkocktau, Quainu, Exenimuth, (or Cexeninuth), Tenuckttau, Oiclela.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 488; Kane's Wand., end of vol. On the seaboard, south of Nitinaht Sound, and on the Nitinaht River, the Pacheenaht and Nitinaht tribes; on Barclay, otherwise Nitinaht Sound, the Ohyaht, Howchuklisaht, Opechisaht, Seshaht, Youclulaht, and Toquaht tribes; on Klahohquaht Sound, the Klahohquaht, Killsmaht, Ahousaht and Manohsaht tribes; on Nootkah Sound, the Hishquayaht, Muchlaht, Moouchat (the so-called Nootkahs), Ayhuttisaht and Noochahlaht; north of Nootkah Sound, the Kyohquaht, Chaykisaht, and Klahosaht tribes. Sproat's Scenes, p. 308. Alphabetical list of languages on Vancouver Island: Ahowzarts, Aitizzarts, Aytcharts, Cayuquets, Eshquates (or Esquiates), Klahars, Klaizzarts, Klaooquates (or Tlaoquatch), Michlaïts, Mowatchits, Neuchadlits, Neuwitties, Newchemass, (Nuchimas), Savinnars, Schoomadits, Suthsetts, Tlaoquatch, Wicananish. Buschmann, Brit. Nordamer., p. 349. 'Among those from the north were the Aitizzarts, Schoomadits, Neuwitties, Savinnars, Ahowzarts, Mowatchits, Suthsetts, Neuchadlits, Michlaits, and Cayuquets; the most of whom were considered as tributary to Nootka. From the South 296 the Aytcharts, and Esquiates also tributary, with the Klaooquates and the Wickanninish, a large and powerful tribe, about two hundred miles distant.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 36-7. 'Tribes situated between Nanaimo and Fort Rupert, on the north of Vancouver Island, and the mainland Indians between the same points ... are divided into several tribes, the Nanoose, Comoux, Nimpkish, Quawguult, &c., on the Island; and the Squawmisht, Sechelt, Clahoose, Ucletah, Mamalilaculla, &c., on the coast, and among the small islands off it.' Mayne's B. C., p. 243. List of tribes on Vancouver Island: 'Songes, Sanetch, Kawitchin, Uchulta, Nimkis, Quaquiolts, Neweetg, Quacktoe, Nootka, Nitinat, Klayquoit, Soke.' Findlay's Directory, pp. 391-2. The proper name of the Vancouver Island Tribes is Yucuatl. Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 135. The Nootka Territory 'extends to the Northward as far as Cape Saint James, in the latitude of 52° 20´ N. ... and to the Southward to the Islands ... of the Wicananish.' Meares' Voy., p. 228. 'The Cawitchans, Ucaltas, and Coquilths, who are I believe of the same family, occupy the shores of the Gulf of Georgia and Johnston's Straits.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 74. 'Twenty-four tribes speaking the Challam and Cowaitzchim languages, from latitude 50° along the Coast South to Whitby Island in latitude 48°; part of Vancouver's Island, and the mouth of Franc's River.' Also on the Strait of Juan de Fuca and Vancouver Islands, the Sanetch, three tribes; Hallams, eleven tribes; Sinahomish; Skatcat; Cowitchici, seven tribes; Soke; Cowitciher, three tribes. Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hudson's Bay, p. 81; also in Hazlitt's B. C., pp. 66-7. Five tribes at Fort Rupert;—Quakars, Qualquilths, Kumcutes, Wanlish, Lockqualillas. Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 165. 'The Chicklezats and Ahazats, inhabiting districts in close proximity on the west coast of Vancouver.' Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 41. 'North of the district occupied by the Ucletahs come the Nimkish, Mamalilacula, Matelpy and two or three other smaller tribes. The Mamalilaculas live on the mainland.' Mayne's B. C., p. 249. The population of Vancouver Island 'is divided into twelve tribes; of these the Kawitchen, Quaquidts and Nootka are the largest.' Cornwallis' N. El Dorado, p. 30. 'Ouakichs, Grande île de Quadra et Van Couver.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335.

The Nootka Tribe lives south of the Haidah, along the coast of British Columbia, from Bentinck Arms to the mouth of the Fraser River, and throughout Vancouver Island. Other authors have used the name to refer to a tribe at Nootka Sound or to nearly all the Coast tribes of the Columbia Group. 'The native population of Vancouver Island ... mainly consists of the following tribes:—North and East coasts (from North to South)—Quackolls, Newittees, Comuxes, Yukletas, Suanaimuchs, Cowitchins, Sanetchs, and other smaller tribes;—South Coast (... from East to West)—Tsomass, Tsclallums, Sokes, Patcheena, Sennatuch;—West Coast ... (from South to North)—Nitteenats, Chadukutl, Oiatuch, Toquatux, Schissatuch, Upatsesatuch, Cojuklesatuch, Uqluxlatuch, Clayoquots, Nootkas, Nespods, Koskeemos, and other small tribes.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 293. 'In Barclay Sound: Pacheenett, Nittinat, Ohiat, Ouchuchlisit, Opecluset, Shechart, Toquart, Ucletah, Tsomass;—Clayoquot Sound: Clayoquot, Kilsamat, Ahouset, Mannawousut, Ishquat;—Nootka Sound: Matchclats, Moachet, Neuchallet, Ehateset.' Mayne's B. C., p. 251. 'About Queen Charlotte Sound;—Naweetee, Quacolth, Queehavuacolt (or Queehaquacoll), Marmalillacalla, Clowetsus (or Clawetsus), Murtilpar (or Martilpar), Nimkish, Wewarkka, Wewarkkum, Clallueis (or Clalluiis), Cumquekis, Laekquelibla, Clehuse (or Clehure), Soiitinu (or Soiilenu), Quicksutinik (or Quicksulinut), Aquamish, Clelikitte, Narkocktau, Quainu, Exenimuth (or Cexeninuth), Tenuckttau, Oiclela.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 488; Kane's Wand., end of vol. On the seaboard, south of Nitinaht Sound, and on the Nitinaht River, the Pacheenaht and Nitinaht tribes; on Barclay, also known as Nitinaht Sound, the Ohyaht, Howchuklisaht, Opechisaht, Seshaht, Youclulaht, and Toquaht tribes; on Klahohquaht Sound, the Klahohquaht, Killsmaht, Ahousaht, and Manohsaht tribes; on Nootkah Sound, the Hishquayaht, Muchlaht, Moouchat (the so-called Nootkahs), Ayhuttisaht, and Noochahlaht; north of Nootkah Sound, the Kyohquaht, Chaykisaht, and Klahosaht tribes. Sproat's Scenes, p. 308. Alphabetical list of languages on Vancouver Island: Ahowzarts, Aitizzarts, Aytcharts, Cayuquets, Eshquates (or Esquiates), Klahars, Klaizzarts, Klaooquates (or Tlaoquatch), Michlaïts, Mowatchits, Neuchadlits, Neuwitties, Newchemass (Nuchimas), Savinnars, Schoomadits, Suthsetts, Tlaoquatch, Wicananish. Buschmann, Brit. Nordamer., p. 349. 'Among those from the north were the Aitizzarts, Schoomadits, Neuwitties, Savinnars, Ahowzarts, Mowatchits, Suthsetts, Neuchadlits, Michlaits, and Cayuquets; most of whom were considered tributary to Nootka. From the South 296 the Aytcharts and Esquiates were also tributary, along with the Klaooquates and the Wickanninish, a large and powerful tribe about two hundred miles away.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 36-7. 'Tribes located between Nanaimo and Fort Rupert, on the north of Vancouver Island, and the mainland Indians between the same points ... are divided into several tribes, including Nanoose, Comoux, Nimpkish, Quawguult, etc., on the Island; and the Squawmisht, Sechelt, Clahoose, Ucletah, Mamalilaculla, etc., on the coast, as well as among the small islands off it.' Mayne's B. C., p. 243. List of tribes on Vancouver Island: 'Songes, Sanetch, Kawitchin, Uchulta, Nimkis, Quaquiolts, Neweetg, Quacktoe, Nootka, Nitinat, Klayquoit, Soke.' Findlay's Directory, pp. 391-2. The proper name for the Vancouver Island Tribes is Yucuatl. Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 135. The Nootka Territory 'extends northward to Cape Saint James, at latitude 52° 20´ N. ... and southward to the Islands ... of the Wicananish.' Meares' Voy., p. 228. 'The Cawitchans, Ucaltas, and Coquilths, who I believe belong to the same family, occupy the shores of the Gulf of Georgia and Johnston's Straits.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 74. 'Twenty-four tribes speaking the Challam and Cowaitzchim languages, from latitude 50° down the Coast to Whitby Island in latitude 48°; part of Vancouver Island, and the mouth of Franc's River.' Also on the Strait of Juan de Fuca and Vancouver Islands, the Sanetch, three tribes; Hallams, eleven tribes; Sinahomish; Skatcat; Cowitchici, seven tribes; Soke; Cowitciher, three tribes. Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hudson's Bay, p. 81; also in Hazlitt's B. C., pp. 66-7. Five tribes at Fort Rupert;—Quakars, Qualquilths, Kumcutes, Wanlish, Lockqualillas. Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 165. 'The Chicklezats and Ahazats, living in areas close to each other on the west coast of Vancouver.' Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 41. 'North of the area occupied by the Ucletahs are the Nimkish, Mamalilacula, Matelpy, and a few other smaller tribes. The Mamalilaculas live on the mainland.' Mayne's B. C., p. 249. The population of Vancouver Island 'is divided into twelve tribes; of these, the Kawitchen, Quaquidts, and Nootka are the largest.' Cornwallis' N. El Dorado, p. 30. 'Ouakichs, Grande île de Quadra et Van Couver.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335.

NATIONS INHABITING VANCOUVER ISLAND.

Nations on Vancouver Island.

In naming the following tribes and nations I will begin at the north and follow the west coast of the island southward, then the east coast and main land northward to the starting-point.

In naming the following tribes and nations, I will start in the north and move down the west coast of the island, then go up the east coast and mainland back to where I began.

The Uclenus inhabit Scott Island. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 488; Kane's Wand., end of vol.

The Uclenus live on Scott Island. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 488; Kane's Wand., end of vol.

The Quanes dwell at Cape Scott. Id.

The Quanes live at Cape Scott. Id.

The Quactoe are found in the 'woody part N.W. coast of the island.' Findlay's Directory, p. 391.

The Quactoe are located in the 'forested area on the northwest coast of the island.' Findlay's Directory, p. 391.

The Koskiemos and Quatsinos live on 'the two Sounds bearing those names.' Mayne's B. C., p. 251. Kuskema, and Quatsinu, 'outside Vancouver's Island south of C. Scott.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 488; Kane's Wand., end of vol.

The Koskiemos and Quatsinos live on "the two Sounds with those names." Mayne's B. C., p. 251. Kuskema and Quatsinu, "south of Vancouver Island, outside of C. Scott." Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 488; Kane's Wand., end of vol.

The Kycucut, 'north of Nootka Sound, is the largest tribe of the West coast.' Mayne's B. C., p. 251.

The Kycucut, 'north of Nootka Sound, is the largest tribe on the West Coast.' Mayne's B. C., p. 251.

The Aitizzarts are 'a people living about thirty or forty miles to the Northward' of Nootka Sound. Jewitt's Nar., pp. 63, 77. 297

The Aitizzarts are "a group of people living around thirty or forty miles to the north" of Nootka Sound. Jewitt's Nar., pp. 63, 77. 297

The Ahts live on the west coast of the island. 'The localities inhabited by the Aht tribes are, chiefly, the three large Sounds on the west coast of Vancouver Island, called Nitinaht (or Barclay) Klahohquaht, and Nootkah.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 10.

The Ahts live on the west coast of the island. The areas where the Aht tribes primarily reside are the three major sounds on the west coast of Vancouver Island, known as Nitinaht (or Barclay), Klahohquaht, and Nootkah. Sproat's Scenes, p. 10.

The Chicklezahts and Ahazats inhabit districts in close proximity on the west coast of Vancouver. Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 41.

The Chicklezahts and Ahazats live in nearby areas on the west coast of Vancouver. Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 41.

The Clayoquots, or Klahohquahts, live at Clayoquot Sound, and the Moouchats at Nootka Sound. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 22, 25. North of the Wickininish. Jewitt's Nar., p. 76.

The Clayoquots, also known as Klahohquahts, reside at Clayoquot Sound, while the Moouchats are located at Nootka Sound. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 22, 25. North of the Wickininish. Jewitt's Nar., p. 76.

The Toquahts are a people 'whose village is in a dreary, remote part of Nitinaht (or Barclay) Sound.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 104.

The Toquahts are a group of people 'whose village is in a bleak, isolated area of Nitinaht (or Barclay) Sound.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 104.

The Seshats live at Alberni, Barclay Sound. Sproat's Scenes, p. 3.

The Seshats live in Alberni, Barclay Sound. Sproat's Scenes, p. 3.

The Pacheenas, or 'Pacheenetts, which I have included in Barclay Sound, also inhabit Port San Juan.' Mayne's B. C., p. 251.

The Pacheenas, or 'Pacheenetts,' which I’ve included in Barclay Sound, also live in Port San Juan. Mayne's B. C., p. 251.

The Tlaoquatch occupy the south-western part of Vancouver. 'Den Südwesten der Quadra- und Vancouver-Insel nehmen die Tlaoquatch ein, deren Sprache mit der vom Nutka-Sunde verwandt ist.' Buschmann, Brit. Nordamer., p. 372. Tlaoquatch, or Tloquatch, on 'the south-western coast of Vancouver's Island.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 188.

The Tlaoquatch live in the southwestern part of Vancouver. 'The Tlaoquatch inhabit the southwestern part of Quadra and Vancouver Island, whose language is related to that of the Nootka Sound.' Buschmann, Brit. Nordamer., p. 372. Tlaoquatch, or Tloquatch, on 'the southwestern coast of Vancouver Island.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 188.

The Sokes dwell 'between Victoria and Barclay Sound.' Mayne's B. C., p. 251. 'East point of San Juan to the Songes territory.' Findlay's Directory, p. 392.

The Sokes live 'between Victoria and Barclay Sound.' Mayne's B. C., p. 251. 'From the east point of San Juan to the Songes territory.' Findlay's Directory, p. 392.

The Wickinninish live about two hundred miles south of Nootka. Jewitt's Nar., p. 76.

The Wickinninish live around two hundred miles south of Nootka. Jewitt's Nar., p. 76.

The Songhies are 'a tribe collected at and around Victoria.' Mayne's B. C., p. 243. 'The Songhish tribe, resident near Victoria.' Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 430. Songes, 'S.E. part of the island.' Findlay's Directory, p. 391.

The Songhies are 'a tribe located at and around Victoria.' Mayne's B. C., p. 243. 'The Songhish tribe, living near Victoria.' Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 430. Songes, 'S.E. part of the island.' Findlay's Directory, p. 391.

The Sanetch dwell 'sixty miles N.W. of Mount Douglas.' Findlay's Directory, p. 391.

The Sanetch live 'sixty miles northwest of Mount Douglas.' Findlay's Directory, p. 391.

The Cowichins live 'in the harbour and valley of Cowitchen, about 40 miles north of Victoria.' Mayne's B. C., p. 243. 'Cowichin river, which falls into that (Haro) canal about 20 miles N. of Cowichin Head, and derives its name from the tribe of Indians which inhabits the neighbouring country.' Douglas, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxiv., p. 246. Kawitchin, 'country N.W. of Sanetch territory to the entrance of Johnson's Straits.' Findlay's Directory, p. 391. 'North of Fraser's River, and on the opposite shores of Vancouver's Island.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 224. 'North of Fraser's River, on the north-west coast.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 91.

The Cowichins live 'in the harbor and valley of Cowitchen, about 40 miles north of Victoria.' Mayne's B. C., p. 243. 'The Cowichin River flows into that (Haro) canal about 20 miles north of Cowichin Head and gets its name from the tribe of Indians that inhabit the nearby area.' Douglas, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxiv., p. 246. Kawitchin, 'the area northwest of Sanetch territory to the entrance of Johnson's Straits.' Findlay's Directory, p. 391. 'North of Fraser's River and on the opposite shores of Vancouver Island.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 224. 'North of Fraser's River, on the northwest coast.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 91.

The Comux, or Komux, 'live on the east coast between the Kowitchan and the Quoquoulth tribes.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 311. Comoux, south of Johnston Straits. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 488; Kane's Wand., end of vol. The Comoux 'extend as far as Cape Mudge.' Mayne's B. C., p. 243.

The Comux, or Komux, live on the east coast between the Kowitchan and the Quoquouth tribes. Sproat's Scenes, p. 311. Comoux, located south of Johnston Straits. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 488; Kane's Wand., end of vol. The Comoux extend as far as Cape Mudge. Mayne's B. C., p. 243.

The Kwantlums dwell about the mouth of the Fraser. 'At and about the entrance of the Fraser River is the Kuantlun tribe: they live in villages which extend along the banks of the river as far as Langley.' Mayne's B. C., pp. 243, 295.

The Kwantlums live near the mouth of the Fraser. 'At the entrance of the Fraser River is the Kuantlun tribe: they reside in villages that stretch along the riverbanks all the way to Langley.' Mayne's B. C., pp. 243, 295.

The Teets live on the lower Frazer River. 'From the falls (of the Fraser) downward to the seacoast, the banks of the river are inhabited by several 298 branches of the Haitlin or Teet tribe.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 73. 'Extending from Langley to Yale, are the Smess, Chillwayhook, Pallalts, and Teates.... The Smess Indians occupy the Smess River and lake, and the Chillwayhooks the river and lake of that name.' Mayne's B. C., p. 295. Teate Indians. See Bancroft's Map of Pac. States.

The Teets live on the lower Fraser River. 'From the falls of the Fraser down to the coast, the riverbanks are home to several 298 branches of the Haitlin or Teet tribe.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 73. 'Extending from Langley to Yale, there are the Smess, Chillwayhook, Pallalts, and Teates.... The Smess people occupy the Smess River and lake, while the Chillwayhooks live by the river and lake of that name.' Mayne's B. C., p. 295. Teate Indians. See Bancroft's Map of Pac. States.

The Nanaimos are 'gathered about the mouth of the Fraser.' Mayne's B. C., p. 243.—Chiefly on a river named the Nanaimo, which falls into Wentuhuysen Inlet. Douglas, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxiv., p. 247.

The Nanaimos are 'located at the mouth of the Fraser.' Mayne's B. C., p. 243.—Mainly on a river called the Nanaimo, which flows into Wentuhuysen Inlet. Douglas, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxiv., p. 247.

The Squawmishts 'live in Howe Sound.' Mayne's B. C., p. 243.

The Squawmishts live in Howe Sound. Mayne's B. C., p. 243.

The Sechelts live on Jervis Inlet. Mayne's B. C., pp. 243-4.

The Sechelts live on Jervis Inlet. Mayne's B. C., pp. 243-4.

The Clahoose, or Klahous, 'live in Desolation Sound.' Mayne's B. C., pp. 243-4.

The Clahoose, or Klahous, 'live in Desolation Sound.' Mayne's B. C., pp. 243-4.

The Nanoose 'inhabit the harbour and district of that name, which lies 50 miles north of Nanaimo.' Mayne's B. C., p. 243.

The Nanoose live in the harbor and area of the same name, located 50 miles north of Nanaimo. Mayne's B. C., p. 243.

The Tacultas, or Tahcultahs, live at Point Mudge on Valdes Island. Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 155.

The Tacultas, or Tahcultahs, live at Point Mudge on Valdes Island. Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 155.

The Ucletas are found 'at and beyond Cape Mudge.' 'They hold possession of the country on both sides of Johnstone Straits until met 20 or 30 miles south of Fort Rupert by the Nimpkish and Mamalilacullas.' Mayne's B. C., p. 244. Yougletats—'Une partie campe sur l'ile Vancouver elle-même, le reste habite sur le continent, au nord de la Rivière Fraser.' De Smet, Miss. de l'Orégon, p. 340. Yongletats, both on Vancouver Island, and on the mainland above the Fraser River. Bolduc, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1845, tom. cviii., pp. 366-7.

The Ucletas are located 'at and beyond Cape Mudge.' 'They occupy the land on both sides of Johnstone Straits until they encounter the Nimpkish and Mamalilacullas about 20 or 30 miles south of Fort Rupert.' Mayne's B. C., p. 244. Yougletats—'Some camp on Vancouver Island itself, while the rest live on the mainland, north of the Fraser River.' De Smet, Miss. de l'Orégon, p. 340. Yongletats, found both on Vancouver Island and on the mainland above the Fraser River. Bolduc, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1845, tom. cviii., pp. 366-7.

The Nimkish are 'at the mouth of the Nimpkish river, about 15 miles below Fort Rupert.' Mayne's B. C., p. 249; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 158.

The Nimkish are located 'at the mouth of the Nimpkish river, about 15 miles below Fort Rupert.' Mayne's B. C., p. 249; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 158.

The Necultas and Queehanicultas dwell at the entrance of Johnston Straits. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 488; Kane's Wand., end of vol.

The Necultas and Queehanicultas live at the entrance of Johnston Straits. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 488; Kane's Wand., end of vol.

The Quackolls and 'two smaller tribes, live at Fort Rupert.' Mayne's B. C., pp. 244, 249. 'On the north-east side of Vancouver's Island, are to be found the Coquilths.' Cornwallis' N. El Dorado, p. 98. Coquilths, a numerous tribe living at the north-east end. Dunn's Oregon, p. 239. The Cogwell Indians live around Fort Rupert. Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 68.

The Quackolls and two smaller tribes live at Fort Rupert. Mayne's B. C., pp. 244, 249. On the northeast side of Vancouver Island, you can find the Coquilths. Cornwallis' N. El Dorado, p. 98. The Coquilths are a large tribe living at the northeast end. Dunn's Oregon, p. 239. The Cogwell Indians live around Fort Rupert. Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 68.

The Newittees 'east of Cape Scott ... meet the Quawguults at Fort Rupert.' Mayne's B. C., p. 251. Neweetg, 'at N.W. entrance of Johnson's Straits.' Findlay's Directory, p. 391. 'At the northern extremity of the island the Newette tribe.' Cornwallis' N. El Dorado, p. 98. Newchemass came to Nootka 'from a great way to the Northward, and from some distance inland.' Jewitt's Nar., p. 77.

The Newittees located east of Cape Scott ... meet the Quawguults at Fort Rupert. Mayne's B. C., p. 251. Neweetg, 'at the northwest entrance of Johnson's Straits.' Findlay's Directory, p. 391. 'At the northern tip of the island, the Newette tribe.' Cornwallis' N. El Dorado, p. 98. Newchemass arrived in Nootka 'from far to the north and from some distance inland.' Jewitt's Nar., p. 77.

The Saukaulutucks inhabit the interior of the northern end of Vancouver Island. Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 158. 'At the back of Barclay Sound, ... about two days' journey into the interior, live the only inland tribe.... They are called the Upatse Satuch, and consist only of four families.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 287.

The Saukaulutucks live in the northern interior of Vancouver Island. Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 158. 'Behind Barclay Sound, ... roughly two days' journey into the interior, there's the only inland tribe.... They are known as the Upatse Satuch and are made up of just four families.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 287.

THE SOUND FAMILY.

THE SOUND FAMILY.

The Sound Family includes all the tribes about Puget Sound and Admiralty Inlet, occupying all of Washington west of the Cascade Range, except a narrow strip along the north bank of the Columbia. In locating the nations of this family I begin with the extreme north-east, follow the eastern 299 shores of the sound southward, the western shores northward, and the coast of the Pacific southward to Gray Harbor. List of tribes between Olympia and Nawaukum River. 'Staktamish, Squaks'namish, Sehehwamish, Squalliamish, Puyallupamish, S'homamish, Suquamish, Sinahomish, Snoqualmook, Sinaahmish, Nooklummi.' Tolmie, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 251; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 434. A canadian trapper found the following tribes between Fort Nisqually and Fraser River; 'Sukwámes, Sunahúmes, Tshikátstat, Puiále, and Kawítshin.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 220-1. Cheenales, west; Cowlitz, south; and Nisqually, east of Puget Sound. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 200, map.

The Sound Fam includes all the tribes around Puget Sound and Admiralty Inlet, covering all of Washington west of the Cascade Range, except for a narrow strip along the north bank of the Columbia. In identifying the nations of this family, I start from the far northeast, follow the eastern shores of the sound southward, the western shores northward, and the Pacific coast southward to Gray Harbor. Here’s the list of tribes between Olympia and Nawaukum River: 'Staktamish, Squaks'namish, Sehehwamish, Squalliamish, Puyallupamish, S'homamish, Suquamish, Sinahomish, Snoqualmook, Sinaahmish, Nooklummi.' Tolmie, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 251; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 434. A Canadian trapper found the following tribes between Fort Nisqually and Fraser River: 'Sukwámes, Sunahúmes, Tshikátstat, Puiále, and Kawítshin.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 220-1. Cheenales to the west; Cowlitz to the south; and Nisqually to the east of Puget Sound. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 200, map.

The Shimiahmoos occupy the 'coast towards Frazer's river.' 'Between Lummi Point and Frazer's River.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 247, 250. 'Most northern tribe on the American side of the line.' Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 433; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 491.

The Shimiahmoos live along the 'coast near Frazer's river.' 'Between Lummi Point and Frazer's River.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 247, 250. 'The most northern tribe on the American side of the border.' Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 433; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 491.

The Lummis 'are divided into three bands—a band for each mouth of the Lummi River.' Fitzhugh, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 327. 'On the northern shore of Bellingham Bay.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 244. 'Lummi river, and peninsula.' Id., p. 250. 'On a river emptying into the northern part of Bellingham bay and on the peninsula.' Id., p. 247, and in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 433.

The Lummis are split into three groups—one for each mouth of the Lummi River. Fitzhugh, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 327. 'On the northern shore of Bellingham Bay.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 244. 'Lummi River and peninsula.' Id., p. 250. 'On a river flowing into the northern part of Bellingham Bay and on the peninsula.' Id., p. 247, and in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 433.

The Nooksaks are 'on the south fork of the Lummi River.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1851, p. 250. Nooksâhk, 'on the main fork of the river.' Id., p. 247. Nooksáhk, 'above the Lummi, on the main fork of the river.' Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 433. 'South fork Lummi river.' Id., p. 435. Nootsaks 'occupy the territory from the base of Mount Baker down to within five miles of the mouth of the Lummi.' Coleman, in Harper's Mag., vol. xxxix., p. 799. Neuksacks 'principally around the foot of Mount Baker.' Fitzhugh, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 328. The Neukwers and Siamanas, or Stick Indians 'live on lakes back of Whatcom and Siamana lakes and their tributaries.' Id., p. 329. Three tribes at Bellingham Bay, Neuksack, Samish, and Lummis, with some Neukwers and Siamanas who live in the back country. Id., p. 326. Neuksacks, a tribe inhabiting a country drained by the river of the same name ... taking the name Lummi before emptying into the Gulf of Georgia. Simmons, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1860, p. 188. Nooklummie, 'around Bellingham's bay.' Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 389; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 714.

The Nooksaks are 'on the south fork of the Lummi River.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1851, p. 250. Nooksâhk, 'on the main fork of the river.' Id., p. 247. Nooksáhk, 'above the Lummi, on the main fork of the river.' Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 433. 'South fork Lummi river.' Id., p. 435. Nootsaks 'occupy the territory from the base of Mount Baker down to within five miles of the mouth of the Lummi.' Coleman, in Harper's Mag., vol. xxxix., p. 799. Neuksacks 'principally around the foot of Mount Baker.' Fitzhugh, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 328. The Neukwers and Siamanas, or Stick Indians 'live on lakes behind Whatcom and Siamana lakes and their tributaries.' Id., p. 329. Three tribes at Bellingham Bay, Neuksack, Samish, and Lummis, with some Neukwers and Siamanas who live in the back country. Id., p. 326. Neuksacks, a tribe living in an area drained by the river of the same name ... taking the name Lummi before it flows into the Gulf of Georgia. Simmons, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1860, p. 188. Nooklummie, 'around Bellingham's bay.' Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 389; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 714.

The Samish live on Samish River and southern part of Bellingham Bay. Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 247, 250. 'They have several islands which they claim as their inheritance, together with a large scope of the main land.' Fitzhugh, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 327.

The Samish live along the Samish River and in the southern part of Bellingham Bay. Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 247, 250, stated, "They have several islands that they claim as their heritage, along with a large expanse of the mainland." Fitzhugh, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 327.

The Skagits 'live on the main around the mouth of Skagit river, and own the central parts of Whidby's island, their principal ground being the neighborhood of Penn's cove.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 433, and in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 246. Whidby's Island 'is in the possession of the Sachet tribe.' Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 300. The Sachets inhabit Whidby's Island. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 510. Sachets, 'about Possession Sound.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 143. Skadjets, 'on both sides of the Skadjet river, and on the north end of Whidby's Island.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 701; Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 388. The Skagit, 'on 300 Skagit river, and Penn's cove,' the N'quachamish, Smalèhhu, Miskaiwhu, Sakuméhu, on the branches of the same river. Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 250; Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 435. Sockamuke, 'headwaters of Skagit River,' Neutubvig, 'north end of Whidby's Island, and county between Skagit's river and Bellingham's bay.' Cowewachin, Noothum, Miemissouks, north to Frazer River. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 598.

The Skagits live primarily around the mouth of the Skagit River and claim the central areas of Whidbey Island, with their main territory being near Penn's Cove. Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 433, and in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 246. Whidbey Island 'is occupied by the Sachet tribe.' Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 300. The Sachets reside on Whidbey Island. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 510. Sachets are 'around Possession Sound.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 143. Skagits are 'on both sides of the Skagit River and at the north end of Whidbey Island.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 701; Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 388. The Skagit are 'along the Skagit River and Penn's Cove,' as well as the N'quachamish, Smalèhhu, Miskaiwhu, Sakuméhu, located on the river's branches. Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 250; Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 435. Sockamuke is at the 'headwaters of the Skagit River,' Neutubvig is at the 'north end of Whidbey Island and the area between the Skagit River and Bellingham Bay.' Cowewachin, Noothum, Miemissouks extend north to the Fraser River. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 598.

The Kikiallis occupy the banks of 'Kikiallis river and Whitby's island.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 246, 250.

The Kikiallis live along the shores of the 'Kikiallis River and Whitby's Island.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 246, 250.

The Skeysehamish dwell in the 'country along the Skeysehamish river and the north branch of the Sinahemish.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 701; Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 388.

The Skeysehamish live in the area along the Skeysehamish river and the north branch of the Sinahemish. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 701; Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 388.

The Snohomish reside on 'the southern end of Whidby's island, and the country on and near the mouth of the Sinahomish river.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 432, 435. The Sinahemish 'live on the Sinahemish river (falling into Possession Sound).' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 701; Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 388. 'Sinahoumez (en 12 tribus) de la rivière Fraser à la baie de Puget.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'N'quutlmamish, Skywhamish, Sktahlejum, upper branches, north side, Sinahomish river.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 245, 250. Neewamish, 'Neewamish river, bay and vicinity;' Sahmamish, 'on a lake between Neewamish and Snohomish river;' Snohomish, 'South end of Whitney's Island, Snohomish river, bay and vicinity;' Skeawamish, 'north fork of the Snohomish river, called Skeawamish river;' Skuckstanajumps, 'Skuckstanajumps river, a branch of Skeawamish river;' Stillaquamish, 'Stillaquamish river and vicinity;' Kickuallis, 'mouth of Kickuallis river and vicinity.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 598. Stoluchwámish, on Stoluchwámish river, also called Steilaquamish. Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 432, 435, also in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 246, 250. Squinámish, Swodámish, Sinaahmish, 'north end of Whitby's island, canoe passage, and Sinamish river.' Id., pp. 247, 250. 'Southern end of Whidby's island and Sinahomish river.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 432-3.

The Snohomish live at the southern end of Whidbey Island, and in the area around the mouth of the Snohomish River. Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 432, 435. The Snohomish 'reside along the Snohomish River (which flows into Possession Sound).' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 701; Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 388. 'Snohomish (in 12 tribes) from the Fraser River to Puget Sound.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'N'quutlmamish, Skywhamish, Sktahlejum, upper branches, north side of the Snohomish River.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 245, 250. Neewamish, 'Neewamish River, bay, and nearby areas;' Sahmamish, 'on a lake between Neewamish and Snohomish Rivers;' Snohomish, 'south end of Whitby's Island, Snohomish River, bay, and nearby areas;' Skeawamish, 'north fork of the Snohomish River, known as Skeawamish River;' Skuckstanajumps, 'Skuckstanajumps River, a branch of Skeawamish River;' Stillaquamish, 'Stillaquamish River and surrounding areas;' Kickuallis, 'mouth of Kickuallis River and surrounding areas.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 598. Stoluchwámish, on Stoluchwámish River, also known as Steilaquamish. Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 432, 435, also in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 246, 250. Squinámish, Swodámish, and Sinaahmish, located at 'north end of Whitby's Island, canoe passage, and Snohomish River.' Id., pp. 247, 250. 'Southern end of Whidby's Island and Snohomish River.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 432-3.

The Snoqualmooks 'reside on the south fork, north side of the Sinahomish river.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 436, and in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 250. Snoqualimich, 'Snoqualimich river and the south branch of the Sinahemish.' Harley, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 701; Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 388.

The Snoqualmooks live on the south fork, on the north side of the Sinahomish river. Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 436, and in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 250. Snoqualimich, 'Snoqualimich river and the south branch of the Sinahemish.' Harley, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 701; Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 388.

The Dwamish are 'living on and claiming the lands on the D'Wamish river.' Paige, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 329. Dwamish River and Lake, White and Green Rivers. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 491. On D'wamish lake etc. ... reside the Samamish and S'Ketehlmish tribes. 'The D'wamish tribe have their home on Lake Fork, D'Wamish river.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 432, 436. Dwamish, 'Lake Fork, Dwamish River;' Samamish, S'Ketéhlmish, 'Dwamish Lake;' Smelkámiah, 'Head of White River;' Skopeáhmish, 'Head of Green River;' Stkámish, 'main White River.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 250.

The Dwamish are "living on and claiming the lands along the D'Wamish River." Paige, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 329. Dwamish River and Lake, White and Green Rivers. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 491. At D'wamish Lake, etc. ... the Samamish and S'Ketehlmish tribes reside. "The D'wamish tribe have their home at Lake Fork, D'Wamish River." Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 432, 436. Dwamish, "Lake Fork, Dwamish River;" Samamish, S'Ketéhlmish, "Dwamish Lake;" Smelkámiah, "Head of White River;" Skopeáhmish, "Head of Green River;" Stkámish, "main White River." Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 250.

The Skopeahmish have their home at the 'head of Green river.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 436. The Sekamish band 'on the main White river;' the Smulkamish tribe 'at the head of White river.' Ib. 301

The Skopeahmish live at the 'head of Green River.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 436. The Sekamish band is 'on the main White River;' the Smulkamish tribe is 'at the head of White River.' Ib. 301

The Seattles, a tribe of the Snowhomish nation, occupied as their principal settlement, 'a slight eminence near the head of what is now known as Port Madison Bay.' Overland Monthly, 1870, vol. iv., p. 297.

The Seattles, a tribe of the Snohomish nation, lived in their main settlement on 'a slight rise near the beginning of what is now called Port Madison Bay.' Overland Monthly, 1870, vol. iv., p. 297.

The Suquamish 'claim all the land lying on the west side of the Sound, between Apple Tree cove on the north, and Gig harbor on the south.' Paige, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 329. Soquamish, 'country about Port Orchard and neighbourhood, and the west side of Widby's Island.' Harley, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 700; Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 388. 'Peninsula between Hood's canal and Admiralty inlet.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 250, and in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 435. Snoquamish, 'Port Orchard, Elliott's Bay, and their vicinity.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 598. Shomamish, 'on Vashon's Island.' Ib. 'Vashon's Island.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 250. S'slomamish, 'Vaston's island.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 435. 'The Indians frequenting this port (Orchard) call themselves the Jeachtac tribe.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 510.

The Suquamish claim all the land on the west side of the Sound, between Apple Tree Cove to the north and Gig Harbor to the south. Paige, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 329. The Soquamish area includes the country around Port Orchard and the west side of Whidbey Island. Harley, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 700; Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 388. The peninsula is located between Hood's Canal and Admiralty Inlet. Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 250, and in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 435. The Snoquamish area includes Port Orchard, Elliott's Bay, and nearby regions. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 598. The Shomamish are found on Vashon's Island. Ib. 'Vashon's Island.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 250. The S'slomamish are from Vashon's Island. Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 435. The Indigenous people frequenting this port (Orchard) call themselves the Jeachtac tribe. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 510.

The Puyallupamish live 'at the mouth of Puyallup river;' T'quaquamish, 'at the heads of Puyallup river.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 250, and in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 435. Squallyamish and Pugallipamish, 'in the country about Nesqually, Pugallipi, and Sinnomish rivers.' Harley, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 701; Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 388. Puallipawmish or Pualliss, 'on Pualliss river, bay, and vicinity.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 598. Puyyallapamish, 'Puyallop River.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 491.

The Puyallupamish live 'at the mouth of the Puyallup River;' T'quaquamish, 'at the headwaters of the Puyallup River.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 250, and in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 435. Squallyamish and Pugallipamish, 'in the area around the Nisqually, Pugallipi, and Sinnomish rivers.' Harley, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 701; Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 388. Puallipawmish or Pualliss, 'on Pualliss River, bay, and surrounding area.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 598. Puyyallapamish, 'Puyallop River.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 491.

The Nisquallies, or Skwall, 'inhabit the shores of Puget's Sound.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 211. 'Nesquallis, de la baie de Puget à la pointe Martinez.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. Nasqually tribes, 'Nasqually River and Puget's Sound.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hudson Bay, p. 81. Squallyamish, 'at Puget Sound.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 177. The Squalliahmish are composed of six bands, and have their residence on Nisqually River and vicinity. Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 435. Squallyamish or Nisqually, Nisqually River and vicinity. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 598. Fort Nisqually is frequented by the 'Squallies, the Clallams, the Paaylaps, the Scatchetts, the Checaylis,' and other tribes. Simpson's Overland Journey, vol. i., p. 181.

The Nisquallies, or Skwall, 'live along the shores of Puget Sound.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 211. 'Nesquallis, from Puget Bay to Martinez Point.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. Nasqually tribes, 'Nasqually River and Puget Sound.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hudson Bay, p. 81. Squallyamish, 'at Puget Sound.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 177. The Squalliahmish consist of six bands and live on the Nisqually River and surrounding areas. Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 435. Squallyamish or Nisqually, Nisqually River and surrounding areas. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 598. Fort Nisqually is often visited by the 'Squallies, the Clallams, the Paaylaps, the Scatchetts, the Checaylis,' and other tribes. Simpson's Overland Journey, vol. i., p. 181.

The Steilacoomish dwell on 'Stalacom Creek;' Loquamish, 'Hood's Reef.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 491. Stitcheosawmish, 'Budd's inlet and South bay,' in the vicinity of Olympia. Id., vol. iv., p. 598. Steilacoomamish, 'Steilacoom creek and vicinity.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 250, and in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 435.

The Steilacoomish live by 'Stalacom Creek;' Loquamish, 'Hood's Reef.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 491. Stitcheosawmish, 'Budd's Inlet and South Bay,' near Olympia. Id., vol. iv., p. 598. Steilacoomamish, 'Steilacoom Creek and surrounding area.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 250, and in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 435.

The Sawamish have their residence on 'Totten's inlet.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 435. Sayhaymamish, 'Totten inlet.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 598. 'Srootlemamish, Quackenamish at Case's inlet.' Ib. Quáks'namish, 'Case's inlet;' S'Hotlemamish, 'Carr's inlet;' Sahéhwamish, 'Hammersly's inlet;' Sawámish, 'Totten's inlet;' Squaiaitl, 'Eld's inlet;' Stéhchasámish, 'Budd's inlet;' Noosehchatl, 'South bay.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 250.

The Sawamish live at 'Totten's Inlet.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 435. Sayhaymamish, 'Totten Inlet.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 598. 'Srootlemamish, Quackenamish at Case's Inlet.' Ib. Quáks'namish, 'Case's Inlet;' S'Hotlemamish, 'Carr's Inlet;' Sahéhwamish, 'Hammersly's Inlet;' Sawámish, 'Totten's Inlet;' Squaiaitl, 'Eld's Inlet;' Stéhchasámish, 'Budd's Inlet;' Noosehchatl, 'South Bay.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 250.

The Skokomish live at the upper end of Hood Canal. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 598; Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 244, 250. Töanhooch 302 and Shokomish on Hood's Canal. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 491. Tuanoh and Skokomish 'reside along the shores of Hood's Canal.' Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 388. Toankooch, 'western shore of Hood's canal. They are a branch of the Nisqually nation.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 244; Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 431. Tuanooch, 'mouth of Hood's Canal.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 598. 'The region at the head of Puget Sound is inhabited by a tribe called the Toandos.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 140. Homamish, Hotlimamish, Squahsinawmish, Sayhaywamish, Stitchassamish, 'reside in the country from the Narrows along the western shore of Puget's Sound to New Market.' Mitchell and Harley, in Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 388.

The Skokomish live at the north end of Hood Canal. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 598; Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 244, 250. Töanhooch 302 and Shokomish on Hood's Canal. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 491. Tuanoh and Skokomish 'live along the shores of Hood's Canal.' Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 388. Toankooch, 'western shore of Hood's Canal.' They are a part of the Nisqually nation.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 244; Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 431. Tuanooch, 'mouth of Hood's Canal.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 598. 'The area at the head of Puget Sound is occupied by a tribe called the Toandos.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 140. Homamish, Hotlimamish, Squahsinawmish, Sayhaywamish, Stitchassamish, 'live in the region from the Narrows along the western shore of Puget's Sound to New Market.' Mitchell and Harley, in Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 388.

The Noosdalums, or Nusdalums, 'dwell on Hood's Channel.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 135. 'Die Noosdalum, wohnen am Hood's-Canal;' Buschmann, Brit. Nordamer., p. 373. 'Noostlalums, consist of eleven tribes or septs living about the entrance of Hood's canal, Dungeness, Port Discovery, and the coast to the westward.' Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 388; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 700.

The Noosdalums, or Nusdalums, 'live on Hood's Channel.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 135. 'Die Noosdalum, wohnen am Hood's-Canal;' Buschmann, Brit. Nordamer., p. 373. 'Noostlalums, consist of eleven tribes or families living near the entrance of Hood's canal, Dungeness, Port Discovery, and the coast to the west.' Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 388; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 700.

The Chimakum, or Chinakum, 'territory seems to have embraced the shore from Port Townsend to Port Ludlow.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 242-244. 'On Port Townsend Bay.' Id., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 431, 435; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 598.

The Chimakum, or Chinakum, 'territory appears to have taken over the shore from Port Townsend to Port Ludlow.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 242-244. 'On Port Townsend Bay.' Id., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 431, 435; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 598.

The Clallams, or Clalams, are 'about Port Discovery.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 143. 'Their country stretches along the whole southern shore of the Straits to between Port Discovery and Port Townsend.' Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 429; Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 242, 244. Southern shore of the Straits of Fuca east of the Classets. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 220. At Port Discovery. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 319. Sklallum, 'between Los Angelos and Port Townsend.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 598. Sklallams, 'at Cape Flattery.' Id., vol. v., p. 491. 'Scattered along the strait and around the bays and bights of Admiralty Inlet, upon a shoreline of more than a hundred miles.' Scammon, in Overland Monthly, 1871, vol. vii., p. 278. 'S'Klallams, Chemakum, Toanhooch, Skokomish, and bands of the same, taking names from their villages, ... and all residing on the shores of the straits of Fuca and Hood's Canal.' Webster, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, p. 407. Kahtai, Kaquaith, and Stehllum, at Port Townsend, Port Discovery, and New Dungeness. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 491; Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 249. Stentlums at New Dungeness. Id., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 435.

The Clallams, or Clalams, are 'about Port Discovery.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 143. 'Their territory runs along the entire southern shore of the Straits, from between Port Discovery and Port Townsend.' Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 429; Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 242, 244. Southern shore of the Straits of Fuca east of the Classets. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 220. At Port Discovery. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 319. Sklallum, 'between Los Angeles and Port Townsend.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 598. Sklallams, 'at Cape Flattery.' Id., vol. v., p. 491. 'Scattered along the strait and around the bays and bights of Admiralty Inlet, along a shoreline of over a hundred miles.' Scammon, in Overland Monthly, 1871, vol. vii., p. 278. 'S'Klallams, Chemakum, Toanhooch, Skokomish, and related bands, named after their villages,... all living on the shores of the Straits of Fuca and Hood's Canal.' Webster, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, p. 407. Kahtai, Kaquaith, and Stehllum, at Port Townsend, Port Discovery, and New Dungeness. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 491; Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 249. Stentlums at New Dungeness. Id., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 435.

INDIANS OF THE COAST OF WASHINGTON.

INDIANS OF THE COAST OF WASHINGTON.

The Makahs, or Classets, dwell about Cape Flattery. Macaw, 'Cape Flattery to Neah Bay.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 598. Pistchin, 'Neah Bay to Los Angelos Point.' Ib. 'Country about Cape Flattery, and the coast for some distance to the southward, and eastward to the boundary of the Halam or Noostlalum lands.' Id., vol. v., p. 700; Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 241, 249; Hale, in Id., 1862, p. 390; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 429, 435. 'At Neah Bay or Waadda, and its vicinity.' Simmons, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 231. Tatouche, a tribe of the Classets. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 516. Classets 'reside on the south side of the Straits of Fuca.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 220; 303 Mitchell and Harley, in Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 388. Tatouche or Classets, 'between the Columbia and the strait of Fuca.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 143. 'Clatset tribe.' Cornwallis' N. El Dorado, p. 97. 'Classets, on the Strait of Fuca.' Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 30; Stevens' Address, p. 10. Makahs, 'inhabiting a wild broken peninsula circumscribed by the river Wyatch, the waters of the Strait and the Pacific.' Scammon, in Overland Monthly, 1871, vol. vii., p. 277. Klaizzarts, 'living nearly three hundred miles to the South' of Nootka Sound. Jewitt's Nar., p. 75. The Elkwhahts have a village on the strait. Sproat's Scenes, p. 153.

The Makahs, or Classets, live near Cape Flattery. Macaw, 'Cape Flattery to Neah Bay.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 598. Pistchin, 'Neah Bay to Los Angelos Point.' Ib. 'Area around Cape Flattery, and the coast extending southward and eastward to the boundary of the Halam or Noostlalum lands.' Id., vol. v., p. 700; Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 241, 249; Hale, in Id., 1862, p. 390; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 429, 435. 'At Neah Bay or Waadda, and its surrounding area.' Simmons, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 231. Tatouche, a tribe of the Classets. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 516. Classets 'reside on the south side of the Straits of Fuca.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 220; 303 Mitchell and Harley, in Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 388. Tatouche or Classets, 'between the Columbia River and the Strait of Fuca.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 143. 'Clatset tribe.' Cornwallis' N. El Dorado, p. 97. 'Classets, on the Strait of Fuca.' Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 30; Stevens' Address, p. 10. Makahs, 'living on a rugged peninsula surrounded by the Wyatch River, the waters of the Strait, and the Pacific Ocean.' Scammon, in Overland Monthly, 1871, vol. vii., p. 277. Klaizzarts, 'living nearly three hundred miles south' of Nootka Sound. Jewitt's Nar., p. 75. The Elkwhahts have a village on the strait. Sproat's Scenes, p. 153.

List of tribes between Columbia River and Cape Flattery on the Coast; Calasthocle, Chillates, Chiltz, Clamoctomichs, Killaxthocles, Pailsh, Potoashs, Quieetsos, Quinnechart, Quiniülts. Morse's Rept., p. 371.

List of tribes between the Columbia River and Cape Flattery on the Coast: Calasthocle, Chillates, Chiltz, Clamoctomichs, Killaxthocles, Pailsh, Potoashs, Quieetsos, Quinnechart, Quiniülts. Morse's Rept., p. 371.

The Quillehute and Queniult, or Quenaielt, 'occupy the sea-coast between Ozelt or old Cape Flattery, on the north, and Quinaielt river on the south.' Simmons, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1860, p. 195. Quinaielt, Quillehuté, Queets, and Hoh, live on the Quinaielt river and ocean. Smith, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 21. The Queniult live 'at Point Grenville.' Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 210. 'On the banks of a river of the same name.' Id., p. 78. The Wilapahs 'on the Wilapah River.' Id., p. 211. The Copalis 'on the Copalis River, eighteen miles north of Gray's Harbor.' Id., p. 210. Quinaitle, north of Gray's Harbor. Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 249. Quinaik, 'coast from Gray's harbor northward.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 435. Ehihalis, Quinailee, Grey's Harbor and north. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 490. South of the Classets along the coast come the Quinnechants, Calasthortes, Chillates, Quinults, Pailsk, etc. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 428. The Kaliouches and Konnichtchates, spoken of as dwelling on Destruction Island and the neighboring main. Tarakanov, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1823, tom. xx., p. 336, et seq.

The Quillehute and Queniult, or Quenaielt, 'live along the coast between Ozelt, or old Cape Flattery, in the north, and the Quinaielt River in the south.' Simmons, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1860, p. 195. Quinaielt, Quillehuté, Queets, and Hoh, reside along the Quinaielt River and the ocean. Smith, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 21. The Queniult are located 'at Point Grenville.' Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 210. 'On the banks of a river of the same name.' Id., p. 78. The Wilapahs 'on the Wilapah River.' Id., p. 211. The Copalis 'on the Copalis River, eighteen miles north of Gray's Harbor.' Id., p. 210. Quinaitle, north of Gray's Harbor. Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 249. Quinaik, 'coast from Gray's Harbor northward.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 435. Ehihalis, Quinailee, Gray's Harbor and north. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 490. South of the Classets along the coast are the Quinnechants, Calasthortes, Chillates, Quinults, Pailsk, etc. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 428. The Kaliouches and Konnichtchates are noted as living on Destruction Island and the surrounding mainland. Tarakanov, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1823, tom. xx., p. 336, et seq.

The Chehalis, or Chickeeles, 'inhabit the country around Gray's Harbour.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 140. On the Chehalis river. Nesmith, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1867, p. 8. Frequent also Shoalwater Bay. Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 240, 249. On the Cowelits. 'Among the Tsihailish are included the Kwaiantl and Kwenaiwitl ... who live near the coast, thirty or forty miles south of Cape Flattery.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 211-12. 'In the vicinity of the mouth of the Columbia.' Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113. 'Chekilis, et Quinayat. Près du havre de Gray et la rivière Chekilis.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335; Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 210; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 435; Starling, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 599. 'A quarante milles au nord, (from the Columbia) le long de la côte, habitent les Tchéilichs.' Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. x., p. 90. The Whiskkah and Wynooche tribes on the northern branches of the Chihailis. Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 240. Sachals 'reside about the lake of the same name, and along the river Chickeeles.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 140.

The Chehalis, or Chickeeles, "live in the area around Gray's Harbour." Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 140. On the Chehalis river. Nesmith, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1867, p. 8. Also frequently found in Shoalwater Bay. Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 240, 249. On the Cowelits. "Among the Tsihailish are the Kwaiantl and Kwenaiwitl... who live near the coast, thirty or forty miles south of Cape Flattery." Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 211-12. "In the area near the mouth of the Columbia." Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113. "Chekilis, et Quinayat. Near the harbor of Gray and the Chekilis river." Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335; Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 210; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 435; Starling, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 599. "A forty miles north, (from the Columbia) along the coast, live the Tchéilichs." Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. x., p. 90. The Whiskkah and Wynooche tribes on the northern branches of the Chihailis. Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 240. Sachals "live around the lake of the same name, and along the Chickeeles river." Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 140.

The Cowlitz live on the upper Cowlitz River. Occupy the middle of the peninsula which lies west of Puget Sound and north of the Columbia. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 211. On the Cowlitz River. The 304 Taitinapams have their abode at the base of the mountains on the Cowlitz. Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 435; and in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 240, 249; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 599, vol. v., p. 490. Cowlitsick, 'on Columbia river, 62 miles from its mouth.' Morse's Rept., p. 368. There are three small tribes in the vicinity of the Cowlitz Farm, 'the Cowlitz, the Checaylis and the Squally.' Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 179. The Staktomish live 'between Nisqually and Cowlitz and the head waters of Chehaylis river.' Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 389; Harley, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 701.

The Cowlitz people live along the upper Cowlitz River. They occupy the middle of the peninsula located west of Puget Sound and north of the Columbia River. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 211. On the Cowlitz River. The 304 Taitinapams have their home at the base of the mountains by the Cowlitz. Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 435; and in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 240, 249; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 599, vol. v., p. 490. Cowlitsick is located 'on the Columbia River, 62 miles from its mouth.' Morse's Rept., p. 368. There are three small tribes near the Cowlitz Farm: 'the Cowlitz, the Checaylis, and the Squally.' Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 179. The Staktomish reside 'between Nisqually and Cowlitz and near the headwaters of the Chehaylis River.' Am. Quar. Register, vol. iii., p. 389; Harley, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 701.

THE CHINOOK FAMILY.

THE CHINOOK FAMILY.

The Chinook Family includes, according to my division, all the tribes of Oregon west of the Cascade Range, together with those on the north bank of the Columbia river. The name has usually been applied only to the tribes of the Columbia Valley up to the Dalles, and belonged originally to a small tribe on the north bank near the mouth. 'The nation, or rather family, to which the generic name of Chinook has attached, formerly inhabited both banks of the Columbia River, from its mouth to the Grand Dalles, a distance of about a hundred and seventy miles.' 'On the north side of the river, first the Chinooks proper (Tchi-nuk), whose territory extended from Cape Disappointment up the Columbia to the neighborhood of Gray's Bay (not Gray's Harbor, which is on the Pacific), and back to the northern vicinity of Shoalwater Bay, where they interlocked with the Chihalis of the coast.' Gibbs' Chinook Vocab., pp. iii., iv. The name Watlalas or Upper Chinooks 'properly belongs to the Indians at the Cascades,' but is applied to all 'from the Multnoma Island to the Falls of the Columbia.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 214-5. 'The principal tribes or bands were the Wakaíkam (known as the Wahkyekum), the Katlámat (Cathlamet), the Tshinuk (Chinook), and the Tlatsap (Clatsop).' Ib. 'The natives, who dwell about the lower parts of the Columbia, may be divided into four tribes—the Clotsops, who reside around Point Adams, on the south side; ... the Chinooks; Waakiacums; and the Cathlamets; who live on the north side of the river, and around Baker's Bay and other inlets.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 114. The tribes may be classed: 'Chinooks, Clatsops, Cathlamux, Wakicums, Wacalamus, Cattleputles, Clatscanias, Killimux, Moltnomas, Chickelis.' Ross' Adven., p. 87. Tribes on north bank of the Columbia from mouth; Chilts, Chinnook, Cathlamah, Wahkiakume, Skillute, Quathlapotle. Lewis and Clarke's Map. 'All the natives inhabiting the southern shore of the Straits (of Fuca), and the deeply indented territory as far as and including the tide-waters of the Columbia, may be comprehended under the general term of Chinooks.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 25. 'The Chenook nation resides along upon the Columbia river, from the Cascades to its confluence with the ocean.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 261. 'Inhabiting the lower parts of the Columbia.' Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 110. 'Hauts-Tchinouks, près des cascades du Rio Colombia. Tchinouks d'en bas, des Cascades jusqu'à la mer, Bas-Tchinouks.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 335, 350-1. 'On the right bank of the Columbia.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 40. The Cheenooks and Kelussuyas, 4 tribes, live at 'Pillar Rock, Oak Point, the Dallas, the Cascades, Cheate River, Takama River, on the Columbia.' 'Cheenooks, Clatsops and several tribes near the 305 entrance of the Columbia River.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 81. Upper and Lower Chinooks on the Columbia River, Lower Chinooks at Shoalwater Bay. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 490. Chinooks, 'north of the Columbia.' Id., p. 492. 'Upper Chinooks, five bands, Columbia River, above the Cowlitz. Lower Chinooks, Columbia River below the Cowlitz, and four other bands on Shoalwater Bay.' Stevens, in Id., p. 703. 'Mouth of Columbia river, north side, including some 50 miles interior.' Emmons, in Id., vol. iii., p. 201. The Chinnooks 'reside chiefly along the banks of a river, to which we gave the same name; and which, running parallel to the sea coast ... empties itself into Haley's Bay.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 425, and map; Irving's Astoria, p. 335. 'To the south of the mouth of the Columbia.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 15. 'Chenooks on the Columbia.' Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 210. North side of the Columbia. Morse's Report, p. 368; Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 286. Tshinuk south of the Columbia at mouth. Watlala on both sides of the river from the Willamette to Dalles. They properly belong to the Indians at the Cascades. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 214-5, and map, p. 197. Banks of the Columbia from Dalles to the mouth. Farnham's Trav., p. 85. The upper Chinooks were the Shalala and Echeloots of Lewis and Clarke. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417. In the vicinity of the mouth of the Columbia, there are, besides the Chinooks, the Klickatacks, Cheehaylas, Naas, and many other tribes. Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113.

The Chinook Family includes, in my view, all the tribes of Oregon west of the Cascade Range, along with those on the north bank of the Columbia River. The name has typically been used only for the tribes of the Columbia Valley up to the Dalles, and originally referred to a small tribe on the north bank near the mouth. 'The nation, or more accurately, the family that the name Chinook refers to, used to inhabit both banks of the Columbia River, from its mouth to the Grand Dalles, covering about one hundred seventy miles.' 'On the north side of the river, there were the Chinooks proper (Tchi-nuk), whose territory extended from Cape Disappointment up the Columbia to near Gray's Bay (not Gray's Harbor, which is on the Pacific), and back to the northern area of Shoalwater Bay, where they bordered the Chihalis of the coast.' Gibbs' Chinook Vocab., pp. iii., iv. The name Watlalas or Upper Chinooks 'technically belongs to the Indians at the Cascades,' but it is applied to all 'from Multnoma Island to the Falls of the Columbia.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 214-5. 'The main tribes or bands were the Wakaíkam (known as the Wahkyekum), the Katlámat (Cathlamet), the Tshinuk (Chinook), and the Tlatsap (Clatsop).' Ib. 'The natives living around the lower Columbia can be divided into four tribes—the Clatsops, who live around Point Adams on the south side; ... the Chinooks; Waakiacums; and the Cathlamets; who live on the north side of the river, around Baker's Bay and other inlets.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 114. The tribes can be categorized as: 'Chinooks, Clatsops, Cathlamux, Wakicums, Wacalamus, Cattleputles, Clatscanias, Killimux, Moltnomas, Chickelis.' Ross' Adven., p. 87. Tribes on the north bank of the Columbia from the mouth include; Chilts, Chinnook, Cathlamah, Wahkiakume, Skillute, Quathlapotle. Lewis and Clarke's Map. 'All the natives living along the southern shore of the Straits (of Fuca), and the deeply indented territory all the way to and including the tide-waters of the Columbia, can be referred to as Chinooks.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 25. 'The Chenook nation lives along the Columbia River, from the Cascades to where it meets the ocean.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 261. 'Inhabiting the lower parts of the Columbia.' Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 110. 'Hauts-Tchinouks, near the cascades of the Columbia River. Tchinouks from the Cascades to the sea, Bas-Tchinouks.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 335, 350-1. 'On the right bank of the Columbia.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 40. The Cheenooks and Kelussuyas, 4 tribes, live at 'Pillar Rock, Oak Point, the Dalles, the Cascades, Cheate River, Takama River, along the Columbia.' 'Cheenooks, Clatsops and several tribes near the entrance of the Columbia River.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 81. Upper and Lower Chinooks on the Columbia River, Lower Chinooks around Shoalwater Bay. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 490. Chinooks, 'north of the Columbia.' Id., p. 492. 'Upper Chinooks, five bands, Columbia River, above the Cowlitz. Lower Chinooks, Columbia River below the Cowlitz, and four other bands on Shoalwater Bay.' Stevens, in Id., p. 703. 'Mouth of the Columbia River, north side, covering about 50 miles inland.' Emmons, in Id., vol. iii., p. 201. The Chinnooks 'mainly live along the banks of a river, which shares their name; and which, running parallel to the coastline ... flows into Haley's Bay.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 425, and map; Irving's Astoria, p. 335. 'To the south of the mouth of the Columbia.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 15. 'Chenooks on the Columbia.' Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 210. North side of the Columbia. Morse's Report, p. 368; Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 286. Tshinuk south of the Columbia at the mouth. Watlala on both sides of the river from the Willamette to Dalles. They properly belong to the Indians at the Cascades. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 214-5, and map, p. 197. Banks of the Columbia from the Dalles to the mouth. Farnham's Trav., p. 85. The upper Chinooks were the Shalala and Echeloots of Lewis and Clarke. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417. Near the mouth of the Columbia, besides the Chinooks, there are the Klickatacks, Cheehaylas, Naas, and many other tribes. Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113.

'The Flathead Indians are met with on the banks of the Columbia River, from its mouth eastward to the Cascades, a distance of about 150 miles; they extend up the Walhamette River's mouth about thirty or forty miles, and through the district between the Walhamette and Fort Astoria.' Kane's Wand., p. 173. 'The Flatheads are a very numerous people, inhabiting the shores of the Columbia River, and a vast tract of country lying to the south of it.' Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 108. 'The Cathlascon tribes, which inhabit the Columbia River.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 225. Cathlascos on the Columbia River, S. side 220 miles from its mouth. Morse's Rept., p. 368.

'The Flathead Indians are found along the banks of the Columbia River, stretching from its mouth eastward to the Cascades, a distance of about 150 miles; they extend up the mouth of the Walhamette River by about thirty or forty miles, and through the area between the Walhamette and Fort Astoria.' Kane's Wand., p. 173. 'The Flatheads are a very large group of people who live along the shores of the Columbia River, as well as in a vast area of land to the south of it.' Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 108. 'The Cathlascon tribes, which inhabit the Columbia River.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 225. Cathlascos on the Columbia River, south side, 220 miles from its mouth. Morse's Rept., p. 368.

Shoalwater Bay Indians: Whilapah on Whilapah river; Necomanchee, or Nickomin, on Nickomin river, flowing into the east side of the bay; Quelaptonlilt, at the mouth of Whilapah river; Wharhoots, at the present site of Bruceport; Querqueltin, at the mouth of a creek; Palux, on Copalux or Palux river; Marhoo, Nasal, on the Peninsula. Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 211. 'Karweewee, or Artsmilsh, the name of the Shoalwater Bay tribes.' Id., p. 210. Along the coast north of the Columbia are the Chinnooks, Killaxthockle, Chilts, Clamoitomish, Potoashees, etc. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 428. Quillequeoquas at Shoalwater Bay. Map in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 200. Kwalhioqua, north of the Columbia near the mouth. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 204, and map, p. 197. Klatskanai, 'on the upper waters of the Nehalem, a stream running into the Pacific, on those of Young's River, and one bearing their own name, which enters the Columbia at Oak Point.' Gibbs' Chinook Vocab., p. iv. Willopahs, 'on the Willopah River, and the head of the Chihalis.' Ib.

Shoalwater Bay Indians: Whilapah on the Whilapah River; Necomanchee, or Nickomin, on the Nickomin River, flowing into the east side of the bay; Quelaptonlilt at the mouth of the Whilapah River; Wharhoots, at the current site of Bruceport; Querqueltin, at the mouth of a creek; Palux, on the Copalux or Palux River; Marhoo, Nasal, on the Peninsula. Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 211. 'Karweewee, or Artsmilsh, the name of the Shoalwater Bay tribes.' Id., p. 210. Along the coast north of the Columbia are the Chinnooks, Killaxthockle, Chilts, Clamoitomish, Potoashees, etc. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 428. Quillequeoquas at Shoalwater Bay. Map in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 200. Kwalhioqua, north of the Columbia near the mouth. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 204, and map, p. 197. Klatskanai, 'on the upper waters of the Nehalem, a stream running into the Pacific, on those of Young's River, and one bearing their own name, which enters the Columbia at Oak Point.' Gibbs' Chinook Vocab., p. iv. Willopahs, 'on the Willopah River, and the head of the Chihalis.' Ib.

The Chilts inhabit the 'coast to the northward of Cape Disappointment.' 306 Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 302. 'North of the mouth of the Columbia and Chealis rivers.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 261, and map. 'On the sea-coast near Point Lewis.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 401.

The Chilts live along the coast north of Cape Disappointment. 306 Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 302. 'North of the Columbia and Chehalis rivers.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 261, and map. 'On the coast close to Point Lewis.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 401.

Miscellaneous bands on the Columbia; Aleis, on the north side of the Columbia. Gass' Jour., p. 285. Cathlacumups 'on the main shore S.W. of Wappatoo Isl.' Morse's Rept., p. 371. Cathlakamaps, 'at the mouth of the Wallaumut.' Id., p. 368. Cathlanamenamens, 'On the island in the mouth of the Wallaumut.' Id., p. 368. Cathlanaquiahs, 'On the S.W. side of Wappatoo Isl.' Id., p. 371. Cathlapootle, eighty miles from mouth of the Columbia opposite the mouth of the Willamette. Id., p. 368. Calhlathlas, 'at the rapids, S. side.' Id., p. 368. Clahclellah, 'below the rapids.' Morse's Rept., p. 370. Clannarminnamuns, 'S.W. side of Wappatoo Isl.' Id., p. 371. Clanimatas, 'S.W. side of Wappatoo Isl.' Ib. Clockstar, 'S.E. side of Wappattoo Isl.' Ib. Cooniacs, 'of Oak Point (Kahnyak or Kukhnyak, the Kreluits of Franchère and Skilloots of Lewis and Clarke).' Gibbs' Chinook Vocab., p. iv. Hellwits, 'S. side 39 miles from mouth.' Morse's Rept., p. 368. Katlagakya, 'from the Cascades to Vancouver.' Framboise, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 255. Katlaminimim, on Multnomah Island. Ib. Katlaportl, river of same name, and right bank of Columbia for five miles above its mouth. Ib. Ketlakaniaks, at Oak Point, formerly united with Kolnit. Ib. Klakalama, between Kathlaportle and Towalitch rivers. Ib. Mamnit, 'Multnomah Isl.' Ib. Nechakoke, 'S. side, near Quicksand river, opposite Diamond Isl.' Morse's Rept., p. 370. Neerchokioon, south side above the Wallaumut river. Ib. Shalala at the grand rapids down to the Willamet. Ib. Quathlapotle, between the Cowlits and Chahwahnahinooks (Cathlapootle?) river. Lewis and Clarke's Map. Seamysty, 'at the mouth of the Towalitch River.' Framboise, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 255. Shoto, W. side back of a pond and nearly opposite the entrance of the Willamut. Morse's Rept., p. 370. Skillutes, 'about junction of Cowlitz.' Lewis and Clarke's Map. Skiloots on the Columbia on each side, from the lower part of the Columbia Valley as low as Sturgeon Island, and on both sides of the Coweliskee River. Morse's Rept., p. 371. Smockshop. Id., p. 370. Trile Kalets, near Fort Vancouver. Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 81. Wahclellah, 'below all the rapids.' Morse's Rept., p. 370. Wakamass, 'Deer's Isle to the lower branch of the Wallamat.' Framboise, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 255. Wyampams, at the narrows. Ross' Adven., pp. 117-19. Tchilouits on the Columbia, south bank, below the Cowlitz. Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. x., p. 112. Cathlâkaheckits and Cathlathlalas in vicinity of the Cascades. Id., tom. xii., 1821, p. 23.

Miscellaneous groups along the Columbia; Aleis, on the north side of the Columbia. Gass' Jour., p. 285. Cathlacumups 'on the main shore southwest of Wappatoo Island.' Morse's Rept., p. 371. Cathlakamaps, 'at the mouth of the Wallaumut.' Id., p. 368. Cathlanamenamens, 'on the island at the mouth of the Wallaumut.' Id., p. 368. Cathlanaquiahs, 'on the southwest side of Wappatoo Island.' Id., p. 371. Cathlapootle, eighty miles from the mouth of the Columbia, across from the mouth of the Willamette. Id., p. 368. Calhlathlas, 'at the rapids, south side.' Id., p. 368. Clahclellah, 'below the rapids.' Morse's Rept., p. 370. Clannarminnamuns, 'southwest side of Wappatoo Island.' Id., p. 371. Clanimatas, 'southwest side of Wappatoo Island.' Ib. Clockstar, 'southeast side of Wappatoo Island.' Ib. Cooniacs, 'of Oak Point (Kahnyak or Kukhnyak, the Kreluits of Franchère and Skilloots of Lewis and Clark).' Gibbs' Chinook Vocab., p. iv. Hellwits, 'south side, 39 miles from the mouth.' Morse's Rept., p. 368. Katlagakya, 'from the Cascades to Vancouver.' Framboise, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 255. Katlaminimim, on Multnomah Island. Ib. Katlaportl, river of the same name, and the right bank of the Columbia for five miles above its mouth. Ib. Ketlakaniaks, at Oak Point, previously united with Kolnit. Ib. Klakalama, between the Kathlaportle and Towalitch rivers. Ib. Mamnit, 'Multnomah Island.' Ib. Nechakoke, 'south side, near Quicksand River, across from Diamond Island.' Morse's Rept., p. 370. Neerchokioon, south side above the Wallaumut River. Ib. Shalala at the grand rapids down to the Willamette. Ib. Quathlapotle, between the Cowlits and Chahwahnahinooks (Cathlapootle?) river. Lewis and Clark's Map. Seamysty, 'at the mouth of the Towalitch River.' Framboise, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 255. Shoto, west side back of a pond and nearly opposite the entrance of the Willamut. Morse's Rept., p. 370. Skillutes, 'about the junction of the Cowlitz.' Lewis and Clark's Map. Skiloots on the Columbia on both sides, from the lower part of the Columbia Valley as low as Sturgeon Island, and on both sides of the Coweliskee River. Morse's Rept., p. 371. Smockshop. Id., p. 370. Trile Kalets, near Fort Vancouver. Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 81. Wahclellah, 'below all the rapids.' Morse's Rept., p. 370. Wakamass, 'Deer's Island to the lower branch of the Wallamat.' Framboise, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 255. Wyampams, at the narrows. Ross' Adven., pp. 117-19. Tchilouits on the Columbia, south bank, below the Cowlitz. Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. x., p. 112. Cathlâkaheckits and Cathlathlalas in the vicinity of the Cascades. Id., tom. xii., 1821, p. 23.

The Clatsops live on Point Adams. Hines' Voy., p. 88. 'South side of the (Columbia) river at its mouth.' Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., pp. 30, 286. 'Southern shore of the bay at the mouth of the Columbia, and along the seacoast on both sides of Point Adams.' Morton's Crania, p. 211; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 401, 426, and map. 12 miles from mouth, south side. Morse's Rept., p. 368. 'South side of the river.' Gass' Jour., p. 244. 'From near Tillamook Head to Point Adams and up the river to Tongue Point.' Gibbs' Chinook Vocab., p. iv. Klakhelnk, 'on Clatsop Point, commonly called Clatsops.' Framboise, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 255; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 201, vol. v., p. 492. 307

The Clatsops live at Point Adams. Hines' Voy., p. 88. 'On the south side of the (Columbia) River at its mouth.' Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., pp. 30, 286. 'On the southern shore of the bay at the mouth of the Columbia and along the coastline on both sides of Point Adams.' Morton's Crania, p. 211; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 401, 426, and map. 12 miles from the mouth, south side. Morse's Rept., p. 368. 'On the south side of the river.' Gass' Jour., p. 244. 'From near Tillamook Head to Point Adams and up the river to Tongue Point.' Gibbs' Chinook Vocab., p. iv. Klakhelnk, 'on Clatsop Point, commonly referred to as Clatsops.' Framboise, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 255; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 201, vol. v., p. 492. 307

COAST TRIBES OF OREGON.

Oregon Coast Tribes.

The Wakiakum, or 'Wakaikum, live on the right bank of the Columbia; on a small stream, called Cadet River.' Framboise, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 255. Wakiakums (Wakáiakum) 'towards Oak Point.' Gibbs' Chinook Vocab., p. iv. Wahkiacums, adjoining the Cathlamahs on the south-east and the Skilloots on the north-west. Lewis and Clarke's Map.. Waakicums, thirty miles from the mouth of the Columbia, north side. Morse's Rept., p. 368.

The Wakiakum, or 'Wakaikum, live on the right side of the Columbia River; on a small stream called Cadet River.' Framboise, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 255. Wakiakums (Wakáiakum) 'towards Oak Point.' Gibbs' Chinook Vocab., p. iv. Wahkiacums are next to the Cathlamahs to the southeast and the Skilloots to the northwest. Lewis and Clarke's Map. Waakicums are located thirty miles from the mouth of the Columbia, on the north side. Morse's Rept., p. 368.

The Cathlamets extend from Tongue Point to Puget's Island. Gibbs' Chinook Vocab., p. iv. 'Opposite the lower village of the Wahkiacums.' Irving's Astoria, p. 336. '30 miles from the mouth of Columbia.' Morse's Rept., p. 368. 'On a river of same name.' Framboise, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 255; Lewis and Clarke's Map.

The Cathlamets stretch from Tongue Point to Puget's Island. Gibbs' Chinook Vocab., p. iv. 'Across from the lower village of the Wahkiacums.' Irving's Astoria, p. 336. '30 miles from the mouth of the Columbia.' Morse's Report., p. 368. 'On a river with the same name.' Framboise, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 255; Lewis and Clarke's Map.

'Along the coast south of the Columbia river are the Clatsops, Killamucks, Lucktons, Kahunkle, Lickawis, Youkone, Necketo, Ulseah, Youitts, Shiastuckle, Killawats, Cookoose, Shalalahs, Luckasos, Hannakalals.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 427-8. 'Along the coast S. of Columbia river, and speak the Killamucks language,' Youicone, Neekeetoos, Ulseahs, Youitts, Sheastukles, Killawats, Cookkoooose, Shallalah, Luckkarso, Hannakallal. Morse's Rept., p. 371. Náélim, 'on a river on the sea-coast, 30 miles S. of Clatsop Point,' and the following tribes proceeding southward. Nikaas, Kowai, Neselitch, Tacóón, Aleya, Sayonstla, Kiliwatsal, Kaons, Godamyou (!), Stotonia, at the mouth of Coquin river. Framboise, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., pp. 255-6.

'Along the coast south of the Columbia River are the Clatsops, Killamucks, Lucktons, Kahunkle, Lickawis, Youkone, Necketo, Ulseah, Youitts, Shiastuckle, Killawats, Cookoose, Shalalahs, Luckasos, Hannakalals.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 427-8. 'Along the coast south of the Columbia River, and speak the Killamucks language,' Youicone, Neekeetoos, Ulseahs, Youitts, Sheastukles, Killawats, Cookkooose, Shallalah, Luckkarso, Hannakallal. Morse's Rept., p. 371. Náélim, 'on a river on the sea-coast, 30 miles south of Clatsop Point,' and the following tribes further south. Nikaas, Kowai, Neselitch, Tacóón, Aleya, Sayonstla, Kiliwatsal, Kaons, Godamyou (!), Stotonia, at the mouth of Coquin River. Framboise, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., pp. 255-6.

The Killamooks dwell along the coast southward from the mouth of the Columbia. 'Near the mouth of the Columbia.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 262. Callimix, '40 miles S. of Columbia.' Morse's Rept., p. 368. Killamucks, 'along the S.E. coast for many miles.' Id., p. 371. Tillamooks, 'along the coast from Umpqua River to the Neachesna, a distance of one hundred and twenty miles.' Palmer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 256, 259. Kilamukes, 'south and east of mouth of the Columbia, extending to the coast.' Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 201. Nsietshawus, or Killamuks, 'on the sea-coast south of the Columbia.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 211, and map, p. 197. 'Between the river Columbia and the Umpqua.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 81. 'Country about Cape Lookout.' Palmer's Jour., p. 105. 'On comprend sous le nom général de Killimous, les Indiens du sud du Rio Colombia, tels que les Nahelems, les Nikas, les Kaouais, les Alsiias, les Umquas, les Toutounis et les Sastés. Ces deux dernières peuplades se sont jusqu'à présent montrées hostiles aux caravanes des blancs.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 335, 357. Killamucks, next to the Clatsops. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 426. 'Callemeux nation.' Gass' Jour., p. 260. Callemax on the coast forty leagues south of the Columbia. Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., tom. x., p. 90.

The Killamooks live along the coast south of the Columbia River's mouth. 'Near the mouth of the Columbia.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 262. Callimix, '40 miles south of Columbia.' Morse's Rept., p. 368. Killamucks, 'along the southeastern coast for many miles.' Id., p. 371. Tillamooks, 'along the coast from Umpqua River to the Neachesna, a distance of one hundred and twenty miles.' Palmer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 256, 259. Kilamukes, 'south and east of the mouth of the Columbia, extending to the coast.' Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 201. Nsietshawus, or Killamuks, 'on the coast south of the Columbia.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 211, and map, p. 197. 'Between the Columbia River and the Umpqua.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 81. 'Country around Cape Lookout.' Palmer's Jour., p. 105. 'The general name Killimous includes the Indians south of the Columbia River, such as the Nahelems, the Nikas, the Kaouais, the Alsiias, the Umquas, the Toutounis, and the Sastés. The last two tribes have so far been hostile to white caravans.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 335, 357. Killamucks, next to the Clatsops. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 426. 'Callemeux nation.' Gass' Jour., p. 260. Callemax on the coast forty leagues south of the Columbia. Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., tom. x., p. 90.

The Lucktons are found 'adjoining the Killamucks, and in a direction S.S.E.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 427.

The Lucktons are located next to the Killamucks, heading S.S.E. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 427.

The Jakon, or Yakones, dwell south of the Killamooks on the coast. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 218, and map, p. 197.

The Jakon, or Yakones, live south of the Killamooks along the coast. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 218, and map, p. 197.

The Tlatskanai are farther inland than the Killamooks. Id., p. 204.

The Tlatskanai are located further inland than the Killamooks. Id., p. 204.

The Umpquas live 'on a river of that name.' Framboise, in Lond. Geog. Soc. 308 Jour., vol. ii., p. 256. 'In a valley of the same name. They are divided into six tribes; the Sconta, Chalula, Palakahu, Quattamya, and Chastà.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 262. Umbaquâs. Id., p. 262. 'Umpquas (3 tribus) sur la rivière de ce nom, et de la rivière aux Vaches.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'The Umkwa inhabit the upper part of the river of that name, having the Kalapuya on the north, the Lutuami (Clamets), on the east, and the Sainstkla between them and the sea.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 204, and map, p. 197. Two hundred and twenty-five miles south of the Columbia. Hines' Voy., p. 94. 'The country of the Umpquas is bounded east by the Cascade mountains, west by the Umpqua mountains and the ocean, north by the Calipooia mountains and south by Grave Creek and Rogue River mountains.' Palmer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 255; Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 201, vol. v., p. 492.

The Umpquas live 'on a river of that name.' Framboise, in Lond. Geog. Soc. 308 Jour., vol. ii., p. 256. 'In a valley of the same name. They are divided into six tribes: the Sconta, Chalula, Palakahu, Quattamya, and Chastà.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 262. Umbaquâs. Id., p. 262. 'Umpquas (3 tribes) on the river of that name, and from the river of Cows.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'The Umkwa live in the upper part of the river of that name, with the Kalapuya to the north, the Lutuami (Clamets) to the east, and the Sainstkla located between them and the sea.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 204, and map, p. 197. Two hundred and twenty-five miles south of the Columbia. Hines' Voy., p. 94. 'The Umpquas' territory is bordered to the east by the Cascade mountains, to the west by the Umpqua mountains and the ocean, to the north by the Calipooia mountains and to the south by Grave Creek and the Rogue River mountains.' Palmer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 255; Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 201, vol. v., p. 492.

The Saiustkla reside 'upon a small stream which falls into the sea just south of the Umqua River.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 221, map, p. 197. Sinselaw, 'on the banks of the Sinselaw river.' Harvey, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 80. Sayousla, 'near the mouth of Sayousla bay.' Brooks, in Id., 1862, p. 299. Saliutla, 'at the mouth of the Umbaquâ river.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 262.

The Saiustkla live by a small stream that flows into the sea just south of the Umqua River. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 221, map, p. 197. Sinselaw, along the banks of the Sinselaw River. Harvey, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 80. Sayousla, near the mouth of Sayousla Bay. Brooks, in Id., 1862, p. 299. Saliutla, at the mouth of the Umbaquâ River. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 262.

The Katlawotsetts include the Siuslaw and Alsea bands on Siuslaw River; the Scottsburg, Lower Umpqua, and Kowes Bay bands on Umpqua River. Drew, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 359. Kiliwatshat, 'at the mouth of the Umpqua.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 221.

The Katlawotsetts include the Siuslaw and Alsea groups along the Siuslaw River; the Scottsburg, Lower Umpqua, and Kowes Bay groups along the Umpqua River. Drew, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 359. Kiliwatshat, 'at the mouth of the Umpqua.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 221.

The Alseas, or Alseyas, live on Alsea Bay. Brooks, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, p. 299; Harvey, in Id., 1863, p. 80. Chocreleatan, 'at the forks of the Coquille river.' Quahtomahs, between Coquille River and Port Orford. Nasomah, 'near the mouth of the Coquille River.' Parrish, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 287.

The Alseas, or Alseyas, reside on Alsea Bay. Brooks, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, p. 299; Harvey, in Id., 1863, p. 80. Chocreleatan, 'at the forks of the Coquille River.' Quahtomahs, located between Coquille River and Port Orford. Nasomah, 'near the mouth of the Coquille River.' Parrish, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 287.

NATIVES OF THE WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

Natives of the Willamette Valley.

Willamette Valley Nations: 'The nations who inhabit this fertile neighbourhood are very numerous. The Wappatoo inlet extends three hundred yards wide, for ten or twelve miles to the south, as far as the hills near which it receives the waters of a small creek, whose sources are not far from those of the Killamuck river. On that creek resides the Clackstar nation, a numerous people of twelve hundred souls, who subsist on fish and wappatoo, and who trade by means of the Killamuck river, with the nation of that name on the sea-coast. Lower down the inlet, towards the Columbia, is the tribe called Cathlacumup. On the sluice which connects the inlet with the Multnomah, are the tribes Cathlanahquiah and Cathlacomatup; and on Wappatoo island, the tribes of Clannahminamun and Clahnaquah. Immediately opposite, near the Towahnahiooks, are the Quathlapotles, and higher up, on the side of the Columbia, the Shotos. All these tribes, as well as the Cathlahaws, who live somewhat lower on the river, and have an old village on Deer island, may be considered as parts of the great Multnomah nation, which has its principal residence on Wappatoo island, near the mouth of the large river to which they give their name. Forty miles above its junction with the Columbia, it receives the waters of the Clackamos, a river which may be traced through a woody and fertile country to its sources in Mount Jefferson, almost to the foot of which it is navigable for canoes. A nation 309 of the same name resides in eleven villages along its borders: they live chiefly on fish and roots, which abound in the Clackamos and along its banks, though they sometimes descend to the Columbia to gather wappatoo, where they cannot be distinguished by dress or manners, or language, from the tribes of Multnomahs. Two days' journey from the Columbia, or about twenty miles beyond the entrance of the Clackamos, are the falls of the Multnomah. At this place are the permanent residences of the Cushooks and Chaheowahs, two tribes who are attracted to that place by the fish, and by the convenience of trading across the mountains and down Killamuck river, with the nation of Killamucks, from whom they procure train oil. These falls were occasioned by the passage of a high range of mountains; beyond which the country stretches into a vast level plain, wholly destitute of timber. As far as the Indians, with whom we conversed, had ever penetrated that country, it was inhabited by a nation called Calahpoewah, a very numerous people, whose villages, nearly forty in number, are scattered along each side of the Multnomah, which furnish them with their chief subsistence, fish, and the roots along its banks.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 507-8. Calapooyas, Moolallels, and Clackamas in the Willamette Valley. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 200, map. Cathlakamaps at the mouth of the Ouallamat; Cathlapoutles opposite; Cathlanaminimins on an island a little higher up; Mathlanobes on the upper part of the same island; Cathlapouyeas just above the falls; the Cathlacklas on an eastern branch farther up; and still higher the Chochonis. Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. x., pp. 115, 117.

Willamette Valley Nations: 'The nations living in this fertile area are quite numerous. The Wappatoo inlet is about three hundred yards wide and stretches for ten to twelve miles to the south, reaching the hills where it picks up the waters of a small creek that starts not far from the Killamuck river. The Clackstar nation, a large group of twelve hundred people, lives along that creek. They rely on fish and wappatoo for food and trade via the Killamuck river with the nation of that name on the coast. Further down the inlet, toward the Columbia, is the Cathlacumup tribe. The sluice connecting the inlet with the Multnomah is home to the tribes Cathlanahquiah and Cathlacomatup; on Wappatoo island live the Clannahminamun and Clahnaquah tribes. Directly across from them, near the Towahnahiooks, are the Quathlapotles, and further up the Columbia, the Shotos reside. All these tribes, including the Cathlahaws who live a bit lower on the river and have an old village on Deer island, are considered parts of the larger Multnomah nation, which mainly resides on Wappatoo island near the mouth of the river they are named after. Forty miles above where it joins the Columbia, the river takes in the waters of the Clackamos, which flows through a wooded and fertile region to its sources near Mount Jefferson, where it is navigable for canoes almost up to the mountain. A nation of the same name lives in eleven villages along its banks; they primarily survive on fish and roots that are plentiful in the Clackamos and along its shores, although they also go down to the Columbia to collect wappatoo, where they cannot be told apart by clothing, customs, or language from the Multnomah tribes. About twenty miles beyond the entrance of the Clackamos, which is a two-day journey from the Columbia, lie the falls of the Multnomah. This area is home to the Cushooks and Chaheowahs, two tribes drawn here by the abundance of fish and the ease of trading across the mountains and down the Killamuck river with the Killamuck nation, from whom they obtain train oil. These falls were formed by a high mountain range; beyond them, the land opens into a vast flat plain devoid of trees. According to the Indians we spoke with, the only group they knew of in this area was the Calahpoewah nation, a very large people whose nearly forty villages are spread out on either side of the Multnomah, which provides them with their main food sources of fish and roots along its banks.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 507-8. Calapooyas, Moolallels, and Clackamas in the Willamette Valley. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 200, map. Cathlakamaps at the mouth of the Ouallamat; Cathlapoutles opposite; Cathlanaminimins on an island a little further up; Mathlanobes on the upper part of the same island; Cathlapouyeas just above the falls; the Cathlacklas on an eastern branch further up; and even higher the Chochonis. Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. x., pp. 115, 117.

The Cathlathlas live '60 miles from the mouth of the Wallaumut.' Morse's Rept., p. 368.

The Cathlathlas live 60 miles from the mouth of the Wallaumut. Morse's Rept., p. 368.

The Cloughewallhah are 'a little below the falls.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 177.

The Cloughewallhah are "a little below the falls." Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 177.

The Katlawewalla live 'at the falls of the Wallamat.' Framboise, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 256.

The Katlawewalla live 'at the falls of the Wallamat.' Framboise, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 256.

The Leeshtelosh occupy the 'headwaters of the Multnomah.' Hunter's Captivity, p. 73.

The Leeshtelosh live in the 'headwaters of the Multnomah.' Hunter's Captivity, p. 73.

The Multnomahs (or Mathlanobs) dwell 'at upper end of the island in the mouth of the Wallaumut.' Morse's Rept., p. 368.

The Multnomahs (or Mathlanobs) live 'at the upper end of the island in the mouth of the Wallaumut.' Morse's Rept., p. 368.

The Nemalquinner lands are 'N.E. side of the Wallaumut river, 3 miles above its mouth.' Morse's Rept., p. 370.

The Nemalquinner lands are located on the northeast side of the Wallaumut River, 3 miles upstream from where it meets the ocean. Morse's Rept., p. 370.

The Newaskees extend eastward of the headwaters of the Multnomah, on a large lake. Hunter's Captivity, p. 73.

The Newaskees stretch east of the sources of the Multnomah, around a large lake. Hunter's Captivity, p. 73.

The Yamkallies dwell 'towards the sources of the Wallamut River.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 225.

The Yamkallies live "near the sources of the Wallamut River." Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 225.

The Calapooyas live in the upper Willamette Valley. Callipooya, 'Willamette Valley.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 492, vol. iii., p. 201. Kalapuya, 'above the falls.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 217. Callawpohyeaas, Willamette tribes sixteen in number. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 108. Calapooah, seventeen tribes on the Willamette and its branches. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 261. Callappohyeaass nation consists of Wacomeapp, Nawmooit, Chillychandize, Shookany, Coupé, Shehees, Longtonguebuff, Lamalle, and Pecyou tribes. Ross' Adven., pp. 236-6. Kalapooyahs, 'on the shores of the Oregon.' Morton's Crania, p. 213. 'Willamat 310 Plains.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 225. Kalapuyas, 'above the falls of the Columbia.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 36. '50 miles from the mouth of the Wallaumut, W. side.' Morse's Rept., p. 368. Vule Puyas, Valley of the Willamette. Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 81.

The Calapooyas live in the upper Willamette Valley. Callipooya, 'Willamette Valley.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 492, vol. iii., p. 201. Kalapuya, 'above the falls.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 217. Callawpohyeaas, Willamette tribes, sixteen in total. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 108. Calapooah, seventeen tribes located around the Willamette and its branches. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 261. The Callappohyeaass nation consists of the Wacomeapp, Nawmooit, Chillychandize, Shookany, Coupé, Shehees, Longtonguebuff, Lamalle, and Pecyou tribes. Ross' Adven., pp. 236-6. Kalapooyahs, 'on the shores of Oregon.' Morton's Crania, p. 213. 'Willamat 310 Plains.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 225. Kalapuyas, 'above the falls of the Columbia.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 36. '50 miles from the mouth of the Wallaumut, W. side.' Morse's Rept., p. 368. Vule Puyas, Valley of the Willamette. Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 81.

The Clackamas are on the 'Clackama River.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 492. 'Clakemas et Kaoulis, sur le Ouallamet et la rivière Kaoulis.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'Valley of the Clakamus and the Willamuta Falls.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 81. Klackamas, 'three miles below the falls.' Hines' Voy., p. 144. Clackamis. Palmer's Jour., p. 84. Clarkamees. Morse's Rept., p. 372. Clackamus. Lewis and Clarke's Map.

The Clackamas are located on the 'Clackama River.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 492. 'Clakemas et Kaoulis, on the Ouallamet and the Kaoulis River.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'Valley of the Clakamus and the Willamuta Falls.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 81. Klackamas, 'three miles below the falls.' Hines' Voy., p. 144. Clackamis. Palmer's Jour., p. 84. Clarkamees. Morse's Rept., p. 372. Clackamus. Lewis and Clarke's Map.

The Mollales are found in 'Willamettee Valley.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 492. 'At the mouth of the Wallamet, and the Wapatoo Islands.' Tucker's Oregon, p. 71. 'Upon the west side of the Willamette and opposite Oregon City.' Palmer's Jour., p. 84.

The Mollales are found in the Willamette Valley. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 492. "At the mouth of the Willamette and the Wapatoo Islands." Tucker's Oregon, p. 71. "On the west side of the Willamette and opposite Oregon City." Palmer's Jour., p. 84.

THE SHUSHWAP FAMILY.

THE SHUSHWAP FAMILY.

The Shushwap Family comprises all the inland tribes of British Columbia, south of lat. 52° 30´.

The Shuswap Family includes all the inland tribes of British Columbia, located south of latitude 52° 30´.

The Atnahs, Strangers, Niccoutamuch, or Shushwaps proper, inhabit the Fraser and Thompson valleys. 'At Spuzzum ... a race very different both in habits and language is found. These are the Nicoutamuch, or Nicoutameens, a branch of a widely-extended tribe. They, with their cognate septs, the Atnaks, or Shuswapmuch, occupy the Frazer River from Spuzzum to the frontier of that part of the country called by the Hudson Bay Company New Caledonia, which is within a few miles of Fort Alexandria.' Mayne's B. C., p. 296. 'Shushwaps of the Rocky Mountains inhabit the country in the neighbourhood of Jasper House, and as far as Tête Jaune Cache on the western slope. They are a branch of the great Shushwap nation who dwell near the Shushwap Lake and grand fork of the Thompson River in British Columbia.' Thompson River and Lake Kamloops. Milton and Cheadle's Northw. Pass., pp. 241, 335. 'On the Pacific side, but near the Rocky Mountains, are the Shoushwaps who, inhabiting the upper part of Frazer's River, and the north fork of the Columbia.' Blakiston, in Palliser's Explor., p. 44. 'The Shooshaps live below the Sinpauelish Indians.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 313. 'The Shushwaps possess the country bordering on the lower part of Frazer's River, and its branches.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 205. The Atnahs or Soushwap, 'live in the country on the Fraser's and Thompson's Rivers.' 'They were termed by Mackenzie the Chin tribe.' (See p. 251, note 141 of this vol.) Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 427; Buschmann, Brit. Nordamer., p. 320. Shooshaps, south of the Sinpavelist. De Smet, Voy., pp. 50-1. 'The Atnah, or Chin Indian country extends about one hundred miles,' from Fort Alexander. Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 361. Shooshewaps inhabit the region of the north bend of the Columbia, in 52°. Atnahs, in the region of the Fraser and Thompson rivers. Macdonald's Lecture on B. C., p. 10; Hector, in Palliser's Explor., p. 27. 'The Shewhapmuch (Atnahs of Mackenzie) ... occupy the banks of Thompson's River; and along Frazer's River from the Rapid village, twenty miles below Alexandria, 311 to the confluence of these two streams. Thence to near the falls the tribe bears the name of Nicutemuch.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 76.

The Atnahs, Strangers, Niccoutamuch, or Shushwaps proper, live in the Fraser and Thompson valleys. 'At Spuzzum ... a group very different in both customs and language can be found. These are the Nicoutamuch, or Nicoutameens, a branch of a widely spread tribe. They, along with their related groups, the Atnaks, or Shuswapmuch, occupy the Fraser River from Spuzzum to the border of the area referred to by the Hudson Bay Company as New Caledonia, which is just a few miles from Fort Alexandria.' Mayne's B. C., p. 296. 'Shushwaps of the Rocky Mountains live in the area near Jasper House and as far as Tête Jaune Cache on the western slope. They are a branch of the large Shushwap nation who reside near Shushwap Lake and the grand fork of the Thompson River in British Columbia.' Thompson River and Lake Kamloops. Milton and Cheadle's Northw. Pass., pp. 241, 335. 'On the Pacific side, but close to the Rocky Mountains, are the Shoushwaps who inhabit the upper part of Fraser's River and the north fork of the Columbia.' Blakiston, in Palliser's Explor., p. 44. 'The Shooshaps live below the Sinpauelish Indians.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 313. 'The Shushwaps inhabit the area along the lower section of Fraser's River and its tributaries.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 205. The Atnahs or Soushwap, 'live in the area along Fraser's and Thompson's Rivers.' 'They were referred to by Mackenzie as the Chin tribe.' (See p. 251, note 141 of this vol.) Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 427; Buschmann, Brit. Nordamer., p. 320. Shooshaps, south of the Sinpavelist. De Smet, Voy., pp. 50-1. 'The Atnah, or Chin Indian area extends about one hundred miles from Fort Alexander.' Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 361. Shooshewaps inhabit the northern bend of the Columbia, at 52°. Atnahs, in the area of the Fraser and Thompson rivers. Macdonald's Lecture on B. C., p. 10; Hector, in Palliser's Explor., p. 27. 'The Shewhapmuch (Atnahs of Mackenzie) ... occupy the banks of Thompson's River; and along Fraser's River from Rapid village, twenty miles below Alexandria, 311 to where these two streams meet. From there to near the falls, the tribe is called Nicutemuch.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 76.

'The Stta Llimuh, natives of Anderson Lake, speak a dialect of the Sheswap language.' Skowhomish, in the same vicinity. McKay, in B. C. Papers, vol. ii., p. 32.

'The Stta Llimuh, who are from Anderson Lake, speak a dialect of the Sheswap language.' Skowhomish, in the same area. McKay, in B. C. Papers, vol. ii., p. 32.

'The Loquilt Indians have their home in the winter on Lake Anderson, and the surrounding district, whence they descend to the coast in Jervis Inlet in the summer.' Mayne's B. C., p. 299.

'The Loquilt Indians spend their winters at Lake Anderson and the surrounding area, then head down to the coast in Jervis Inlet during the summer.' Mayne's B. C., p. 299.

The Kamloops dwell about one hundred and fifty miles north-west of Okanagan. Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 156.

The Kamloops live about one hundred fifty miles northwest of Okanagan. Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 156.

The Clunsus are east of Fraser River, between Yale and latitude 50°; Skowtous, on the fiftieth parallel south of Lake Kamloops and west of Lake Okanagan; Sockatcheenum, east of Fraser and north of 51°. Bancroft's Map of Pac. States.

The Clunsus are east of the Fraser River, between Yale and latitude 50°; Skowtous, on the fiftieth parallel south of Lake Kamloops and west of Lake Okanagan; Sockatcheenum, east of the Fraser and north of 51°. Bancroft's Map of Pac. States.

The Kootenais live in the space bounded by the Columbia River, Rocky Mountains, and Clarke River. The Kitunaha, Coutanies, or Flatbows, 'wander in the rugged and mountainous tract enclosed between the two northern forks of the Columbia. The Flat-bow River and Lake also belong to them.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 204-5, map, p. 297. 'Inhabit the country extending along the foot of the Rocky mountains, north of the Flatheads, for a very considerable distance, and are about equally in American and in British territory.' Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 416. Kootoonais, 'on McGillivray's River, the Flat Bow Lake, etc.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 82. Kootonais, on 'or about the fiftieth parallel at Fort Kootonie, east of Fort Colville.' Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 138. 'Between the Rocky Mountains, the Upper Columbia and its tributary the Killuspeha or Pend'oreille, and watered by an intermediate stream called the Kootanais River is an angular piece of country peopled by a small, isolated tribe bearing the same name as the last-mentioned river, on the banks of which they principally live.' Mayne's B. C., p. 297. The lands of the Cottonois 'lie immediately north of those of the Flatheads.' Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 70. Kutanàe, Kútani, Kitunaha, Kutneha, Coutanies, Flatbows, 'near the sources of the Mary River, west of the Rocky Mountains.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 98. 'Inhabit a section of country to the north of the Ponderas, along M'Gillivray's river.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 312. 'Koutanies ou Arcs-Plats, Près du fort et du lac de ce nom.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'In the Kootanie Valley.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 178. Kootonays, south of the Shushwaps. Palliser's Explor., p. 44. 'Great longitudinal valley' of the Kootanie river. Hector, in Id., p. 27. 'The Tobacco Plains form the country of the Kootanies.' Blakiston, in Id., p. 73. 'About the northern branches of the Columbia.' Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 30. Kootanais, 'angle between the Saeliss lands and the eastern heads of the Columbia.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 79. About the river of the same name, between the Columbia and Rocky Mountains. Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 143. A band called Sinatcheggs on the upper Arrow Lake. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., p. 190. The Kootenais were perhaps the Tushepaws of Lewis and Clarke.

The Kootenais live in the area surrounded by the Columbia River, Rocky Mountains, and Clarke River. The Kitunaha, Coutanies, or Flatbows, 'roam the rugged and mountainous region located between the two northern forks of the Columbia. The Flat-bow River and Lake also belong to them.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 204-5, map, p. 297. 'They inhabit the land extending along the base of the Rocky Mountains, north of the Flatheads, for quite a distance, and they are about equally divided between American and British territory.' Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 416. Kootoonais, 'on McGillivray's River, the Flat Bow Lake, etc.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 82. Kootonais, 'on or around the fiftieth parallel at Fort Kootonie, east of Fort Colville.' Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 138. 'Between the Rocky Mountains, the Upper Columbia and its tributary the Killuspeha or Pend'oreille, and watered by an intermediate stream called the Kootanais River, there is a triangular area inhabited by a small, isolated tribe that shares the same name as the last-mentioned river, primarily living along its banks.' Mayne's B. C., p. 297. The lands of the Cottonois 'lie immediately north of those of the Flatheads.' Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 70. Kutanàe, Kútani, Kitunaha, Kutneha, Coutanies, Flatbows, 'near the sources of the Mary River, west of the Rocky Mountains.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 98. 'They inhabit a section of land to the north of the Ponderas, along M'Gillivray's River.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 312. 'Koutanies or Flat Arcs, near the fort and the lake of that name.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'In the Kootanie Valley.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 178. Kootonays, south of the Shushwaps. Palliser's Explor., p. 44. 'Great longitudinal valley' of the Kootanie River. Hector, in Id., p. 27. 'The Tobacco Plains make up the territory of the Kootanies.' Blakiston, in Id., p. 73. 'About the northern branches of the Columbia.' Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 30. Kootanais, 'angle between the Saeliss lands and the eastern heads of the Columbia.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 79. About the river of the same name, between the Columbia and Rocky Mountains. Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 143. A band called Sinatcheggs on the upper Arrow Lake. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., p. 190. The Kootenais may have been the Tushepaws of Lewis and Clarke.

The Tushepaws are 'a numerous people of four hundred and fifty tents, residing on the heads of the Missouri and Columbia rivers, and some of 312 them lower down the latter river.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 321, and map; Bulfinch's Ogn., p. 134. 'On a N. fork of Clarke's River.' Morse's Rept., p. 372. Ootlashoots, Micksucksealton (Pend d'Oreilles?), Hohilpos (Flatheads?), branches of the Tushepaws. Id., and Lewis and Clarke's Map. The Tushepaw nation might as correctly be included in the Salish family or omitted altogether. According to Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417, they were the Kootenais.

The Tushepaws are 'a large group of four hundred and fifty tents, living at the heads of the Missouri and Columbia rivers, with some of them further down the latter river.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 321, and map; Bulfinch's Ogn., p. 134. 'On a northern fork of Clarke's River.' Morse's Rept., p. 372. Ootlashoots, Micksucksealton (Pend d'Oreilles?), Hohilpos (Flatheads?), are branches of the Tushepaws. Id., and Lewis and Clarke's Map. The Tushepaw nation could just as easily be included in the Salish family or left out entirely. According to Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417, they were the Kootenais.

The Okanagans, or Okinakanes, 'comprise the bands lying on the river of that name, as far north as the foot of the great lake. They are six in number, viz: the Tekunratum at the mouth; Konekonep, on the creek of that name; Kluckhaitkwee, at the falls; Kinakanes, near the forks; and Milaketkun, on the west fork. With them may be classed the N'Pockle, or Sans Puelles, on the Columbia river, though these are also claimed by the Spokanes. The two bands on the forks are more nearly connected with the Schwogelpi than with the ones first named.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 237, and in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 412. Oakinackens, Priests' Rapids, northward over 500 miles, and 100 miles in width, to the Shewhaps, branching out into 12 tribes, as follows, beginning with the south: 'Skamoynumachs, Kewaughtchenunaughs, Pisscows, Incomecanétook, Tsillane, Intiétook, Battlelemuleemauch, or Meatwho, Inspellum, Sinpohellechach, Sinwhoyelppetook, Samilkanuigh and Oakinacken, which is nearly in the centre.' Ross' Adven., pp. 289-90. 'On both sides the Okanagan River from its mouth up to British Columbia, including the Sennelkameen River.' Ross, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 22. 'Près du fort de ce nom.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'On the Okanagan and Piscour Rivers.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 82. 'Composed of several small bands living along the Okinakane river, from its confluence with the Columbia to Lake Okinakane.... A majority of the tribe live north of the boundary line.' Paige, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 99. 'Columbia Valley.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 490. North-east and west of the Shoopshaps. De Smet, Voy., p. 51. Junction of the Okanagan and Columbia. Parker's Map. 'Upper part of Fraser's River and its tributaries.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 225. Principal family called Conconulps about 9 miles up stream of the same name. Ross' Adven., pp. 289-90. The Similkameen live on S. river, and 'are a portion of the Okanagan tribe.' Palmer, in B. Col. Papers, vol. iii., p. 85. The Okanagans, called Catsanim by Lewis and Clarke. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417. Cutsahnim, on the Columbia above the Sokulks, and on the northern branches of the Taptul. Morse's Rept., p. 372.

The Okanagans, or Okinakanes, consist of the groups located along the river of the same name, extending as far north as the edge of the large lake. There are six in total: the Tekunratum at the mouth; Konekonep, by the creek of that name; Kluckhaitkwee, at the falls; Kinakanes, near the forks; and Milaketkun, on the west fork. The N'Pockle, or Sans Puelles, on the Columbia River can also be included, although the Spokanes also claim them. The two groups at the forks are more closely associated with the Schwogelpi than with the initially mentioned ones. Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 237, and in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 412. Oakinackens, from Priests' Rapids, stretches northward over 500 miles and is 100 miles wide, branching into 12 tribes as follows, starting from the south: 'Skamoynumachs, Kewaughtchenunaughs, Pisscows, Incomecanétook, Tsillane, Intiétook, Battlelemuleemauch, or Meatwho, Inspellum, Sinpohellechach, Sinwhoyelppetook, Samilkanuigh, and Oakinacken, which is nearly in the center.' Ross' Adven., pp. 289-90. 'On both sides of the Okanagan River from its mouth up to British Columbia, including the Sennelkameen River.' Ross, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 22. 'Near the fort of that name.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'On the Okanagan and Piscour Rivers.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 82. 'Made up of several small groups living along the Okinakane River, from where it meets the Columbia to Lake Okinakane.... Most of the tribe resides north of the boundary line.' Paige, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 99. 'Columbia Valley.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 490. Northeast and west of the Shoopshaps. De Smet, Voy., p. 51. Junction of the Okanagan and Columbia. Parker's Map. 'Upper part of Fraser's River and its tributaries.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 225. The principal group is called Conconulps, located about 9 miles upstream of the same name. Ross' Adven., pp. 289-90. The Similkameen live on the South River and 'are part of the Okanagan tribe.' Palmer, in B. Col. Papers, vol. iii., p. 85. The Okanagans are referred to as Catsanim by Lewis and Clarke. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417. Cutsahnim, found on the Columbia above the Sokulks, and on the northern branches of the Taptul. Morse's Rept., p. 372.

THE SALISH FAMILY.

THE SALISH FAMILY.

The Salish Family includes all the inland tribes between 49° and 47°. The Salish, Saalis, Selish, or Flatheads, 'inhabit the country about the upper part of the Columbia and its tributary streams, the Flathead, Spokan, and Okanagan Rivers. The name includes several independent tribes or bands, of which the most important are the Salish proper, the Kullespelm, the Soayalpi, the Tsakaitsitlin, and the Okinakan.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 205. 'The Saeliss or Shewhapmuch race, whose limits may be defined by the Rocky Mountains eastward; on the west the line of Frazer's river from below Alexandria to Kequeloose, near the Falls, in about 313 latitude 49° 50´; northward by the Carrier offset of the Chippewyans; and south by the Sahaptins or Nez Percés of Oregon.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 73. 'From Thompson's River other septs of this race—the Shuswaps, Skowtous, Okanagans, Spokans, Skoielpoi (of Colville), Pend'oreilles, and Coeurs d'Aleines—occupy the country as far as the Flathead Passes of the Rocky Mountains, where the Saelies or Flatheads form the eastern portion of the race.' Mayne's B. C., pp. 296-7. 'About the northern branches of the Columbia.' Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 30; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 55. Tribes mentioned in Lewis and Clarke's Trav., and map: Tushepaw (Kootenai), Hopilpo (Flathead), Micksucksealtom (Pend d'Oreilles), Wheelpo, (Chualpays), Sarlisto and Sketsomish (Spokanes), Hehighenimmo (Sans Poils), according to Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417. See Morse's Rept., p. 372; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 55. 'Between the two great branches of the Columbia and the Rocky Mountains are only five petty tribes: the Kootanais and Selish, or Flatheads, at the foot of the mountains, and the Pointed Hearts, Pend d'Oreilles, and Spokanes lower down.' Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., p. 190. 'Divided into several tribes, the most important of which are the Selishes, the Kullespelms, the Soayalpis, the Tsakaïtsitlins, and the Okinakans.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 55-6.

The Salish Clan consists of all the inland tribes between 49° and 47°. The Salish, Saalis, Selish, or Flatheads, inhabit the region around the upper Columbia River and its tributaries, including the Flathead, Spokan, and Okanagan Rivers. This name refers to several independent tribes or bands, with the most significant being the Salish proper, the Kullespelm, the Soayalpi, the Tsakaitsitlin, and the Okinakan. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 205. 'The Saeliss or Shewhapmuch race is defined by the Rocky Mountains to the east; to the west, the boundary follows Frazer's River from below Alexandria to Kequeloose, near the Falls, around latitude 49° 50´; northward by the Carrier offset of the Chippewyans; and south by the Sahaptins or Nez Percés of Oregon.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 73. 'From Thompson's River, additional groups of this race—the Shuswaps, Skowtous, Okanagans, Spokans, Skoielpoi (of Colville), Pend'oreilles, and Coeurs d'Aleines—populate the area up to the Flathead Passes of the Rocky Mountains, where the Saelies or Flatheads represent the eastern part of the race.' Mayne's B. C., pp. 296-7. 'Around the northern branches of the Columbia.' Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 30; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 55. Tribes mentioned in Lewis and Clarke's Trav., and map: Tushepaw (Kootenai), Hopilpo (Flathead), Micksucksealtom (Pend d'Oreilles), Wheelpo (Chualpays), Sarlisto and Sketsomish (Spokanes), Hehighenimmo (Sans Poils), according to Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417. See Morse's Rept., p. 372; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 55. 'Between the two main branches of the Columbia and the Rocky Mountains, there are only five small tribes: the Kootanais and Selish, or Flatheads, at the foot of the mountains, and the Pointed Hearts, Pend d'Oreilles, and Spokanes lower down.' Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., p. 190. 'Divided into several tribes, the most significant of which are the Selishes, the Kullespelms, the Soayalpis, the Tsakaïtsitlins, and the Okinakans.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 55-6.

The Flatheads, or Salish proper, reside on the river, valley, and lake of the same name. 'Inhabit St. Mary's or the Flathead Valley and the neighborhood of the lake of the same name.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 415, and in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 207. 'Occupying the valleys between the Bitter Root and Rocky mountains.' Thompson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 282. 'South of the Flathead Valley on the Bitter Root.' Sully, in Id., 1870, p. 192. St. Mary's River. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 490. 'East and south-east (of the Coeurs d'Alène) and extends to the Rocky Mountains.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 311, and map. De Smet, Miss. de l'Orégon, p. 31. Saalis ou faux Têtes-Plates. Sur la rivière de ce nom au pied des Montagnes Rocheuses. Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'Along the foot of the mountains.' Ross' Adven., p. 213. 'In New Caledonia, W. of the Rocky Mountains.' Morse's Rept., p. 371. Bitter Root valley. Hutchins, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 455, 1865, p. 246; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 153. Hopilpo, of Lewis and Clarke. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417. 'Ils occupent le pays compris entre le Lewis River et la branche nord-ouest ou la Columbia, et borné en arrière par les Monts-Rocailleux.' Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. xii., p. 43.

The Flatheads, or Salish proper, live by the river, valley, and lake that share their name. "They inhabit St. Mary's or the Flathead Valley and the area around the lake of the same name." Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 415, and in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 207. "They occupy the valleys between the Bitter Root and the Rocky Mountains." Thompson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 282. "South of the Flathead Valley on the Bitter Root." Sully, in Id., 1870, p. 192. St. Mary's River. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 490. "East and southeast (of the Coeurs d'Alène) and stretches to the Rocky Mountains." Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 311, and map. De Smet, Miss. de l'Orégon, p. 31. Saalis or false Flatheads. Along the river of that name at the foot of the Rocky Mountains. Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. "Along the foot of the mountains." Ross' Adven., p. 213. "In New Caledonia, west of the Rocky Mountains." Morse's Rept., p. 371. Bitter Root valley. Hutchins, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 455, 1865, p. 246; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 153. Hopilpo, of Lewis and Clarke. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417. "They occupy the land between the Lewis River and the northwest branch of the Columbia, bordered behind by the Rocky Mountains." Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. xii., p. 43.

The Pend d'Oreilles occupy the vicinity of the lake of the same name. 'On the Flathead or Clarke River.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 82. 'At Clark's Fork.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 490. Lower Pend d'Oreilles, 'in the vicinity of the St. Ignatius Mission.' Paige, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 98. 'The Kalispelms or Pend d'Oreilles of the Lower Lake, inhabit the country north of the Coeur d'Alenes and around the Kalispelm lake.' Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 415. Calispels, or Calispellum, 'on Fool's Prairie at the head of Colville Valley, and on both sides of the Pend d'Oreille River, from its mouth to the Idaho line, but principally at the Camas Prairie.' Winans, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, pp. 22, 25, 192. Situated to the east of Fort Colville, adjoining the Kootonais on their eastern border. Simpson's 314 Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 146. 'Pend'oreilles ou Kellespem. Au-dessous du fort Colville.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. Skatkmlschi, or Pend d'Oreilles of the upper lake. A tribe who, by the consent of the Selish, occupy jointly with them the country of the latter. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 415. Kullas-Palus, 'on the Flathead or Clarke River.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 82. Ponderas, 'north of Clarke's river and on a lake which takes its name from the tribe.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 312 and map; De Smet, Voy., p. 32. The Pend'oreilles were probably the Micksucksealtom of Lewis and Clarke. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417.

The Pend d'Oreilles are located near the lake of the same name. 'On the Flathead or Clarke River.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 82. 'At Clark's Fork.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 490. Lower Pend d'Oreilles, 'in the area of the St. Ignatius Mission.' Paige, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 98. 'The Kalispelms or Pend d'Oreilles of the Lower Lake live in the region north of the Coeur d'Alenes and around Kalispelm Lake.' Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 415. Calispels, or Calispellum, 'on Fool's Prairie at the head of Colville Valley, and on both sides of the Pend d'Oreille River, from its mouth to the Idaho line, but mainly at Camas Prairie.' Winans, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, pp. 22, 25, 192. Located east of Fort Colville, bordering the Kootonais on their eastern side. Simpson's 314 Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 146. 'Pend'oreilles or Kellespem. Below Fort Colville.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. Skatkmlschi, or Pend d'Oreilles of the upper lake. A tribe that, with the Selish's agreement, jointly occupies their territory. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 415. Kullas-Palus, 'on the Flathead or Clarke River.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 82. Ponderas, 'north of Clarke's River and on a lake named after the tribe.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 312 and map; De Smet, Voy., p. 32. The Pend'oreilles were likely the Micksucksealtom of Lewis and Clarke. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417.

Tribes baptized by De Smet: Thlishatkmuche, Stietshoi, Zingomenes, Shaistche, Shuyelpi, Tschilsolomi, Siur Poils, Tinabsoti, Yinkaceous, Yejak-oun, all of same stock.

Tribes baptized by De Smet: Thlishatkmuche, Stietshoi, Zingomenes, Shaistche, Shuyelpi, Tschilsolomi, Siur Poils, Tinabsoti, Yinkaceous, Yejak-oun, all from the same background.

Tribes mentioned by Morse as living in the vicinity of Clarke River: Coopspellar, Lahama, Lartielo, Hihighenimmo, Wheelpo, Skeetsomish. Rept., p. 372.

Tribes mentioned by Morse as living near Clarke River: Coopspellar, Lahama, Lartielo, Hihighenimmo, Wheelpo, Skeetsomish. Rept., p. 372.

The Coeurs d'Aléne 'live about the lake which takes its name from them.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 209. East of the Spokanes, at headwaters of the Spokane River. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 310, and map. 'The Skitswish or Coeur d'Alenes, live upon the upper part of the Coeur d'Alene river, above the Spokanes, and around the lake of the same name.' Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 415. Their mission is on the river ten miles above the lake and thirty miles from the mountains. Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 216. Stietshoi, or Coeur d'Alenes on the river, and about the lake. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 200, map, vol. v., p. 490. Pointed Hearts, 'shores of a lake about fifty miles to the eastward of Spokan House.' Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 150; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 143; De Smet, Miss. de l'Orégon, p. 31. 'St. Joseph's river.' Mullan's Rept., p. 49.

The Coeurs d'Aléne "live around the lake named after them." Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 209. They are located east of the Spokanes, at the headwaters of the Spokane River. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 310, and map. "The Skitswish or Coeur d'Alenes live in the upper part of the Coeur d'Alene River, above the Spokanes, and around the lake of the same name." Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 415. Their mission is located on the river ten miles above the lake and thirty miles from the mountains. Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 216. Stietshoi, or Coeur d'Alenes, are found on the river and around the lake. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 200, map, vol. v., p. 490. Pointed Hearts, "the shores of a lake about fifty miles east of Spokan House." Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 150; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 143; De Smet, Miss. de l'Orégon, p. 31. "St. Joseph's River." Mullan's Rept., p. 49.

The Colvilles include the tribes about Kettle Falls, and the banks of the Columbia up to the Arrow Lakes. 'Colville valley and that of the Columbia river from Kettle Falls to a point thirty miles below.' Paige, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 98. 'The Colvilles, whose tribal name is Swielpree, are located in the Colville Valley, on the Kettle River, and on both sides of the Columbia River, from Kettle Falls down to the mouth of the Spokane.' Winans, in Id., 1870, p. 22. Colvilles and Spokanes, 'near Fort Colville.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 82.

The Colvilles include the tribes around Kettle Falls and along the banks of the Columbia River up to the Arrow Lakes. "Colville valley and that of the Columbia river from Kettle Falls to a point thirty miles below." Paige, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 98. "The Colvilles, whose tribal name is Swielpree, are located in the Colville Valley, on the Kettle River, and on both sides of the Columbia River, from Kettle Falls down to the mouth of the Spokane." Winans, in Id., 1870, p. 22. Colvilles and Spokanes, "near Fort Colville." Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 82.

The Lakes, 'whose tribal name is Senijextee, are located on both sides of the Columbia River, from Kettle Falls north to British Columbia.' Winans, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 22. 'So named from their place of residence, which is about the Arrow Lakes.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 312. 'Les sauvages des Lacs ... résident sur le Lac-aux-flèches.' De Smet, Voy., p. 50.

The Lakes, whose tribal name is Senijextee, are located on both sides of the Columbia River, from Kettle Falls north to British Columbia. Winans, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 22. They were named after their home, which is near the Arrow Lakes. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 312. The natives of the Lakes ... live on Arrow Lake. De Smet, Voy., p. 50.

The Chaudières, or Kettle Falls, reside 'about Colville.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 313. The village of Les Chaudières 'is situated on the north side just below the fall.' Cox's Advent., vol. i., p. 358. Chaudières 'live south of the Lake Indians.' De Smet, Voy., p. 50. 'Fort Colville is the principal ground of the Schwoyelpi or Kettle Falls tribe.' Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 413. 'The tribe in the vicinity (of Fort Colville) is known as the Chaudière, whose territory reaches as far up as the Columbia Lakes.' Simpson's 315 Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 151. 'Gens des Chaudières. Près du lac Schouchouap au-dessous des Dalles.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'Called in their own language, Chualpays.' Kane's Wand., pp. 308-9. 'Called Quiarlpi (Basket People).' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 472. The Chualpays called Wheelpo by Lewis and Clarke, and by Morse. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417.

The Chaudières, or Kettle Falls, are located 'near Colville.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 313. The village of Les Chaudières 'is on the north side just below the falls.' Cox's Advent., vol. i., p. 358. The Chaudières 'live south of the Lake Indians.' De Smet, Voy., p. 50. 'Fort Colville is the main area for the Schwoyelpi or Kettle Falls tribe.' Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 413. 'The tribe near Fort Colville is known as the Chaudière, whose territory extends up to the Columbia Lakes.' Simpson's 315 Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 151. 'Gens des Chaudières. Near Lake Schouchouap below the Dalles.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'Called Chualpays in their own language.' Kane's Wand., pp. 308-9. 'Referred to as Quiarlpi (Basket People).' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 472. The Chualpays were called Wheelpo by Lewis and Clarke, and by Morse. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417.

THE SPOKANE NATION.

SPOKANE NATION.

The Spokanes live on the Spokane river and plateau, along the banks of the Columbia from below Kettle Falls, nearly to the Okanagan. 'The Spokihnish, or Spokanes, lie south of the Schrooyelpi, and chiefly upon or near the Spokane river. The name applied by the whites to a number of small bands, is that given by the Coeur d'Alene to the one living at the forks. They are also called Sinkoman, by the Kootonies. These bands are eight in number: the Sinslihhooish, on the great plain above the crossings of the Coeur d'Alene river; the Sintootoolish, on the river above the forks; the Smahoomenaish (Spokehnish), at the forks; the Skaischilt'nish, at the old Chemakane mission; the Skecheramouse, above them on the Colville trail; the Scheeetstish, the Sinpoilschne, and Sinspeelish, on the Columbia river; the last-named band is nearly extinct. The Sinpoilschne (N'pochle, or Sans Puelles) have always been included among the Okinakanes, though, as well as the Sinspeelish below them, they are claimed by the Spokanes. The three bands on the Columbia all speak a different language from the rest.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 220, 236; and Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 414-15. 'This tribe claim as their territory the country commencing on the large plain at the head of the Slawntehus—the stream entering the Columbia at Fort Colville; thence down the Spokane to the Columbia, down the Columbia half way to Fort Okinakane, and up the Spokane and Coeur d'Alene, to some point between the falls and the lake, on the latter.' Id., p. 414. 'Inhabit the country on the Spokane river, from its mouth to the boundary of Idaho.' Paige, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 99. 'At times on the Spokane, at times on the Spokane plains.' Mullan's Rept., pp. 18, 49. 'Principally on the plains.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 157. 'North-east of the Palooses are the Spokein nation.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 310, and map. 'Au-dessous du fort Okanagam à l'Est.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'Au nord-ouest des Palooses se trouve la nation des Spokanes.' De Smet, Voy., p. 31. 'Have a small village at the entrance of their river, but their chief and permanent place of residence is about forty miles higher up ... where the Pointed-heart River joins the Spokan from the south-east.' Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 147. 'The Spokanes, whose tribal names are Sineequomenach, or Upper, Sintootoo, or Middle Spokamish, and Chekasschee, or Lower Spokanes, living on the Spokane River, from the Idaho line to its mouth.' Winans, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 23. Spokane, the Sarlilso and Sketsomish of Lewis and Clarke. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417.

The Spokanes reside along the Spokane River and plateau, on the banks of the Columbia River from just below Kettle Falls to nearly the Okanagan. The Spokihnish, or Spokanes, are located south of the Schrooyelpi and primarily along the Spokane River. The name given by white settlers to several small bands comes from the Coeur d'Alene tribe, referring to the group living at the river forks. They are also known as Sinkoman by the Kootenai. There are eight bands in total: the Sinslihhooish, located on the large plain above the crossings of the Coeur d'Alene River; the Sintootoolish, upstream of the forks; the Smahoomenaish (Spokehnish) at the forks; the Skaischilt'nish at the former Chemakane mission; the Skecheramouse, further up on the Colville trail; and the Scheeetstish, Sinpoilschne, and Sinspeelish along the Columbia River; the last band is nearly extinct. The Sinpoilschne (N'pochle, or Sans Puelles) have always been considered part of the Okinakanes, though they, along with the Sinspeelish below them, are claimed by the Spokanes. The three bands on the Columbia all speak a different language from the others. Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 220, 236; and Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 414-15. 'This tribe states their territory begins on the large plain at the head of the Slawntehus—the stream flowing into the Columbia at Fort Colville; then down the Spokane to the Columbia, down the Columbia halfway to Fort Okinakane, and up the Spokane and Coeur d'Alene, to a point between the falls and the lake, within the latter.' Id., p. 414. 'They inhabit the region along the Spokane River, from its mouth to the Idaho border.' Paige, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 99. 'At times on the Spokane, at times on the Spokane plains.' Mullan's Rept., pp. 18, 49. 'Primarily on the plains.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 157. 'To the northeast of the Palouses are the Spokein nation.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 310, and map. 'Below Fort Okanagan to the east.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'Northwest of the Palouses is the nation of the Spokanes.' De Smet, Voy., p. 31. 'They have a small village at the mouth of their river, but their main and permanent home is about forty miles further upstream, where the Pointed-heart River joins the Spokane from the southeast.' Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 147. 'The Spokanes, whose tribal names are Sineequomenach, or Upper Spokanes, Sintootoo, or Middle Spokamish, and Chekasschee, or Lower Spokanes, live along the Spokane River, from the Idaho border to its mouth.' Winans, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 23. Spokane, the Sarlilso and Sketsomish of Lewis and Clark. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417.

The Sans Poils (Hairless), or 'Sanpoils, which includes the Nespeelum Indians, are located on the Columbia, from the mouth of the Spokane down to Grand Coulée (on the south of the Columbia), and from a point opposite the mouth of the Spokane down to the mouth of the Okanagan on the north side of the Columbia, including the country drained by the Sanpoil, and 316 Nespeelum Creeks.' Winans, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 22. Sinpoilish, west of the Columbia between Priest Rapids and Okanagan. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 200, map. Sinpauelish, west of the Kettle Falls Indians. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 313. 'Sinipouals. Près des grands rapides du Rio Colombia.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. Sinpavelist, west of the Chaudières. De Smet, Voy., p. 50. Sinapoils, 'occupy a district on the northern banks of the Columbia, between the Spokan and Oakinagan rivers.' Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 145. Hehighenimmo of Lewis and Clarke. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417.

The Sans Poils (Hairless), or 'Sanpoils,' which includes the Nespeelum Indians, are located along the Columbia River, from the mouth of the Spokane River down to Grand Coulee (on the south side of the Columbia), and from a point opposite the mouth of the Spokane down to the mouth of the Okanagan on the north side of the Columbia, covering the area drained by the Sanpoil and Nespeelum Creeks. 316 Winans, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 22. Sinpoilish, west of the Columbia between Priest Rapids and Okanagan. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 200, map. Sinpauelish, west of the Kettle Falls Indians. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 313. 'Sinipouals. Near the great rapids of the Columbia River.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. Sinpavelist, west of the Chaudières. De Smet, Voy., p. 50. Sinapoils, 'occupy a region on the northern banks of the Columbia, between the Spokane and Okanagan rivers.' Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 145. Hehighenimmo of Lewis and Clarke. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417.

The Pisquouse inhabit the west bank of the Columbia between the Okanagan and Priest Rapids. Piskwaus, or Piscous; 'name properly belongs to the tribe who live on the small river which falls into the Columbia on the west side, about forty miles below Fort Okanagan. But it is here extended to all the tribes as far down as Priest's Rapids.' The map extends their territory across the Columbia. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 210, and map, p. 197. Pisquouse, 'immediately north of that of the Yakamas.' 'On the Columbia between the Priest's and Ross Rapids.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 236; and Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 412. 'Piscaous. Sur la petite rivière de ce nom à l'Ouest de la Colombie.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335.

The Pisquouse live on the west bank of the Columbia River between Okanagan and Priest Rapids. Piskwaus, or Piscous; the name rightfully belongs to the tribe that resides along the small river that flows into the Columbia on the west side, about forty miles downstream from Fort Okanagan. However, here it refers to all the tribes down to Priest's Rapids. The map shows their territory extending across the Columbia. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 210, and map, p. 197. The Pisquouse are 'immediately north of the Yakamas' and 'on the Columbia between Priest's and Ross Rapids.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 236; and Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 412. 'Piscaous. On the small river of the same name west of the Columbia.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335.

The Skamoynumacks live on the banks of the Columbia, at Priest Rapids, near the mouth of the Umatilla. Thirty miles distant up the river are the Kewaughtohenemachs. Ross' Adven., pp. 134, 137.

The Skamoynumacks live on the banks of the Columbia, at Priest Rapids, near the mouth of the Umatilla. Thirty miles upstream are the Kewaughtohenemachs. Ross' Adven., pp. 134, 137.

'The Mithouies are located on the west side of the Columbia River, from the mouth of the Okanagan down to the Wonatchee, and includes the country drained by the Mithouie, Lake Chelan, and Enteeatook Rivers.' Winans, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 23.

'The Mithouies are found on the west side of the Columbia River, stretching from the mouth of the Okanagan down to the Wenatchee, and include the area drained by the Mithouie, Lake Chelan, and Entiat Rivers.' Winans, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 23.

'The Isle de Pierres, whose tribal name is Linkinse, are located on the east and south side of the Col. Riv. from Grand Coulée down to Priests' Rapids, which includes the peninsula made by the great bend of the Col.' Ib.

'The Isle de Pierres, known in their native language as Linkinse, is situated on the east and south side of the Columbia River from Grand Coulée to Priest Rapids, including the peninsula formed by the large bend in the Columbia.' Ib.

SAHAPTIN FAMILY.

SAHAPTIN FAMILY.

The Sahaptin Family is situated immediately south of the Salish. Only six of the eight nations mentioned below have been included in the Family by other authors. 'The country occupied by them extends from the Dalles of the Columbia to the Bitter-Root mountains, lying on both sides of the Columbia and upon the Kooskooskie and Salmon Forks of Lewis' and Snake River, between that of the Selish family on the north, and of the Snakes on the south.' Gibbs, in Pandosy's Gram., p. vii. 'The first and more northern Indians of the interior may be denominated the Shahaptan Family, and comprehends three tribes; the Shahaptan, or Nez Percés of the Canadians; the Kliketat, a scion from the Shahaptans who now dwell near Mount Rainier, and have advanced toward the falls of the Columbia; and the Okanagan, who inhabit the upper part of Fraser's River and its tributaries.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 225. Hale's map, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 197, divides the territory among the Nez Percés, Walla-Wallas, Waiilaptu, and Molele. 'The Indians in this district (of the Dalles) are Dog River, Wascos, Tyicks, Des Chutes, John Day, Utilla, Cayuses, Walla-Walla, Nez Percés, Mountain Snakes and Bannacks.' Dennison, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 435. 317 'The different tribes attached to Fort Nez Percés, and who formerly went by that cognomen, are the Shamooinaugh, Skamnaminaugh, E'yackimah, Ispipewhumaugh, and Inaspetsum. These tribes inhabit the main north branch above the Forks. On the south branch are the Palletto Pallas, Shawhaapten or Nez Percés proper, Pawluch, and Cosispa tribes. On the main Columbia, beginning at the Dallas, are the Necootimeigh, Wisscopam, Wisswhams, Wayyampas, Lowhim, Sawpaw, and Youmatalla bands.' Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 185-6. Cathlakahikits, at the rapids of Columbia river, N. side; Chippanchickchicks, 'N. side of Columbia river, in the long narrows, a little below the falls.' Hellwits, 'at the falls of Columbia river;' Ithkyemamits, 'on Columbia river, N. side near Chippanchickchicks'; Yehah, 'above the rapids.' Morse's Rept., pp. 368-70.

The Sahaptin Tribe is located just south of the Salish. Only six of the eight nations listed below have been recognized as part of the Family by other scholars. 'The region they occupy stretches from the Dalles of the Columbia to the Bitterroot Mountains, lying on both sides of the Columbia and along the Kooskooskie and Salmon Forks of Lewis' and Snake River, bordered by the Selish family to the north and the Snakes to the south.' Gibbs, in Pandosy's Gram., p. vii. 'The first and more northern tribes of the interior can be called the Shahaptan Family, which includes three tribes: the Shahaptan, or Nez Percés of the Canadians; the Kliketat, a branch of the Shahaptans who now live near Mount Rainier and have moved toward the falls of the Columbia; and the Okanagan, who inhabit the upper part of Fraser's River and its tributaries.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 225. Hale's map, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 197, divides the land among the Nez Percés, Walla-Wallas, Waiilaptu, and Molele. 'The tribes in this area (of the Dalles) include Dog River, Wascos, Tyicks, Des Chutes, John Day, Utilla, Cayuses, Walla-Walla, Nez Percés, Mountain Snakes, and Bannacks.' Dennison, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 435. 317 'The various tribes associated with Fort Nez Percés, who were formerly known by that name, include the Shamooinaugh, Skamnaminaugh, E'yackimah, Ispipewhumaugh, and Inaspetsum. These tribes live on the main north branch above the Forks. On the south branch are the Palletto Pallas, Shawhaapten or Nez Percés proper, Pawluch, and Cosispa tribes. Along the main Columbia, starting at the Dalles, are the Necootimeigh, Wisscopam, Wisswhams, Wayyampas, Lowhim, Sawpaw, and Youmatalla bands.' Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 185-6. Cathlakahikits, at the rapids of the Columbia River, north side; Chippanchickchicks, 'north side of the Columbia River, in the long narrows, a little below the falls.' Hellwits, 'at the falls of the Columbia River;' Ithkyemamits, 'on the Columbia River, north side near Chippanchickchicks'; Yehah, 'above the rapids.' Morse's Rept., pp. 368-70.

The Nez Percés 'possess the country on each side of the Lewis or Snake River, from the Peloose to the Wapticacoes, about a hundred miles—together with the tributary streams, extending, on the east, to the foot of the Rocky Mountains.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 212; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 551. 'On both sides of the Kooskooskia and north fork of Snake river.' Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 416; and Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 217. 'A few bands of the Nez Percés Indians occupy the Salmon river and the Clearwater.' Thompson, in Id., p. 282. 'The Nez Percés country is bounded west by the Palouse river and the Tucannon; on the north by the range of mountains between Clear Water and the Coeur d'Alene; east by the Bitter Root mountains; on the south they are bounded near the line dividing the two Territories.' Craig, in Id., 1857, p. 353. The Buffalo, a tribe of the Nez Perces, winter in the Bitter Root Valley. Owen, in Id., 1859, p. 424. 'Upper waters and mountainous parts of the Columbia.' Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 108. 'Country lying along Lewis river and its tributaries from the eastern base of the Blue Mountains to the Columbia.' Palmer's Jour., p. 55. Nez Percés or Sahaptins, 'on the banks of the Lewis Fork or Serpent River.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 54. 'Chohoptins, or Nez-Percés, ... on the banks of Lewis River.' Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 143. 'Rove through the regions of the Lewis branch.' Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 30. 'The Lower Nez Percés range upon the Wayleeway, Immahah, Yenghies, and other of the streams west of the mountains.' Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 301. Some Flatheads live along the Clearwater River down to below its junction with the Snake. Gass' Jour., p. 212. Country 'drained by the Kooskooskie, westward from the Blackfoot country, and across the Rocky Mountains.' Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 533. 'Près du fort de ce nom, à la junction des deux branches du fleuve.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. Junction of Snake and Clearwater. Parker's Explor. Tour, Map. Chopunnish. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 331, and map. Copunnish. Bulfinch's Oregon, p. 144. 'The Nez-Percés are divided into two classes, the Nez-Percés proper, who inhabit the mountains, and the Polonches, who inhabit the plain country about the mouth of the Snake River.' Gairdner, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 256. Chopunnish, 'on Lewis river below the entrance of the Kooskooskee, on both sides.' 'On the Kooskooskee river below the forks, and on Cotter's creek.' Bands of the Chopunnish; Pelloatpallah, Kimmooenim, Yeletpoo, Willewah, Soyennom. Morse's Rept., p. 369. 318

The Nez Percés occupy the land on both sides of the Lewis or Snake River, stretching from the Peloose to the Wapticacoes, about a hundred miles—along with the tributary streams that extend to the foot of the Rocky Mountains on the east. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 212; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 551. "On both sides of the Kooskooskia and the north fork of Snake River." Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 416; and Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 217. "A few groups of the Nez Percés Indians live along the Salmon River and the Clearwater." Thompson, in Id., p. 282. "The territory of the Nez Percés is bordered to the west by the Palouse River and the Tucannon; to the north by the range of mountains between Clear Water and the Coeur d'Alene; to the east by the Bitter Root Mountains; and to the south, it is bordered near the line that divides the two territories." Craig, in Id., 1857, p. 353. The Buffalo, a tribe of the Nez Percés, winter in the Bitter Root Valley. Owen, in Id., 1859, p. 424. "Upper waters and mountainous areas of the Columbia." Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 108. "The land along the Lewis River and its tributaries from the eastern base of the Blue Mountains to the Columbia." Palmer's Jour., p. 55. Nez Percés or Sahaptins, "on the banks of the Lewis Fork or Serpent River." Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 54. "Chohoptins, or Nez-Percés, ... on the banks of Lewis River." Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 143. "Travel through the regions of the Lewis branch." Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 30. "The Lower Nez Percés range across the Wayleeway, Immahah, Yenghies, and other streams west of the mountains." Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 301. Some Flatheads reside along the Clearwater River down to below its junction with the Snake. Gass' Jour., p. 212. The area "drained by the Kooskooskie, westward from the Blackfoot country, and crossing the Rocky Mountains." Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 533. "Near the fort of that name, at the junction of the two branches of the river." Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. Junction of Snake and Clearwater. Parker's Explor. Tour, Map. Chopunnish. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 331, and map. Copunnish. Bulfinch's Oregon, p. 144. "The Nez-Percés are divided into two groups, the Nez-Percés proper, who live in the mountains, and the Polonches, who inhabit the plains around the mouth of the Snake River." Gairdner, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 256. Chopunnish, "on Lewis River below the entrance of the Kooskooskee, on both sides." "On the Kooskooskee River below the forks, and on Cotter's Creek." Groups of the Chopunnish; Pelloatpallah, Kimmooenim, Yeletpoo, Willewah, Soyennom. Morse's Rept., p. 369. 318

The Palouse, or 'the Palus, usually written Paloose, live between the Columbia and the Snake.' Gibbs, in Pandosy's Gram., p. vi. 'The Peloose tribe has a stream called after it which empties into Lewis River.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 213. Upon the Peloose River. 'Entrance of Great Snake River and surrounding country.' Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 105, 245. 'Properly a part of the Nez Percés. Their residence is along the Nez Percé river and up the Pavilion.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 310. In three bands; at the mouth of the Pelouse River; on the north bank of Snake River, thirty miles below the Pelouse; and at the mouth of the Snake River. Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 222-3, and in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 150-1. Palouse, or Pelouse, 'reside on the banks of the Palouse and Snake rivers.' Mullan's Rept., pp. 18, 49. 'La tribu Paloose appartient à la nation des Nez-Percés ... elle habite les bords des deux rivières des Nez-percés et du Pavilion.' De Smet, Voy., p. 31. Selloatpallah, north of the Snake, near its confluence with the Columbia. Lewis and Clarke's Map. Same as the Sewatpalla. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417.

The Palouse, or 'the Palus, usually written Paloose, live between the Columbia and the Snake.' Gibbs, in Pandosy's Gram., p. vi. 'The Peloose tribe has a river named after it that flows into the Lewis River.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 213. On the Peloose River. 'Entrance of the Great Snake River and the surrounding area.' Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 105, 245. 'Essentially part of the Nez Percés. They live along the Nez Percé River and up the Pavilion.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 310. In three groups; at the mouth of the Pelouse River; on the north bank of the Snake River, thirty miles downstream from the Pelouse; and at the mouth of the Snake River. Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 222-3, and in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 150-1. Palouse, or Pelouse, 'live along the banks of the Palouse and Snake rivers.' Mullan's Rept., pp. 18, 49. 'The Paloose tribe belongs to the Nez-Percés nation... they inhabit the banks of both the Nez-Percés and Pavilion rivers.' De Smet, Voy., p. 31. Selloatpallah, north of the Snake, near where it meets the Columbia. Lewis and Clarke's Map. The same as Sewatpalla. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417.

The Walla-Wallas 'occupy the country south of the Columbia and about the river of that name.' Gibbs, in Pandosy's Gram., p. vii. 'A number of bands living usually on the south side of the Columbia, and on the Snake river to a little east of the Peluse.' Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 402. 'Are on a small stream which falls into the Columbia near Fort Nez-percés.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 213. 'Inhabit the country about the river of the same name, and range some distance below along the Columbia.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 310. 'Upon the banks of the Columbia, below the mouth of the Lewis Fork are found the Walla-wallas.' Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 535. 'Oualla-Oualla, au-dessus du fort des Nez Percés.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'Under this term are embraced a number of bands living usually on the south side of the Columbia, and on the Snake river, to a little east of the Pelouse; as also the Klikatats and Yakamas, north of the former.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 223. 'On both sides of the Columbia river between Snake river and Hudson Bay fort, Walla-Walla.' Dennison, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 374. Walla Wallapum. Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 244-7. 'Les Walla-walla habitent, sur la rivière du même nom, l'un des tributaires de la Colombie, et leur pays s'étend aussi le long de ce fleuve.' De Smet, Voy., p. 30. Wollaw Wollah. South side of the Snake, at junction with the Columbia. Lewis and Clarke's Map. Wollaolla and Wollawalla, 'on both sides of Col., as low as the Muscleshell rapid, and in winter pass over to the Taptul river.' Morse's Rept., pp. 369-70. 'Country south of the Columbia and about the river of that name.' Gibbs, in Pandosy's Gram., p. vii. Walawaltz nation about the junction of the Snake and Columbia. On Walla Walle River. Gass' Jour., pp. 294-8. 'On both banks of the Columbia, from the Blue Mountains to the Dalles.' Farnham's Trav., p. 151. Wallah Wallah. Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 142. 'About the river of that name.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., pp. 143, 151. Wallawallahs, 'reside along the lower part of the Walla Walla, the low bottom of the Umatilla and the Columbia, from the mouth of Lewis River for one hundred miles south.' Palmer's Jour., pp. 58, 124. 'On the borders of 319 the Wallahwallah and Columbia.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 64; Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. xii., p. 35.

The Walla-Wallas live in the area south of the Columbia River and around the river itself. Gibbs in Pandosy's Gram., p. vii. "Several groups usually reside on the south side of the Columbia and along the Snake River a bit east of the Pelouse." Gibbs in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 402. "They are by a small stream that flows into the Columbia near Fort Nez-percés." Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 213. "They inhabit the land around the river of the same name and extend some distance downstream along the Columbia." Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 310. "The Walla-Wallas can be found along the banks of the Columbia, below where Lewis Fork enters." Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 535. "Oualla-Oualla, above the Nez Percé Fort." Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. "This term refers to several groups that generally live on the south side of the Columbia and on the Snake River, just east of the Pelouse; including the Klikatats and Yakamas, north of the former." Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 223. "On both sides of the Columbia River between Snake River and Hudson Bay Fort, Walla-Walla." Dennison, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 374. Walla Wallapum. Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 244-7. "The Walla-walla live along the river of the same name, which is a tributary of the Columbia, and their territory also extends along this river." De Smet, Voy., p. 30. Wollaw Wollah. South side of the Snake, where it meets the Columbia. Lewis and Clark's Map. Wollaolla and Wollawalla, "on both sides of the Columbia, as far down as the Muscleshell rapid, and in winter they cross over to the Taptul River." Morse's Rept., pp. 369-70. "Land south of the Columbia and around the river of that name." Gibbs, in Pandosy's Gram., p. vii. The Walawaltz nation is around the confluence of the Snake and Columbia Rivers. On Walla Walla River. Gass' Jour., pp. 294-8. "On both banks of the Columbia, from the Blue Mountains to the Dalles." Farnham's Trav., p. 151. Wallah Wallah. Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 142. "Around the river of that name." Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., pp. 143, 151. Wallawallahs "live along the lower part of the Walla Walla, the lowlands of the Umatilla and the Columbia, from the mouth of Lewis River for one hundred miles south." Palmer's Jour., pp. 58, 124. "On the borders of the Wallahwallah and Columbia." Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 64; Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. xii., p. 35.

The Sciatogas and Toustchipas live on Canoe River (Tukanon?), and the Euotalla (Touchet?), the Akaïtchis 'sur le Big-river,' (Columbia). Hunt, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. x., pp. 74-8. The Sciatogas 'possède le pays borné au sud-est par la Grande-Plaine; au nord, par le Lewis-River; à l'ouest par la Columbia; au sud par l'Oualamat.' Id., 1821, tom. xii., p. 42.

The Sciatogas and Toustchipas live along Canoe River (Tukanon?), and the Euotalla (Touchet?), the Akaïtchis 'on the Big River' (Columbia). Hunt, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, vol. x., pp. 74-8. The Sciatogas 'own the land bordered to the southeast by the Great Plain; to the north by the Lewis River; to the west by the Columbia; and to the south by the Oualamat.' Id., 1821, vol. xii., p. 42.

THE CAYUSES AND WASCOS.

THE CAYUSE AND WASCO TRIBES.

The Cayuses extend from John Day River eastward to Grande Ronde Valley. The Cayuse, Cailloux, Waiilatpu, 'country south of the Sahaptin and Wallawalla. Their head-quarters are on the upper part of Wallawalla River.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 214, map, p. 197. 'The country belonging to the Cayuse is to the south of and between the Nez Perces and Walla-Wallas, extending from the Des Chutes, or Wanwanwi, to the eastern side of the Blue mountains.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 218; Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 416. 'On the west side of the Blue mountains and south of the Columbia river.' Thompson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 282. 'Occupy a portion of the Walla-Walla valley.' Dennison, in Id., 1857, p. 374; Cain, in Id., 1859, pp. 413-14. 'À l'ouest des Nez-perces sont les Kayuses.' De Smet, Voy., p. 30. The Kayouse dwell upon the Utalla or Emnutilly River. Townsend's Nar., p. 122. 'West of the Nez Percés.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 309, and map. 'Rove through the regions of the Lewis branch.' Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 30. 'Kayouses. Près du grand détour de la Colombie.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. Waiilatpu, Molele, called also Willetpoos, Cayuse, 'western Oregon, south of the Columbia river.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 199; Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417. Caäguas 'inhabit the country bordering on Wallawalla river and its tributaries, the Blue mountains and Grand round.' Palmer's Jour., pp. 54-6. Wyeilat or Kyoose, country to the south of Walla Walla. Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 244-5. The Skyuses 'dwell about the waters of the Wayleeway and the adjacent country.' Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 388.

The Cayuses stretch from the John Day River east to the Grande Ronde Valley. The Cayuse, Cailloux, and Waiilatpu inhabit the area south of the Sahaptin and Walla-Walla. Their headquarters are in the upper part of the Wallawalla River. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 214, map, p. 197. 'The land belonging to the Cayuse is south of and between the Nez Perces and Walla-Wallas, extending from the Des Chutes, or Wanwanwi, to the eastern side of the Blue Mountains.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 218; Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 416. 'On the west side of the Blue Mountains and south of the Columbia River.' Thompson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 282. 'They occupy part of the Walla-Walla Valley.' Dennison, in Id., 1857, p. 374; Cain, in Id., 1859, pp. 413-14. 'To the west of the Nez Perces are the Kayuses.' De Smet, Voy., p. 30. The Kayous live along the Utalla or Emnutilly River. Townsend's Nar., p. 122. 'West of the Nez Percés.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 309, and map. 'They roam through the areas of the Lewis branch.' Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 30. 'Kayouses. Near the great bend of the Columbia.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. Waiilatpu, Molele, also known as Willetpoos, Cayuse, 'western Oregon, south of the Columbia River.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 199; Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417. Caäguas 'live in the area bordering the Wallawalla River and its tributaries, the Blue Mountains, and Grand Round.' Palmer's Jour., pp. 54-6. Wyeilat or Kyoose, lands south of Walla Walla. Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 244-5. The Skyuses 'dwell around the waters of the Wayleeway and the surrounding area.' Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 388.

The Willewah 'reside on the Willewah river, which falls into the Lewis river on the S.W. side, below the forks.' Morse's Rept., p. 369. In Grande Ronde Valley. Lewis and Clarke's Map; Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417.

The Willewah live by the Willewah River, which flows into the Lewis River on the southwest side, downstream from the forks. Morse's Rept., p. 369. In Grande Ronde Valley. Lewis and Clarke's Map; Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417.

The Umatillas 'live near the junction of the Umatilla and Columbia rivers.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 97. Umatallow River and country extending thence westward to Dalles. Tolmie, in Id., p. 245. 'The Utillas occupy the country along the river bearing that name.' Dennison, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 374.

The Umatillas live near where the Umatilla and Columbia rivers meet. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 97. Umatallow River and the area extending west to Dalles. Tolmie, in Id., p. 245. The Utillas occupy the area along the river that carries their name. Dennison, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 374.

The Wahowpum live 'on the N. branch of the Columbia, in different bands from the Pishquitpahs; as low as the river Lapage; the different bands of this nation winter on the waters of Taptul and Cataract rivers.' Morse's Rept., p. 370; Lewis and Clarke's Map. On John Day's River. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417.

The Wahowpum live on the North branch of the Columbia, in different groups from the Pishquitpahs, as far down as the Lapage River. The various groups of this nation spend the winter on the Taptul and Cataract rivers. Morse's Rept., p. 370; Lewis and Clarke's Map. On John Day's River. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417.

The Wascos include all the tribes between the Cascade Range and John Day River, south of the Columbia. 'They are known by the name of Wasco Indians, and they call their country around the Dallas, Wascopam. They claim the country extending from the cascades up to the falls of the 320 Columbia, the distance of about fifty miles.' Hines' Voy., p. 159. 'The Wascos occupy a small tract of country near to and adjoining the Dalles.' Dennison, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 372. On both sides of the Columbia about the Dalles are the Wascopams. Map, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 200. Eneshur, Echeloots, Chillukkitequaw and Sinacshop occupy the territory, on Lewis and Clarke's Map; Morse's Rept., p. 370. The Tchipantchicktchick, Cathlassis, Ilttekaïmamits, and Tchelouits about the Dalles. Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. xii., p. 26; Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417.

The Wascos include all the tribes between the Cascade Range and the John Day River, south of the Columbia. They are known as the Wasco Indians, and they refer to their land around the Dalles as Wascopam. They claim the territory extending from the Cascades up to the falls of the 320 Columbia, roughly a distance of fifty miles. Hines' Voy., p. 159. The Wascos occupy a small area of land near and adjacent to the Dalles. Dennison, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 372. On both sides of the Columbia around the Dalles are the Wascopams. Map, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 200. Eneshur, Echeloots, Chillukkitequaw, and Sinacshop occupy the territory on Lewis and Clarke's Map; Morse's Rept., p. 370. The Tchipantchicktchick, Cathlassis, Ilttekaïmamits, and Tchelouits are located around the Dalles. Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. xii., p. 26; Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417.

'The residence of the Molele is (or was) in the broken and wooded country about Mounts Hood and Vancouver.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 214. The Mollales have their home in the Willamette Valley. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 492.

'The home of the Molele is (or was) in the rough and wooded area around Mount Hood and Vancouver.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 214. The Mollales live in the Willamette Valley. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 492.

'The Tairtla, usually called Taigh, belong ... to the environs of the Des-Chutes River.' Gibbs, in Pandosy's Gram., p. vii.

'The Tairtla, typically referred to as Taigh, are located ... near the Des-Chutes River.' Gibbs, in Pandosy's Gram., p. vii.

'The Des Chutes ... formerly occupied that section of country between the Dalles and the Tyich river.' Dennison, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 373.

'The Des Chutes ... used to live in that area between the Dalles and the Tyich river.' Dennison, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 373.

'The Tyichs ... formerly occupied the Tyich valley and the country in its vicinity, which lies about 30 miles south of Fort Dalles.' Ib.

'The Tyichs ... previously lived in the Tyich valley and the surrounding area, located about 30 miles south of Fort Dalles.' Ib.

'The John Day Rivers occupy the country in the immediate vicinity of the river bearing that name.' Ib.

'The John Day Rivers are located in the area around the river of the same name.' Ib.

'The Dog River, or Cascade Indians reside on a small stream called Dog river, which empties into the Columbia river, about half way between the Cascades and Dalles.' Id., p. 371. The Cascades dwell 'on the river of that name.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 143.

'The Dog River, or Cascade Indians live near a small stream called Dog River, which flows into the Columbia River, roughly halfway between the Cascades and Dalles.' Id., p. 371. The Cascades live 'on the river of that name.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 143.

The Yakimas occupy the valley of the Yakima River and its branches. 'The upper Yakimas occupy the country upon the Wenass and main branch of the Yakima, above the forks; the Lower upon the Yakima and its tributaries, below the forks and along the Columbia from the mouth of the Yakima to a point three miles below the Dalles.' Robie, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 350. Three bands, Wishhams, Clickahut, and Skien, along the Columbia. Id., p. 352. 'The Pshwanwappam bands, usually called Yakamas, inhabit the Yakama River.' Gibbs, in Pandosy's Gram., p. vii. Lewis and Clarke's Chanwappan, Shaltattos, Squamaross, Skaddals, and Chimnahpum, on the Yakima River. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417. The Yakimas 'are divided into two principal bands, each made up of a number of villages, and very closely connected; one owning the country on the Nahchess and Lower Yakima, the other are upon the Wenass and main branch above the forks.' Id., p. 407. Yackamans, northern banks of the Columbia and on the Yackamans river. Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 143. On the Yakima. Hale's Ethnog., U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 213. 'South of the Long Rapids, to the confluence of Lewis' river with the Columbia, are the Yookoomans.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 313. Pishwanwapum (Yakima), in Yakimaw or Eyakema Valley. Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 244-7. Called Stobshaddat by the Sound Indians. Id., p. 245.

The Yakimas live in the valley of the Yakima River and its branches. The upper Yakimas are located in the region around the Wenass River and the main branch of the Yakima, above the forks; the Lower Yakimas are found on the Yakima and its tributaries, below the forks and along the Columbia from the mouth of the Yakima to three miles below the Dalles. Robie, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 350. There are three bands: Wishhams, Clickahut, and Skien, along the Columbia. Id., p. 352. The Pshwanwappam bands, commonly known as Yakamas, live along the Yakama River. Gibbs, in Pandosy's Gram., p. vii. Lewis and Clarke mention the Chanwappan, Shaltattos, Squamaross, Skaddals, and Chimnahpum tribes on the Yakima River. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417. The Yakimas are divided into two main bands, each consisting of several villages that are closely linked; one band occupies the territory on the Nahchess and Lower Yakima, while the other is situated on the Wenass and the main branch above the forks. Id., p. 407. Yackamans live on the northern banks of the Columbia and along the Yackamans River. Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 143. On the Yakima. Hale's Ethnog., U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 213. 'South of the Long Rapids, to the confluence of Lewis' River with the Columbia, are the Yookoomans.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 313. Pishwanwapum (Yakima) is located in Yakimaw or Eyakema Valley. Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 244-7. It's called Stobshaddat by the Sound Indians. Id., p. 245.

The Chimnapums are 'on the N.W. side of Col. river, both above and below the entrance of Lewis' r. and the Taptul r.' Morse's Rept., p. 370; Lewis and Clarke's Map. The 'Chunnapuns and Chanwappans are between the 321 Cascade Range and the north branch of the Columbia.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 143.

The Chimnapums are located on the northwest side of the Columbia River, both upstream and downstream from where Lewis' River and the Taptul River enter. Morse's Rept., p. 370; Lewis and Clarke's Map. The Chunnapuns and Chanwappans are found between the 321 Cascade Range and the northern branch of the Columbia. Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 143.

The Pisquitpahs, 'on the Muscleshell rapids, and on the N. side of the Columbia, to the commencement of the high country; this nation winter on the waters of the Taptul and Cataract rivers.' Morse's Rept., p. 370.

The Pisquitpahs, located on the Muscleshell rapids and on the north side of the Columbia, near the start of the high country, spend their winters along the Taptul and Cataract rivers. Morse's Rept., p. 370.

The Sokulks dwell north of the confluence of the Snake and Columbia. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 351, and map; Morse's Rept., p. 369. At Priest Rapids. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417.

The Sokulks live north of where the Snake and Columbia Rivers meet. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 351, and map; Morse's Rept., p. 369. At Priest Rapids. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 417.

THE KLIKETATS.

THE KLIKETATS.

The Kliketats live in the mountainous country north of the Cascades, on both sides of the Cascade Range, and south of the Yakimas. Klikatats 'inhabit, properly, the valleys lying between Mounts St. Helens and Adams, but they have spread over districts belonging to other tribes, and a band of them is now located as far south as the Umpqua.' Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 403. 'Roilroilpam is the Klikatat country, situated in the Cascade mountains north of the Columbia and west of the Yakamas.' Gibbs, in Pandosy's Gram., p. vii. 'Wander in the wooded country about Mount St. Helens.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 213. 'In the vicinity of the mouth of the Columbia.' Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113. Klikatats. 'Au-dessus du fort des Nez-Percés.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'The Kliketat, a scion from the Sahaptans, who now dwell near Mount Rainier and have advanced towards the falls of the Columbia.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 225. On Lewis and Clarke's Map the Kliketat territory is occupied by the Chanwappan, Shallatos, Squamaros, Skaddals, Shahalas. Also in Morse's Rept., p. 372. Whulwhypum, or Kliketat, 'in the wooded and prairie country between Vancouver and the Dalles.' Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 245.

The Kliketats live in the mountainous area north of the Cascades, on both sides of the Cascade Range, and south of the Yakimas. Klikatats primarily inhabit the valleys between Mounts St. Helens and Adams, but they've expanded into territories belonging to other tribes, with some of them now located as far south as the Umpqua. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 403. 'Roilroilpam is the Klikatat region, located in the Cascade mountains north of the Columbia and west of the Yakamas.' Gibbs, in Pandosy's Gram., p. vii. 'They wander in the wooded areas around Mount St. Helens.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 213. 'In the vicinity of the mouth of the Columbia.' Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113. Klikatats. 'Above the Nez-Percés fort.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'The Kliketat, a branch of the Sahaptans, now lives near Mount Rainier and has moved towards the falls of the Columbia.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 225. On Lewis and Clarke's Map, the Kliketat territory is occupied by the Chanwappan, Shallatos, Squamaros, Skaddals, and Shahalas. Also in Morse's Rept., p. 372. Whulwhypum, or Kliketat, 'in the wooded and prairie area between Vancouver and the Dalles.' Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 245.

The Weyehhoo live on the north side of the Columbia, near Chusattes River. (Kliketat.) Gass' Jour., p. 288.

The Weyehhoo live on the north side of the Columbia, near the Chusattes River. (Kliketat.) Gass' Jour., p. 288.

Californian Group

NATIVE RACES of the PACIFIC STATES
CALIFORNIAN GROUP

NATIVE RACES of the PACIFIC STATES
CALIFORNIAN GROUP

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CHAPTER IV.

CALIFORNIA RESIDENTS.

Groupal Divisions; Northern, Central, and Southern Californians, and Shoshones—Country of the Californians—The Klamaths, Modocs, Shastas, Pitt River Indians, Eurocs, Cahrocs, Hoopahs, Weeyots, Tolewas, and Rogue River Indians and their Customs—The Tehamas, Pomos, Ukiahs, Gualalas, Sonomas, Petalumas, Napas, Suscols, Suisunes, Tamales, Karquines, Ohlones, Tulomos, Thamiens, Olchones, Rumsens, Escelens, and others of Central California—The Cahuillas, Diegueños, Islanders, and Mission Rancherias of Southern California—The Snakes or Shoshones proper, Utahs, Bannocks, Washoes and other Shoshone Nations.

Group Divisions: Northern, Central, and Southern Californians, and Shoshones—Land of the Californians—The Klamaths, Modocs, Shastas, Pitt River Indians, Eurocs, Cahrocs, Hoopahs, Weeyots, Tolewas, and Rogue River Indians and their Traditions—The Tehamas, Pomos, Ukiahs, Gualalas, Sonomas, Petalumas, Napas, Suscols, Suisunes, Tamales, Karquines, Ohlones, Tulomos, Thamiens, Olchones, Rumsens, Escelens, and others from Central California—The Cahuillas, Diegueños, Islanders, and Mission Rancherias of Southern California—The Snakes or Shoshones proper, Utahs, Bannocks, Washoes, and other Shoshone Nations.

Of the seven groups into which this work separates the nations of western North America, the Californians constitute the third, and cover the territory between latitude 43° and 32° 30´, extending back irregularly into the Rocky Mountains. There being few distinctly marked families in this group, I cannot do better in subdividing it for the purpose of description than make of the Californians proper three geographical divisions, namely, the Northern Californians, the Central Californians, and the Southern Californians. The Shoshones, or fourth division of this group, who spread out over south-eastern Oregon, southern Idaho, and the whole of Nevada and Utah, present more distinctly marked family characteristics, and will therefore be treated as a family.

Of the seven groups in which this work divides the nations of western North America, the Californians make up the third group and cover the area between latitude 43° and 32° 30′, extending irregularly into the Rocky Mountains. Since there are few clearly defined families in this group, the best way to subdivide it for description is to create three geographical divisions of the Californians: the Northern Californians, the Central Californians, and the Southern Californians. The Shoshones, or the fourth division of this group, who extend over southeastern Oregon, southern Idaho, and all of Nevada and Utah, show more distinct family characteristics and will therefore be treated as a single family.

HOME OF THE CALIFORNIANS.

CALIFORNIANS' HOME.

The same chain of mountains, which, as the Cascade Range, divides the land of the Columbians, holds its course steadily southward, and entering the territory of 323 the Californian group forms, under the name of the Sierra Nevada, the partition between the Californians proper and the Shoshones of Idaho and Nevada. The influence of this range upon the climate is also here manifest, only intenser in degree than farther north. The lands of the Northern Californians are well watered and wooded, those of the central division have an abundance of water for six months in the year, namely, from November to May, and the soil is fertile, yielding abundantly under cultivation. Sycamore, oak, cotton-wood, willow, and white alder, fringe the banks of the rivers; laurel, buckeye, manzanita, and innumerable berry-bearing bushes, clothe the lesser hills; thousands of acres are annually covered with wild oats; the moist bottoms yield heavy crops of grass; and in summer the valleys are gorgeous with wild-flowers of every hue. Before the blighting touch of the white man was laid upon the land, the rivers swarmed with salmon and trout; deer, antelope, and mountain sheep roamed over the foot-hills, bear and other carnivora occupied the forests, and numberless wild fowl covered the lakes. Decreasing in moisture toward the tropics, the climate of the Southern Californians is warm and dry, while the Shoshones, a large part of whose territory falls in the Great Basin, are cursed with a yet greater dryness.

The same mountain range, known as the Cascade Range, separates the land of the Columbians, continues steadily southward, and upon entering the area of 323 forms, under the name Sierra Nevada, the boundary between the true Californians and the Shoshones of Idaho and Nevada. The impact of this range on the climate is evident here, even more intensely than further north. The northern Californians enjoy well-watered and wooded lands, while the central region has plentiful water for six months a year, from November to May, and the soil is fertile and yields abundantly when cultivated. Sycamore, oak, cottonwood, willow, and white alder line the riverbanks; laurel, buckeye, manzanita, and countless berry-producing bushes cover the smaller hills; thousands of acres are annually blanketed with wild oats; the moist lowlands produce rich crops of grass; and the valleys burst with wildflowers of every color in the summer. Before the destructive influence of white settlers touched the land, the rivers were teeming with salmon and trout; deer, antelope, and mountain sheep roamed the foothills; bears and other carnivorous animals inhabited the forests, and countless waterfowl filled the lakes. As moisture decreases towards the tropics, the climate for Southern Californians becomes warm and dry, while the Shoshones, much of whose territory is in the Great Basin, suffer from even greater dryness.

The region known as the Great Basin, lying between the eastern base of the Sierra Nevada and the Wahsatch Mountains, and stretching north and south from latitude 33° to 42°, presents a very different picture from the land of the Californians. This district is triangular in shape, the apex pointing toward the south, or southwest; from this apex, which, round the head of the Gulf of California, is at tide level, the ground gradually rises until, in central Nevada, it reaches an altitude of about five thousand feet, and this, with the exception of a few local depressions, is about the level of the whole of the broad part of the basin. The entire surface of this plateau is alkaline. Being in parts almost destitute of water, there is comparatively little timber; sage-brush and greasewood 324 being the chief signs of vegetation, except at rare intervals where some small stream struggling against almost universal aridity, supports on its banks a little scanty herbage and a few forlorn-looking cotton-wood trees. The northern part of this region, as is the case with the lands of the Californians proper, is somewhat less destitute of vegetable and animal life than the southern portion which is indeed a desert occupied chiefly by rabbits, prairie-dogs, sage-hens, and reptiles. The desert of the Colorado, once perhaps a fertile bottom, extending northward from the San Bernardino Mountains one hundred and eighty miles, and spreading over an area of about nine thousand square miles, is a silent unbroken sea of sand, upon whose ashy surface glares the mid-day sun and where at night the stars draw near through the thin air and brilliantly illumine the eternal solitude. Here the gigantic cereus, emblem of barrenness, rears its contorted form, casting weird shadows upon the moonlit level. In such a country, where in winter the keen dust-bearing blast rushes over the unbroken desolate plains, and in summer the very earth cracks open with intense heat, what can we expect of man but that he should be distinguished for the depths of his low attainment.

The Great Basin region, situated between the eastern base of the Sierra Nevada and the Wasatch Mountains, and stretching from latitude 33° to 42° both north and south, looks very different from the land of California. This area is triangular, with the point facing south or southwest; from this point, which is at tide level near the Gulf of California, the land gradually rises until it reaches about five thousand feet in central Nevada. Besides a few local dips, this elevation is typical for most of the basin. The entire plateau is alkaline, and due to a lack of water in some areas, there's relatively little timber. Sagebrush and greasewood are the main types of vegetation, except in rare spots where small streams fight against the dry conditions, nurturing a bit of sparse grass and a few sad-looking cottonwood trees. The northern part of this area has a slightly better variety of plant and animal life compared to the southern portion, which is mostly a desert home to rabbits, prairie dogs, sage hens, and reptiles. The Colorado Desert, which might have once been a fertile area, extends north from the San Bernardino Mountains for about 180 miles and covers roughly nine thousand square miles. It is a silent, endless sea of sand, where the midday sun blazes on its gray surface and the stars shine brightly through the thin air at night, illuminating the endless solitude. Here, the huge cereus, a symbol of barrenness, rises with its twisted shape, casting eerie shadows on the moonlit ground. In such a landscape, where winter brings a harsh dust-laden wind across the empty plains and summer causes the ground to crack from the intense heat, what can we expect from people other than marked limitations in their achievements?

But although the poverty and barrenness of his country account satisfactorily for the low type of the inhabitant of the Great Basin, yet no such excuse is offered for the degradation of the native of fertile California. On every side, if we except the Shoshone, in regions possessing far fewer advantages than California, we find a higher type of man. Among the Tuscaroras, Cherokees, and Iroquois of the Atlantic slope, barbarism assumes its grandest proportions; proceeding west it bursts its fetters in the incipient civilization of the Gila; but if we continue the line to the shores of the Pacific we find this intellectual dawn checked, and man sunk almost to the utter darkness of the brute. Coming southward from the frozen land of the Eskimo, or northward from tropical Darien we pass through nations possessing the necessaries 325 and even the comforts of life. Some of them raise and grind wheat and corn, many of them make pottery and other utensils, at the north they venture out to sea in good boats and make Behemoth their spoil. The Californians on the other hand, comparatively speaking, wear no clothes, they build no houses, do not cultivate the soil, they have no boats, nor do they hunt to any considerable extent; they have no morals nor any religion worth calling such. The missionary Fathers found a virgin field whereon neither god nor devil was worshiped. We must look, then, to other causes for a solution of the question why a nobler race is not found in California; such for instance as revolutions and migrations of nations, or upheavals and convulsions of nature, causes arising before the commencement of the short period within which we are accustomed to reckon time.

But even though the poverty and emptiness of his country explain the low quality of life for the people of the Great Basin, there’s no similar excuse for the decline of the natives in fertile California. Everywhere we look, except for the Shoshone, in areas with far fewer advantages than California, we see a higher standard of people. Among the Tuscaroras, Cherokees, and Iroquois of the East Coast, barbarism reaches its grandest forms; moving west, it breaks free in the early civilizations of the Gila; but if we follow the line to the Pacific shores, we find this intellectual awakening stifled, with people reduced almost to the level of animals. As we travel south from the icy lands of the Eskimo, or north from the tropical Darien, we encounter nations that have the necessities and even luxuries of life. Some cultivate and grind wheat and corn, many create pottery and other tools, and in the north, they brave the sea in good boats and catch large sea creatures. In contrast, Californians, relatively speaking, wear no clothes, build no homes, do not farm the land, have no boats, and don’t hunt extensively; they lack morals, and there’s no religion worth mentioning. The missionary Fathers discovered a pristine area where neither God nor the devil was worshiped. Therefore, we must look for other reasons to explain why a more noble race isn't found in California; reasons like revolutions and migrations of nations, or natural upheavals and disasters, factors that occurred long before the brief period we usually consider.

TRIBAL DIVERSITY.

Cultural diversity.

There is, perhaps, a greater diversity of tribal names among the Californians than elsewhere in America; the whole system of nomenclature is so complicated and contradictory that it is impossible to reduce it to perfect order. There are tribes that call themselves by one name, but whose neighbors call them by another; tribes that are known by three or four names, and tribes that have no name except that of their village or chief.[423] Tribal names are frequently given by one writer which are never mentioned by any other;[424] nevertheless there are tribes on whose names authorities agree, and though 326 the spelling differs, the sound expressed in these instances is about the same. Less trouble is experienced in distinguishing the tribes of the northern division, which is composed of people who resemble their neighbors more than is the case in central California, where the meaningless term 'Indians,' is almost universally applied in speaking of them.[425]

There’s probably more variety in tribal names among Californians than anywhere else in America; the entire naming system is so complex and inconsistent that it’s impossible to organize it perfectly. Some tribes call themselves one name, but their neighbors refer to them by another; some tribes are known by three or four different names, while others only have the name of their village or chief. [423] There are names often provided by one writer that other writers don’t mention at all; [424] however, there are tribes with names that experts agree on, and even though the spelling may vary, the pronunciation is generally similar in those cases. It’s easier to tell apart the tribes in the northern part, which consists of people who resemble their neighbors more than those in central California, where the term 'Indians' is almost always used to describe them. [425]

Another fruitful source of confusion is the indefinite nickname 'Digger' which is applied indiscriminately to all the tribes of northern and middle California, and to those of Nevada, Utah, and the southern part of Oregon. These tribes are popularly known as the Californian Diggers, Washoe Diggers, Shoshone Diggers of Utah, etc., the signification of the term pointing to the digging of roots, and in some parts, possibly, to burrowing in the ground. The name is seemingly opprobrious, and is certainly no more applicable to this people than to many others. By this territorial division I hope to avoid, as far as possible, the two causes of bewilderment before alluded to; neither treating the inhabitants of an immense country as one tribe, nor attempting to ascribe distinct names and idiosyncrasies to hundreds of small, insignificant bands, roaming over a comparatively narrow area of country and to all of which one description will apply.

Another confusing source is the ambiguous nickname 'Digger,' which is used casually for all the tribes in northern and central California, as well as those in Nevada, Utah, and southern Oregon. These tribes are commonly called the Californian Diggers, Washoe Diggers, Shoshone Diggers of Utah, etc. The term generally refers to the digging of roots and, in some areas, possibly to burrowing in the ground. The name seems derogatory and isn’t really any more appropriate for these people than for many others. By using this geographic breakdown, I hope to reduce, as much as possible, the two sources of confusion I mentioned earlier; I aim to avoid treating the inhabitants of a vast area as a single tribe, and I also won’t try to assign unique names and characteristics to hundreds of small, insignificant groups that cover a relatively small area where one description could apply to all.

NATIONS OF NORTHERN CALIFORNIA.

NORTHERN CALIFORNIA NATIONS.

The Northern Californians, the first tribal group, or division, of which I shall speak, might, not improperly, be called the Klamath family, extending as they do from Rogue River on the north, to the Eel River south, and from the Pacific Ocean to the Californian boundary east, and including the Upper and Lower Klamath and other lakes. The principal tribes occupying 327 this region are the Klamaths,[426] who live on the headwaters of the river and on the shores of the lake of that name; the Modocs,[427] on Lower Klamath Lake and along Lost River; the Shastas, to the south-west of the lakes, near the Shasta Mountains; the Pitt River Indians; the Eurocs on the Klamath River between Weitspek and the coast; the Cahrocs[428] on the Klamath River from a short distance above the junction of the Trinity to the Klamath Mountains; the Hoopahs in Hoopah Valley on the Trinity near its junction with the Klamath; numerous tribes on the coast from Eel River and Humboldt Bay north, such as the Weeyots,[429] Wallies, Tolewahs, etc., and the Rogue River Indians,[430] on and about the river of that name.[431]

The NorCal residents, the first tribal group I'll talk about, could be accurately referred to as the Klamath family. Their territory stretches from Rogue River in the north to Eel River in the south, and from the Pacific Ocean to the California border in the east, including the Upper and Lower Klamath and other lakes. The main tribes living in this area are the Klamaths,[426] who reside at the headwaters of the river and along the shores of the lake named after them; the Modocs,[427] located at Lower Klamath Lake and along Lost River; the Shastas, to the southwest of the lakes, near the Shasta Mountains; the Pitt River Indians; the Eurocs along the Klamath River between Weitspek and the coast; the Cahrocs[428] on the Klamath River just above where it meets the Trinity River and extending to the Klamath Mountains; the Hoopahs in Hoopah Valley along the Trinity River near its junction with the Klamath; and various tribes along the coast from Eel River and Humboldt Bay to the north, such as the Weeyots,[429] Wallies, Tolewahs, etc., as well as the Rogue River Indians,[430] who live along the river of the same name.[431]

The Northern Californians are in every way superior to the central and southern tribes.[432] Their physique and 328 character, in fact, approach nearer to the Oregon nations than to the people of the Sacramento and San Joaquin valleys. This applies more particularly to the inland tribes. The race gradually deteriorates as it approaches the coast, growing less in stature, darker in color, more and more degraded in character, habits, and religion. The Rogue River Indians must, however, be made an exception to this rule. The tendency to improve toward the north, which is so marked among the Californians, holds good in this case; so that the natives on the extreme north-west coast of the region under consideration, are in many respects superior to the interior but more southerly tribes.

The Northern Californians are definitely superior to the central and southern tribes. Their physical features and character are actually closer to the Oregon nations than to the people of the Sacramento and San Joaquin valleys. This is especially true for the inland tribes. The race gradually becomes less impressive as it gets closer to the coast, becoming shorter, darker, and more degraded in character, habits, and religion. However, the Rogue River Indians are an exception to this trend. The noticeable improvement found among the Californians holds true here as well, meaning that the natives on the extreme northwest coast of this area are, in many ways, superior to the more southerly tribes inland.

PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES.

Physical differences.

The Northern Californians round the Klamath lakes, and the Klamath, Trinity, and Rogue rivers, are tall, muscular, and well made,[433] with a complexion varying from nearly black to light brown, in proportion to their proximity to, or distance, from the ocean or other large bodies of water; their face is large, oval, and heavily made, with slightly prominent cheek-bones, nose well set on the face and frequently straight, and eyes which, when not blurred by ophthalmia, are keen and bright. The women are short and some of them quite handsome, even in the Caucasian sense of the word;[434] 329 and although their beauty rapidly fades, yet they do not in old age present that unnaturally wrinkled and shriveled appearance, characteristic of the Central Californians. This description scarcely applies to the people inhabiting the coast about Redwood Creek, Humboldt Bay, and Eel River, who are squat and fat in figure, rather stoutly built, with large heads covered with coarse thick hair, and repulsive countenances, who are of a much darker color, and altogether of a lower type than the tribes to the east and north of them.[435]

The Northern Californians around the Klamath lakes, and the Klamath, Trinity, and Rogue rivers, are tall, muscular, and well-built, with skin tones ranging from nearly black to light brown, depending on how close they are to the ocean or other large bodies of water. Their faces are large, oval, and well-formed, with slightly prominent cheekbones, well-defined noses that are often straight, and eyes that are sharp and bright when not affected by eye infections. The women are shorter and some are quite attractive, even by Caucasian standards; and although their beauty fades quickly, they don’t develop the unnaturally wrinkled and shriveled look that is characteristic of the Central Californians in old age. This description doesn’t really fit the people living along the coast near Redwood Creek, Humboldt Bay, and Eel River, who are short and stocky, quite overweight, with large heads covered in coarse thick hair, and unappealing faces. They have much darker skin and are generally considered to be of a lower type compared to the tribes to their east and north.

DRESS IN NORTHERN CALIFORNIA.

Northern California attire.

Dress depends more on the state of the climate 330 than on their own sense of decency. The men wear a belt, sometimes a breech-clout, and the women an apron or skirt of deer-skin or braided grass; then they sometimes throw over the shoulders a sort of cloak, or robe, of marten or rabbit skins sewn together, deer-skin, or, among the coast tribes, seal or sea-otter skin. When they indulge in this luxury, however, the men usually dispense with all other covering.[436] Occasionally we find them taking great pride in their gala dresses and sparing no pains to render them beautiful. The Modocs, for instance, took large-sized skins, and inlaid them with brilliant-colored duck-scalps, sewed on in various figures; others, again, embroidered their aprons with colored grasses, and attached beads and shells to a deep fringe falling from the lower part.[437] A bowl-shaped hat, or 331 cap, of basket-work, is usually worn by the women, in making which some of them are very skillful. This hat is sometimes painted with various figures, and sometimes interwoven with gay feathers of the woodpecker or blue quail.[438] The men generally go bare-headed, their thick hair being sufficient protection from sun and weather. In the vicinity of the lakes, where, from living constantly among the long grass and reeds, the greatest skill is acquired in weaving and braiding, moccasins of straw or grass are worn.[439] At the junction of the Klamath and Trinity rivers their moccasins have soles of several thicknesses of leather.[440] The natives seen by Maurelle at Trinidad Bay, bound their loins and legs down to the ankle with strips of hide or thread, both men and women.

Dress is influenced more by the climate than by personal decency. The men wear belts, sometimes a breech-clout, while the women wear aprons or skirts made of deer skin or braided grass. They might also drape a kind of cloak or robe made of marten or rabbit skins, deer skin, or, among coastal tribes, seal or sea otter skin over their shoulders. When they wear these luxurious garments, men usually forgo all other covering. Occasionally, they take great pride in their formal attire, going to great lengths to make it beautiful. The Modocs, for example, used large skins inlaid with brightly colored duck scalp feathers sewn in different patterns; others embroidered their aprons with colored grasses and added beads and shells to a deep fringe at the bottom. Women typically wear a bowl-shaped hat or cap made from basketry, and some are quite skilled at making these. The hats may be painted with various designs or woven with colorful feathers from woodpeckers or blue quail. Men generally go without hats since their thick hair provides enough protection against the sun and weather. Near the lakes, where people live among tall grass and reeds, they develop great skill in weaving and braiding, resulting in moccasins made of straw or grass. At the junction of the Klamath and Trinity rivers, their moccasins have soles made of several layers of leather. The natives observed by Maurelle at Trinidad Bay wore strips of hide or thread to bind their loins and legs down to their ankles, both men and women.

The manner of dressing the hair varies; the most common way being to club it together behind in a queue, sometimes in two, worn down the back, or occasionally in the latter case drawn forward over the shoulders. The queue is frequently twisted up in a knot on the back of the head—en castanna—as Maurelle calls it. Occasionally the hair is worn loose, and flowing, and some of the women cut it short on the forehead. It is not uncommon to see wreaths of oak or laurel leaves, feathers, or the tails of gray squirrels twisted in the hair; indeed, from the trouble which they frequently take to adorn their coiffure, one would imagine that these people were of a somewhat æsthetic turn of mind, but a closer acquaintance quickly dispels the illusion. On Eel River some cut all the hair short, a custom practiced to some extent by the Central Californians.[441] 332

The way people style their hair varies; the most common method is to gather it at the back in a ponytail, sometimes in two, draping it down the back or, in some cases, pulling it forward over the shoulders. The ponytail is often twisted up in a bun at the back of the head—en castanna—as Maurelle refers to it. Sometimes the hair is worn loose and flowing, and some women cut it short at the forehead. It's not unusual to see wreaths of oak or laurel leaves, feathers, or gray squirrel tails woven into the hair; indeed, the effort they often put into their hairstyles might suggest these people have a bit of an artistic flair, but getting to know them better quickly shatters that illusion. On Eel River, some individuals cut all their hair short, a custom also seen among some Central Californians.[441] 332

FACIAL ORNAMENTATION.

Face decoration.

As usual these savages are beardless, or nearly so.[442] Tattooing, though not carried to any great extent, is universal among the women, and much practiced by the men, the latter confining this ornamentation to the breast and arms. The women tattoo in three blue lines, extending perpendicularly from the centre and corners of the lower lip to the chin. In some tribes they tattoo the arms, and occasionally the back of the hands. As they grow older the lines on the chin, which at first are very faint, are increased in width and color, thus gradually narrowing the intervening spaces. Now, as the social importance of the female is gauged by the width and depth of color of these lines, one might imagine that before long the whole chin would be what Southey calls "blue, darkly, deeply, beautifully blue;" but fashion ordains, as in the lip-ornament of the Thlinkeets, that the lines should be materially enlarged only as the charms of youth fade, thus therewith gauging both age and respectability.[443] In some few tribes, more especially 333 in the vicinity of the lakes, the men paint themselves in various colors and grotesque patterns. Among the Modocs the women also paint. Miller says that when a Modoc warrior paints his face black before going into battle it means victory or death, and he will not survive a defeat.[444] Both men and women pierce the dividing cartilage of the nose, and wear various kinds of ornaments in the aperture. Sometimes it is a goose-quill, three or four inches long, at others, a string of beads or shells. Some of the more northerly tribes wear large round pieces of wood or metal in the ears.[445] Maurelle, in his bucolic description of the natives at Trinidad bay, says that "on their necks they wear various fruits, instead of beads."[446] Vancouver, who visited the same place nearly twenty years later, states that "all the teeth 334 of both sexes were by some process ground uniformly down horizontally to the gums, the women especially, carrying the fashion to an extreme, had their teeth reduced even below this level."[447]

As usual, these people are mostly beardless or nearly so.[442] Tattooing, while not excessively elaborate, is common among the women and practiced by the men, who mainly decorate their chests and arms. The women tattoo three blue lines that run vertically from the center and corners of the lower lip to the chin. In some tribes, they also tattoo the arms and occasionally the backs of their hands. As they age, the faint lines on their chins widen and darken, gradually reducing the spaces between them. Since the social standing of women is determined by the width and depth of color of these lines, one might think that eventually their entire chin would be, as Southey describes, "blue, darkly, deeply, beautifully blue;" but fashion dictates, similar to the lip ornaments of the Thlinkeets, that these lines should only be significantly expanded as their youthful charms fade, thus marking both age and respectability.[443] In a few tribes, especially near the lakes, men paint themselves in various colors and strange patterns. Among the Modocs, women paint themselves too. Miller notes that when a Modoc warrior paints his face black before battle, it signifies victory or death, meaning he won't survive a defeat.[444] Both men and women pierce the cartilage of their noses and wear different types of ornaments in the holes. Sometimes it's a goose quill a few inches long, and other times it’s a string of beads or shells. Some tribes further north wear large round pieces of wood or metal in their ears.[445] Maurelle, in his pastoral description of the natives at Trinidad Bay, mentions that "on their necks they wear various fruits instead of beads."[446] Vancouver, who visited the same area nearly twenty years later, reports that "all the teeth of both sexes were evenly ground down to the gums, with women, in particular, taking the trend to an extreme by reducing their teeth even below that level."[447]

Here also we see in their habitations the usual summer and winter residences common to nomadic tribes. The winter dwellings, varying with locality, are principally of two forms—conical and square. Those of the former shape, which is the most widely prevailing, and obtains chiefly in the vicinity of the Klamath lakes and on the Klamath and Trinity rivers, are built in the manner following: A circular hole, from two to five feet in depth, and varying in diameter, is dug in the ground. Round this pit, or cellar, stout poles are sunk, which are drawn together at the top until they nearly meet; the whole is then covered with earth to the depth of several inches. A hole is left in the top, which serves as chimney and door, a rude ladder or notched pole communicating with the cellar below, and a similar one with the ground outside. This, however, is only the commoner and lighter kind of conical house. Many of them are built of much heavier timbers, which, instead of being bent over at the top, and so forming a bee-hive-shaped structure, are leaned one against the other.

Here, too, we see in their homes the typical summer and winter residences found among nomadic tribes. The winter dwellings, which vary by location, mainly come in two shapes: conical and square. The conical type, which is the most common, primarily exists around the Klamath lakes and on the Klamath and Trinity rivers, and is constructed as follows: A circular pit, about two to five feet deep and varying in diameter, is dug into the ground. Sturdy poles are placed around this pit or cellar and are brought together at the top until they nearly meet. The entire structure is then covered with several inches of earth. A hole is left at the top to serve as both chimney and door, with a simple ladder or notched pole leading down to the cellar below, and a similar one connecting to the ground outside. However, this is just the more basic and lighter type of conical house. Many of them are built using much heavier timber, which, instead of being bent at the top to create a bee-hive shape, are leaned against one another.

The dwellings built by the Hoopahs are somewhat better. The inside of the cellar is walled up with stone; round this, and at a distance of a few feet from it, another stone wall is built on the surface level, against which heavy beams or split logs are leaned up, meeting at the top, or sometimes the lower ends of the poles rest against the inside of the wall, thus insuring the inmates against a sudden collapse of the hut.[448] 335

The homes built by the Hoopahs are somewhat better. The inside of the cellar is lined with stone; around this, and a few feet away, another stone wall is built at ground level, against which heavy beams or split logs are leaned, meeting at the top. Sometimes the lower ends of the poles rest against the inside of the wall, ensuring that the people inside are protected from a sudden collapse of the hut.[448] 335

CALIFORNIAN HABITATIONS.

California Homes.

The square style of dwelling is affected more by the coast tribes, although occasionally seen in the interior. A cellar, either square or round, is dug in the same manner as with the conical houses. The sides of the hole are walled with upright slabs, which project some feet above the surface of the ground. The whole structure is covered with a roof of sticks or planks, sloping gently outward, and resting upon a ridge-pole. The position of the door varies, being sometimes in the roof, sometimes on a level with the ground, and occasionally high up in the gable. Its shape and dimensions, however, never alter; it is always circular, barely large enough to admit a full-grown man on hands and knees. When on the roof or in the gable, a notched pole or mud steps lead up to the entrance; when on the ground, a sliding panel closes the entrance. In some cases, the excavation is planked up only to a level with the ground. The upper part is then raised several feet from the sides, leaving a bank, or rim, on which the inmates sleep; occasionally there is no excavation, the house being erected on the level ground, with merely a small fire-hole in the centre. The floors are kept smooth and clean, and a small space in front of the door, paved with stones and swept clean, serves as gossiping and working ground for the women.[449] 336

The square-shaped houses are more common among the coastal tribes, though you can occasionally find them inland. A cellar, which can be either square or round, is dug out in the same way as the conical homes. The walls of the pit are lined with upright slabs that extend a few feet above ground level. The entire structure has a roof made of sticks or planks that gently slopes outward and rests on a ridge pole. The entrance can be in different places—sometimes in the roof, sometimes at ground level, and occasionally high up in the gable. However, its shape and size never change; it’s always circular, just big enough for an adult to crawl through on hands and knees. If the door is on the roof or in the gable, a notched pole or mud steps provide access; if it’s at ground level, a sliding panel secures the entrance. In some cases, the excavation is only planked up to the ground. In that situation, the upper part is raised several feet above the sides, creating a ledge where the residents sleep. Sometimes there isn't an excavation at all, and the house is built directly on the ground with just a small fire pit in the center. The floors are kept smooth and clean, and a small area in front of the door, paved with stones and kept tidy, serves as a space for socializing and working for the women.[449] 336

The temporary summer houses of the Northern Californians are square, conical, and inverted-bowl-shaped huts; built, when square, by driving light poles into the ground and laying others horizontally across them; when conical, the poles are drawn together at the top into a point; when bowl-shaped, both ends of the poles are driven into the ground, making a semi-circular hut. These frames, however shaped, are covered with neatly woven tule matting,[450] or with bushes or ferns.[451]

The temporary summer houses of the Northern Californians are square, cone-shaped, and bowl-shaped huts. When they're square, they're made by driving light poles into the ground and laying others horizontally across them. When they're cone-shaped, the poles come together at the top in a point. When bowl-shaped, both ends of the poles are driven into the ground, creating a semi-circular hut. Regardless of their shape, these frames are covered with neatly woven tule matting, [450] or with bushes or ferns. [451]

HUNTING AND FISHING.

Hunting and fishing.

The Californians are but poor hunters; they prefer the snare to the bow and arrow. Yet some of the mountain tribes display considerable dexterity in the chase. To hunt the prong-buck, the Klamath fastens to each heel a strip of ermine-skin, and keeping the herd to the windward, he approaches craftily through the tall grass as near as possible, then throwing himself on his back, or standing on his head, he executes a pantomime in the air with his legs. Naturally the antelope wonder, and being cursed with curiosity, the simple animals gradually approach. As soon as they arrive within easy shooting-distance, down go the hunter's legs and up comes the body. Too late the antelope learn their mistake; swift as they are, the arrow is swifter; and the fattest buck pays the penalty of his inquisitiveness with his life. The Veeards, at Humboldt Bay, construct a slight fence from tree to tree, into which inclosure elk are driven, the only exit being by a narrow opening at one end, where a pole is placed in such a manner as to force the 337 animal to stoop in passing under it, when its head is caught in a noose suspended from the pole. This pole is dragged down by the entangled elk, but soon he is caught fast in the thick undergrowth, and firmly held until the hunter comes up.[452] Pitfalls are also extensively used in trapping game. A narrow pass, through which an elk or deer trail leads, is selected for the pit, which is ten or twelve feet deep. The animals are then suddenly stampeded from their feeding-grounds, and, in their wild terror, rush blindly along the trail to destruction.[453] The bear they seldom hunt, and if one is taken, it is usually by accident, in one of their strong elk-traps. Many of the tribes refuse to eat bear-meat, alleging that the flesh of a man-eating animal is unclean; but no doubt Bruin owes his immunity as much to his teeth and claws as to his uncleanness.

The Californians aren't great hunters; they prefer traps to bows and arrows. However, some mountain tribes show a lot of skill in hunting. To catch a pronghorn, the Klamath ties strips of ermine skin to each heel and, keeping the herd upwind, sneaks through the tall grass as close as possible. Then he throws himself on his back or stands on his head and performs a kind of dance with his legs. Naturally, the antelope are curious and slowly approach. Once they get within easy shooting range, the hunter drops his legs and raises his body. By then, it's too late for the antelope to realize their mistake; even though they’re fast, the arrow is faster, and the biggest buck pays for his curiosity with his life. The Veeards at Humboldt Bay build a small fence from tree to tree, into which they drive elk, with the only way out being a narrow opening at one end. A pole is placed in such a way that it forces the animal to lower its head while passing under it, causing its head to get caught in a noose hanging from the pole. The pole is pulled down by the trapped elk, but soon it gets stuck in the thick undergrowth and is held until the hunter arrives. Pitfalls are also widely used to trap game. A narrow passage where an elk or deer trail runs is chosen for the pit, which is about ten or twelve feet deep. The animals are then driven from their feeding grounds in a panic and dash blindly along the trail to their doom. They rarely hunt bears, and if one is caught, it's usually by accident in one of their strong elk traps. Many of the tribes refuse to eat bear meat, claiming that the flesh of a man-eating animal is unclean; however, it's likely that Bruin's survival is due as much to his teeth and claws as to his perceived uncleanliness.

FISHING BY NIGHT ON THE KLAMATH.

FISHING AT NIGHT ON THE KLAMATH.

Fishing is more congenial to the lazy taste of these people than the nobler but more arduous craft of hunting; consequently fish, being abundant, are generally more plentiful in the aboriginal larder than venison. Several methods are adopted in taking them. Sometimes a dam of interwoven willows is constructed across a rapid at the time when salmon are ascending the river; niches four or five feet square are made at intervals across the dam, in which the fish, pressed on by those behind, collect in great numbers and are there speared or netted without mercy. Much ingenuity and labor are required to build some of the larger of these dams. Mr Gibbs describes one thrown across the Klamath, where the 338 river was about seventy-five yards wide, elbowing up the stream in its deepest part. It was built by first driving stout posts into the bed of the river, at a distance of some two feet apart, having a moderate slope, and supported from below, at intervals of ten or twelve feet, by two braces; the one coming to the surface of the water, the other reaching to the string-pieces. These last were heavy spars, about thirty feet in length, and secured to each post by withes. The whole dam was faced with twigs, carefully peeled, and placed so close together as to prevent the fish from passing up. The top, at this stage of the water, was two or three feet above the surface. The labor of constructing this work must, with the few and insufficient tools of the natives, have been immense. Slight scaffolds were built out below it, from which the fish were taken in scoop-nets; they also employ drag-nets and spears, the latter having a movable barb, which is fastened to the shaft with a string in order to afford the salmon play.[454] On Rogue River, spearing by torch-light—a most picturesque sight—is resorted to. Twenty canoes sometimes start out together, each carrying three persons—two women, one to row and the other to hold the torch, and a spearman. Sometimes the canoes move in concert, sometimes independently of each other; one moment the lights are seen in line, like an army of fire-flies, then they are scattered over the dark surface of the water like ignes fatui. The fish, attracted by the glare, rise to the surface, where they are transfixed by the unerring aim of the spearmen. Torchlight spearing is also done by driving the fish down stream in the day-time by dint of much wading, yelling, and howling, and many splashes, until they are stopped by a dam previously erected lower 339 down; another dam is then built above, so that the fish cannot escape. At night fires are built round the edge of the enclosed space, and the finny game speared from the bank.[455] Some tribes on the Klamath erect platforms over the stream on upright poles, on which they sleep and fish at the same time. A string leads from the net either to the fisherman himself or to some kind of alarm; and as soon as a salmon is caught, its floundering immediately awakens the slumberer. On the sea-shore smelts are taken in a triangular net stretched on two slender poles; the fisherman wades into the water up to his waist, turns his face to the shore, and his back to the incoming waves, against whose force he braces himself with a stout stick, then as the smelts are washed back from the beach by the returning waves, he receives them in his net. The net is deep, and a narrow neck connects it with a long network bag behind; into this bag the fish drop when the net is raised, but they cannot return. In this manner the fisherman can remain for some time at his post, without unloading.

Fishing appeals more to the laid-back nature of these people than the more challenging and noble pursuit of hunting; as a result, fish are usually more abundant in their traditional food storage than venison. They use several methods to catch them. Sometimes, they build a dam made of woven willows across a fast-moving part of the river when salmon are swimming upstream. They create openings about four or five feet square at various points along the dam, where fish, pushed by others behind them, gather in large numbers and are speared or netted without mercy. Constructing some of the larger dams requires a lot of skill and effort. Mr. Gibbs describes one built across the Klamath, where the river was about seventy-five yards wide at its deepest point. It was made by first driving thick posts into the riverbed, spaced about two feet apart, with a slight slope, and supported from below by two braces at intervals of ten or twelve feet—one reaching the surface of the water and the other connecting to the crosspieces. These crosspieces were heavy logs about thirty feet long, attached to each post with flexible ties. The entire dam was faced with carefully stripped twigs placed closely together to keep the fish from swimming upstream. At this water level, the top of the dam was two or three feet above the surface. The effort required to build this structure, with the limited tools available to the natives, must have been enormous. Small scaffolds were built beneath it, from which fish were caught using scoop nets; they also use drag nets and spears, the latter having a movable barb that is tied to the shaft with a string to allow the salmon some movement. On Rogue River, they also spear fish by torchlight—a very striking sight. Sometimes, twenty canoes set out together, each carrying three people: two women, one to paddle and the other to hold the torch, along with a spearmen. Sometimes the canoes move in unison, sometimes independently; at one moment, the lights are in a line like an army of fireflies, then they scatter across the dark water like misleading lights. The fish, drawn to the bright flames, come to the surface, where the spearmen skillfully impale them. Torchlight spearing can also be done by pushing the fish downstream during the day with lots of wading, shouting, and splashing, until they reach a previously built dam further down the river; then, another dam is constructed above to prevent the fish from escaping. At night, fires are lit around the edge of the enclosed area, and the fish are speared from the bank. Some tribes on the Klamath build platforms over the stream on upright poles, where they rest and fish at the same time. A line connects the net to either the fisherman or an alarm system; as soon as a salmon is caught, its thrashing wakes the sleeper immediately. Along the coast, smelts are caught using a triangular net stretched between two thin poles; the fisherman wades into the water up to his waist, facing the shore with his back to the incoming waves, bracing himself against their force with a sturdy stick. As the returning waves carry the smelts back from the beach, he catches them in his net. The net is deep, and a narrow neck connects it to a lengthy net bag behind; when the net is lifted, the fish fall into the bag but are unable to escape. This way, the fisherman can stay at his spot for some time without needing to unload.

Eels are caught in traps having a funnel-shaped entrance, into which the eels can easily go, but which closes on them as soon as they are in. These traps are fastened to stakes and kept down by weights. Similar traps are used to take salmon.

Eels are caught in traps with a funnel-shaped entrance that allows them to swim in easily, but closes behind them once they're inside. These traps are secured to stakes and held down by weights. Similar traps are used for catching salmon.

When preserved for winter use, the fish are split open at the back, the bone taken out, then dried or smoked. Both fish and meat, when eaten fresh, are either broiled on hot stones or boiled in water-tight baskets, hot stones being thrown in to make the water boil. Bread is made of acorns ground to flour in a rough stone mortar with a heavy stone pestle, and baked in the ashes. Acorn-flour is the principal ingredient, but berries of various kinds are usually mixed in, and frequently it is seasoned 340 with some high-flavored herb. A sort of pudding is also made in the same manner, but is boiled instead of baked.

When prepared for winter, the fish are opened up at the back, the bones are removed, and then they are either dried or smoked. Both fish and meat, when fresh, are either grilled on hot stones or boiled in water-tight baskets, with hot stones added to make the water boil. Bread is made from acorns that are ground into flour using a rough stone mortar and a heavy stone pestle, then baked in the ashes. Acorn flour is the main ingredient, but various berries are usually mixed in, and it’s often flavored with some aromatic herb. A type of pudding is also made in the same way, but it is boiled instead of baked.

They gather a great variety of roots, berries, and seeds. The principal root is the camas,[456] great quantities of which are dried every summer, and stored away for winter provision. Another root, called kice, or kace,[457] is much sought after. Of seeds they have the wocus,[458] and several varieties of grass-seeds. Among berries the huckleberry and the manzanita berry are the most plentiful.[459] The women do the cooking, root and berry gathering, and all the drudgery.

They gather a wide range of roots, berries, and seeds. The main root is the camas,[456] which is dried in large amounts every summer and saved for winter supplies. Another root, known as kice or kace,[457] is highly valued. Among the seeds, they have wocus,[458] along with various types of grass seeds. The most abundant berries are huckleberries and manzanita berries.[459] The women handle the cooking, as well as gathering roots and berries, and do all the hard work.

The winter stock of smoked fish hangs in the family room, sending forth an ancient and fish-like smell. Roots and seeds are, among some of the more northerly tribes, stored in large wicker boxes, built in the lower branches of strong, wide-spreading trees. The trunk of the tree below the granary is smeared with pitch to keep away vermin.[459] The Modocs are sometimes obliged to cache their winter hoard under rocks and bushes; the great number of their enemies and bad character of their ostensibly friendly neighbors, rendering it unsafe for them to store it in their villages. So cunningly do they conceal their treasure that one winter, after an unusually heavy fall of snow, they themselves could not find it, and numbers starved in consequence.[460]

The winter stock of smoked fish hangs in the family room, giving off an old and fishy smell. Roots and seeds are, among some of the more northern tribes, stored in large wicker containers built into the lower branches of sturdy, wide-spreading trees. The trunk of the tree under the granary is coated with pitch to keep away pests.[459] The Modocs sometimes have to hide their winter supply under rocks and bushes; the large number of their enemies and the questionable nature of their supposedly friendly neighbors make it unsafe for them to store it in their villages. They hide their treasure so cleverly that one winter, after a particularly heavy snowfall, they couldn't find it themselves, and many starved as a result.[460]

Although the Northern Californians seldom fail to 341 take a cold bath in the morning, and frequently bathe at intervals during the day, yet they are never clean.[461]

Although Northern Californians rarely skip a cold shower in the morning and often wash up throughout the day, they still don't seem to be clean. 341

WAR AND WEAPONS.

War and Weapons.

The Northern Californians are not of a very warlike disposition, hence their weapons are few, being confined chiefly to the bow and arrow.[462] The bow is about three feet in length, made of yew, cedar, or some other tough or elastic wood, and generally painted. The back is flat, from an inch and a half to two inches wide, and covered with elk-sinews, which greatly add both to its strength and elasticity; the string is also of sinew. The bow is held horizontally when discharged, instead of perpendicularly as in most countries. The arrows are from two to three feet long, and are made sometimes of reed, sometimes of light wood. The points, which are of flint, obsidian, bone, iron, or copper, are ground to a very fine point, fastened firmly into a short piece of wood, and fitted into a socket in the main shaft, so that on withdrawing the arrow the head will be left in the wound. The feathered part, which is from five to eight inches long, is also sometimes a separate piece bound on with sinews. The quiver is made of the skin of a fox, wild-cat, or some other small animal, in the same shape as when the animal wore it, except at the tail end, where room is left for the feathered ends of arrows to project. It is usually carried on the arm.[463] 342

The Northern Californians are not very aggressive, so they have few weapons, primarily limited to the bow and arrow.[462] The bow is about three feet long, made from yew, cedar, or another tough or flexible wood, and is typically painted. The back is flat, about one and a half to two inches wide, and covered with elk sinew, which greatly enhances its strength and flexibility; the string is also made of sinew. The bow is held horizontally when shot, rather than vertically as in most places. The arrows are between two to three feet long and can be made from reed or light wood. The tips, made of flint, obsidian, bone, iron, or copper, are sharpened to a fine point, securely attached to a short piece of wood, and fitted into a socket on the main shaft, so that when the arrow is pulled out, the tip stays in the wound. The fletching, which is five to eight inches long, is sometimes a separate piece attached with sinews. The quiver is made from the skin of a fox, wildcat, or another small animal, shaped like the animal itself except at the tail end, where there’s space for the feathered tips of the arrows to stick out. It is usually carried on the arm.[463] 342

Mr Powers says: "doubtless many persons who have seen the flint arrow-heads made by the Indians, have wondered how they succeeded with their rude implements, in trimming them down to such sharp, thin points, without breaking them to pieces. The Veeards—and probably other tribes do likewise—employ for this purpose a pair of buck-horn pincers, tied together at the point with a thong. They first hammer out the arrow-head in the rough, and then with these pincers carefully nip off one tiny fragment after another, using that infinite patience which is characteristic of the Indian, spending days, perhaps weeks, on one piece. There are Indians who make arrows as a specialty, just as there are others who concoct herbs and roots for the healing of men."[464] The Shastas especially excelled in making obsidian arrow-heads; Mr Wilkes of the Exploring Expedition notices them as being "beautifully wrought," and Lyon, in a letter to the American Ethnological Society, communicated through Dr E. H. Davis, describes the very remarkable ingenuity and skill which they display 343 in this particular. The arrow-point maker, who is one of a regular guild, places the obsidian pebble upon an anvil of talcose slate and splits it with an agate chisel to the required size; then holding the piece with his finger and thumb against the anvil, he finishes it off with repeated slight blows, administered with marvelous adroitness and judgment. One of these artists made an arrow-point for Mr Lyon out of a piece of a broken porter-bottle. Owing to his not being acquainted with the grain of the glass, he failed twice, but the third time produced a perfect specimen.[465] The Wallies poison their arrows with rattlesnake-virus, but poisoned weapons seem to be the exception.[466] The bow is skilfully used; war-clubs are not common.[467]

Mr. Powers says: "Many people who have seen the flint arrowheads made by the Indians have probably wondered how they managed to shape them into such sharp, thin points without breaking them. The Veeards—and likely other tribes as well—use a pair of buckhorn pincers tied together at the tip for this task. They first roughly hammer out the arrowhead and then, using these pincers, carefully trim off one tiny fragment at a time, demonstrating the infinite patience characteristic of the Indian, spending days or even weeks on a single piece. There are Indians who specialize in making arrows, just as there are others who mix herbs and roots for healing purposes." [464] The Shastas are particularly skilled at making obsidian arrowheads; Mr. Wilkes from the Exploring Expedition notes that they are "beautifully crafted," and Lyon, in a letter to the American Ethnological Society communicated through Dr. E. H. Davis, highlights the remarkable ingenuity and skill they display in this area. The arrow-point maker, who is part of a regular guild, places the obsidian pebble on a talcose slate anvil and splits it with an agate chisel to the desired size; then, while holding the piece with his fingers against the anvil, he finishes it off with a series of slight blows, executed with incredible skill and precision. One of these craftsmen created an arrow point for Mr. Lyon from a piece of a broken porter bottle. Not knowing the glass's grain, he failed twice, but on the third attempt, he produced a perfect specimen. [465] The Wallies poison their arrows with rattlesnake venom, but poisoned weapons appear to be the exception. [466] The bow is skillfully used; war clubs are not common. [467]

WAR AND ITS MOTIVES.

War and its motives.

Wars, though of frequent occurrence, were not particularly bloody. The casus belli was usually that which brought the Spartan King before the walls of Ilion, and Titus Tatius to incipient Rome—woman. It is true, the Northern Californians are less classic abductors than the spoilers of the Sabine women, but their wars ended in the same manner—the ravished fair cleaving to her warrior-lover. Religion also, that ever-fruitful source 344 of war, is not without its conflicts in savagedom; thus more than once the Shastas and the Umpquas have taken up arms because of wicked sorceries, which caused the death of the people.[468] So when one people obstructed the river with their weir, thereby preventing the ascent of salmon, there was nothing left for those above but to fight or starve.

Wars happened often, but they weren’t particularly bloody. The reason for conflict was usually related to women, like how the Spartan King came to the walls of Ilion and Titus Tatius to early Rome. True, the Northern Californians are not exactly classic kidnappers like the ones who took the Sabine women, but their wars ended in the same way—with the captured woman choosing to stay with her warrior-lover. Religion, a never-ending source of conflict, also sparked battles among tribes; for instance, the Shastas and the Umpquas fought over evil sorceries that led to death among their people. So, when one tribe blocked the river with their dam, preventing salmon from swimming upstream, the only choice left for those upstream was to fight or starve.

Along Pitt River, pits from ten to fifteen feet deep were formerly dug, in which the natives caught man and beast. These man-traps, for such was their primary use, were small at the mouth, widening toward the bottom, so that exit was impossible, even were the victim to escape impalement upon sharpened elk and deer horns, which were favorably placed for his reception. The opening was craftily concealed by means of light sticks, over which earth was scattered, and the better to deceive the unwary traveler, footprints were frequently stamped with a moccasin in the loose soil. Certain landmarks and stones or branches, placed in a peculiar manner, warned the initiated, but otherwise there was no sign of impending danger.[469]

Along Pitt River, pits that were ten to fifteen feet deep used to be dug, where the locals trapped both people and animals. These traps, which were primarily designed for catching humans, had narrow openings at the top that widened at the bottom, making escape impossible, even if the victim avoided getting impaled on sharpened elk and deer horns that were strategically placed for their capture. The entrance was cleverly concealed with light sticks, covered with dirt, and to further trick unsuspecting travelers, footprints were often imprinted in loose soil using a moccasin. Specific landmarks and stones or branches arranged in a certain way signaled the aware, but otherwise, there were no signs of upcoming danger.[469]

Some few nations maintain the predominancy and force the weaker to pay tribute.[470] When two of these dominant nations war with each other, the conflict is more sanguinary. No scalps are taken, but in some cases the head, hands, or feet of the conquered slain are severed as trophies. The Cahrocs sometimes fight hand to hand with ragged stones, which they use with deadly effect. The Rogue River Indians kill all their male prisoners, but spare the women and children.[471] The 345 elk-horn knives and hatchets are the result of much labor and patience.[472]

Some nations continue to dominate others and force the weaker ones to pay tribute.[470] When two of these dominant nations go to war with each other, the battles are even more brutal. No scalps are taken, but in some cases, the heads, hands, or feet of the defeated are cut off as trophies. The Cahrocs sometimes fight face to face with rough stones, which they use with deadly accuracy. The Rogue River Indians kill all their male captives but spare the women and children.[471] The 345 elk-horn knives and hatchets are the result of considerable work and patience.[472]

The women are very ingenious in plaiting grass, or fine willow-roots, into mats, baskets, hats, and strips of parti-colored braid for binding up the hair. On these, angular patterns are worked by using different shades of material, or by means of dyes of vegetable extraction. The baskets are of various sizes, from the flat, basin-shaped, water-tight, rush bowl for boiling food, to the large pointed cone which the women carry on their backs when root-digging or berry-picking.[473] They are also expert tanners, and, by a comparatively simple process, will render skins as soft and pliable as cloth. The hide is first soaked in water till the hair loosens, then stretched between trees or upright posts till half dry, when it is scraped thoroughly on both sides, well beaten with sticks, and the brains of some animal, heated at a fire, are rubbed on the inner side to soften it. Finally it is buried in moist ground for some weeks.

The women are very skilled at weaving grass and fine willow roots into mats, baskets, hats, and strips of colorful braid for tying up hair. They create angular patterns using different shades of materials or dyes made from plants. The baskets come in various sizes, from the flat, bowl-shaped, waterproof rush bowl used for boiling food to the large pointed cone that the women carry on their backs while digging for roots or picking berries.[473] They are also talented tanners, and through a fairly simple process, they can make skins as soft and flexible as cloth. First, the hide is soaked in water until the hair loosens, then it’s stretched between trees or upright posts until it's halfway dry. After that, it's scraped thoroughly on both sides, beaten with sticks, and the brains of an animal, heated over a fire, are rubbed onto the inner side to soften it. Finally, it’s buried in damp ground for several weeks.

MANUFACTURES AND BOATS.

Manufacturers and boats.

The interior tribes manifest no great skill in boat-making, but along the coast and near the mouth of the Klamath and Rogue rivers, very good canoes are found. They are still, however, inferior to those used on the Columbia and its tributaries. The lashed-up-hammock-shaped bundle of rushes, which is so frequently met in the more southern parts of California, has been seen on the Klamath,[474] but I have reason to think that it is only used as a matter of convenience, and not because no better boat is known. It is certain that dug-out canoes 346 were in use on the same river, and within a few miles of the spot where tule buoys obtain. The fact is, this bundle of rushes is the best craft that could be invented for salmon-spearing. Seated astride, the weight of the fisherman sinks it below the surface; he can move it noiselessly with his feet so that there is no splashing of paddles in the sun to frighten the fish; it cannot capsize, and striking a rock does it no injury. Canoes are hollowed from the trunk of a single redwood, pine, fir, sycamore, or cottonwood tree. They are blunt at both ends and on Rogue River many of them are flat-bottomed. It is a curious fact that some of these canoes are made from first to last without being touched with a sharp-edged tool of any sort. The native finds the tree ready felled by the wind, burns it off to the required length, and hollows it out by fire. Pitch is spread on the parts to be burned away, and a piece of fresh bark prevents the flames from extending too far in the wrong direction. A small shelf, projecting inward from the stern, serves as a seat. Much trouble is sometimes taken with the finishing up of these canoes, in the way of scraping and polishing, but in shape they lack symmetry. On the coast they are frequently large; Mr Powers mentions having seen one at Smith River forty-two feet long, eight feet four inches wide, and capable of carrying twenty-four men and five tons of merchandise. The natives take great care of their canoes, and always cover them when out of the water to protect them from the sun. Should a crack appear they do not caulk it, but stitch the sides of the split tightly together with withes. They are propelled with a piece of wood, half pole, half paddle.[475] 347

The inland tribes don't show much skill in making boats, but along the coast and at the mouths of the Klamath and Rogue rivers, you can find really good canoes. However, they are still not as good as those used on the Columbia River and its tributaries. The bundle of rushes shaped like a hammock, often found in the southern parts of California, has been seen on the Klamath, but I believe it is only used for convenience, not because they don’t know of better boats. It's confirmed that dug-out canoes were used on the same river, just a few miles away from where the tule buoys are. This bundle of rushes is actually the best design for catching salmon. Sitting on it, the fisherman’s weight sinks it below the surface; he can move it silently with his feet, avoiding the noise of splashing paddles that might scare the fish; it won’t tip over, and hitting a rock doesn’t damage it. Canoes are carved from the trunk of a single redwood, pine, fir, sycamore, or cottonwood tree. They are blunt at both ends, and on Rogue River, many of them are flat-bottomed. Interestingly, some of these canoes are made entirely without any cutting tools. The native person finds a tree already fallen by the wind, burns it down to the desired length, and hollows it out using fire. Pitch is applied to the areas to be burned away, and a piece of fresh bark stops the flames from spreading too far in the wrong direction. A small shelf that sticks inward from the back serves as a seat. Sometimes a lot of effort goes into finishing these canoes by scraping and polishing, but their shape is uneven. On the coast, they are often quite large; Mr. Powers mentions seeing one at Smith River that was forty-two feet long, eight feet four inches wide, and could carry twenty-four people and five tons of cargo. The natives take great care of their canoes and always cover them when they are out of the water to protect them from the sun. If a crack appears, they don’t use caulk but simply stitch the sides of the split tightly together with thin strips of plant material. They are moved using a tool that is half pole, half paddle.

WEALTH IN NORTHERN CALIFORNIA.

WEALTH IN NORCAL.

Wealth, which is quite as important here as in any civilized communities, and of much more importance than is customary among savage nations, consists in shell-money, called allicochick, white deer-skins, canoes, and, indirectly, in women. The shell which is the regular circulating medium is white, hollow, about a quarter of an inch through, and from one to two inches in length. On its length depends its value. A gentleman, who writes from personal observation, says: "all of the older Indians have tattooed on their arms their standard of value. A piece of shell corresponding in length to one of the marks being worth five dollars, 'Boston money,' the scale gradually increases until the highest mark is reached. For five perfect shells corresponding in length to this mark they will readily give one hundred dollars in gold or silver."[476] White deer-skins are rare and considered very valuable, one constituting quite an estate in itself.[477] A scalp of the red-headed woodpecker is equivalent to about five dollars, and is extensively used as currency on the Klamath. Canoes are valued according to their size and finish. Wives, as they must be bought, are a sign of wealth, and the owner of many is respected accordingly.[478]

Wealth is just as important here as in any civilized society, and even more so than in tribal communities. It includes items like shell money called allicochick, white deer skins, canoes, and, indirectly, women. The shell used as the main currency is white, hollow, about a quarter of an inch wide, and between one to two inches long. Its value increases with its length. A gentleman writing from personal experience notes, "all the older Indians have tattoos on their arms showing their value system. A piece of shell that matches the length of one of the marks is worth five dollars, 'Boston money,' and the scale goes up from there until the highest mark is reached. For five perfect shells that match this mark in length, they will easily trade for one hundred dollars in gold or silver."[476] White deer skins are rare and hold significant value, with one being considered quite an estate by itself.[477] A scalp from a red-headed woodpecker is worth about five dollars and is widely used as currency among the Klamath people. Canoes are assessed based on their size and quality. Wives, which have to be purchased, are a symbol of wealth, and those who own many are respected accordingly.[478]

Among the Northern Californians, hereditary chieftainship is almost unknown. If the son succeed the father it is because the son has inherited the father's 348 wealth, and if a richer than he arise the ancient ruler is deposed and the new chief reigns in his stead. But to be chief means to have position, not power. He can advise, but not command; at least, if his subjects do not choose to obey him, he cannot compel obedience.

Among Northern Californians, hereditary chieftainship is pretty much nonexistent. If a son takes over from his father, it's because he has inherited the father's wealth, and if someone wealthier comes along, the old ruler is replaced and the new chief takes over. However, being a chief means having status, not real power. He can give advice, but not issue commands; at least, if his people don't choose to follow him, he can't force them to comply.

There is most frequently a head man to each village, and sometimes a chief of the whole tribe, but in reality each head of a family governs his own domestic circle as he thinks best. As in certain republics, when powerful applicants become multiplied—new offices are created, as salmon-chief, elk-chief, and the like. In one or two coast tribes the office is hereditary, as with the Patawats on Mad River, and that mysterious tribe at Trinidad Bay, mentioned by Mr Meyer, the Allequas.[479]

There’s usually a leader for each village, and sometimes a chief for the entire tribe, but really, each head of a family manages their own household as they see fit. Similar to certain republics, when there are many strong candidates, new positions are created, like salmon-chief, elk-chief, and so on. In one or two coastal tribes, the position is passed down through families, like with the Patawats on Mad River and that mysterious tribe at Trinidad Bay mentioned by Mr. Meyer, the Allequas.[479]

Their penal code is far from Draconian. A fine of a few strings of allicochick appeases the wrath of a murdered man's relatives and satisfies the requirements of custom. A woman may be slaughtered for half the sum it costs to kill a man. Occasionally banishment from the tribe is the penalty for murder, but capital punishment is never resorted to. The fine, whatever it is, must be promptly paid, or neither city of refuge nor sacred altar-horns will shield the murderer from the vengeance of his victim's friends.[480] 349

Their penal code is not harsh at all. A fine of a few strings of allicochick appeases the anger of a murdered man’s relatives and meets the requirements of tradition. Killing a woman costs half as much as killing a man. Sometimes, being banished from the tribe is the punishment for murder, but the death penalty is never used. The fine, whatever it is, must be paid right away, or the murderer won't be protected by a city of refuge or sacred altar-horns from the revenge of the victim's friends.[480] 349

WOMEN AND DOMESTIC AFFAIRS.

Women's Household Matters.

In vain do we look for traces of that Arcadian simplicity and disregard for worldly advantages generally accorded to children of nature. Although I find no description of an actual system of slavery existing among them, yet there is no doubt that they have slaves. We shall see that illegitimate children are considered and treated as such, and that women, entitled by courtesy wives, are bought and sold. Mr Drew asserts that the Klamath children of slave parents, who, it may be, prevent the profitable prostitution or sale of the mother, are killed without compunction.[481]

In vain do we search for signs of that simple, carefree life usually associated with natural people. While I haven't come across a clear description of an actual slavery system among them, it's undeniable that they have slaves. We will see that illegitimate children are recognized and treated accordingly, and that women, who are often referred to as wives, are bought and sold. Mr. Drew claims that Klamath children born to slave parents, who might hinder the profitable exploitation or sale of their mother, are killed without hesitation. [481]

Marriage, with the Northern Californians, is essentially a matter of business. The young brave must not hope to win his bride by feats of arms or softer wooing, but must buy her of her father, like any other chattel, and pay the price at once, or resign in favor of a richer man. The inclinations of the girl are in nowise consulted; no matter where her affections are placed, she goes to the highest bidder, and "Mammon wins his way where seraphs might despair." Neither is it a trifling matter to be bought as a wife; the social position of the bride herself, as well as that of her father's family thereafter, depends greatly upon the price she brings; her value is voted by society at the price her husband pays for her, and the father whose daughter commands the greatest number of strings of allicochick, is greatly to be honored. The purchase effected, the successful suitor leads his blushing property to his hut and she becomes his wife without further ceremony. Wherever this system of wife-purchase obtains, the rich old men almost absorb the female youth and beauty of the tribe, while the younger and poorer men must content themselves 350 with old and ugly wives. Hence their eagerness for that wealth which will enable them to throw away their old wives and buy new ones. When a marriage takes place among the Modocs, a feast is given at the house of the bride's father, in which, however, neither she nor the bridegroom partake. The girl is escorted by the women to a lodge, previously furnished by public contributions, where she is subsequently joined by the man, who is conducted by his male friends. All the company bear torches, which are piled up as a fire in the lodge of the wedded pair, who are then left alone. In some tribes this wife-traffic is done on credit, or at least partially so; but the credit system is never so advantageous to the buyer as the ready-money system, for until the full price is paid, the man is only 'half-married,' and besides he must live with his wife's family and be their slave until he shall have paid in full.[482] The children of a wife who has cost her husband nothing are considered no better than bastards, and are treated by society with contumely; nobody associates with them, and they become essentially ostracized. In all this there is one redeeming feature for the wife-buyer; should he happen to make a bad bargain he can, in most instances, send his wife home and get his money back. Mr Gibbs asserts that they shoot their wives when tired of them, but this appears inconsistent with custom.

Marriage among Northern Californians is essentially a business transaction. A young man can't expect to win his bride through acts of valor or romantic gestures; he must purchase her from her father, as he would with any other property, and pay the price upfront or step aside for a wealthier competitor. The girl’s feelings aren’t considered at all; no matter who she loves, she goes to the highest bidder, and "money wins where angels might despair." It's no small matter to be bought as a wife; the social standing of the bride and her family's status depend significantly on her price; society establishes her value based on what her husband pays, and a father with a daughter who commands a high price is greatly respected. Once the purchase is made, the winning suitor takes his blushing "property" to his home, and she becomes his wife without any further ceremony. In systems of wife-purchase, rich older men tend to monopolize the tribe's young and beautiful women, while younger, poorer men must settle for older, less attractive wives. This drives their desire for wealth that will allow them to discard their old wives and buy new ones. When a marriage occurs among the Modocs, a feast takes place at the bride’s father's home, but neither the bride nor groom participates. The girl is escorted by women to a lodge that has been prepared through public contributions, where the groom will later join her, guided by his male friends. Everyone carries torches, which are piled into a fire in the couple's lodge, after which they are left alone. In some tribes, the wife purchase can be done on credit, but this system is rarely as favorable to the buyer as paying upfront because until the full price is settled, the man is only 'half-married' and must live with his wife's family, effectively becoming their servant. Children born to a wife who cost her husband nothing are regarded as illegitimate and treated poorly by society; no one associates with them, and they become socially ostracized. There is one silver lining for the wife-buyer; if he realizes he made a poor deal, he can often send his wife back and reclaim his money. Mr. Gibbs claims that they kill their wives when they become tired of them, but this seems inconsistent with their customs.

ADULTERY AND CHASTITY.

Cheating and celibacy.

Polygamy is almost universal, the number of wives depending only on the limit of a man's wealth. The loss of one eye, or expulsion from the tribe, are common punishments for adultery committed by a man. A string of beads, however, makes amends. Should the wife venture 351 on any irregularity without just compensation, the outraged honor of her lord is never satisfied until he has seen her publicly disemboweled. Among the Hoopahs the women are held irresponsible and the men alone suffer for the crime.[483] Illegitimate children are life-slaves to some male relative of the mother, and upon them the drudgery falls; they are only allowed to marry one in their own station, and their sole hope of emancipation lies in a slow accumulation of allicochick, with which they can buy their freedom. We are told by Mr Powers that a Modoc may kill his mother-in-law with impunity. Adultery, being attended with so much danger, is comparatively rare, but among the unmarried, who have nothing to fear, a gross licentiousness prevails.[484]

Polygamy is almost everywhere, and the number of wives a man has only depends on how wealthy he is. Common punishments for a man who commits adultery include losing an eye or being expelled from the tribe. However, a string of beads can make things right. If a wife strays without proper compensation, her husband's honor remains outraged until he sees her publicly disemboweled. Among the Hoopahs, women are considered irresponsible, and only men are held accountable for the crime. Illegitimate children become life-long servants to a male relative of the mother, and they are stuck doing all the hard work. They can only marry someone in their social class, and their only hope for freedom is slowly accumulating allicochick, which they can use to buy their release. Mr. Powers informs us that a Modoc man can kill his mother-in-law without facing any consequences. Adultery is relatively rare because it comes with so much risk, but among the unmarried, who have nothing to worry about, there’s a lot of promiscuity.

Among the Muckalucs a dance is instituted in honor of the arrival of the girls at the age of puberty. On the Klamath, during the period of menstruation the women are banished from the village, and no man may approach them. Although the principal labor falls to the lot of the women, the men sometimes assist in building the wigwam, or even in gathering acorns and roots.[485] Kane mentions that the Shastas, or, as he calls them, the Chastays, frequently sell their children as slaves to the Chinooks.[486] Dances and festivities, of a religio-playful 352 character, are common, as when a whale is stranded, an elk snared, or when the salmon come. There is generally a kind of thanksgiving-day once a year, when the people of neighboring tribes meet and dance. The annual feast of the Veeards is a good illustration of the manner of these entertainments. The dance, which takes place in a large wigwam, is performed by as many men as there is room for, and a small proportion of women. They move in a circle slowly round the fire, accompanying themselves with their peculiar chant. Each individual is dressed in all the finery he can muster; every valuable he possesses in the way of shells, furs, or woodpecker-scalps, does duty on this occasion; so that the wealth of the dancers may be reckoned at a glance. When the dance has concluded, an old gray-beard of the tribe rises, and pronounces a thanksgiving oration, wherein he enumerates the benefits received, the riches accumulated, and the victories won during the year; exhorting the hearers meanwhile, by good conduct and moral behavior, to deserve yet greater benefits. This savage Nestor is listened to in silence and with respect; his audience seeming to drink in with avidity every drop of wisdom that falls from his lips; but no sooner is the harangue concluded than every one does his best to violate the moral precepts so lately inculcated, by a grand debauch.

Among the Muckalucs, a dance is held to celebrate the girls reaching puberty. In Klamath tradition, during menstruation, women are sent away from the village, and no man can approach them. While women usually handle most of the work, men occasionally help build the wigwam or gather acorns and roots. Kane notes that the Shastas, whom he refers to as the Chastays, often sell their children as slaves to the Chinooks. Dances and festivities with a spiritual and playful character are common, especially when a whale is stranded, an elk is caught, or when the salmon run. Typically, there's a kind of Thanksgiving Day once a year, where people from neighboring tribes gather to dance. The annual feast of the Veeards exemplifies the style of these celebrations. The dance occurs in a large wigwam and involves as many men as can fit, along with a few women. They move slowly in a circle around the fire, singing their unique chants. Each participant wears their finest attire; all their prized possessions in shells, furs, or woodpecker scalps are displayed, showcasing their wealth. After the dance ends, an elder of the tribe stands up and gives a Thanksgiving speech, listing the blessings, riches, and victories of the year, encouraging everyone to earn even greater blessings through good behavior and moral conduct. This wise elder is listened to in silence and with respect; his audience seems eager to absorb every bit of wisdom he shares, but as soon as he finishes speaking, everyone quickly sets out to break the very moral principles he just promoted by indulging in a big celebration.

The Cahrocs have a similar festival, which they call the Feast of the Propitiation. Its object is much the same as that of the feast just described, but in place of the orator, the chief personage of the day is called the Chareya, which is also the appellation of their deity. No little honor attaches to the position, but much suffering is also connected with it. It is the duty of the Chareya-man to retire into the mountains, with one attendant only, and there to remain for ten days, eating only enough to keep breath in his body. Meanwhile the Cahrocs congregate in honor of the occasion, dance, sing, and make merry. When the appointed period has elapsed, the Chareya-man returns to camp, or is carried 353 by deputies sent out for the purpose, if he have not strength to walk. His bearers are blindfolded, for no human being may look upon the face of the Chareya-man and live. His approach is the signal for the abrupt breaking up of the festivities. The revelers disperse in terror, and conceal themselves as best they may to avoid catching sight of the dreaded face, and where a moment before all was riot and bustle, a deathly stillness reigns. Then the Chareya-man is conducted to the sweat-house, where he remains for a time. And now the real Propitiation-Dance takes place, the men alone participating in its sacred movements, which are accompanied by the low, monotonous chant of singers. The dance over, all solemnity vanishes, and a lecherous saturnalia ensues, which will not bear description. The gods are conciliated, catastrophes are averted, and all is joy and happiness.[487]

The Cahrocs have a similar festival, which they call the Feast of the Propitiation. Its purpose is much the same as the previous feast, but instead of an orator, the main figure of the day is called the Chareya, which is also the name of their deity. There’s a lot of honor associated with this role, but it also comes with significant suffering. The Chareya-man must retreat into the mountains with just one attendant and stay there for ten days, eating only enough to survive. Meanwhile, the Cahrocs gather to celebrate, dancing, singing, and having a good time. When the designated time is over, the Chareya-man returns to camp, or is carried back by deputies if he’s too weak to walk. His bearers are blindfolded because no one is allowed to look at the Chareya-man's face and live. His arrival signals the sudden end of the festivities. The partygoers scatter in fear, trying to hide from seeing the feared face, transforming what was once lively chaos into a heavy silence. The Chareya-man is then taken to the sweat-house, where he stays for a while. Now the real Propitiation-Dance takes place, with only men participating in its sacred moves, accompanied by the low, monotonous chant of singers. Once the dance is over, all seriousness fades away, and a wild celebration begins, beyond description. The gods are appeased, disasters are avoided, and everyone feels joy and happiness.

SPORTS AND GAMES.

Sports and Games.

A passion for gambling obtains among the northern Californians as elsewhere. Nothing is too precious or too insignificant to be staked, from a white or black deer-skin, which is almost priceless, down to a wife, or any other trifle. In this manner property changes hands with great rapidity.

A passion for gambling is just as strong among northern Californians as it is elsewhere. Nothing is too valuable or too trivial to be bet on, from a white or black deer-skin, which is nearly priceless, to a wife, or any other small item. This way, property changes hands very quickly.

I have already stated that on the possession of riches depend power, rank, and social position, so that there is really much to be lost or won. They have a game played with little sticks, of which some are black, but the most white. These they throw around in a circle, the object being seemingly to make the black ones go farther than the white. A kind of guess-game is played with clay balls.[488] There is also an international game, played between friendly tribes, which closely resembles our 'hockey.' Two poles are set up in the ground at some distance apart, and each side, being armed with sticks, endeavors to drive a wooden ball round the goal opposite to it.[489] 354 In almost all their games and dances they are accompanied by a hoarse chanting, or by some kind of uncouth music produced by striking on a board with lobster-claws fastened to sticks, or by some other equally primitive method. Before the introduction of spirituous liquors by white men drunkenness was unknown. With their tobacco for smoking, they mix a leaf called kinnik-kinnik.[490]

I’ve already mentioned that having wealth determines power, status, and social standing, so there’s a lot at stake. They have a game with little sticks, some of which are black, but most are white. The goal appears to be to make the black ones go further than the white. There's also a guessing game played with clay balls. [488] Additionally, there’s an international game played between friendly tribes that closely resembles our version of 'hockey.' Two poles are set up in the ground a certain distance apart, and each side, armed with sticks, tries to drive a wooden ball around the opposing goal. [489] 354 In nearly all their games and dances, they are accompanied by a rough chant or some type of primitive music created by hitting a board with lobster claws attached to sticks or some other equally basic method. Before alcohol was introduced by white people, they didn’t experience drunkenness. When they smoke tobacco, they mix it with a leaf called kinnik-kinnik. [490]

MEDICAL TREATMENT.

Health care.

The diseases and ailments most prevalent among these people are scrofula, consumption, rheumatism, a kind of leprosy, affection of the lungs, and sore eyes, the last arising from the dense smoke which always pervades their cabins.[491] In addition to this they have imaginary disorders caused by wizards, witches, and evil spirits, who, as they believe, cause snakes and other reptiles to enter into their bodies and gnaw their vitals. Some few roots and herbs used are really efficient medicine, but they rely almost entirely upon the mummeries and incantations of their medicine men and women.[492] Their whole system of therapeutics having superstition for a basis, mortality is great among them, which may be one of the causes of the continent being, comparatively speaking, so thinly populated at the time of its discovery. Syphilis, one of the curses for which they may thank the white man, has made fearful havoc among 355 them. Women doctors seem to be more numerous than men in this region; acquiring their art in the temescal or sweat-house, where unprofessional women are not admitted. Their favorite method of cure seems to consist in sucking the affected part of the patient until the blood flows, by which means they pretend to extract the disease. Sometimes the doctress vomits a frog, previously swallowed for the occasion, to prove that she has not sucked in vain. She is frequently assisted by a second physician, whose duty it is to discover the exact spot where the malady lies, and this she effects by barking like a dog at the patient until the spirit discovers to her the place. Mr Gibbs mentions a case where the patient was first attended by four young women, and afterward by the same number of old ones. Standing round the unfortunate, they went through a series of violent gesticulations, sitting down when they could stand no longer, sucking, with the most laudable perseverance, and moaning meanwhile most dismally. Finally, when with their lips and tongue they had raised blisters all over the patient, and had pounded his miserable body with hands and knees until they were literally exhausted, the performers executed a swooning scene, in which they sank down apparently insensible.[493] The Rogue River medicine-men are supposed to be able to wield their mysterious power for harm, as well as for good, so that should a patient die, his relatives kill the doctor who attended him; or in case deceased could not afford medical attendance, they kill the first unfortunate disciple of Æsculapius they can lay hands on, frequently murdering one belonging to another tribe; his death, however, must be paid for.[494]

The diseases and health issues most common among these people are scrofula, tuberculosis, rheumatism, a type of leprosy, lung problems, and sore eyes, the latter caused by the thick smoke that constantly fills their homes. [491] In addition to this, they suffer from imaginary illnesses believed to be caused by wizards, witches, and evil spirits, who they think make snakes and other reptiles enter their bodies and torment them. A few of the herbs and roots they use are actually effective medicine, but they depend almost entirely on the rituals and spells of their healers. [492] Their entire medical system is based on superstition, leading to high mortality rates among them, which may be one reason the continent was relatively sparsely populated at the time of its discovery. Syphilis, one of the curses introduced by white people, has ravaged their community. There seem to be more female healers than male in this area; they learn their craft in the temescal or sweat-house, which does not allow in untrained women. Their preferred method of treatment appears to involve sucking the affected area of the patient until blood flows, claiming this extracts the illness. Sometimes, the healer vomits up a frog she had previously swallowed to prove she hasn’t done this in vain. She often gets help from another healer, whose job is to pinpoint the location of the illness, which she does by barking like a dog at the patient until the spirit reveals the spot. Mr. Gibbs mentions a case where four young women first treated the patient, followed by the same number of older women. Surrounding the unfortunate person, they went through a series of dramatic movements, sitting down when they could no longer stand, sucking with great determination, and moaning painfully all the while. In the end, after they had caused blisters all over the patient's body with their lips and tongues and had pounded his frail body with their hands and knees until they were thoroughly exhausted, the performers staged a fainting act, falling down as if unconscious. [493] The Rogue River medicine-men are believed to have the power to do harm as well as good, so if a patient dies, the family of the deceased will kill the doctor who treated him; or if the deceased couldn’t afford medical care, they will kill the first unfortunate healer they can find, often targeting someone from another tribe; however, they must compensate for that death. [494]

But the great institution of the Northern Californians is their temescal, or sweat-house, which consists of a 356 hole dug in the ground, and roofed over in such a manner as to render it almost air-tight. A fire is built in the centre in early fall, and is kept alive till the following spring, as much attention being given to it as ever was paid to the sacred fires of Hestia; though between the subterranean temescal, with its fetid atmosphere, and lurid fire-glow glimmering faintly through dense smoke on swart, gaunt forms of savages, and the stately temple on the Forum, fragrant with fumes of incense, the lambent altar-flame glistening on the pure white robes of the virgin priestesses, there is little likeness. The temescal[495] is usually built on the brink of a stream; a small hatchway affords entrance, which is instantly closed after the person going in or out. Here congregate the men of the village and enact their sudorific ceremonies, which ordinarily consist in squatting round the fire until a state of profuse perspiration sets in, when they rush out and plunge into the water. Whether this mode of treatment is more potent to kill or to cure is questionable. The sweat-house serves not only as bath and medicine room, but also as a general rendezvous for the male drones of the village. The women, with the exception of those practicing or studying medicine, are forbidden its sacred precincts on pain of death; thus it offers as convenient a refuge for henpecked husbands as a civilized club-house. In many of the tribes the men sleep in the temescal during the winter, which, notwithstanding the disgusting impurity of the atmosphere, affords them a snug retreat from the cold gusty weather common to this region.[496]

But the main feature of the Northern Californians is their temescal, or sweat house, which is a pit dug in the ground and covered in a way that makes it almost air-tight. A fire is started in the center in early fall, and it is kept burning until the following spring, receiving as much attention as the sacred fires of Hestia ever did; however, there is little resemblance between the underground temescal, with its foul atmosphere and the flickering glow of the fire shining dimly through thick smoke on shadowy, gaunt figures of the natives, and the grand temple in the Forum, filled with the scent of incense, with the shimmering altar flame reflecting off the pure white robes of the virgin priestesses. The temescal[495] is typically built near a stream; there’s a small hatchway for entrance, which is quickly closed after someone goes in or out. Here, the men of the village gather to perform their sweating ceremonies, which usually involve sitting around the fire until they sweat profusely, then rushing out to jump into the water. It's debatable whether this treatment is more effective for curing or killing. The sweat house serves not only as a bath and clinic but also as a gathering place for the male members of the village. Women, except for those practicing or learning medicine, are forbidden from entering its sacred space under the threat of death; thus, it also serves as a convenient escape for henpecked husbands, much like a modern clubhouse. In many tribes, the men sleep in the temescal during the winter, which, despite the unpleasant pollution in the air, gives them a cozy shelter from the cold and windy weather common to this area.[496]

BURIAL AND MOURNING.

Burial and Grieving.

Incremation obtains but slightly among the Northern Californians, the body usually being buried in a recumbent position. The possessions of the deceased are either 357 interred with him, or are hung around the grave; sometimes his house is burned and the ashes strewn over his burial-place. Much noisy lamentation on the part of his relatives takes place at his death, and the widow frequently manifests her grief by sitting on, or even half burying herself in, her husband's grave for some days, howling most dismally meanwhile, and refusing food and drink; or, on the upper Klamath, by cutting her hair close to the head, and so wearing it until she obtains consolation in another spouse. The Modocs hired mourners to lament at different places for a certain number of days, so that the whole country was filled with lamentation. These paid mourners were closely watched, and disputes frequently arose as to whether they had fulfilled their contract or not.[497] Occasionally the body is doubled up and interred in a sitting position, and, rarely, it is burned instead of buried. On the Klamath a fire is kept burning near the grave for several nights after the burial, for which rite various reasons are assigned. Mr Powers states that it is to light the departed shade across a certain greased pole, which is supposed to constitute its only approach to a better world. Mr Gibbs affirms that the fire is intended to scare away the devil, obviously an unnecessary precaution as applied to the Satan of civilization, who by this time must be pretty familiar with the element. The grave is generally covered with a slab of wood, and sometimes two more are placed erect at the head and foot; that of a chief is often surrounded with a fence; nor must the name of a dead person ever be mentioned under any circumstances.[498] 358

Cremation is not very common among Northern Californians; usually, the body is buried lying down. The possessions of the deceased are either buried with them or hung around the grave. Sometimes, their house is burned, and the ashes are scattered over the burial site. The relatives engage in loud mourning at the time of death, and the widow often shows her grief by sitting on or even half-burying herself in her husband's grave for several days, wailing most mournfully while refusing food and drink. In the upper Klamath area, she may cut her hair very short and wear it that way until she finds comfort with a new partner. The Modocs would hire mourners to grieve at different locations for a set number of days, filling the area with sorrow. These hired mourners were closely monitored, and disputes often arose about whether they met their obligations. Occasionally, the body is curled up and buried in a sitting position; rarely, it gets cremated instead. In Klamath, a fire is kept burning near the grave for several nights after the burial, with various reasons given for this practice. Mr. Powers suggests it is so the spirit can cross a specific greased pole, which is believed to be the only way to reach a better world. Mr. Gibbs believes the fire is meant to ward off evil spirits, though this seems unnecessary since the devil of civilization must already be quite familiar with fire. The grave is typically covered with a wooden slab, and sometimes two more slabs are placed upright at the head and foot. A chief's grave is often surrounded by a fence, and the name of a deceased person should never be spoken under any circumstances.

BURIAL CEREMONIES AT PITT RIVER.

Burial ceremonies at Pitt River.

The following vivid description of a last sickness and burial by the Pitt River Indians, is taken from the letter of a lady eye-witness to her son in San Francisco:—

The following vivid description of a final illness and burial by the Pitt River Indians is taken from a letter written by a woman who witnessed it, addressed to her son in San Francisco:—

It was evening. We seated ourselves upon a log, your father, Bertie, and I, near the fire round which the natives had congregated to sing for old Gesnip, the chief's wife. Presently Sootim, the doctor, appeared, dressed in a low-necked, loose, white muslin, sleeveless waist fastened to a breech-cloth, and red buck-skin cap fringed and ornamented with beads; the face painted with white stripes down to the chin, the arms from wrist to shoulder, in black, red, and white circles, which by the lurid camp-fire looked like bracelets, and the legs in white and black stripes,—presenting altogether a merry-Andrew appearance. Creeping softly along, singing in a low, gradually-increasing voice, Sootim approached the invalid and poised his hands over her as in the act of blessing. The one nearest him took up the song, singing low at first, then the next until the circle was completed; after this the pipe went round; then the doctor taking a sip of water, partly uncovered the patient and commenced sucking the left side; last of all he took a pinch of dirt and blew it over her. This is their curative process, continued night after night, and long into the night, until the patient recovers or dies.

It was evening. We sat down on a log, your father, Bertie, and I, near the fire where the locals had gathered to sing for old Gesnip, the chief's wife. Shortly, Sootim, the doctor, showed up, wearing a loose, low-necked white muslin garment with no sleeves, held up by a breech-cloth, and a red buckskin cap adorned with beads. His face was painted with white stripes down to his chin, and his arms were covered from wrist to shoulder in black, red, and white circles that, by the flickering campfire light, looked like bracelets. His legs had white and black stripes, giving him a rather clownish look. Sootim approached quietly, singing softly at first and gradually getting louder, until he hovered his hands over the patient as if to bless her. The closest person picked up the song, starting quietly, and then the next joined in until everyone in the circle was singing. After that, the pipe was passed around; then the doctor took a sip of water, partially uncovered the patient, and began sucking her left side. Finally, he took a pinch of dirt and blew it over her. This is their healing process, carried out night after night, often late into the night, until the patient either recovers or passes away.

Next day the doctor came to see me, and I determined if possible to ascertain his own ideas of these things. Giving him some muck-a-muck,[499] I asked him, "What do you say when you talk over old Gesnip?" "I talk to the trees, and to the springs, and birds, and sky, and rocks," replied Sootim, "to the wind, and rain, and 359 leaves, I beg them all to help me." Iofalet, the doctor's companion on this occasion, volunteered the remark: "When Indian die, doctor very shamed, all same Boston doctor;[500] when Indian get well, doctor very smart, all same Boston doctor." Gesnip said she wanted after death to be put in a box and buried in the ground, and not burned. That same day the poor old woman breathed her last—the last spark of that wonderful thing called life flickered and went out; there remained in that rude camp the shriveled dusky carcass, the low dim intelligence that so lately animated it having fled—whither? When I heard of it I went to the camp and found them dressing the body. First they put on Gesnip her best white clothes, then the next best, placing all the while whatever was most valuable, beads, belts, and necklaces, next the body. Money they put into the mouth, her daughter contributing about five dollars. The knees were then pressed up against the chest, and after all of her own clothing was put on, the body was rolled up in the best family bear-skin, and tied with strips of buckskin.

The next day, the doctor came to see me, and I decided to find out his thoughts on these matters. Offering him some muck-a-muck,[499] I asked him, "What do you talk about when you think of old Gesnip?" "I talk to the trees, the springs, the birds, the sky, and the rocks," Sootim replied, "to the wind, the rain, and the leaves, begging them all to help me." Iofalet, the doctor’s companion, added, "When an Indian dies, the doctor feels ashamed, just like a Boston doctor;[500] when an Indian gets better, the doctor feels smart, just like a Boston doctor." Gesnip expressed that she wanted to be placed in a box and buried in the ground after death, not cremated. That same day, the poor old woman took her last breath—the final flicker of life faded away; all that remained in that crude camp was her shriveled, dark body, with the spark of intelligence that once animated it gone—where did it go? When I heard about it, I went to the camp and found them preparing the body. First, they dressed Gesnip in her best white clothes, then in her second-best, while placing her most valuable items—beads, belts, and necklaces—next to her body. They put money into her mouth, her daughter contributing about five dollars. Then, they pressed her knees up against her chest, and after adding all of her own clothes, they wrapped the body in the best family bear-skin and tied it with strips of buckskin.

Then Soomut, the chief and husband, threw the bundle over his shoulders, and started off for the cave where they deposit their dead, accompanied by the whole band crying and singing, and throwing ashes from the camp-fire into the air. And thus the old barbarian mourns: "Soomut had two wives—one good, one bad; but she that was good was taken away, while she that is bad remains. O Gesnip gone, gone, gone!" And the mournful procession take up the refrain: "O Gesnip gone, gone, gone!" Again the ancient chief: "Soomut has a little boy, Soomut has a little girl, but no one is left to cook their food, no one to dig them roots. O Gesnip gone, gone, gone!" followed by the chorus. Then again Soomut: "White woman knows that Gesnip was 360 strong to work; she told me her sorrow when Gesnip died. O Gesnip gone, gone, gone!" and this was kept up during the entire march, the dead wife's virtues sung and chorused by the whole tribe, accompanied by the scattering of ashes and lamentations which now had become very noisy. The lady further states that the scene at the grave was so impressive that she was unable to restrain her tears. No wonder then that these impulsive children of nature carry their joy and sorrow to excess, even so far as in this instance, where the affectionate daughter of the old crone had to be held by her companions from throwing herself into the grave of her dead mother. After all, how slight the shades of difference in hearts human, whether barbaric or cultured!

Then Soomut, the chief and husband, threw the bundle over his shoulders and set off for the cave where they lay their dead, accompanied by the whole group crying and singing, and throwing ashes from the campfire into the air. And this is how the old barbarian mourns: "Soomut had two wives—one good, one bad; but the good one was taken away, while the bad one remains. O Gesnip gone, gone, gone!" And the sorrowful procession picks up the refrain: "O Gesnip gone, gone, gone!" Again the ancient chief says: "Soomut has a little boy, Soomut has a little girl, but no one is left to cook their food, no one to gather their roots. O Gesnip gone, gone, gone!" followed by the chorus. Then again Soomut: "The white woman knows that Gesnip was strong and worked hard; she told me her sorrow when Gesnip died. O Gesnip gone, gone, gone!" and this continued throughout the entire march, the deceased wife's virtues sung and echoed by the entire tribe, accompanied by the scattering of ashes and lamentations that had now become very loud. The lady further mentions that the scene at the grave was so moving that she couldn't hold back her tears. It's no wonder that these emotional children of nature express their joy and sorrow to the extreme, even in this case where the loving daughter of the old woman had to be held back by her friends from throwing herself into her mother's grave. After all, how small the differences in human hearts, whether primitive or cultured!

As before mentioned, the ruling passion of the savage seems to be love of wealth; having it, he is respected, without it he is despised; consequently he is treacherous when it profits him to be so, thievish when he can steal without danger, cunning when gain is at stake, brave in defense of his lares and penates. Next to his excessive venality, abject superstition forms the most prominent feature of his character. He seems to believe that everything instinct with animal life—with some, as with the Siahs, it extends to vegetable life also—is possessed by evil spirits; horrible fancies fill his imagination. The rattling of acorns on the roof, the rustling of leaves in the deep stillness of the forest is sufficient to excite terror. His wicked spirit is the very incarnation of fiendishness; a monster who falls suddenly upon the unwary traveler in solitary places and rends him in pieces, and whose imps are ghouls that exhume the dead to devour them.[501]

As mentioned earlier, the main driving force of the savage seems to be the love of wealth; having it brings him respect, while lacking it leads to disdain. As a result, he becomes treacherous when it benefits him, a thief when he can steal without facing consequences, and cunning when there’s profit to be made, yet brave when defending his home and family. Besides his overwhelming greed, his deep superstition is the most notable aspect of his character. He appears to believe that everything alive—sometimes even plants, like with the Siahs—is inhabited by evil spirits; terrifying thoughts fill his mind. The sound of acorns rattling on the roof or the rustling of leaves in the deep quiet of the forest is enough to instill fear. His wicked nature embodies pure evil; he’s a monster that suddenly leaps upon unsuspecting travelers in remote areas, tearing them apart, while his minions are ghouls that dig up the dead to feast on them.[501]

Were it not for the diabolic view he takes of nature, his life would be a comparatively easy one. His wants are few, and such as they are, he has the means of supplying them. He is somewhat of a stoic, his motto being 361 never do to-day what can be put off until to-morrow, and he concerns himself little with the glories of peace or war. Now and then we find him daubing himself with great stripes of paint, and looking ferocious, but ordinarily he prefers the calm of the peaceful temescal to the din of battle. The task of collecting a winter store of food he converts into a kind of summer picnic, and altogether is inclined to make the best of things, in spite of the annoyance given him in the way of reservations and other benefits of civilization. Taken as a whole, the Northern Californian is not such a bad specimen of a savage, as savages go, but filthiness and greed are not enviable qualities, and he has a full share of both.[502]

If it weren't for his twisted view of nature, his life would be pretty easy. He doesn't have many needs, and he can take care of the ones he does have. He's a bit of a stoic, with a motto that says never do today what can be pushed to tomorrow, and he doesn't care much about the glory of peace or war. Sometimes you’ll see him covering himself in bright stripes of paint and looking fierce, but usually, he prefers the calm of a peaceful sweat lodge to the noise of battle. He turns the task of gathering food for winter into a kind of summer picnic, and overall, he tries to make the best of things despite the annoyances of reservations and other perks of civilization. Generally, the Northern Californian isn't such a bad example of a savage, as savages go, but being filthy and greedy are not great traits, and he has plenty of both.

THE CENTRAL CALIFORNIANS.

The Central Californians.

The Central Californians occupy a yet larger extent of territory, comprising the whole of that portion of California extending, north and south, from about 40° 30´ to 35°, and, east and west, from the Pacific Ocean to the Californian boundary. 362

The Central Valley folks occupy an even larger area, covering the entire section of California that stretches north and south from about 40° 30´ to 35°, and east and west from the Pacific Ocean to the California border. 362

NATIONS OF CENTRAL CALIFORNIA.

Central California Nations.

The Native Races of this region are not divided, as in the northern part of the state, into comparatively large tribes, but are scattered over the face of the country in innumerable little bands, with a system of nomenclature so intricate as to puzzle an Œdipus. Nevertheless, as among the most important, I may mention the following: The Tehamas, from whom the county takes its name; the Pomos, which name signifies 'people', and is the collective appellation of a number of tribes living in Potter Valley, where the head-waters of Eel and Russian rivers interlace, and extending west to the ocean and south to Clear Lake. Each tribe of the nation takes a distinguishing prefix to the name of Pomo, as, the Castel Pomos and Ki Pomos on the head-waters of Eel River; the Pome Pomos, Earth People, in Potter Valley; the Cahto Pomos, in the valley of that name; the Choam Chadéla Pomos, Pitch-pine People, in Redwood Valley; the Matomey Ki Pomos, Wooded Valley People, about Little Lake; the Usals, or Camalél Pomos, Coast People, on Usal Creek; the Shebalne Pomos, Neighbor People, in Sherwood Valley, and many others. On Russian River, the Gallinomeros occupy the valley below Healdsburg; the Sanéls, Socoas, Lamas, and Seacos, live in the vicinity of the village of Sanél; the Comachos dwell in Ranchería and Anderson valleys; the Ukiahs, or Yokias, near the town of Ukiah, which is a corruption of their name;[503] the Gualalas[504] on the creek which takes its name from them, about twenty miles above the mouth of Russian River. On the borders of Clear Lake were the Lopillamillos, the Mipacmas, and Tyugas; the Yolos, or Yolays, that is to say, 'region thick with rushes,' of which the present name of the county of Yolo is a corruption, lived on Cache Creek; the Colusas occupied the west bank of the Sacramento; in the Valley of the Moon, as the Sonomas called their country, besides themselves there were the Guillicas, the Kanimares, the Simbalakees, 363 the Petalumas, and the Wapos; the Yachichumnes inhabited the country between Stockton and Mount Diablo. According to Hittel, there were six tribes in Napa Valley: the Mayacomas, the Calajomanas, the Caymus, the Napas, the Ulucas, and the Suscols; Mr Taylor also mentions the Guenocks, the Tulkays, and the Socollomillos; in Suisun Valley were the Suisunes, the Pulpones, the Tolenos, and the Ullulatas; the tribe of the celebrated chief Marin lived near the mission of San Rafael, and on the ocean-coast of Marin County were the Bolanos and Tamales; the Karquines lived on the straits of that name. Humboldt and Mülhlenpfordt mention the Matalanes, Salses, and Quirotes, as living round the bay of San Francisco. According to Adam Johnson, who was Indian agent for California in 1850, the principal tribes originally living at the Mission Dolores, and Yerba Buena, were the Ahwashtes, Altahmos, Romanans, and Tulomos; Choris gives the names of more than fifteen tribes seen at the Mission, Chamisso of nineteen, and transcribed from the mission books to the Tribal Boundaries of this group, are the names of nearly two hundred rancherías. The Socoisukas, Thamiens, and Gergecensens roamed through Santa Clara County. The Olchones inhabited the coast between San Francisco and Monterey; in the vicinity of the latter place were the Rumsens or Runsiens, the Ecclemaches, Escelens or Eslens, the Achastliens, and the Mutsunes. On the San Joaquin lived the Costrowers, the Pitiaches, Talluches, Loomnears, and Amonces; on Fresno River the Chowclas, Cookchaneys, Fonechas, Nookchues, and Howetsers; the Eemitches and Cowiahs, lived on Four Creeks; the Waches, Notoowthas, and Chunemmes on King River, and on Tulare Lake, the Talches and Woowells.

The Native Races of this area are not organized, like in the northern part of the state, into comparatively large tribes, but are spread throughout the country in countless small groups, with a naming system so complex that it would stump even Oedipus. Still, I can highlight some of the most notable ones: The Tehamas, from whom the county gets its name; the Pomos, which means 'people', and is the collective name for a number of tribes living in Potter Valley, where the headwaters of Eel and Russian rivers intertwine, extending west to the ocean and south to Clear Lake. Each tribe of the nation adds a distinguishing prefix to the name Pomo, such as the Castel Pomos and Ki Pomos on the headwaters of Eel River; the Pome Pomos, Earth People, in Potter Valley; the Cahto Pomos, in the valley of that name; the Choam Chadéla Pomos, Pitch-pine People, in Redwood Valley; the Matomey Ki Pomos, Wooded Valley People, around Little Lake; the Usals, or Camalél Pomos, Coast People, on Usal Creek; the Shebalne Pomos, Neighbor People, in Sherwood Valley, and many others. Along Russian River, the Gallinomeros occupy the valley below Healdsburg; the Sanéls, Socoas, Lamas, and Seacos live near the village of Sanél; the Comachos reside in Ranchería and Anderson valleys; the Ukiahs, or Yokias, live near the town of Ukiah, which is a variation of their name; [503] the Gualalas [504] on the creek that got its name from them, about twenty miles upstream from the mouth of Russian River. Near Clear Lake were the Lopillamillos, the Mipacmas, and Tyugas; the Yolos, or Yolays, meaning 'region thick with rushes,' which is where the current name of Yolo County comes from, lived on Cache Creek; the Colusas lived on the west bank of the Sacramento; in the Valley of the Moon, as the Sonomas referred to their land, along with themselves there were the Guillicas, the Kanimares, the Simbalakees, the Petalumas, and the Wapos; the Yachichumnes inhabited the area between Stockton and Mount Diablo. According to Hittel, there were six tribes in Napa Valley: the Mayacomas, the Calajomanas, the Caymus, the Napas, the Ulucas, and the Suscols; Mr. Taylor also mentions the Guenocks, the Tulkays, and the Socollomillos; in Suisun Valley were the Suisunes, the Pulpones, the Tolenos, and the Ullulatas; the tribe of the famous chief Marin lived near the mission of San Rafael, and along the ocean-coast of Marin County were the Bolanos and Tamales; the Karquines lived on the straits of that name. Humboldt and Mülhlenpfordt mention the Matalanes, Salses, and Quirotes, as residing around the bay of San Francisco. According to Adam Johnson, who was Indian agent for California in 1850, the main tribes that originally lived at Mission Dolores and Yerba Buena were the Ahwashtes, Altahmos, Romanans, and Tulomos; Choris lists more than fifteen tribes seen at the Mission, Chamisso mentions nineteen, and transcribed from the mission records to the Tribal Boundaries of this group are nearly two hundred rancherías. The Socoisukas, Thamiens, and Gergecensens roamed through Santa Clara County. The Olchones lived along the coast between San Francisco and Monterey; around that area were the Rumsens or Runsiens, the Ecclemaches, Escelens or Eslens, the Achastliens, and the Mutsunes. On the San Joaquin lived the Costrowers, the Pitiaches, Talluches, Loomnears, and Amonces; on Fresno River were the Chowclas, Cookchaneys, Fonechas, Nookchues, and Howetsers; the Eemitches and Cowiahs lived on Four Creeks; the Waches, Notoowthas, and Chunemmes on King River, and on Tulare Lake, the Talches and Woowells.

In their aboriginal manners and customs they differ but little, so little, in fact, that one description will apply to the whole division within the above-named limits. The reader will therefore understand that, except where a tribe is specially named, I am speaking of the whole people collectively. 364

In their original ways and traditions, they don't differ much—so little, in fact, that one description can be used for the entire group within the mentioned boundaries. The reader should understand that, unless a specific tribe is mentioned, I’m referring to the entire community as a whole. 364

The conflicting statements of men who had ample opportunity for observation, and who saw the people they describe, if not in the same place, at least in the same vicinity, render it difficult to give a correct description of their physique. They do not appear to deteriorate toward the coast, or improve toward the interior, so uniformly as their northern neighbors; but this may be accounted for by the fact that several tribes that formerly lived on the coast have been driven inland by the settlers and vice versa.

The conflicting statements from people who had plenty of chances to observe and who saw the individuals they're talking about, if not in the same spot, at least nearby, make it challenging to provide an accurate description of their appearance. They don't seem to decline towards the coast or improve towards the interior as consistently as their northern neighbors; however, this could be explained by the fact that several tribes that used to live on the coast have been pushed inland by settlers, and the opposite has also happened.

PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES.

PHYSICAL FEATURES.

Some ethnologists see in the Californians a stock different from that of any other American race; but the more I dwell upon the subject, the more convinced I am, that, except in the broader distinctions, specific classifications of humanity are but idle speculations. Their height rarely exceeds five feet eight inches, and is more frequently five feet four or five inches, and although strongly they are seldom symmetrically built. A low retreating forehead, black deep-set eyes, thick bushy eyebrows, salient cheek-bones, a nose depressed at the root and somewhat wide-spreading at the nostrils, a large mouth with thick prominent lips, teeth large and white, but not always regular, and rather large ears, is the prevailing type. Their complexion is much darker than that of the tribes farther north, often being nearly black; so that with their matted, bushy hair, which is frequently cut short, they present a very uncouth appearance.[505] 365

Some ethnologists view Californians as part of a distinct group compared to other American races; however, the more I think about it, the more I believe that, aside from broader categories, specific classifications of humanity are just pointless theories. Their height usually doesn't go beyond five feet eight inches, and it's more commonly around five feet four or five inches. Although they are strong, they are often not built symmetrically. They typically have a low, receding forehead, deep-set black eyes, thick bushy eyebrows, prominent cheekbones, a nose that is flat at the bridge and somewhat wide at the nostrils, a large mouth with thick, pronounced lips, and large, white teeth that are not always straight. Their ears are quite large as well. Their skin tone is much darker than that of tribes farther north, often appearing almost black; with their tangled, bushy hair, which is often cut short, they give off a rather rough appearance.[505] 365

The question of beard has been much mooted; some travelers asserting that they are bearded like Turks, 366 others that they are beardless as women. Having carefully compared the pros and cons, I think I am justified in stating that the Central Californians have beards, 367 though not strong ones, and that some tribes suffer it to grow, while others pluck it out as soon as it appears.[506]

The topic of beards has been widely discussed; some travelers claim they have beards like Turks, while others say they are as smooth-faced as women. After considering the arguments on both sides, I believe I can confidently say that Central Californians do have beards, although not very prominent ones. Some tribes let them grow, while others remove them as soon as they appear. 366 367 [506]

DRESS IN CENTRAL CALIFORNIA.

Central California fashion.

During summer, except on festal occasions, the apparel of the men is of the most primitive character, a slight strip of covering round the loins being full dress; but even this is unusual, the majority preferring to be perfectly unencumbered by clothing. In winter the skin of a deer or other animal is thrown over the shoulders, or sometimes a species of rope made from the feathers of water-fowl, or strips of otter-skin, twisted together, is wound round the body, forming an effectual protection against the weather. The women are scarcely better clad, their summer costume being a fringed apron of tule-grass, which falls from the waist before and behind 368 nearly down to the knees, and is open at the sides. Some tribes in the northern part of the Sacramento Valley wear the round bowl-shaped hat worn by the natives on the Klamath. During the cold season a half-tanned deer-skin, or the rope garment above mentioned, is added. The hair is worn in various styles. Some bind it up in a knot on the back of the head, others draw it back and club it behind; farther south it is worn cut short, and occasionally we find it loose and flowing. It is not uncommon to see the head adorned with chaplets of leaves or flowers, reminding one of a badly executed bronze of Apollo or Bacchus. Ear-ornaments are much in vogue; a favorite variety being a long round piece of carved bone or wood, sometimes with beads attached, which is also used as a needle-case. Strings of shells and beads also serve as ear-ornaments and necklaces. The head-dress for gala days and dances is elaborate, composed of gay feathers, skillfully arranged in various fashions.[507] 369

During the summer, except on special occasions, men's clothing is very basic, with just a small piece of fabric around the waist considered formal wear. However, most men prefer to go completely without clothing. In winter, they throw on the skin of a deer or another animal over their shoulders, or sometimes they wrap themselves in a type of rope made from waterfowl feathers or strips of otter skin, which provides good protection against the cold. Women wear little better; their summer outfit consists of a fringed apron made from tule grass, which hangs from the waist and goes almost down to the knees, leaving the sides open. Some tribes in the northern part of the Sacramento Valley wear the round, bowl-shaped hats seen on the Klamath natives. In colder weather, they add a half-tanned deer skin or the rope garment mentioned earlier. Hairstyles vary; some tie their hair in a knot at the back of their heads, while others pull it back and gather it at the back. Further south, it's often cut short, and occasionally it’s worn loose and flowing. It's not unusual to see heads decorated with wreaths of leaves or flowers, which may remind one of a poorly made bronze statue of Apollo or Bacchus. Ear ornaments are popular, with a favored style being a long, round piece made of carved bone or wood, sometimes adorned with beads, also used as a needle case. Strings of shells and beads serve as ear ornaments and necklaces. For celebrations and dances, the headdresses are elaborate, made of colorful feathers skillfully arranged in different styles.[507]

PERSONAL ADORNMENT.

Personal style.

Tattooing is universal with the women, though confined within narrow limits. They mark the chin in 370 perpendicular lines drawn downward from the corners and centre of the mouth, in the same manner as the Northern Californians; they also tattoo slightly on the neck and breast. It is said that by these marks women of different tribes can be easily distinguished. The men rarely tattoo, but paint the body in stripes and grotesque patterns to a considerable extent. Red was the favorite color, except for mourning, when black was used. The friars succeeded in abolishing this custom except on occasions of mourning, when affection for their dead would not permit them to relinquish it. The New Almaden cinnabar mine has been from time immemorial a source of contention between adjacent tribes. Thither, from a hundred miles away, resorted vermilion-loving savages, and often such visits were not free from blood-shed.[508] 371 A thick coat of mud sometimes affords protection from a chilly wind. It is a convenient dress, as it costs nothing, is easily put on, and is no incumbrance to the wearer. The nudity of the savage more often proceeds from an indifference to clothing than from actual want. No people are found entirely destitute of clothing when the weather is cold, and if they can manage to obtain garments of any sort at one time of year they can at another.

Tattooing is common among women, though it's done within strict limits. They tattoo the chin with vertical lines drawn down from the corners and center of the mouth, similar to the Northern Californians; they also tattoo a little on the neck and chest. It’s said that these marks make it easy to identify women from different tribes. Men rarely tattoo but often paint their bodies with stripes and strange patterns. Red was the preferred color, except during mourning, when black was used. The friars managed to put an end to this practice, except in mourning when the love for their deceased wouldn't let them give it up. The New Almaden cinnabar mine has long been a source of conflict between neighboring tribes. From as far as a hundred miles away, people who loved vermilion would come, and these visits often resulted in bloodshed. A thick layer of mud sometimes provides shelter from a cold wind. It’s a practical outfit since it costs nothing, is easy to put on, and doesn’t hinder the wearer. The nudity of the savages usually comes from a lack of concern for clothing rather than actual need. No group is completely without clothing when the weather is cold, and if they manage to get any kind of clothing at one point in the year, they can get it at another.

DWELLINGS IN CENTRAL CALIFORNIA.

Houses in Central California.

Their dwellings are about as primitive as their dress. In summer all they require is to be shaded from the sun, and for this a pile of bushes or a tree will suffice. The winter huts are a little more pretentious. These are sometimes erected on the level ground, but more frequently over an excavation three or four feet deep, and varying from ten to thirty feet in diameter. Round the brink of this hole willow poles are sunk upright in the ground and the tops drawn together, forming a conical structure, or the upper ends are bent over 372 and driven into the earth on the opposite side of the pit, thus giving the hut a semi-globular shape. Bushes, or strips of bark, are then piled up against the poles, and the whole is covered with a thick layer of earth or mud. In some instances, the interstices of the frame are filled by twigs woven cross-wise, over and under, between the poles, and the outside covering is of tule-reeds instead of earth. A hole at the top gives egress to the smoke, and a small opening close to the ground admits the occupants.

Their homes are just as basic as their clothing. In the summer, all they need is some shade from the sun, and a pile of bushes or a tree is enough. The winter huts are a bit more elaborate. These are sometimes built on flat ground, but more often over a hole that’s three or four feet deep and between ten and thirty feet in diameter. Around the edge of this pit, willow poles are placed upright in the ground, and the tops are brought together to create a conical shape, or the upper ends are bent over and pushed into the ground on the opposite side of the pit, giving the hut a semi-globular look. Bushes or strips of bark are piled against the poles, and everything is covered with a thick layer of earth or mud. In some cases, the gaps in the frame are filled with twigs woven in and out between the poles, and the outer covering is made of tule reeds instead of earth. A hole at the top allows smoke to escape, and a small opening near the ground lets the occupants enter.

Each hut generally shelters a whole family of relations by blood and marriage, so that the dimensions of the habitation depend on the size of the family.[509]

Each hut usually houses an entire family made up of relatives by blood and marriage, so the size of the dwelling depends on how big the family is.[509]

Thatched oblong houses are occasionally met with in Russian River Valley, and Mr Powers mentions having seen one among the Gallinomeros which was of the form of the letter L, made of slats leaned up against each other, and heavily thatched. Along the centre the different families or generations had their fires, while they slept next the walls. Three narrow holes served as doors, one at either end and one at the elbow.[510] A collection 373 of native huts is in California called a ranchería, from rancho, a word first applied by the Spaniards to the spot where, in the island of Cuba, food was distributed to repartimiento Indians.

Thatched rectangular houses can sometimes be found in the Russian River Valley, and Mr. Powers mentions having seen one among the Gallinomeros shaped like the letter L, built from slats leaned against each other, and heavily thatched. In the center, different families or generations had their fires while they slept next to the walls. There were three narrow openings used as doors: one at each end and one at the corner. [510] A group of native huts in California is called a ranchería, from rancho, a term first used by the Spaniards to describe the place on the island of Cuba where food was distributed to repartimiento Indians.

FOOD AND METHODS OF OBTAINING IT.

FOOD AND METHODS OF GETTING IT.

The bestial laziness of the Central Californian prevents him from following the chase to any extent, or from even inventing efficient game-traps. Deer are, however, sometimes shot with bow and arrow. The hunter, disguised with the head and horns of a stag, creeps through the long grass to within a few yards of the unsuspecting herd, and drops the fattest buck at his pleasure. Small game, such as hares, rabbits, and birds, are also shot with the arrow. Reptiles and insects of all descriptions not poisonous are greedily devoured; in fact, any life-sustaining substance which can be procured with little trouble, is food for them. But their main reliance is on acorns, roots, grass-seeds, berries and the like. These are eaten both raw and prepared. The acorns are shelled, dried in the sun, and then pounded into a powder with large stones. From this flour a species of coarse bread is made, which is sometimes flavored with various kinds of berries or herbs. This bread is of a black color when cooked, of about the consistency of cheese, and is said, by those who have tasted it, to be not at all unpalatable.[511] The dough is frequently boiled into pudding instead of being baked. A sort of mush is made from clover-seed, which is also described as being rather a savory dish. Grasshoppers constitute another toothsome delicacy. When 374 for winter use, they are dried in the sun; when for present consumption, they are either mashed into a paste, which is eaten with the fingers, ground into a fine powder and mixed with mush, or they are saturated with salt water, placed in a hole in the ground previously heated, covered with hot stones, and eaten like shrimps when well roasted. Dried chrysalides are considered a bonne bouche, as are all varieties of insects and worms. The boiled dishes are cooked in water-tight baskets, into which hot stones are dropped. Meat is roasted on sticks before the fire, or baked in a hole in the ground. The food is conveyed to the mouth with the fingers.

The laziness of people in Central California keeps them from pursuing hunting much or even creating effective traps. However, deer are sometimes hunted with bows and arrows. The hunter, wearing a disguise made from a stag's head and antlers, creeps through the tall grass to get within a few yards of an unsuspecting herd and takes down the biggest buck at will. Smaller game, like hares, rabbits, and birds, are also hunted with arrows. They eagerly eat non-poisonous reptiles and insects, and really anything they can get with minimal effort serves as food. But their main sources of nutrition are acorns, roots, grass seeds, and berries. These are eaten both raw and cooked. Acorns are shelled, dried in the sun, and pounded into a powder using large stones. From this flour, a kind of coarse bread is made, sometimes flavored with different types of berries or herbs. This bread, when cooked, is black, has a consistency similar to cheese, and those who have tasted it say it’s not bad at all. The dough is often boiled into pudding instead of baked. A dish made from clover seeds is also noted to be quite tasty. Grasshoppers are another tasty treat. For winter storage, they are dried in the sun; for immediate consumption, they are either mashed into a paste eaten with fingers, ground into fine powder mixed with mush, or soaked in salt water, placed in a heated hole, covered with hot stones, and eaten like roasted shrimp. Dried chrysalides and various insects and worms are considered a delicacy. Boiled dishes are made in water-tight baskets where hot stones are added. Meat is roasted on sticks over the fire or baked in a hole in the ground. Food is eaten using fingers.

ACORNS AND WILD FOWL.

Acorns and wild birds.

Grasshoppers are taken in pits, into which they are driven by setting the grass on fire, or by beating the grass in a gradually lessening circle, of which the pit is the centre. For seed-gathering two baskets are used; a large one, which is borne on the back, and another smaller and scoop-shaped, which is carried in the hand; with this latter the tops of the ripe grass are swept, and the seed thus taken is thrown over the left shoulder into the larger basket. The seeds are then parched and pulverized, and usually stored as pinole,[512] for winter use.[513] 375 When acorns are scarce the Central Californian resorts to a curious expedient to obtain them. The woodpecker, or carpintero as the Spaniards call it, stores away acorns for its own use in the trunks of trees. Each acorn is placed in a separate hole, which it fits quite tightly. These the natives take; but it is never until hunger compels them to do so, as they have great respect for their little caterer, and would hold it sacrilege to rob him except in time of extreme need.[514] Wild fowl are taken with a net stretched across a narrow stream between two poles, one on either bank. Decoys are placed on the water just before the net, one end of which is fastened to the top of the pole on the farther bank. A line passing through a hole in the top of the pole on the bank where the fowler is concealed, is attached to the 376 nearest end of the net, which is allowed to hang low. When the fowl fly rapidly up to the decoys, this end is suddenly raised with a jerk, so that the birds strike it with great force, and, stunned by the shock, fall into a large pouch, contrived for the purpose in the lower part of the net.[515]

Grasshoppers are caught in pits, which are created by driving them in with fire or by beating the grass in a gradually smaller circle, with the pit at the center. For collecting seeds, two baskets are used: a large one carried on the back and a smaller, scoop-shaped one held in the hand. The smaller basket is used to sweep the tops of the ripe grass, and the collected seeds are thrown over the left shoulder into the larger basket. The seeds are then roasted and ground, usually stored as pinole for winter use. [512] 375 When acorns are hard to find, Central Californians use an interesting method to get them. The woodpecker, or carpintero as the Spaniards call it, stores acorns for itself in tree trunks. Each acorn is placed in a separate hole that fits it snugly. The locals take these acorns, but only when they are really hungry, as they have a lot of respect for this little provider and consider it sacrilege to rob it unless absolutely necessary. [514] Wild birds are caught using a net stretched across a narrow stream between two poles, one on each bank. Decoys are placed on the water just in front of the net, which is fastened at one end to the top of the pole on the farther bank. A line goes through a hole at the top of the pole on the bank where the hunter hides, attached to the nearest end of the net, which hangs low. When the birds quickly fly towards the decoys, that end of the net is suddenly pulled up with a jerk, causing the birds to hit it hard, and, stunned by the impact, they fall into a large pouch designed for this purpose in the lower part of the net. [515]

Fish are both speared and netted. A long pole, projecting sometimes as much as a hundred feet over the stream, is run out from the bank. The farther end is supported by a small raft or buoy. Along this boom the net is stretched, the nearer corner being held by a native. As soon as a fish becomes entangled in the meshes it can be easily felt, and the net is then hauled in.[516] On the coast a small fish resembling the sardine is caught on the beach in the receding waves by means of a hand-net, in the manner practiced by the Northern Californian heretofore described.[517] The Central Californians do not hunt the whale, but it is a great day with them when one is stranded.[518] In reality their food was not so bad as some writers assert. Before the arrival of miners game was so plentiful that even the lazy natives could supply their necessities. The 'nobler race,' as usual, thrust them down upon a level with swine. Johnson thus describes the feeding of the natives at Sutter's Fort: "Long troughs inside the walls were filled with a kind of boiled mush made of the wheat-bran; and the Indians, huddled in rows upon their knees before these troughs, quickly conveyed their contents by the hand to the mouth." "But," writes Powers to the author, "it is a well-established fact that California Indians, even when reared by Americans from infancy, if they have 377 been permitted to associate meantime with others of their race, will, in the season of lush blossoming clover, go out and eat it in preference to all other food."[519]

Fish are both speared and caught in nets. A long pole, sometimes extending up to a hundred feet over the stream, is extended from the bank. The far end is supported by a small raft or buoy. The net is stretched along this boom, with a native holding the nearer corner. As soon as a fish gets tangled in the net, it can be easily felt, and then the net is pulled in.[516] On the coast, a small fish similar to sardines is caught on the beach in the retreating waves using a hand net, in a method described previously for Northern Californians.[517] Central Californians do not hunt whales, but it’s a big event for them when one is stranded.[518] In reality, their food wasn’t as bad as some writers claim. Before the miners arrived, game was so abundant that even the lazy natives could meet their needs. The ‘nobler race,’ as usual, pushed them down to the level of pigs. Johnson describes how the natives ate at Sutter’s Fort: "Long troughs inside the walls were filled with a kind of boiled mush made from wheat bran, and the Indians, kneeling in rows before these troughs, quickly brought the food to their mouths with their hands." "But," Powers writes to the author, "it’s a well-established fact that California Indians, even when raised by Americans from infancy, if they have had the chance to interact with others of their race, will, during the season of blooming clover, go out and eat it instead of any other food."[519]

In their personal habits they are filthy in the extreme. Both their dwellings and their persons abound in vermin, which they catch and eat in the same manner as their northern neighbors.[520]

In their personal habits, they are extremely dirty. Both their homes and their bodies are infested with pests, which they catch and eat just like their northern neighbors.[520]

CALIFORNIAN WEAPONS.

California weapons.

Their weapons are bows and arrows, spears, and sometimes clubs. The first-named do not differ in any essential respect from those described as being used by the Northern Californians. They are well made, from two and a half to three feet long, and backed with sinew; the string of wild flax or sinew, and partially covered with bird's down or a piece of skin, to deaden the twang.

Their weapons include bows and arrows, spears, and sometimes clubs. The bows don't differ in any significant way from those used by the Northern Californians. They are well-crafted, measuring between two and a half to three feet long, and reinforced with sinew; the string is made of wild flax or sinew and is partially covered with bird down or a piece of skin to mute the twang.

The arrows are short, made of reed or light wood, and winged with three or four feathers. The head is of flint, bone, obsidian, or volcanic glass, sometimes barbed and sometimes diamond-shaped. It is fastened loosely to the shaft, and can be extracted only from a wound by cutting it out. The shaft is frequently painted in order that the owner may be able to distinguish his own arrows from others. Spears, or rather javelins, are used, seldom exceeding from four and a half to five feet in length. They are made of some tough kind of wood and headed with the same materials as the arrows. Occasionally the point of the stick is merely sharpened and hardened in the fire.[521] The head of the 378 fishing-spear is movable, being attached to the shaft by a line, so that when a fish is struck the pole serves as a float. Some of the tribes formerly poisoned their arrows, but it is probable that the custom never prevailed 379 to any great extent. M. du Petit-Thouars was told that they used for this purpose a species of climbing plant which grows in shady places. It is said that they also poison their weapons with the venom of serpents.[522] Pedro Fages mentions that the natives in the country round San Miguel use a kind of sabre, made of hard wood, shaped like a cimeter, and edged with sharp flints. This they employ for hunting as well as in war, and with such address that they rarely fail to break the leg of the animal at which they hurl it.[523]

The arrows are short, made of reed or lightweight wood, and have three or four feathers attached. The tip is made from flint, bone, obsidian, or volcanic glass, and can be either barbed or diamond-shaped. It’s loosely attached to the shaft and can only be removed from a wound by cutting it out. The shaft is often painted so the owner can tell their arrows apart from others. Spears, or more accurately javelins, are used, usually measuring between four and a half to five feet long. They are made from a sturdy type of wood and have tips made from the same materials as the arrows. Sometimes, the end of the stick is just sharpened and hardened in the fire. The head of the fishing spear is movable and is connected to the shaft by a line, so when a fish is struck, the pole acts as a float. Some tribes used to poison their arrows, but it likely wasn't a widespread practice. M. du Petit-Thouars was told they used a type of climbing plant that grows in shady areas for this purpose. It's also said that they poison their weapons with snake venom. Pedro Fages notes that the natives around San Miguel use a type of saber made from hard wood, shaped like a scimitar, and edged with sharp flints. They use this both for hunting and in combat, and they’re so skilled that they rarely miss when trying to break the leg of the animal they throw it at.

BATTLES AND WEAPONS.

Battles and Weapons.

Battles, though frequent, were not attended with much loss of life. Each side was anxious for the fight to be over, and the first blood would often terminate the contest. Challenging by heralds obtained. Thus the Shumeias challenge the Pomos by placing three little sticks, notched in the middle and at both ends, on a mound which marked the boundary between the two tribes. If the Pomos accept, they tie a string round the middle notch. Heralds then meet and arrange time and place, and the battle comes off as appointed.[524] Among some tribes, children are sent by mutual arrangement into the enemy's ranks during the heat of battle to pick up the fallen arrows and carry them back to their owners to be used again.[525] When fighting, they stretch out in a long single line and endeavor by shouts and gestures to intimidate the foe.[526] 380

Battles were common, but they didn't usually result in a lot of deaths. Both sides wanted the fight to end quickly, and the first injury would often bring the battle to a close. Challenges were issued by heralds. For example, the Shumeias would challenge the Pomos by placing three small sticks, notched in the middle and at both ends, on a mound that marked the boundary between the two tribes. If the Pomos accepted, they would tie a string around the middle notch. Heralds would then meet to set the time and place, and the battle would happen as planned.[524] In some tribes, children would be sent by mutual agreement into the enemy's ranks during the heat of battle to collect fallen arrows and bring them back to their owners for reuse.[525] While fighting, they would line up in a long single file and try to scare the enemy with shouts and gestures.[526] 380

Notwithstanding the mildness of their disposition and the inferiority of their weapons, the Central Californians do not lack courage in battle, and when captured will meet their fate with all the stoicism of a true Indian. For many years after the occupation of the country by the Spaniards, by abandoning their villages and lying in ambush upon the approach of the enemy, they were enabled to resist the small squads of Mexicans sent against them from the presidios for the recovery of deserters from the missions. During the settlement of the country by white people, there were the usual skirmishes growing out of wrong and oppression on the one side, and retaliation on the other; the usual uprising among miners and rancheros, and vindication of border law, which demanded the massacre of a village for the stealing of a cow.

Despite their gentle nature and inferior weapons, the Central Californians still have courage in battle, and when captured, they face their fate with the stoicism of a true Native American. For many years after the Spaniards took over the land, they managed to resist the small groups of Mexicans sent from the presidios to recover deserters from the missions by abandoning their villages and lying in wait for the enemy. During the settlement of the land by white people, there were the typical skirmishes resulting from wrongdoing and oppression on one side and retaliation on the other; the usual uprisings among miners and ranchers, and the enforcement of border law, which often called for the massacre of a village for the theft of a cow.

Trespass on lands and abduction of women are the usual causes of war among themselves. Opposing armies, on approaching each other in battle array, dance and leap from side to side in order to prevent their enemies from taking deliberate aim. Upon the invasion of their territory they rapidly convey the intelligence by means of signals. A great smoke is made upon the nearest hilltop, which is quickly repeated upon the surrounding hills, and thus a wide extent of country is aroused in a remarkably short time.

Trespassing on land and kidnapping women are the usual reasons for wars between them. When opposing armies get close to each other in battle formation, they dance and jump from side to side to stop their enemies from aiming carefully. When their territory is invaded, they quickly share the news using signals. A large smoke signal is created on the nearest hilltop, which is quickly echoed on the surrounding hills, and as a result, a vast area is alerted in a surprisingly short time.

The custom of scalping, though not universal in California, was practiced in some localities. The yet more barbarous habit of cutting off the hands, feet, or head of a fallen enemy, as trophies of victory, prevailed more widely. They also plucked out and carefully preserved the eyes of the slain.

The practice of scalping, while not common in California, was done in certain areas. The even more brutal practice of removing the hands, feet, or head of a defeated enemy as trophies of victory was more widespread. They also removed and carefully kept the eyes of the slain.

It has been asserted that these savages were cannibals, and there seems to be good reason to believe that they did devour pieces of the flesh of a renowned enemy slain in battle. Human flesh was, however, not eaten as food, nor for the purpose of wreaking vengeance on or showing hate for a dead adversary, but because they thought that by eating part of a brave man they absorbed a portion 381 of his courage. They do not appear to have kept or sold prisoners as slaves, but to have either exchanged or killed them.[527]

It has been said that these people were cannibals, and there seems to be good reason to believe that they did consume pieces of the flesh of a famous enemy killed in battle. However, human flesh was not eaten as food, nor out of a desire for revenge or to express hatred for a dead opponent, but because they believed that by eating part of a brave man, they absorbed some of his courage. They didn’t seem to keep or sell prisoners as slaves, but rather exchanged or killed them. 381

IMPLEMENTS AND MANUFACTURES.

Tools and Products.

They are not ingenious, and manufacture but few articles requiring any skill. The principal of these are the baskets in which, as I have already mentioned, they carry water and boil their food. They are made of fine grass, so closely woven as to be perfectly water-tight, and are frequently ornamented with feathers, beads, shells, and the like, worked into them in a very pretty manner. Fletcher, who visited the coast with Sir Francis Drake in 1579, describes them as being "made in fashion like a deep boale, and though the matter were rushes, or such other kind of stuffe, yet it was so cunningly handled that the most part of them would hold water; about the brimmes they were hanged with peeces of the shels of pearles, and in some places with two or three linkes at a place, of the chaines forenamed ... and besides this, they were wrought vpon with the matted downe of red feathers, distinguished into diuers workes and formes."[528] The baskets are of various sizes and 382 shapes, the most common being conical or wide and flat. Their pipes are straight, the bowl being merely a continuation of the stem, only thicker and hollowed out.[529]

They aren't very skilled and only make a few items that require any expertise. The main ones are the baskets that, as I mentioned before, they use to carry water and cook their food. They're made from fine grass, tightly woven to be completely water-tight, and are often decorated with feathers, beads, shells, and similar things, arranged in a really nice way. Fletcher, who visited the coast with Sir Francis Drake in 1579, describes them as being "made in the shape of a deep bowl, and although they are made from rushes or similar materials, they are crafted so well that most of them can hold water; around the rims, they are adorned with pieces of pearl shells, and in some places, there are two or three links of the aforementioned chains... and in addition to this, they are decorated with the matted down of red feathers, created into various patterns and shapes."[528] The baskets come in different sizes and shapes, with the most common being conical or wide and flat. Their pipes are straight, where the bowl is just a thicker, hollow continuation of the stem.[529]

NO BOATS IN SAN FRANCISCO BAY.

NO BOATS IN SAN FRANCISCO BAY.

It is a singular fact that these natives about the bay of San Francisco and the regions adjacent, had no canoes of any description. Their only means of navigation were bundles of tule-rushes about ten feet long and three or four wide, lashed firmly together in rolls, and pointed at both ends. They were propelled, either end foremost, with long double-bladed paddles. In calm weather, and on a river, the centre, or thickest part of these rafts might be tolerably dry, but in rough water the rower, who sat astride, was up to his waist in water.[530] It has 383 been asserted that they even ventured far out to sea on them, but that this was common I much doubt.[531] They were useful to spear fish from, but for little else; in proof of which I may mention, on the authority of Roquefeuil, that in 1809-11, the Koniagas employed by the Russians at Bodega, killed seals and otters in San Francisco Bay under the very noses of the Spaniards, and in spite of all the latter, who appear to have had no boats of their own, could do to prevent them. In their light skin baidarkas, each with places for two persons only, these bold northern boatmen would drop down the coast from Bodega Bay, where the Russians were stationed, or cross over from the Farallones in fleets of from forty to fifty boats, and entering the Golden Gate creep along the northern shore, beyond the range of the Presidio's guns, securely establish themselves upon the islands of the bay and pursue their avocation unmolested. For three years, namely from 1809 to 1811, these northern fishermen held possession of the bay of San Francisco, during which time they captured over eight thousand otters. Finally, it occurred to the governor, Don Luis Argüello, that it would be well for the Spaniards to have boats of their own. Accordingly four were built, but they were so clumsily constructed, ill equipped, and poorly manned, that had the Russians and Koniagas felt disposed, they could easily have continued their incursions. Once within the entrance, these northern barbarians were masters of the bay, and such was their sense of security that they would sometimes venture for a time to stretch their limbs upon the shore. The capture of several of their number, however, by the soldiers from the fort, made them more wary thereafter. Maurelle, who touched at Point Arenas in 1775, but did 384 not enter the bay of San Francisco, says that "a vast number of Indians now presented themselves on both points, who passed from one to the other in small canoes made of fule, where they talked loudly for two hours or more, till at last two of them came alongside of the ship, and most liberally presented us with plumes of feathers, rosaries of bone, garments of feathers, as also garlands of the same materials, which they wore round their head, and a canister of seeds which tasted much like walnuts." The only account of this voyage in my possession is an English translation, in which "canoes made of fule" might easily have been mistaken for boats or floats of tule.[532] Split logs were occasionally used to cross rivers, and frequently all means of transportation were dispensed with, and swimming resorted to.

It's a unique fact that the Native Americans around San Francisco Bay and nearby areas had no canoes at all. Their only way to get around was with bundles of tule reeds about ten feet long and three or four feet wide, tightly tied together, and pointed at both ends. They used long double-bladed paddles to push themselves through the water, traveling with either end first. On calm days, the center of these rafts could be fairly dry while floating down a river, but in choppy water, the rower, who sat straddling the raft, would be up to his waist in water. It has been said that they even ventured far out to sea on these rafts, but I seriously doubt that was common. They were mostly useful for fishing, and to illustrate this, I can mention, based on Roquefeuil's accounts, that between 1809 and 1811, the Koniagas hired by the Russians at Bodega killed seals and otters in San Francisco Bay right under the noses of the Spaniards, who had no boats of their own to stop them. In their lightweight skin kayaks, each designed for two people, these bold northern fishermen would travel down the coast from Bodega Bay, where the Russians were based, or cross over from the Farallones in groups of forty to fifty boats. They would enter the Golden Gate and sneak along the northern shore, beyond the range of the Presidio’s guns, establishing themselves securely on the islands of the bay and continuing their work without interference. For three years, from 1809 to 1811, these northern fishermen controlled San Francisco Bay, during which time they caught over eight thousand otters. Eventually, the governor, Don Luis Argüello, decided it would be beneficial for the Spaniards to have their own boats. As a result, four were constructed, but they were built so poorly, equipped inadequately, and manned by such inexperienced crews that if the Russians and Koniagas had wanted to, they could have kept up their raids easily. Once inside the entrance, these northern outsiders were in charge of the bay, and they felt so secure that they would sometimes venture onto the shore to stretch their legs. However, the capture of several of their men by soldiers from the fort made them more cautious afterward. Maurelle, who stopped at Point Arenas in 1775 but didn’t enter San Francisco Bay, recorded that “a large number of Indians appeared on both points, who moved between them in small canoes made of tule, talking loudly for two hours or more, until finally, two of them came alongside the ship and generously offered us plumes of feathers, bone necklaces, feather garments, and garlands made of the same materials which they wore around their heads, along with a canister of seeds that tasted a lot like walnuts.” The only account of this journey I have is an English translation, where “canoes made of tule” might easily have been misinterpreted as boats or floats made from reed. Split logs were sometimes used to cross rivers, and often, people would swim instead of using any form of transport.

Captain Phelps, in a letter to the author, mentions having seen skin boats, or baidarkas, on the Sacramento River, but supposes that they were left there by those same Russian employés.[533] Vancouver, speaking of a canoe which he saw below Monterey, says: "Instead of being composed of straw, like those we had seen on our first visit to San Francisco, it was neatly formed of wood, much after the Nootka fashion, and was navigated with much adroitness by four natives of the country. Their paddles were about four feet long with a blade at each end; these were handled with great dexterity, either entirely on one side or alternately on each side of their canoe."[534] I account for the presence of this canoe in the same manner that Captain Phelps accounts for the 385 skin canoes on the Sacramento, and think that it must have come either from the south or north.

Captain Phelps, in a letter to the author, mentions having seen skin boats, or baidarkas, on the Sacramento River, but he thinks they were left there by those same Russian workers. Vancouver, referring to a canoe he saw below Monterey, says: "Instead of being made of straw, like those we saw on our first visit to San Francisco, it was well-crafted from wood, similar to the Nootka style, and was skillfully paddled by four locals. Their paddles were about four feet long with a blade at both ends; they handled them with great skill, either paddling entirely on one side or alternately on each side of their canoe." I explain the presence of this canoe in the same way that Captain Phelps explains the skin canoes on the Sacramento, and I believe that it must have come from either the south or the north.

The probable cause of this absence of boats in Central California is the scarcity of suitable, favorably located timber. Doubtless if the banks of the Sacramento and the shores of San Francisco Bay had been lined with large straight pine or fir trees, their waters would have been filled with canoes; yet after all, this is but a poor excuse; for not only on the hills and mountains, at a little distance from the water, are forests of fine trees, but quantities of driftwood come floating down every stream during the rainy season, out of which surely sufficient material could be secured for some sort of boats.

The likely reason for the lack of boats in Central California is the shortage of suitable, conveniently located timber. If the banks of the Sacramento and the shores of San Francisco Bay had been covered with large, straight pine or fir trees, those waters would have been filled with canoes. However, that's really not a strong excuse; because not only are there forests of great trees on the hills and mountains not far from the water, but also plenty of driftwood floats down every stream during the rainy season, which could definitely provide enough material for some kind of boats.

Shells of different kinds, but especially the variety known as aulone, form the circulating medium. They are polished, sometimes ground down to a certain size, and arranged on strings of different lengths.[535]

Shells of various types, particularly the kind called aulone, serve as a form of currency. They are smoothed out, sometimes reduced to a specific size, and strung together in different lengths.[535]

CHIEFTAINSHIP AND ITS RIGHTS.

Chieftainship and its rights.

Chieftainship is hereditary, almost without exception. In a few instances I find it depending upon wealth, influence, family, or prowess in war, but this rarely. In some parts, in default of male descent, the females of the family are empowered to appoint a successor.[536] Although considerable dignity attaches to a chief, and his family are treated with consideration, yet his power is limited, his principal duties consisting in making peace and war, and in appointing and presiding over feasts. Every band has its separate head, and two or even 386 three have been known to preside at the same time.[537] Sometimes when several bands are dwelling together they are united under one head chief, who, however, cannot act for the whole without consulting the lesser chiefs. Practically, the heads of families rule in their own circle, and their internal arrangements are seldom interfered with. Their medicine-men also wield a very powerful influence among them.[538] Sometimes, when a flagrant murder has been committed, the chiefs meet in council and decide upon the punishment of the offender. The matter is, however, more frequently settled by the relatives of the victim, who either exact blood for blood from the murderer or let the thing drop for a consideration. Among the Neeshenams revenge must be had within twelve months after the murder or not at all.[539]

Chieftainship is mostly passed down through families. In a few cases, it depends on wealth, influence, family ties, or military skills, but that's rare. In some areas, if there are no male heirs, the women in the family can choose a successor. Although a chief holds a certain level of respect and his family is treated with importance, his power is limited. His main responsibilities are to make decisions about peace and war, and to organize and oversee feasts. Each group has its own leader, and occasionally two or even three leaders have been known to serve at the same time. When several groups live together, they might unite under one main chief, but he can’t make decisions for everyone without talking to the lesser chiefs first. In practice, family heads govern their own circles, and their internal issues are rarely interfered with. Their medicine men also hold significant influence. Sometimes, when a serious crime like murder occurs, the chiefs gather to discuss the punishment for the perpetrator. However, it's often the victim's relatives who resolve the situation—either by taking revenge or accepting a settlement. Among the Neeshenams, revenge must be taken within twelve months after a murder, or it won't happen at all.

RULERS OF NEW ALBION.

Rulers of New Albion.

According to Fletcher's narrative, there seems to have been much more distinction of rank at the time of Drake's visit to California than subsequent travelers have seen; 387 however, allowance must be made for the exaggerations invariably found in the reports of early voyagers. In proof of this, we have only to take up almost any book of travel in foreign lands printed at that time; wherein dragons and other impossible animals are not only zoölogically described, but carefully drawn and engraved, as well as other marvels in abundance. Captain Drake had several temptations to exaggerate. The richer and more important the country he discovered, the more would it redound to his credit to have been the discoverer; the greater the power and authority of the chief who formally made over his dominions to the queen of England, the less likely to be disputed would be that sovereign's claims to the ceded territory. Fletcher never speaks of the chief of the tribe that received Drake, but as 'the king,' and states that this dignitary was treated with great respect and ceremony by the courtiers who surrounded him. These latter were distinguished from the canaille by various badges of rank. They wore as ornaments chains "of a bony substance, euery linke or part thereof being very little, and thinne, most finely burnished, with a hole pierced through the middest. The number of linkes going to make one chaine, is in a manner infinite; but of such estimation it is amongst them, that few be the persons that are admitted to weare the same; and euen they to whom its lawfull to use them, yet are stinted what number they shall vse, as some ten, some twelue, some twentie, and as they exceed in number of chaines, so thereby are they knowne to be the more honorable personages." Another mark of distinction was a "certain downe, which groweth vp in the countrey vpon an herbe much like our lectuce, which exceeds any other downe in the world for finenesse, and beeing layed vpon their cawles, by no winds can be remoued. Of such estimation is this herbe amongst them, that the downe thereof is not lawfull to be worne, but of such persons as are about the king (to whom also it is permitted to weare a plume of feather on their heads, in signe of honour), and the seeds are 388 not vsed but onely in sacrifice to their gods." The king, who was gorgeously attired in skins, with a crown of feather-work upon his head, was attended by a regular body-guard, uniformly dressed in coats of skins. His coming was announced by two heralds or ambassadors, one of whom prompted the other, during the proclamation, in a low voice. His majesty was preceded in the procession by "a man of large body and goodly aspect, bearing the septer or royall mace;" all of which happened, if we may believe the worthy chaplain of the expedition, on the coast just above San Francisco Bay, three hundred years ago.[540]

According to Fletcher's account, there seemed to be much more social hierarchy during Drake's visit to California than later travelers reported; 387 however, we must consider the exaggerations typically found in the reports of early explorers. To illustrate this, we only need to look at almost any travel book from that time, where dragons and other imaginary creatures are not only described scientifically but also carefully illustrated and engraved, along with plenty of other wonders. Captain Drake had several reasons to exaggerate. The richer and more significant the land he discovered, the more credit he would earn for being the discoverer; the more powerful and authoritative the chief who formally ceded his lands to the queen of England, the less likely it would be for anyone to challenge that sovereign's claims to the given territory. Fletcher never refers to the chief of the tribe that welcomed Drake except as 'the king,' and he states that this leader was treated with great respect and ceremony by the courtiers around him. The courtiers were distinguished from the common people by various symbols of rank. They wore chains made of a bony substance as ornaments, with each link being very small and thin, beautifully polished, and with a hole pierced through the middle. The number of links in a single chain is virtually endless, but it holds such value among them that very few people are allowed to wear it. Even those permitted to wear them are limited in how many they can have—some ten, some twelve, some twenty—and as they have more chains, they are recognized as being more honorable individuals. Another symbol of distinction was a "certain down that grows in the country on a plant similar to our lettuce, which is finer than any other down in the world, and when laid on their heads, it cannot be blown away by the wind. This plant is held in such high regard that the down can only be worn by those close to the king (who are also allowed to wear a plume of feathers on their heads as a sign of honor), and the seeds are only used for sacrifices to their gods." The king, dressed in elaborate skins with a crown of feathers on his head, was accompanied by a formal bodyguard, all dressed in skin coats. His arrival was announced by two heralds or ambassadors, one of whom prompted the other quietly during the proclamation. His majesty was preceded in the procession by "a large and impressive man carrying the scepter or royal mace;" all of this, if we can trust the worthy chaplain of the expedition, took place on the coast just above San Francisco Bay, three hundred years ago.[540]

HOW A BRIDE IS WON.

HOW A BRIDE IS WON.

Slavery in any form is rare, and hereditary bondage unknown.[541] Polygamy obtains in most of the tribes, although there are exceptions.[542] It is common for a man to marry a whole family of sisters, and sometimes the mother also, if she happen to be free.[543] Husband 389 and wife are united with very little ceremony. The inclinations of the bride seem to be consulted here more than among the Northern Californians. It is true she is sometimes bought from her parents, but if she violently opposes the match she is seldom compelled to marry or to be sold. Among some tribes the wooer, after speaking with her parents, retires with the girl; if they agree, she thenceforth belongs to him; if not, the match is broken off.[544] The Neeshenam buys his wife indirectly by making presents of game to her family. He leaves the gifts at the door of the lodge without a word, and, if they are accepted, he shortly after claims and takes his bride without further ceremony. In this tribe the girl has no voice whatever in the matter, and resistance on her part merely occasions brute force to be used by her purchaser.[545]

Slavery in any form is uncommon, and hereditary bondage is basically nonexistent. Polygamy is practiced among most tribes, though there are exceptions. It's common for a man to marry an entire group of sisters, and sometimes their mother as well, if she's free. Husband and wife come together with very little ceremony. The bride's feelings are considered here more than with the Northern Californians. It’s true she is sometimes purchased from her parents, but if she strongly opposes the marriage, she is rarely forced to go through with it or be sold. In some tribes, the suitor talks to her parents first, then spends time alone with the girl; if they come to an agreement, she becomes his; if not, the match is called off. The Neeshenam indirectly buys his wife by giving gifts of game to her family. He leaves the gifts at the entrance of their home without a word, and if they accept them, he soon claims and takes his bride without additional ceremony. In this tribe, the girl has no say in the matter, and resistance from her merely results in her buyer using force.

CHILD-BIRTH AND THE COUVADE.

CHILDBIRTH AND THE COUVADE.

When an Oleepa lover wishes to marry, he first obtains permission from the parents. The damsel then flies and conceals herself; the lover searches for her, and should he succeed in finding her twice out of three times she belongs to him. Should he be unsuccessful he waits a few weeks and then repeats the performance. If she again elude his search, the matter is decided against him.[546] The bonds of matrimony can be thrown aside 390 as easily as they are assumed. The husband has only to say to his spouse, I cast you off, and the thing is done.[547] The Gallinomeros acquire their wives by purchase, and are at liberty to sell them again when tired of them.[548] As usual the women are treated with great contempt by the men, and forced to do all the hard and menial labor; they are not even allowed to sit at the same fire or eat at the same repast with their lords. Both sexes treat children with comparative kindness;[549] boys are, however, held in much higher estimation than girls, and from early childhood are taught their superiority over the weaker sex. It is even stated that many female children are killed as soon as born,[550] but I am inclined to doubt the correctness of this statement as applied to a country where polygamy is practiced as extensively as in California. Old people are treated with contumely, both men and women, aged warriors being obliged to do menial work under the supervision of the women. The Gallinomeros kill their aged parents in a most cold-blooded manner. The doomed creature is led into the woods, thrown on his back, and firmly fastened in that position to the ground. A stout pole is then placed across the throat, upon either end of which a person sits until life is extinct.[551] A husband takes revenge for his wife's infidelities upon the person of her seducer, whom he is justified in killing. Sometimes the male offender is compelled to buy the object of his unholy passions. In consequence of their strictness in this particular, adultery is not common among themselves, although a husband is generally willing to prostitute 391 his dearest wife to a white man for a consideration. The Central Californian women are inclined to rebel against the tyranny of their masters, more than is usual in other tribes. A refractory Tahtoo wife is sometimes frightened into submission. The women have a great dread of evil spirits, and upon this weakness the husband plays. He paints himself in black and white stripes to personate an ogre, and suddenly jumping in among his terrified wives, brings them speedily to penitence. Child-bearing falls lightly on the Californian mother. When the time for delivery arrives she betakes herself to a quiet place by the side of a stream; sometimes accompanied by a female friend, but more frequently alone. As soon as the child is born the mother washes herself and the infant in the stream. The child is then swaddled from head to foot in strips of soft skin, and strapped to a board, which is carried on the mother's back. When the infant is suckled, it is drawn round in front and allowed to hang there, the mother meanwhile pursuing her usual avocations. So little does child-bearing affect these women, that, on a journey, they will frequently stop by the way-side for half an hour to be delivered, and then overtake the party, who have traveled on at the usual pace. Painful parturition, though so rare, usually results fatally to both mother and child when it does occur. This comparative exemption from the curse, "in sorrow shalt thou bring forth," is doubtless owing partly to the fact that the sexes have their regular season for copulation, just as animals have theirs, the women bringing forth each year with great regularity. A curious custom prevails, which is, however, by no means peculiar to California. When child-birth overtakes the wife, the husband puts himself to bed, and there grunting and groaning he affects to suffer all the agonies of a woman in labor. Lying there, he is nursed and tended for some days by the women as carefully as though he were the actual sufferer. Ridiculous as this custom is, it is asserted by Mr Tylor to have been practiced in western China, in the country of the Basques, 392 by the Tibareni at the south of the Black Sea, and in modified forms by the Dyaks of Borneo, the Arawaks of Surinam, and the inhabitants of Kamchatka and Greenland.[552] The females arrive early at the age of puberty,[553] and grow old rapidly.[554]

When an Oleepa lover wants to marry, he first gets permission from the parents. The girl then runs away and hides; the lover searches for her, and if he manages to find her twice out of three attempts, she's his. If he fails, he waits a few weeks and tries again. If she evades him again, the decision goes against him. The bonds of marriage can be cast off as easily as they are formed. The husband just has to tell his wife, "I cast you off," and it's done. The Gallinomeros buy their wives and can sell them when they get bored. As usual, men treat women with contempt, forcing them to handle all the hard and menial chores; they're not allowed to sit by the fire or eat the same meals as their husbands. Both genders are relatively kind to children; however, boys are valued much more than girls, and from a young age, they're taught their superiority over the weaker sex. It's even said that many baby girls are killed at birth, but I doubt this applies to a place where polygamy is as common as it is in California. Old people are treated poorly, with elderly warriors having to do menial work under the supervision of women. The Gallinomeros coldly kill their elderly parents. The doomed individual is taken into the woods, laid on their back, and firmly secured to the ground. A strong pole is placed across their throat, and two people sit on either end until life is gone. A husband takes revenge on his wife's lover, and he is justified in killing him. Sometimes the male offender has to pay for the woman he desires. Because of their strictness on this issue, adultery is rare among them, although a husband often allows his beloved wife to be with a white man for a price. Central Californian women are more inclined to resist their husbands' tyranny than those in other tribes. A disobedient Tahtoo wife is sometimes scared into submission. The women greatly fear evil spirits, and their husbands take advantage of this. He paints himself in black and white stripes to act like a monster and suddenly jumps in among his terrified wives, making them repent quickly. Childbirth is easy for the Californian mother. When it's time to give birth, she goes to a quiet spot by a stream, sometimes with a female friend but usually alone. As soon as the baby is born, she washes herself and the infant in the stream. The baby is then wrapped from head to toe in soft skin, strapped to a board, and carried on the mother's back. When the baby is breastfed, it's pulled around in front and allowed to hang there while the mother continues with her daily tasks. Childbirth has such little impact on these women that during a journey, they often stop for half an hour to give birth and then catch up with the group, who have continued moving at their usual pace. Difficult labor is quite rare but usually results in death for both mother and child when it does happen. This low rate of suffering during childbirth is likely due in part to the fact that there are specific seasons for mating, much like animals, with women giving birth every year with great regularity. A strange custom exists, which isn't unique to California. When his wife goes into labor, the husband lies down in bed, groaning and pretending to experience the pains of childbirth. While lying there, he is cared for by the other women as if he were the one truly suffering. Ridiculous as this custom is, Mr. Tylor claims it has been observed in western China, in the Basque country, by the Tibareni south of the Black Sea, and in modified forms by the Dyaks of Borneo, the Arawaks of Surinam, and the people of Kamchatka and Greenland. Females hit puberty early and age quickly.

CALIFORNIAN DIVERSIONS.

California Fun.

Most important events, such as the seasons of hunting, fishing, acorn-gathering, and the like, are celebrated with feasts and dances which differ in no essential respect from those practiced by the Northern Californians. They usually dance naked, having their heads adorned with feather ornaments, and their bodies and faces painted with glaring colors in grotesque patterns. Broad stripes, drawn up and down, across, or spirally round the body, form the favorite device; sometimes one half of the body is colored red and the other blue, or the whole person is painted jet black and serves as a ground for the representation of a skeleton, done in white, which gives the wearer a most ghastly appearance.[555] The 393 dancing is accompanied by chantings, clapping of hands, blowing on pipes of two or three reeds and played with the nose or mouth, beating of skin drums, and rattling of tortoise-shells filled with small pebbles. This horrible discord is, however, more for the purpose of marking time than for pleasing the ear.[556] The women are seldom allowed to join in the dance with the men, and when they are so far honored, take a very unimportant part in the proceedings, merely swaying their bodies to and fro in silence.

Most important events, like the hunting, fishing, and acorn-gathering seasons, are celebrated with feasts and dances that are pretty much the same as those practiced by the Northern Californians. They usually dance nude, wearing feather ornaments on their heads and their bodies and faces painted in bright colors with weird patterns. Their favorite designs include broad stripes that run up and down, across, or spiral around their bodies; sometimes half of the body is painted red while the other half is blue, or the entire person might be painted jet black with a white skeleton design, which makes for a pretty creepy look. [555] The 393 dancing is accompanied by chanting, hand clapping, blowing on pipes made of two or three reeds played with the nose or mouth, beating skin drums, and shaking tortoise shells filled with small pebbles. This jarring noise is more about keeping time than sounding good. [556] Women are rarely allowed to join the men in the dance, and when they are, they only play a minor role, simply swaying their bodies back and forth in silence.

Plays, representing scenes of war, hunting, and private life, serve to while away the time, and are performed with considerable skill. Though naturally the very incarnation of sloth, at least as far as useful labor is concerned, they have one or two games which require some exertion. One of these, in vogue among the Meewocs, is played with bats and an oak-knot ball. The former are made of a pliant stick, having the end bent round and lashed to the main part so as to form a loop, which is filled with a network of strings. They do not strike but push the ball along with these bats. The players take sides, and each party endeavors to drive the ball past the boundaries of the other. Another game, which was formerly much played at the missions on the coast, requires more skill and scarcely less activity. It consists 394 in throwing a stick through a hoop which is rapidly rolled along the ground. If the player succeeds in this, he gains two points; if the stick merely passes partially through, so that the hoop remains resting upon it, one point is scored.

Plays that depict scenes of war, hunting, and everyday life serve to pass the time and are performed with impressive skill. Although they are generally the embodiment of laziness, at least when it comes to useful work, they have a couple of games that require some effort. One of these, popular among the Meewocs, is played with bats and an oak-knot ball. The bats are made from a flexible stick, with one end bent around and secured to the main part to form a loop that's filled with a network of strings. Instead of striking, players push the ball along with these bats. Teams are formed, and each side tries to drive the ball past the other’s boundaries. Another game, which used to be widely played at the missions on the coast, demands more skill and nearly as much activity. It involves throwing a stick through a hoop that is rolled quickly along the ground. If the player successfully does this, they earn two points; if the stick only goes partially through, leaving the hoop resting on it, they score one point.

But, as usual, games of chance are much preferred to games of skill. The chief of these is the same as that already described in the last chapter as being played by the natives all along the coasts of Oregon, Washington, and British Columbia, and which bears so close a resemblance to the odd-and-even of our school-days. They are as infatuated on this subject as their neighbors, and quite as willing to stake the whole of their possessions on an issue of chance. They smoke a species of strong tobacco in the straight pipes before mentioned;[557] but they have no native intoxicating drink.[558]

But, as usual, people prefer games of chance over games of skill. The main one is the same as the one mentioned in the last chapter, which is played by the locals along the coasts of Oregon, Washington, and British Columbia, and it closely resembles the odd-and-even game we played in school. They are just as obsessed with this as their neighbors and are equally willing to gamble everything they own on a game of chance. They smoke a type of strong tobacco in the straight pipes mentioned earlier;[557] but they don’t have a native intoxicating drink.[558]

MEDICINE AND SWEAT-HOUSES.

Medicine and saunas.

The principal diseases are small-pox, various forms of fever, and syphilis. Owing to their extreme filthiness they are also very subject to disgusting eruptions of the skin. Women are not allowed to practice the healing art, as among the Northern Californians, the privileges of quackery being here reserved exclusively to the men. Chanting incantations, waving of hands, and the sucking powers obtain. Doctors are supposed to have power 395 over life and death, hence if they fail to effect a cure, they are frequently killed.[559] They demand the most extortionate fees in return for their services, and often refuse to officiate unless the object they desire is promised them. Sweat-houses similar to those already described are in like manner used as a means of cure for every kind of complaint.[560] They have another kind of sudatory. A hole is dug in the sand of a size sufficient to contain a person lying at full length; over this a fire is kept burning until the sand is thoroughly heated, when the fire is removed and the sand stirred with a stick until it is reduced to the required temperature. The patient is then placed in the hole and covered, with the exception of his head, with sand. Here he remains until in a state of profuse perspiration, when he is unearthed and plunged into cold water. They are said to practice phlebotomy, using the right arm when the body is affected and the left when the complaint is in the limbs. A few simple decoctions are made from herbs, but these are seldom very efficient medicines, especially when administered for the more complicated diseases which the whites have brought among them. Owing to the insufficient or erroneous treatment they receive, many disorders which would be easily cured by us, degenerate with them into chronic maladies, and are transmitted to their children.[561] 396

The main diseases include smallpox, various types of fever, and syphilis. Due to their extreme lack of hygiene, they are also prone to unsightly skin eruptions. Women are not allowed to practice medicine, just like among the Northern Californians, where the practice of quackery is strictly reserved for men. They use chanting, hand-waving, and suction techniques. Doctors are believed to have power over life and death; therefore, if they fail to cure someone, they are often killed. They charge exorbitant fees for their services and frequently refuse to help unless they are promised something in return. Sweat lodges, similar to those described earlier, are used as a treatment for various ailments. They also have another type of sweat treatment. A hole is dug in the sand large enough for a person to lie flat; a fire is kept burning until the sand is thoroughly heated, then the fire is removed and the sand is stirred with a stick until it reaches the right temperature. The patient is then placed in the hole and covered with sand, leaving only their head exposed. They stay there until they sweat profusely, then they are dug out and plunged into cold water. They are said to practice bloodletting, using the right arm for issues in the body and the left for problems in the limbs. They make a few simple herbal concoctions, but these are rarely effective, especially for the more complex diseases introduced by white people. Due to inadequate or incorrect treatment, many ailments that could be easily cured by us become chronic issues for them and are passed down to their children.

Incremation is almost universal in this part of California.[562] The body is decorated with feathers, flowers, and beads, and after lying in state for some time, is burned amid the howls and lamentations of friends and relations. The ashes are either preserved by the family of the deceased or are formally buried. The weapons and effects of the dead are burned or buried with them.[563] When a body is prepared for interment the knees are doubled up against the chest and securely bound with cords. It is placed in a sitting posture in the grave, which is circular. This is the most common manner of sepulture, but some tribes bury the body perpendicularly in a hole just large enough to admit it, sometimes with the head down, sometimes in a standing position. The Pomos formerly burned their dead, and since they have been influenced by the whites to bury them, they invariably place the body with its head toward the south.

Cremation is almost universal in this part of California.[562] The body is adorned with feathers, flowers, and beads, and after being displayed for some time, is burned amidst the cries and mourning of friends and family. The ashes are either kept by the family of the deceased or are formally buried. The weapons and belongings of the deceased are burned or buried with them.[563] When a body is prepared for burial, the knees are drawn up to the chest and securely tied with cords. It is placed in a sitting position in the grave, which is circular. This is the most common way of burial, but some tribes bury the body vertically in a hole just big enough to fit it, sometimes with the head down, sometimes standing up. The Pomos used to burn their dead, and since being influenced by the whites to bury them, they always position the body with its head facing south.

MOURNING FOR THE DEAD.

Mourning the deceased.

A scene of incremation is a weird spectacle. The 397 friends and relatives of the deceased gather round the funeral pyre in a circle, howling dismally. As the flames mount upward their enthusiasm increases, until in a perfect frenzy of excitement, they leap, shriek, lacerate their bodies, and even snatch a handful of smoldering flesh from the fire, and devour it.

A cremation scene is a strange sight. The 397 friends and family of the deceased gather around the funeral pyre in a circle, wailing mournfully. As the flames rise higher, their excitement grows, until they reach a complete frenzy, jumping, screaming, cutting their skin, and even grabbing pieces of charred flesh from the fire to eat.

The ashes of the dead mixed with grease, are smeared over the face as a badge of mourning, and the compound is suffered to remain there until worn off by the action of the weather. The widow keeps her head covered with pitch for several months. In the Russian River Valley, where demonstrations of grief appear to be yet more violent than elsewhere, self-laceration is much practiced. It is customary to have an annual Dance of Mourning, when the inhabitants of a whole village collect together and lament their deceased friends with howls and groans. Many tribes think it necessary to nourish a departed spirit for several months. This is done by scattering food about the place where the remains of the dead are deposited. A devoted Neeshenam widow does not utter a word for several months after the death of her husband; a less severe sign of grief is to speak only in a low whisper for the same time.[564]

The ashes of the dead mixed with grease are smeared on the face as a sign of mourning, and this mixture is allowed to stay until it naturally wears off. The widow keeps her head covered with pitch for several months. In the Russian River Valley, where expressions of grief seem to be more intense than elsewhere, self-harm is quite common. It's traditional to hold an annual Dance of Mourning, where everyone in the village gathers to mourn their deceased friends with wails and cries. Many tribes believe it's important to nourish a departed spirit for several months by scattering food around the site where the dead are laid to rest. A devoted Neeshenam widow stays silent for several months after her husband dies; a less intense expression of grief is to speak only in a soft whisper during that same period.[564]

Regarding a future state their ideas are vague; some say that the Meewocs believe in utter annihilation after death, but who can fathom the hopes and fears that struggle in their dark imaginings. They are not particularly cruel or vicious; they show much sorrow for the 398 death of a relative; in some instances they are affectionate toward their families.[565] 399

Regarding their beliefs about the afterlife, they are pretty unclear; some say that the Meewocs think there’s total destruction after death, but who can truly understand the hopes and fears that clash in their dark thoughts? They aren’t particularly harsh or wicked; they express a lot of sadness over the loss of a relative; in some cases, they are caring toward their families. 398 399

CENTRAL CALIFORNIAN CHARACTER.

CENTRAL CALIFORNIA VIBE.

Although nearly all travelers who have seen and described this people, place them in the lowest scale of humanity, yet there are some who assert that the character of the Californian has been maligned. It does not follow, they say, that he is indolent because he does not work when the fertility of his native land enables him to live without labor; or that he is cowardly because he is not incessantly at war, or stupid and brutal because the mildness of his climate renders clothes and dwellings superfluous. But is this sound reasoning? Surely a people assisted by nature should progress faster than another, struggling with depressing difficulties.

Although nearly all travelers who have seen and described these people place them at the bottom of the human scale, some argue that the Californian's character has been unfairly judged. They say it doesn’t mean he is lazy just because he doesn’t work when the fertility of his land allows him to live without labor; or that he is cowardly for not being constantly at war, or that he is stupid and brutal because the mildness of his climate makes clothes and homes unnecessary. But is this really a logical argument? Certainly, a people favored by nature should advance more quickly than others struggling through difficult challenges.

From the frozen, wind-swept plains of Alaska to the malaria-haunted swamps of Darien, there is not a fairer land than California; it is the neutral ground, as it were, of the elements, where hyperboreal cold, stripped of its rugged aspect, and equatorial heat, tamed to a genial warmth, meet as friends, inviting, all blusterings laid aside. Yet if we travel northward 400 from the Isthmus, we must pass by ruined cities and temples, traces of mighty peoples, who there flourished before a foreign civilization extirpated them. On the arid deserts of Arizona and New Mexico is found an incipient civilization. Descending from the Arctic sea we meet races of hunters and traders, which can be called neither primitive nor primordial, living after their fashion as men, not as brutes. It is not until we reach the Golden Mean in Central California that we find whole tribes subsisting on roots, herbs and insects; having no boats, no clothing, no laws, no God; yielding submissively to the first touch of the invader; held in awe by a few priests and soldiers. Men do not civilize themselves. Had not the Greeks and the Egyptians been driven on by an unseen hand, never would the city of the Violet Crown have graced the plains of Hellas, nor Thebes nor Memphis have risen in the fertile valley of the Nile. Why Greece is civilized, while California breeds a race inferior to the lowest of their neighbors, save only perhaps the Shoshones on their east, no one yet can tell.

From the icy, wind-swept plains of Alaska to the malaria-ridden swamps of Darien, there’s no land fairer than California; it’s like the neutral ground of the elements, where the harsh cold of the north, stripped of its rough edges, and the equatorial heat, softened to a pleasant warmth, come together as allies, setting aside their tempers. But if we journey north from the Isthmus, we must pass through ruined cities and temples, remnants of powerful civilizations that thrived there before foreign cultures wiped them out. In the dry deserts of Arizona and New Mexico, we find the beginnings of a new civilization. Coming down from the Arctic sea, we encounter groups of hunters and traders that can’t be classified as primitive or primordial, living their lives as people, not animals. It’s only when we reach the Golden Mean in Central California that we discover entire tribes living off roots, herbs, and insects; lacking boats, clothing, laws, or a God; submitting easily to the first touch of the invader; held in reverence by a handful of priests and soldiers. People don’t civilize themselves. If the Greeks and Egyptians hadn’t been pushed forward by an unseen force, the city of the Violet Crown would never have adorned the plains of Hellas, nor would Thebes or Memphis have risen in the fertile valley of the Nile. Why Greece is civilized while California gives rise to a race inferior to the lowest of its neighbors, possibly excepting the Shoshones to the east, remains a mystery no one can explain.

When Father Junípero Serra established the Mission of Dolores in 1776, the shores of San Francisco Bay were thickly populated by the Ahwashtees, Ohlones, Altahmos, Romanons, Tuolomos, and other tribes. The good Father found the field unoccupied, for, in the vocabulary of these people, there is found no word for god, angel, or devil; they held no theory of origin or destiny. A ranchería was situated on the spot where now Beach street intersects Hyde street. Were it there now, as contrasted with the dwellings of San Francisco, it would resemble a pig-sty more than a human habitation.

When Father Junípero Serra set up the Mission of Dolores in 1776, the shores of San Francisco Bay were densely populated by the Ahwashtees, Ohlones, Altahmos, Romanons, Tuolomos, and other tribes. The kind Father found the area unoccupied, because in the language of these people, there are no words for god, angel, or devil; they had no concept of origin or destiny. A ranchería was located where Beach Street intersects with Hyde Street today. If it were there now, compared to the homes in San Francisco, it would look more like a pigsty than a place for people to live.

On the Marin and Sonoma shores of the bay were the Tomales and Camimares, the latter numbering, in 1824, ten thousand souls. Marin, chief of the Tomales, was for a long time the terror of the Spaniards, and his warriors were ranked as among the fiercest of the Californians. He was brave, energetic, and possessed of no ordinary intelligence. When quite old he consented to be baptized into the Romish Church. 401

On the Marin and Sonoma shores of the bay were the Tomales and Camimares, the latter having around ten thousand people in 1824. Marin, the leader of the Tomales, was long considered a threat to the Spaniards, and his warriors were seen as some of the fiercest among Californians. He was brave, energetic, and had exceptional intelligence. When he was quite old, he agreed to be baptized into the Roman Catholic Church. 401

YOSEMITE VALLEY INDIANS.

Yosemite Valley Native Americans.

It has been suspected that the chief Marin was not a full-bred Indian, but that he was related to a certain Spanish sailor who was cast ashore from a wrecked galeon on a voyage from Manila to Acapulco about the year 1750. The ship-wrecked Spaniards, it has been surmised, were kindly treated by the natives; they married native wives, and lived with the Tomales as of them, and from them descended many of their chiefs; but of this we have no proof.

It’s been thought that Chief Marin wasn’t fully Native American, but rather was connected to a Spanish sailor who washed ashore from a wrecked galleon on a trip from Manila to Acapulco around 1750. It’s believed that the shipwrecked Spaniards were treated well by the natives; they married local women and lived among the Tomales, and many of their chiefs descended from them. However, we have no concrete evidence of this.

Yosemite Valley was formerly a stronghold to which tribes in that vicinity resorted after committing their depredations upon white settlers. They used to make their boast that their hiding place could never be discovered by white men. But during the year 1850, the marauders growing bold in their fancied security, the whites arose and drove them into the mountains. Following them thither under the guidance of Tenaya, an old chief and confederate, the white men were suddenly confronted by the wondrous beauties of the valley. The Indians, disheartened at the discovery of their retreat, yielded a reluctant obedience, but becoming again disaffected they renewed their depredations. Shortly afterward the Yosemite Indians made a visit to the Monos. They were hospitably entertained, but upon leaving, could not resist the temptation to drive off a few stray cattle belonging to their friends. The Monos, enraged at this breach of good faith, pursued and gave them battle. The warriors of the valley were nearly exterminated, scarce half a dozen remaining to mourn their loss. All their women and children were carried away into captivity. These Yosemite Indians consisted of a mixture from various tribes, outlaws as it were from the surrounding tribes. They have left as their legacy a name for every cliff and waterfall within the valley. How marvelous would be their history could we go back and trace it from the beginning, these millions of human bands, who throughout the ages have been coming and going, unknowing and unknown! 402

Yosemite Valley used to be a refuge for tribes in the area who would retreat there after attacking white settlers. They would boast that their hiding spot could never be found by white men. However, in 1850, the marauders, feeling overly secure, were driven into the mountains by the settlers. Led by Tenaya, an old chief and ally, the settlers were suddenly faced with the breathtaking beauty of the valley. The Indians, discouraged by the discovery of their hideout, reluctantly submitted, but soon turned disloyal again and resumed their raids. Shortly after, the Yosemite Indians visited the Monos. They were welcomed warmly, but on their way out, they couldn’t resist stealing a few stray cattle from their hosts. Furious over this betrayal, the Monos hunted them down and fought them. The warriors from the valley were almost wiped out, with barely half a dozen left to grieve their defeat. All the women and children were taken captive. The Yosemite Indians were a mix from various tribes, essentially outlaws from the surrounding areas. They left behind names for every cliff and waterfall in the valley. How amazing their history would be if we could go back and trace it from the start, these millions of human groups who have come and gone through the ages, known and unknown! 402

In the Southern Californians, whose territory lies south of the thirty-fifth parallel, there are less tribal differences than among any people whom we have yet encountered, whose domain is of equal extent. Those who live in the south-eastern corner of the State are thrown by the Sierra Nevada range of mountains into the Shoshone family, to which, indeed, by affinity they belong. The chief tribes of this division are the Cahuillas and the Diegueños, the former living around the San Bernardino and San Jacinto mountains, and the latter in the southern extremity of California. Around each mission were scores of small bands, whose rancherías were recorded in the mission books, the natives as a whole being known only by the name of the mission. When first discovered by Cabrillo in 1542, the islands off the coast were inhabited by a superior people, but these they were induced by the padres to abandon, following which event the people rapidly faded away. The natives called the island of Santa Cruz Liniooh, Santa Rosa Hurmal, San Miguel Twocan, and San Nicolas Ghalashat.

In the SoCal residents, who live south of the thirty-fifth parallel, there are fewer tribal differences compared to any other groups we’ve encountered with a similarly large territory. Those in the southeastern corner of the state align culturally with the Shoshone family due to their connections. The main tribes in this area are the Cahuillas, who reside around the San Bernardino and San Jacinto mountains, and the Diegueños, who live in the southern part of California. Each mission was surrounded by numerous small bands, with their rancherías documented in mission records, the natives collectively known by the mission's name. When Cabrillo first discovered the area in 1542, the islands off the coast were home to a more advanced people, but the padres persuaded them to leave, which led to a rapid decline in their population. The natives referred to the island of Santa Cruz as Liniooh, Santa Rosa as Hurmal, San Miguel as Twocan, and San Nicolas as Ghalashat.

As we approach the southern boundary of California a slight improvement is manifest in the aborigines. The men are here well made, of a stature quite up to the average, comparatively fair-complexioned and pleasant-featured. The children of the islanders are described by the early voyagers as being white, with light hair and ruddy cheeks, and the women as having fine forms, beautiful eyes, and a modest demeanor.[566] The beard is 403 plucked out with a bivalve shell, which answers the purpose of pincers.

As we get closer to the southern border of California, we see some improvement in the local Native Americans. The men here are well-built, of average height, and have relatively fair complexions and attractive features. The early explorers described the children of the islanders as pale, with light hair and rosy cheeks, while the women were noted for their lovely figures, beautiful eyes, and a modest demeanor.[566] The men shave their beards using a bivalve shell, which serves as a makeshift pair of tweezers.

DRESS IN SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA.

SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA STYLE.

A short cloak of deer-skin or rabbit-skins sewed together, suffices the men for clothing; and sometimes even this is dispensed with, for they think it no shame to be naked.[567] The women and female children wear a petticoat of skin, with a heavy fringe reaching down to the knees; in some districts they also wear short capes covering the breasts.[568] On the coast and, formerly, on the islands, seals furnished the material.[569] The more industrious and wealthy embroider their garments profusely with small shells. Around Santa Barbara rings of bone or shell were worn in the nose; at Los Angeles nasal ornaments were not the fashion. The women had cylinder-shaped pieces of ivory, sometimes as much as eight inches, in length, attached to the ears by a shell ring. Bracelets and necklaces were made of pieces of ivory ground round and perforated, small pebbles, and shells.

A short cloak made of deer or rabbit skins stitched together is enough for men’s clothing; sometimes they even go without it, as they see no shame in being naked. [567] Women and girls wear a skin petticoat with a heavy fringe that goes down to the knees; in some areas, they also wear short capes that cover their breasts. [568] On the coast and, previously, on the islands, seals provided the material. [569] The more industrious and wealthy people heavily embroider their clothes with small shells. Around Santa Barbara, people wore rings made of bone or shell in their noses; at Los Angeles, nasal ornaments weren't in style. Women wore cylinder-shaped pieces of ivory, sometimes up to eight inches long, attached to their ears with a shell ring. Bracelets and necklaces were made of round, perforated pieces of ivory, small pebbles, and shells.

Paint of various colors was used by warriors and dancers. Mr Hugo Reid, who has contributed valuable information concerning the natives of Los Angeles County, states that girls in love paint the cheeks sparingly with red ochre, and all the women, before they grow old, protect their complexion from the effects of 404 the sun by a plentiful application of the same cosmetic.[570] Vizcaino saw natives on the southern coast painted blue and silvered over with some kind of mineral substance. On his asking where they obtained the silver-like material they showed him a kind of mineral ore, which they said they used for purposes of ornamentation.[571]

Warriors and dancers used paint in a variety of colors. Mr. Hugo Reid, who has provided valuable insights about the natives of Los Angeles County, mentions that girls in love lightly paint their cheeks with red ochre, and all the women, before they get old, protect their skin from the sun with a generous amount of the same cosmetic. 404 Vizcaino observed natives on the southern coast painted blue and covered in some kind of mineral substance. When he asked where they got the silver-like material, they showed him a type of mineral ore that they claimed to use for decorative purposes. [571]

They take much pride in their hair, which they wear long. It is braided, and either wound round the head turban-like,[572] or twisted into a top-knot; some tie it in a queue behind. According to Father Boscana the girls are tattooed in infancy on the face, breast, and arms. The most usual method was to prick the flesh with a thorn of the cactus-plant; charcoal produced from the maguey was then rubbed into the wounds, and an ineffaceable blue was the result.[573]

They take great pride in their hair, wearing it long. It's typically braided and either wrapped around their heads like a turban, [572] or styled into a top-knot; some tie it in a ponytail at the back. According to Father Boscana, girls are tattooed as infants on their face, chest, and arms. The most common method involved pricking the skin with a cactus thorn; then, charcoal from the maguey plant was rubbed into the wounds, resulting in an indelible blue color.[573]

DWELLINGS AND FOOD.

Housing and food.

Dwellings, in the greater part of this region, differ but little from those of the Central Californians. In shape they are conical or semi-globular, and usually consist of a frame, formed by driving long poles into the ground, covered with rushes and earth.[574] On the coast of the Santa Barbara Channel there seems to have been some improvement in their style of architecture. It was probably here that Cabrillo saw houses built after the manner of those in New Spain.[575] It is possible that the 405 influences of the southern civilization may have extended as far as this point. Father Boscana's description of the temples or vanquechs erected by the natives in the vicinity of San Juan Capistrano, in honor of their god, Chinigchinich, is thus translated: "They formed an enclosure of about four or five yards in circumference, not exactly round, but inclining to an oval. This they divided by drawing a line through the centre, and built another, consisting of the branches of trees, and mats to the height of about six feet, outside of which, in the other division, they formed another of small stakes of wood driven into the ground. This was called the gate, or entrance, to the vanquech. Inside of this, and close to the larger stakes, was placed a figure of their god Chinigchinich, elevated upon a kind of hurdle. This is the edifice of the vanquech."[576]

Homes in most parts of this area are not very different from those of Central Californians. They are typically conical or semi-globular in shape, built from a framework of long poles driven into the ground and covered with rushes and soil.[574] Along the coast of the Santa Barbara Channel, there seems to have been some advancements in building styles. It was likely here that Cabrillo encountered houses resembling those in New Spain.[575] It's possible that influences from the southern civilization reached this area. Father Boscana's description of the temples or vanquechs constructed by the locals near San Juan Capistrano, dedicated to their god, Chinigchinich, is translated as follows: "They created an enclosure about four or five yards around, not perfectly round, but more oval. They divided this by drawing a line through the center, and built a wall made of tree branches and mats about six feet high. In the other section, they created another wall of small wooden stakes driven into the ground. This served as the gate or entrance to the vanquech. Inside this, close to the larger stakes, they placed a figure of their god Chinigchinich, elevated on some type of hurdle. This is the structure of the vanquech."[576]

Almost every living thing that they can lay their hands on serves as food. Coyotes, skunks, wild cats, rats, mice, crows, hawks, owls, lizards, frogs, snakes, excepting him of the rattle, grasshoppers and other insects, all are devoured by the inland tribes. Stranded whales, animals of the seal genus, fish, and shell-fish, form the main support of those inhabiting the coast. Venison they are of course glad to eat when they can get it, but as they are poor hunters, it is a rare luxury. When they did hunt the deer they resorted to the same artifice as their northern neighbors, placing a deer's head and horns on their own head, and thus disguised approaching within bow-shot. Bear-meat the majority 406 refuse to eat from superstitious motives.[577] Grasshoppers are eaten roasted. Acorns are shelled, dried, and pounded in stone mortars into flour, which is washed and rewashed in hot and cold water until the bitterness is removed, when it is made into gruel with cold water, or baked into bread. Various kinds of grass-seeds, herbs, berries, and roots, are also eaten, both roasted and raw. Wild fowl are caught in nets made of tules, spread over channels cut through the rushes in places frequented by the fowl, at a sufficient height above the water to allow the birds to swim easily beneath them. The game is gently driven or decoyed under the nets, when at a given signal, a great noise is made, and the terrified fowl, rising suddenly, become hopelessly entangled in the meshes, and fall an easy prey. Or selecting a spot containing clear water about two feet deep, they fasten a net midway between the surface and the bottom, and strewing the place with berries, which sink to the bottom under the net, they retire. The fowl approach and dive for the berries. The meshes of the net readily admit the head, but hold the prisoner tight upon attempting to withdraw it. And what is more, their position prevents them from making a noise, and they serve also as a decoy for others. Fish are taken in seines made from the tough bark of the tioñe-tree. They are also killed with spears having a movable bone head, attached to a long line, so that when a fish is struck the barb becomes loosened; line is then paid out until the fish is exhausted with running, when it is drawn in. Many of the inland tribes come down to the coast in the fishing season, and remain there until the shoals leave, when they return to the interior. Food is either boiled by dropping hot stones into water-baskets, or, more frequently, in vessels made of soap-stone.[578] 407

Almost every living creature they can catch is food. Coyotes, skunks, wildcats, rats, mice, crows, hawks, owls, lizards, frogs, snakes—except for rattlesnakes—grasshoppers, and various insects are all eaten by the inland tribes. Stranded whales, seals, fish, and shellfish are the main sources of food for those living along the coast. They are certainly happy to eat venison when they can get it, but since they are not great hunters, it’s a rare treat. When they hunt deer, they use a trick similar to their northern neighbors, putting a deer's head and antlers on their own heads to disguise themselves and get within bow range. Most people refuse to eat bear meat due to superstitions. Grasshoppers are eaten roasted. Acorns are shelled, dried, and ground in stone mortars into flour, which is washed and rinsed in hot and cold water until the bitterness is gone, then mixed with cold water to make gruel or baked into bread. They also eat various grass seeds, herbs, berries, and roots, both roasted and raw. Wild birds are caught in nets made from tule reeds, set up over channels cut through the rushes in places where the birds often go, positioned high enough to allow the birds to swim underneath. The game is gently driven or lured under the nets, and at a certain signal, a loud noise is made, causing the startled birds to fly up and get hopelessly tangled in the net, making them easy to catch. Alternatively, they can select a spot with clear water about two feet deep, where they attach a net midway between the surface and the bottom and scatter berries that sink beneath it. When they retreat, the birds dive for the berries, but while their heads go through the net, they get stuck trying to pull back out. Their position also prevents them from making noise, and they act as a lure for other birds. Fish are caught using seines made from the tough bark of the tiñone tree. Fish are also speared with a spear that has a movable bone head attached to a long line, which comes loose when a fish is struck; the line is then let out until the fish tires from running, and then it's pulled in. Many of the inland tribes come to the coast during the fishing season and stay until the fish leave, returning to the inland afterward. Food is usually boiled by dropping hot stones into water baskets or, more commonly, in vessels made of soapstone.

In their cooking, as in other respects, they are excessively unclean. They bathe frequently, it is true, but when not in the water they are wallowing in filth. Their dwellings are full of offal and other impurities, and vermin abound on their persons.

In their cooking, just like in other areas, they are extremely unclean. They do wash often, it's true, but when they're not in the water, they're rolling around in dirt. Their homes are filled with animal remains and other junk, and they are covered in pests.

WEAPONS AND WAR.

Weapons and Warfare.

Bows and arrows, and clubs, are as usual the weapons most in use. Sabres of hard wood, with edges that cut like steel, are mentioned by Father Junípero Serra.[579] War is a mere pretext for plunder; the slightest wrong, real or imaginary, being sufficient cause for a strong tribe to attack a weaker one. The smaller bands form temporary alliances; the women and children accompanying the men on a raid, carrying provisions for the march, and during an engagement they pick up the fallen arrows of the enemy and so keep their own warriors supplied. Boscana says that no male prisoners are taken, and no quarter given; and Hugo Reid affirms of the natives of Los Angeles County that all prisoners of war, after being tormented in the most cruel manner, are invariably put to death. The dead are decapitated and scalped. Female prisoners are either sold or retained as slaves. Scalps, highly prized as trophies, and publicly exhibited at feasts, may be ransomed, but no consideration would induce them to part with their living captives.[580]

Bows and arrows, along with clubs, are still the most commonly used weapons. Hardwood sabres with edges that cut like steel are noted by Father Junípero Serra. War is just an excuse for looting; even the smallest grievance, whether real or imagined, is enough for a powerful tribe to attack a weaker one. The smaller groups form temporary alliances; the women and children join the men on raids, carrying supplies for the journey, and during battles, they gather the fallen arrows from the enemy to keep their own fighters equipped. Boscana states that no male prisoners are taken and no mercy is shown; Hugo Reid claims that among the natives of Los Angeles County, all war prisoners, after being tortured in the most brutal ways, are always executed. The dead are decapitated and scalped. Female prisoners are either sold or kept as slaves. Scalps, which are highly valued as trophies and displayed at celebrations, can be ransomed, but nothing would persuade them to give up their living captives.

Among the few articles they manufacture are fish-hooks, needles, and awls, made of bone or shell; mortars and pestles of granite, and soap-stone cooking vessels, and water-tight baskets.[581] The clay vessels which are 408 frequently found among them now, were not made by them before the arrival of the Spaniards. The stone implements, however, are of aboriginal manufacture, and are well made. The former are said to have been procured mostly by the tribes of the mainland from the Santa Rosa islanders.[582] The instruments which they used in their manufactures were flint knives and awls; the latter Fages describes as being made from the small bone of a deer's fore-foot. The knife is double-edged, made of a flint, and has a wooden haft, inlaid with mother of pearl.[583]

Among the few items they make are fish hooks, needles, and awls made from bone or shell; granite mortars and pestles, soapstone cooking pots, and waterproof baskets. [581] The clay pots that are frequently found with them now weren't made by them before the Spaniards arrived. However, the stone tools are made by the original inhabitants and are well crafted. It is said that the former were mostly obtained by the tribes on the mainland from the Santa Rosa islanders. [582] The tools they used for their production included flint knives and awls; Fages describes the awls as being made from the small bone of a deer's front leg. The knife is double-edged, made of flint, and has a wooden handle inlaid with mother of pearl. [583]

On this coast we again meet with wooden canoes, although the balsa, or tule raft, is also in use. These boats are made of planks neatly fastened together and paid with bitumen;[584] prow and stern, both equally sharp, are elevated above the centre, which made them appear to Vizcaino "como barquillos" when seen beside his own junk-like craft. The paddles were long and double-bladed, and their boats, though generally manned by three or four men, were sometimes large enough to carry twenty. Canoes dug out of a single log, scraped smooth on the outside, with both ends shaped alike, were sometimes, though more rarely, used.[585] The circulating 409 medium consisted of small round pieces of the white mussel-shell. These were perforated and arranged on strings, the value of which depended upon their length.[586] I have said before that this money is supposed to have been manufactured for the most part on Santa Rosa Island. Hence it was distributed among the coast tribes, who bought with it deer-skins, seeds, etc., from the people of the interior.

On this coast, we once again encounter wooden canoes, although balsa, or tule rafts, are also in use. These boats are made of planks securely fastened together and coated with bitumen; the prow and stern, both pointed, are raised above the center, which made them look to Vizcaino "like little boats" when compared to his own junk-like vessels. The paddles were long and double-bladed, and although the boats were generally manned by three or four people, some were large enough to carry twenty. Canoes carved from a single log, smoothed on the outside with both ends shaped the same, were occasionally used, though less commonly. The trading medium consisted of small round pieces of white mussel shell. These were drilled and strung together, and their value depended on their length. I've mentioned before that this currency was mainly made on Santa Rosa Island. As a result, it was distributed among the coastal tribes, who used it to buy deer hides, seeds, and other goods from the inland people.

GOVERNMENT AND PUNISHMENTS.

Government and Punishments.

Each tribe acknowledged one head, whose province it was to settle disputes,[587] levy war, make peace, appoint feasts, and give good advice. Beyond this he had little power.[588] He was assisted in his duties by a council of elders. The office of chief was hereditary, and in the absence of a male heir devolved upon the female nearest of kin. She could marry whom she pleased, but her husband obtained no authority through the alliance, all the power remaining in his wife's hands until their eldest boy attained his majority, when the latter at once assumed the command.

Each tribe recognized one leader, whose job was to resolve disputes, wage war, make peace, organize feasts, and offer wise counsel. Other than that, he had limited power. He was supported in his role by a council of elders. The position of chief was hereditary, and if there was no male heir, it passed to the closest female relative. She could marry anyone she wanted, but her husband didn’t gain any authority through the marriage; all power stayed with her until their oldest son came of age, at which point he would take over leadership.

A murderer's life was taken by the relatives of his victim, unless he should gain refuge in the temple, in which case his punishment was left to their god. Vengeance 410 was, however, only deferred; the children of the murdered man invariably avenged his death, sooner or later, upon the murderer or his descendants. When a chief grew too old to govern he abdicated in favor of his son, on which occasion a great feast was given. When all the people had been called together by criers, "the crown was placed upon the head of the chief elect, and he was enrobed with the imperial vestments," as Father Boscana has it; that is to say, he was dressed in a head-ornament of feathers, and a feather petticoat reaching from the waist half-way down to the knees, and the rest of his body painted black. He then went into the temple and performed a pas seul before the god Chinigchinich. Here, in a short time, he was joined by the other chiefs, who, forming a circle, danced round him, accompanied by the rattling of turtle-shells filled with small stones. When this ceremony was over he was publicly acknowledged chief.

A murderer’s life could be taken by the victim’s relatives, unless he found refuge in the temple, in which case his punishment was left to their god. Vengeance was only postponed; the children of the murdered man would eventually avenge his death on the murderer or his descendants. When a chief became too old to lead, he passed his position to his son, and a big feast was held. Once all the people were gathered together by criers, "the crown was placed upon the head of the chief elect, and he was enrobed with the imperial vestments," as Father Boscana puts it; meaning he wore a feather headdress, a feather skirt that went from his waist to halfway down his knees, and the rest of his body was painted black. He then entered the temple and danced alone before the god Chinigchinich. Soon, other chiefs joined him, forming a circle and dancing around him, accompanied by the sound of turtle-shells filled with small stones. Once this ritual was completed, he was publicly recognized as chief.

As I said before, the chief had little actual authority over individuals; neither was the real power vested in the heads of families; but a system of influencing the people was adopted by the chief and the elders, which is somewhat singular. Whenever an important step was to be taken, such as the killing of a malefactor, or the invasion of an enemy's territory, the sympathies of the people were enlisted by means of criers, who were sent round to proclaim aloud the crime and the criminal, or to dilate upon the wrongs suffered at the hands of the hostile tribe; and their eloquence seldom failed to attain the desired object.[589]

As I mentioned earlier, the chief had very little real authority over individuals; nor did actual power lie with the heads of families. Instead, the chief and the elders used a unique method to influence the people. Whenever an important decision needed to be made, like executing a criminal or invading enemy territory, they would rally the people's support through criers who went around announcing the crime and the criminal or discussing the injustices inflicted by the rival tribe. Their persuasive speeches usually succeeded in achieving their goals. [589]

MARRIAGE IN SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA.

MARRIAGE IN SO CAL.

The chief could have a plurality of wives, but the common people were only allowed one.[590] The form of 411 contracting a marriage varied. In Los Angeles County, according to Mr Reid, the matter was arranged by a preliminary interchange of presents between the male relatives of the bridegroom and the female relatives of the bride. The former proceeded in a body to the dwelling of the girl, and distributed small sums in shell money among her female kinsfolk, who were collected there for the occasion. These afterward returned the compliment by visiting the man and giving baskets of meal to his people. A time was then fixed for the final ceremony. On the appointed day the girl, decked in all her finery, and accompanied by her family and relations, was carried in the arms of one of her kinsfolk toward the house of her lover; edible seeds and berries were scattered before her on the way, which were scrambled for by the spectators. The party was met half-way by a deputation from the bridegroom, one of whom now took the young woman in his arms and carried her to the house of her husband, who waited expectantly. She was then placed by his side, and the guests, after scattering more seeds, left the couple alone. A great feast followed, of which the most prominent feature was a character-dance. The young men took part in this dance in the rôles of hunters and warriors, and were assisted by the old women, who feigned to carry off game, or dispatch wounded enemies, as the case might be. The spectators sat in a circle and chanted an accompaniment.

The chief could have multiple wives, but the common people were only allowed one. The way marriages were arranged varied. In Los Angeles County, according to Mr. Reid, it involved an initial exchange of gifts between the male relatives of the groom and the female relatives of the bride. The groom's family would go to the bride's home and hand out small amounts of shell money to her female relatives gathered there for the occasion. They later returned the favor by visiting the groom and bringing baskets of meal for his family. A date was then set for the final ceremony. On that day, the bride-to-be, dressed in her finest clothes and accompanied by her family, was carried by one of her relatives toward her fiancé's house; edible seeds and berries were scattered in her path, which the onlookers scrambled for. The groom's party met them halfway, and one of the men lifted the young woman and carried her to her husband's home, where he was waiting eagerly. She was then seated beside him, and after more seeds were scattered, the guests left the couple alone. A grand feast followed, featuring a special character dance. The young men participated in this dance as hunters and warriors, assisted by the older women, who pretended to carry off game or take down injured enemies, depending on the scenario. The audience sat in a circle and chanted along.

According to another form of marriage the man either asked the girl's parents for permission to marry their daughter, or commissioned one of his friends to do so. If the parents approved, their future son-in-law took up his abode with them, on condition that he should provide a certain quantity of food every day. This was done to afford him an opportunity to judge of the domestic qualities of his future wife. If satisfied, he appointed a day for the marriage, and the ceremony was conducted much 412 in the same manner as that last described, except that he received the girl in a temporary shelter erected in front of his hut, and that she was disrobed before being placed by his side.

According to another type of marriage, the man either asked the girl's parents for permission to marry her, or he asked one of his friends to do it for him. If the parents agreed, the future son-in-law moved in with them, on the condition that he would provide a certain amount of food each day. This was meant to give him a chance to evaluate the domestic skills of his future wife. If he was happy with what he saw, he set a date for the wedding, and the ceremony was carried out much 412 the same way as previously described, except he received the girl in a temporary shelter built in front of his hut, and she was undressed before being seated next to him.

Children were often betrothed in infancy, kept continually in each other's society until they grew up, and the contract was scarcely ever broken. Many obtained their wives by abduction, and this was the cause of many of the inter-tribal quarrels in which they were so constantly engaged.

Children were often engaged to each other as infants, spending time together until they grew up, and the agreement was rarely broken. Many got their wives through abduction, which led to many of the inter-tribal conflicts they were frequently involved in.

If a man ill-treated his wife, her relations took her away, after paying back the value of her wedding presents, and then married her to another. Little difficulty was experienced in obtaining a divorce on any ground; indeed, in many of the tribes the parties separated whenever they grew tired of each other. Adultery was severely punished. If a husband caught his wife in the act, he was justified in killing her, or, he could give her up to her seducer and appropriate the spouse of the latter to himself.

If a man mistreated his wife, her family would take her away after reimbursing the value of her wedding gifts, and then they would marry her off to someone else. It was easy to get a divorce for any reason; in fact, in many tribes, couples would split up whenever they got tired of each other. Adultery was heavily punished. If a husband caught his wife cheating, he had the right to kill her, or he could hand her over to her lover and take the lover’s spouse for himself.

CHILD-BIRTH.

Childbirth.

At the time of child-birth many singular observances obtained; for instance, the old women washed the child as soon as it was born, and drank of the water; the unhappy infant was forced to take a draught of urine medicinally, and although the husband did not affect the sufferings of labor, his conduct was supposed in some manner to affect the unborn child, and he was consequently laid under certain restrictions, such as not being allowed to leave the house, or to eat fish and meat. The women as usual suffer little from child-bearing. One writer thus describes the accouchement of a woman in the vicinity of San Diego: "A few hours before the time arrives she gets up and quietly walks off alone, as if nothing extraordinary was about to occur. In this manner she deceives all, even her husband, and hides herself away in some secluded nook, near a stream or hole of water. At the foot of a small tree, which she can easily grasp with both hands, she prepares her 'lying-in-couch,' on which she lies down as soon as the labor 413 pains come on. When the pain is on, she grasps the tree with both hands, thrown up backward over her head, and pulls and strains with all her might, thus assisting each pain, until her accouchement is over. As soon as the child is born, the mother herself ties the navel-cord with a bit of buck-skin string, severing it with a pair of sharp scissors, prepared for the occasion, after which the end is burned with a coal of fire; the child is then thrown into the water; if it rises to the surface and cries, it is taken out and cared for; if it sinks, there it remains, and is not even awarded an Indian burial. The affair being all over, she returns to her usual duties, just as if nothing had happened, so matter of fact are they in such matters." Purification at child-birth lasted for three days, during which time the mother was allowed no food, and no drink but warm water. The ceremony, in which mother and child participated, was as follows: In the centre of the hut a pit was filled with heated stones, upon which herbs were placed, and the whole covered with earth, except a small aperture through which water was introduced. The mother and child, wrapped in blankets, stood over the pit and were soon in a violent perspiration. When they became exhausted from the effect of the steam and the heated air, they lay upon the ground and were covered with earth, after which they again took to the heated stones and steam. The mother was allowed to eat no meat for two moons, after which pills made of meat and wild tobacco were given her. In some tribes she could hold no intercourse with her husband until the child was weaned.

At the time of childbirth, there were many unique customs. For example, the older women would wash the baby as soon as it was born and would drink the water; the poor infant was made to drink a medicinal dose of urine, and although the husband didn’t experience the pains of labor, it was thought that his behavior somehow affected the unborn child, leading to certain restrictions on him, such as not being allowed to leave the house or eat fish and meat. Women, as usual, typically suffer little during childbirth. One writer describes the delivery of a woman near San Diego like this: "A few hours before the time arrives, she gets up and quietly walks off alone, as if nothing unusual is about to happen. This way, she tricks everyone, even her husband, and hides in a secluded spot near a stream or water hole. At the base of a small tree, which she can easily grip with both hands, she sets up her 'lying-in place,' where she lies down as soon as the labor pains start. When the pain comes, she grips the tree with both hands, thrown back over her head, and pulls and strains with all her strength, thereby aiding each contraction until her delivery is finished. After the baby is born, the mother ties the umbilical cord with a piece of buckskin string, cutting it with sharp scissors prepared for the occasion, and then burns the end with a hot coal; the baby is then dropped into the water; if it floats and cries, it’s taken out and cared for; if it sinks, it stays there and doesn’t even get an Indian burial. Once it’s all done, she goes back to her usual tasks as if nothing ever happened, which shows how practical they are in such situations." The purification after childbirth lasted for three days, during which time the mother was not allowed any food, only warm water. The ceremony that both mother and child took part in happened like this: In the center of the hut, a pit was filled with heated stones, on which herbs were placed, and the whole thing was covered with earth, leaving only a small opening for water to be added. The mother and child, wrapped in blankets, stood over the pit and soon started sweating profusely. When they became exhausted from the steam and hot air, they lay on the ground and were covered with earth, after which they returned to the heated stones for more steam. The mother wasn’t allowed to eat any meat for two months, after which she was given pills made of meat and wild tobacco. In some tribes, she wasn’t allowed to be intimate with her husband until the child was weaned.

Children, until they arrived at the age of puberty, remained under the control of their parents, afterward they were subject only to the chief. Like the Spartan youth, they were taught that abstinence, and indifference to hardship and privations, constitute the only true manhood. To render them hardy much unnecessary 414 pain was inflicted. They were forbidden to approach the fire to warm themselves, or to eat certain seeds and berries which were considered luxuries.

Children, until they reached puberty, were under their parents' control; afterward, they were only accountable to the chief. Like Spartan youth, they were taught that self-restraint and the ability to endure hardship and deprivation were the essence of true manhood. To toughen them up, a lot of unnecessary pain was inflicted on them. They weren’t allowed to get close to the fire to warm themselves or to eat certain seeds and berries that were seen as luxuries. 414

A youth, to become a warrior, must first undergo a severe ordeal; his naked body was beaten with stinging nettles until he was literally unable to move; then he was placed upon the nest of a species of virulent ant, while his friends irritated the insects by stirring them up with sticks. The infuriated ants swarmed over every part of the sufferer's body, into his eyes, his ears, his mouth, his nose, causing indescribable pain.

A young man who wants to become a warrior must first go through a tough trial; his bare skin is hit with stinging nettles until he can't move at all. Then, he is laid on a nest of a type of aggressive ant, while his friends provoke the insects by poking them with sticks. The angry ants crawl all over his body, getting into his eyes, ears, mouth, and nose, causing unbearable pain.

Boscana states that the young were instructed to love truth, to do good, and to venerate old age.[592] At an early age they were placed under the protection of a tutelar divinity, which was supposed to take the form of some animal. To discover the particular beast which was to guide his future destinies, the child was intoxicated,[593] and for three or four days kept without food of any kind. During this period he was continually harassed and questioned, until, weak from want of food, crazed with drink and importunity, and knowing that the persecution would not cease until he yielded, he confessed to seeing his divinity, and described what kind of brute it was. The outline of the figure was then molded in a paste made of crushed herbs, on the breast and arms of the novitiate. This was ignited and allowed to burn until entirely consumed, and thus the figure of the divinity remained indelibly delineated in the flesh. Hunters, before starting on an expedition, would beat their faces with nettles to render them clear-sighted. A girl, on arriving at the age of puberty, was laid upon a bed of branches placed over a hole, which 415 had been previously heated, where she was kept with very little food for two or three days. Old women chanted songs, and young women danced round her at intervals during her purification. In the vicinity of San Diego the girl is buried all but her head, and the ground above her is beaten until she is in a profuse perspiration. This is continued for twenty-four hours, the patient being at intervals during this time taken out and washed, and then reimbedded. A feast and dance follow.[594]

Boscana says that the young were taught to love truth, do good, and respect the elderly. At a young age, they were placed under the protection of a guardian spirit, which was believed to take the form of an animal. To find out which animal would guide their future, the child was given intoxicating substances and kept without food for three or four days. During this time, they were constantly pressured and questioned, until, weakened from hunger, driven mad by the drink and relentless questioning, and knowing that the harassment would stop only when they gave in, the child confessed to seeing their guardian spirit and described what kind of creature it was. The outline of this creature was then shaped in a paste made from crushed herbs on the candidate's chest and arms. This was lit and allowed to burn until completely gone, leaving the image of the guardian spirit permanently marked on their skin. Before going on a hunt, hunters would slap their faces with nettles to sharpen their vision. When a girl reached puberty, she was laid on a bed of branches over a heated pit, where she was kept with very little food for two or three days. Older women sang songs while younger women danced around her at intervals during her cleansing ritual. Around San Diego, the girl is buried up to her neck, and the ground above her is pounded until she sweats profusely. This continues for twenty-four hours, during which the girl is taken out and washed at intervals, then put back in the ground. A feast and dance follow.

When the missionaries first arrived in this region, they found men dressed as women and performing women's duties, who were kept for unnatural purposes. From their youth up they were treated, instructed, and used as females, and were even frequently publicly married to the chiefs or great men.[595]

When the missionaries first came to this area, they saw men dressed as women and doing women’s work, who were kept for unnatural reasons. From a young age, they were treated, trained, and used as females, and they were often publicly married to the chiefs or prominent figures. [595]

AMUSEMENTS.

Entertainment.

Gambling and dancing formed, as usual, their principal means of recreation. Their games of chance differed little from those played farther north. That of guessing in which hand a piece of wood was held, before described, was played by eight, four on a side, instead of four. Another game was played by two. Fifty small pieces of wood, placed upright in a row in the ground, at distances of two inches apart, formed the score. The players were provided with a number of pieces of split reed, blackened on one side; these were thrown, points 416 down, on the ground, and the thrower counted one for every piece that remained white side uppermost; if he gained eight he was entitled to another throw. If the pieces all fell with the blackened side up they counted also. Small pieces of wood placed against the upright pegs, marked the game. They reckoned from opposite ends of the row, and if one of the players threw just so many as to make his score exactly meet that of his opponent, the former had to commence again. Throwing lances of reed through a rolling hoop was another source of amusement. Professional singers were employed to furnish music to a party of gamblers. An umpire was engaged, whose duty it was to hold the stakes, count the game, prevent cheating, and act as referee; he was also expected to supply wood for the fire.

Gambling and dancing were, as always, their main forms of entertainment. Their games of chance were similar to those played further north. The game where players guess which hand is holding a piece of wood, as previously described, was played by eight people, four on each side, instead of four. Another game involved two players. Fifty small pieces of wood, standing upright in a row in the ground, were placed two inches apart to create the score. Each player had a set of split reeds that were blackened on one side; they threw these with the blackened side down on the ground, and counted one point for every piece that landed white side up. If a player scored eight, they got another throw. If all the pieces fell with the blackened side up, they also counted. Small pieces of wood placed against the upright pegs kept track of the score. They counted from opposite ends of the row, and if a player threw just enough to exactly match their opponent's score, they had to start over. Throwing reed darts through a rolling hoop was another fun activity. Professional singers were hired to provide music for the gamblers. An umpire was also present to hold the bets, keep score, prevent cheating, and serve as a referee; he was also expected to gather wood for the fire.

When they were not eating, sleeping, or gambling, they were generally dancing; indeed, says Father Boscana, "such was the delight with which they took part in their festivities, that they often continued dancing day and night, and sometimes entire weeks." They danced at a birth, at a marriage, at a burial; they danced to propitiate the divinity, and they thanked the divinity for being propitiated by dancing. They decorated themselves with shells and beads, and painted their bodies with divers colors. Sometimes head-dresses and petticoats of feathers were worn, at other times they danced naked. The women painted the upper part of their bodies brown. They frequently danced at the same time as the men, but seldom with them. Time was kept by singers, and the rattling of turtle-shells filled with pebbles. They were good actors, and some of their character-dances were well executed; the step, however, like their chanting, was monotonous and unvarying. Many of their dances were extremely licentious, and were accompanied with obscenities too disgusting to bear recital. Most of them were connected in some way with their superstitions and religious rites.[596] 417

When they weren’t eating, sleeping, or gambling, they were usually dancing; indeed, Father Boscana says, "they enjoyed their celebrations so much that they often danced day and night, and sometimes for entire weeks." They danced at births, weddings, and funerals; they danced to please the gods, and they thanked the gods for being pleased by dancing. They adorned themselves with shells and beads, and painted their bodies with various colors. Sometimes they wore feather headdresses and skirts, while other times they danced completely naked. The women painted the upper parts of their bodies brown. They often danced simultaneously with the men but rarely alongside them. Time was marked by singers and by the sound of turtle shells filled with pebbles shaking. They were skilled performers, and some of their character dances were executed well; however, the movements, like their singing, were monotonous and repetitive. Many of their dances were extremely provocative and included obscenities that were too disgusting to repeat. Most of them were linked in some way to their superstitions and religious practices.[596] 417

These people never wandered far from their own territory, and knew little or nothing of the nations lying beyond their immediate neighbors. Mr Reid relates that one who traveled some distance beyond the limits of his own domain, returned with the report that he had seen men whose ears descended to their hips; then he had met with a race of Lilliputians; and finally had reached a people so subtly constituted that they "would take a rabbit, or other animal, and merely with the breath, inhale the essence; throwing the rest away, which on examination proved to be excrement."

These people never strayed far from their own land and knew little, if anything, about the nations beyond their immediate neighbors. Mr. Reid recounts that one person who ventured a bit outside his own territory returned with the claim that he had seen men whose ears hung down to their hips; then he encountered a group of tiny people; and finally, he met a people so uniquely made that they "would take a rabbit or some other animal, simply inhale its essence with their breath, and discard the rest, which upon examination turned out to be waste."

CUSTOMS AND SUPERSTITIONS.

Customs and beliefs.

They had a great number of traditions, legends, and fables. Some of these give evidence of a powerful imagination; a few are pointed with a moral; but the majority are puerile, meaningless, to us at least, and filled with obscenities. It is said that, in some parts, the Southern Californians are great snake-charmers, and that they allow the reptiles to wind themselves about their bodies and bite them, with impunity.

They had a lot of traditions, legends, and stories. Some show a strong imagination; a few have a moral lesson; but most are childish, meaningless to us at least, and filled with crude content. It's said that in some areas, people in Southern California are skilled at charming snakes, and they let the reptiles wrap around them and bite them without fear.

Feuds between families are nursed for generations; the war is seldom more than one of words, however, unless a murder is to be avenged, and consists of mutual vituperations, and singing obscene songs about each other. Friends salute by inquiries after each other's health. On parting one says 'I am going,' the other answers 'go.'

Feuds between families are carried on for generations; the conflict usually consists of just words, unless someone needs to avenge a murder, and it involves exchanging insults and singing rude songs about one another. Friends check in on each other's health. When they part ways, one says, "I'm leaving," and the other replies, "Take care."

They are very superstitious, and believe in all sorts of omens and auguries. An eclipse frightens them beyond measure, and shooting stars cause them to fall down in the dust and cover their heads in abject terror. Many of them believe that, should a hunter eat meat or fish which he himself had procured, his luck would leave 418 him. For this reason they generally hunt or fish in pairs, and when the day's sport is over, each takes what the other has killed. Living as they do from hand to mouth, content to eat, sleep, and dance away their existence, we cannot expect to find much glimmering of the simpler arts or sciences among them.

They are very superstitious and believe in all kinds of omens and signs. An eclipse scares them terribly, and shooting stars make them fall to the ground and cover their heads in sheer terror. Many of them think that if a hunter eats meat or fish that he has caught himself, his luck will abandon him. Because of this, they usually hunt or fish in pairs, and when the day is done, each takes what the other has caught. Living hand to mouth and just getting by with eating, sleeping, and dancing through life, we can't expect to find much interest in the simpler arts or sciences among them. 418

Their year begins at the winter solstice, and they count by lunar months, so that to complete their year they are obliged to add several supplementary days. All these months have symbolic names. Thus December and January are called the month of cold; February and March, the rain; March and April, the first grass; April and May, the rise of waters; May and June, the month of roots; June and July, of salmon fishing; July and August, of heat; August and September, of wild fruits; September and October, of bulbous roots; October and November, of acorns and nuts; November and December, of bear and other hunting.

Their year starts at the winter solstice, and they keep track of time using lunar months, so to complete their year, they have to add in a few extra days. Each of these months has symbolic names. For example, December and January are called the month of cold; February and March, the rain; March and April, the first grass; April and May, the rise of waters; May and June, the month of roots; June and July, the salmon fishing month; July and August, the month of heat; August and September, the month of wild fruits; September and October, the month of bulbous roots; October and November, the month of acorns and nuts; and November and December, the time for bear and other hunting.

MEDICAL TREATMENT.

Medical care.

Sorcerers are numerous, and as unbounded confidence is placed in their power to work both good and evil, their influence is great. As astrologers and soothsayers, they can tell by the appearance of the moon the most propitious day and hour in which to celebrate a feast, or attack an enemy. Sorcerers also serve as almanacs for the people, as it is their duty to note by the aspect of the moon the time of the decease of a chief or prominent man, and to give notice of the anniversary when it comes round, in order that it may be duly celebrated. They extort black-mail from individuals by threatening them with evil. The charm which they use is a ball made of mescal mixed with wild honey; this is carried under the left arm, in a small leather bag,—and the spell is effected by simply laying the right hand upon this bag. Neither does their power end here; they hold intercourse with supernatural beings, metamorphose themselves at will, see into the future, and even control the elements. They are potent to cure as well as to kill. For all complaints, as usual, they 'put forth the charm of woven paces and of waving hands,' and in some cases add other remedies. 419 For internal complaints they prescribe cold baths; wounds and sores are treated with lotions and poultices of crushed herbs, such as sage and rosemary, and of a kind of black oily resin, extracted from certain seeds. Other maladies they affirm to be caused by small pieces of wood, stone, or other hard substance, which by some means have entered the flesh, and which they pretend to extract by sucking the affected part. In a case of paralysis the stricken parts were whipped with nettles. Blisters are raised by means of dry paste made from nettle-stalks, placed on the bare flesh of the patient, set on fire, and allowed to burn out. Cold water or an emetic is used for fever and like diseases, or, sometimes, the sufferer is placed naked upon dry sand or ashes, with a fire close to his feet, and a bowl of water or gruel at his head, and there left for nature to take its course, while his friends and relatives sit round and howl him into life or into eternity. Snake-bites are cured by an internal dose of ashes, or the dust found at the bottom of ants' nests, and an external application of herbs.[598] The medicine-men fare better here than their northern brethren, as, in the event of the non-recovery of their patient, the death of the latter is attributed to the just anger of their god, and consequently the physician is not held responsible. To avert the displeasure of the divinity, and to counteract the evil influence of the sorcerers, regular dances of propitiation or deprecation are held, in which the whole tribe join.[599]

Sorcerers are plentiful, and since people have extreme confidence in their ability to do both good and evil, their influence is significant. As astrologers and fortune tellers, they can determine the best days and times for celebrations or for attacking enemies based on the moon's appearance. Sorcerers also act as community almanacs, responsible for noting the time of death of a chief or notable person by the moon's phase, and announcing the anniversary so it can be properly celebrated. They often demand payment from individuals by threatening them with curses. The charm they use is a ball made of mescal mixed with wild honey, carried under the left arm in a small leather pouch; the spell is cast simply by placing the right hand on this pouch. Their powers extend further; they communicate with supernatural beings, can transform themselves at will, foresee the future, and even manipulate the elements. They are capable of healing as well as causing harm. For various ailments, as usual, they perform the charm of intricate movements and gestures, sometimes adding other remedies. 419 For internal issues, they suggest cold baths; wounds and sores are treated with lotions and poultices made from crushed herbs like sage and rosemary, as well as a type of black oily resin extracted from certain seeds. Other illnesses, they claim, are caused by tiny pieces of wood, stone, or other hard materials that have somehow entered the flesh, which they pretend to remove by sucking on the affected area. In cases of paralysis, the affected areas were whipped with nettles. Blisters are created using dry paste from nettle stalks, placed on the patient's bare skin, set on fire, and allowed to burn out. Cold water or an emetic is used for fevers and similar diseases, or sometimes the patient is laid naked on dry sand or ashes, with a fire nearby, and a bowl of water or gruel at their head, left for nature to take its course while friends and family gather to chant them back to life or send them off to the afterlife. Snake bites are treated with an internal dose of ashes or dust from ant nests, and an external application of herbs. [598] The medicine men here have an easier time than their northern counterparts; if their patient does not recover, the patient's death is blamed on the rightful anger of their god, so the physician is not held liable. To avoid angering the deity and to counter the negative effects of sorcerers, regular dances are performed for appeasement or protection, which the entire tribe participates in. [599]

DEATH AND BURIAL.

Death and burial.

The temescal, or sweat-house, is the same here as elsewhere, which renders a description unnecessary.[600] The 420 dead were either burned or buried. Father Boscana says that no particular ceremonies were observed during the burning of the corpse. The body was allowed to lie untouched some days after death, in order to be certain that no spark of life remained. It was then borne out and laid upon the funeral pyre, which was ignited by a person specially appointed for that purpose. Everything belonging to the deceased was burned with him. When all was over the mourners betook themselves to the outskirts of the village, and there gave vent to their lamentation for the space of three days and nights. During this period songs were sung, in which the cause of the late death was related, and even the progress of the disease which brought him to his grave minutely described in all its stages. As an emblem of grief the hair was cut short in proportion to nearness of relation to or affection for the deceased, but laceration was not resorted to.[602] Mr Taylor relates that the Santa Inez Indians buried their dead in regular cemeteries. The body was placed in a sitting posture in a box made of slabs of claystone, and interred with all the effects of the dead person.[603] According to Reid, the natives of Los Angeles County waited until the body began to show signs of decay and then bound it together in the shape of a ball, and buried it in a place set apart for that purpose, with offerings of seeds contributed by the family. At the first news of his death all the relatives of the deceased gathered together, and mourned his departure with groans, each having a groan peculiar to himself. The dirge was presently changed to a song, in which all united, while an accompaniment was whistled through a deer's leg-bone. The dancing consisted merely in a monotonous 421 shuffling of the feet.[604] Pedro Fages thus describes a burial ceremony at the place named by him Sitio de los Pedernales.[605] Immediately after an Indian has breathed his last, the corpse is borne out and placed before the idol which stands in the village, there it is watched by persons who pass the night round a large fire built for the purpose; the following morning all the inhabitants of the place gather about the idol and the ceremony commences. At the head of the procession marches one smoking gravely from a large stone pipe; followed by three others, he three times walks round the idol and the corpse; each time the head of the deceased is passed the coverings are lifted, and he who holds the pipe blows three puffs of smoke upon the body. When the feet are reached, a kind of prayer is chanted in chorus, and the parents and relatives of the defunct advance in succession and offer to the priest a string of threaded seeds, about a fathom long; all present then unite in loud cries and groans, while the four, taking the corpse upon their shoulders, proceed with it to the place of interment. Care is taken to place near the body articles which have been manufactured by the deceased during his life-time. A spear or javelin, painted in various vivid colors, is planted erect over the tomb, and articles indicating the occupation of the dead are placed at his foot; if the deceased be a woman, baskets or mats of her manufacture are hung on the javelin.[606]

The temescal, or sweat house, is the same here as it is elsewhere, making a description unnecessary.[600] The 420 dead were either cremated or buried. Father Boscana mentions that there were no specific ceremonies observed during the cremation of the body. The corpse was left untouched for several days after death to ensure that no traces of life remained. It was then taken outside and placed on the funeral pyre, which was lit by a person specifically chosen for that task. Everything belonging to the deceased was burned with them. Once the ceremony was over, the mourners went to the outskirts of the village to express their grief for three days and nights. During this time, songs were sung recounting the cause of death, detailing the progression of the illness that led to the grave in all its stages. As a sign of mourning, the hair was cut short, depending on how close the mourner was to the deceased, but they did not resort to self-harm.[602] Mr. Taylor notes that the Santa Inez Indians buried their dead in designated cemeteries. The body was placed in a sitting position inside a box made of claystone slabs and buried with all the person’s belongings.[603] According to Reid, the natives of Los Angeles County waited until the body began to decay, then wrapped it into a ball shape and buried it in a special area with offerings of seeds from the family. When news of the death spread, all relatives gathered to mourn, expressing their sorrow with unique groans. The mourning song quickly turned into a collective song, with accompaniment provided by whistling through a deer's leg bone. The dancing was simply a repetitive shuffle of the feet.[604] Pedro Fages describes a burial ceremony at a location he named Sitio de los Pedernales.[605] Right after an Indian passes away, the body is carried out and placed in front of the village idol, where it is watched over by people who stay up all night around a large fire built for that purpose. The next morning, all the villagers gather around the idol to begin the ceremony. Leading the procession is one person smoking a large stone pipe; behind him are three others. He circles the idol and the corpse three times; each time he passes the head of the deceased, the coverings are lifted, and he blows three puffs of smoke onto the body. When he reaches the feet, a kind of prayer is chanted in unison, and the parents and relatives of the deceased take turns approaching the priest to offer a string of threaded seeds, about a fathom long. Everyone then joins in loud cries and groans, while the four men carry the body on their shoulders to the burial site. They ensure that items made by the deceased during their lifetime are placed near the body. A spear or javelin, painted in bright colors, is planted upright over the grave, and items representing the deceased's occupation are placed at their feet; if the deceased is a woman, baskets or mats made by her are hung on the javelin.[606]

Death they believed to be a real though invisible being, who gratified his own anger and malice by slowly taking away the breath of his victim until finally life was extinguished. The future abode of good spirits resembled the Scandinavian Valhalla; there, in the dwelling-place of their god, they would live for ever and ever, eating, and drinking, and dancing, and having wives in abundance. As their ideas of reward in the next world were matter-of-fact and material, so were their fears of 422 punishment in this life; all accidents, such as broken limbs or bereavement by death, were attributed to the direct vengeance of their god, for crimes which they had committed.[607]

They believed death to be a real but invisible entity, who satisfied his own anger and malice by slowly taking away the breath of his victim until life was finally gone. The afterlife for good spirits was like the Scandinavian Valhalla; there, in their god's dwelling, they would live forever, eating, drinking, dancing, and having plenty of wives. Just as their ideas of reward in the next world were practical and physical, so were their fears of punishment in this life; all mishaps, like broken limbs or losing someone to death, were seen as direct retribution from their god for the wrongs they had done. 422

Though good-natured and inordinately fond of amusement, they are treacherous and unreliable. Under a grave and composed exterior they conceal their thoughts and character so well as to defy interpretation. And this is why we find men, who have lived among them for years, unable to foretell their probable action under any given circumstances.

Though friendly and really into having fun, they are deceitful and unpredictable. Behind a serious and calm appearance, they hide their thoughts and character so effectively that it's impossible to understand them. This is why we see people who have been around them for years unable to guess what they might do in any situation.

THE SHOSHONE FAMILY.

THE SHOSHONE FAMILY.

The Shoshone Family, which forms the fourth and last division of the Californian group, may be said to consist of two great nations, the Snakes, or Shoshones proper, and the Utahs. The former inhabit south-eastern Oregon, Idaho, western Montana, and the northern portions of Utah and Nevada, are subdivided into several small tribes, and include the more considerable nation of the Bannacks. The Utahs occupy nearly the whole of Utah and Nevada, and extend into Arizona and California, on each side of the Colorado. Among the many tribes into which the Utahs are divided may be mentioned the Utahs proper, whose territory covers a great part of Utah and eastern Nevada; the Washoes along the eastern base of the Sierra Nevada, between Honey Lake and the west fork of Walker River; the Pah Utes, or, as they are sometimes called, Piutes, in western and central Nevada, stretching into Arizona and south-eastern California; the Pah Vants in the vicinity of Sevier Lake, the Pi Edes south of them, and the Gosh Utes, a mixed tribe of Snakes and Utahs, dwelling in the vicinity of Gosh Ute Lake and Mountains.

The Shoshone Tribe, which is the fourth and final division of the Californian group, consists of two major nations: the Snakes, or Shoshones, and the Utahs. The Snakes live in southeastern Oregon, Idaho, western Montana, and the northern parts of Utah and Nevada. They are divided into several smaller tribes, including the significant Bannacks. The Utahs occupy almost all of Utah and Nevada, extending into Arizona and California along both sides of the Colorado River. Among the numerous tribes that make up the Utahs are the Utahs, whose territory spans a large portion of Utah and eastern Nevada; the Washoes along the eastern foothills of the Sierra Nevada, between Honey Lake and the west fork of Walker River; the Pah Utes, also known as Piutes, found in western and central Nevada, reaching into Arizona and southeastern California; the Pah Vants near Sevier Lake; the Pi Edes to their south; and the Gosh Utes, a mixed tribe of Snakes and Utahs living around Gosh Ute Lake and Mountains.

The Shoshones[608] are below the medium stature; the 423 Utahs, though more powerfully built than the Snakes, are coarser-featured and less agile. All are of a dark bronze-color when free from paint and dirt, and, as usual, beardless. The women are clumsily made, although some of them have good hands and feet.[609]

The Shoshones[608] are shorter than average; the 423 Utahs, while stronger than the Snakes, have rougher features and are less nimble. They all have a dark bronze complexion when clean and, as is typical, have no facial hair. The women are more stoutly built, though some have attractive hands and feet.[609]

On the barren plains of Nevada, where there is no large game, the rabbit furnishes nearly the only clothing. The skins are sewn together in the form of a cloak, which is thrown over the shoulders, or tied about the body with 424 thongs of the same. In warm weather, or when they cannot obtain rabbit-skins, men, women and children are, for the most part, in a state of nudity. The hair is generally allowed to grow long, and to flow loosely over the shoulders; sometimes it is cut straight over the forehead, and among the Utahs of New Mexico it is plaited into two long queues by the men, and worn short by the women. Ornaments are rare; I find mention in two instances[610] of a nose-ornament, worn by the Pah Utes, consisting of a slender piece of bone, several inches in length, thrust through the septum of the nose. Tattooing is not practiced but paint of all colors is used unsparingly.[611]

On the dry plains of Nevada, where there isn’t much game, rabbits provide nearly all the clothing. Their skins are stitched together to make a cloak, which is draped over the shoulders or tied around the body with strips of the same material. In warm weather, or when rabbit skins aren’t available, men, women, and children are mostly naked. Hair is typically worn long and flows over the shoulders; sometimes it’s cut straight across the forehead, and among the Utahs of New Mexico, men braid their hair into two long queues while women keep theirs short. Ornaments are uncommon; I found references in two cases[610] of a nose ornament worn by the Pah Utes, which is a slim piece of bone several inches long that is inserted through the septum of the nose. Tattooing isn’t practiced, but colorful paint is used generously.[611]

The Snakes are better dressed than the Utahs, their clothing being made from the skins of larger game, and ornamented with beads, shells, fringes, feathers, and, since their acquaintance with the whites, with pieces of brilliant-colored cloth. A common costume is a shirt, leggins, and moccasins, all of buck-skin, over which is thrown, in cold weather, a heavy robe, generally of buffalo-skin, but sometimes of wolf, deer, elk, or beaver. The dress of the women differs but little from that of the men, except that it is less ornamented and the shirt is longer.[612] 425

The Snakes are better dressed than the Utahs, their clothing made from the hides of larger animals and decorated with beads, shells, fringes, feathers, and, since meeting the whites, with pieces of bright-colored fabric. A typical outfit includes a shirt, leggings, and moccasins, all made of buckskin, and during cold weather, they wear a heavy robe, usually made of buffalo skin, but sometimes made from wolf, deer, elk, or beaver. The women's clothing is quite similar to the men's, except it's less adorned and the shirt is longer.[612] 425

DRESS OF THE SNAKES.

SNAKE DRESS.

The dress of the Snakes seen by captains Lewis and Clarke was richer than is usually worn by them now; it was composed of a robe, short cloak, shirt, long leggins, and moccasins.

The clothing of the Snakes observed by Captains Lewis and Clarke was more elaborate than what they typically wear today; it included a robe, a short cloak, a shirt, long leggings, and moccasins.

The robe was of buffalo or smaller skins, dressed with the hair on; the collar of the cloak, a strip of skin from the back of the otter, the head being at one end and the tail at the other. From this collar were suspended from one hundred to two hundred and fifty ermine-skins,[613] or rather strips from the back of the ermine, including the head and tail; each of these strips was sewn round a cord of twisted silk-grass, which tapered in thickness toward the tail. The seams were concealed with a fringe of ermine-skin; little tassels of white fur were also attached to each tail, to show off its blackness to advantage. The collar was further ornamented with shells of the pearl-oyster; the shirt, made of the dressed hides of various kinds of deer, was loose and reached half-way down the thigh; the sleeves were open on the under side as low as the elbow,—the edges being cut into a fringe from the elbow to the wrist,—and they fitted close to the arm. The collar was square, and cut into fringe, or adorned with the tails of the animals which furnished the hide; the shirt was garnished with fringes and stained porcupine-quills; the leggins were made each from nearly an entire antelope-skin, and reached from the ankle to the upper part of the thigh. The hind legs of the skin were worn uppermost, and tucked into the girdle; the neck, highly ornamented with fringes and quills, trailed on the ground behind the heel of the wearer; the side seams were fringed, and for this purpose the scalps of fallen enemies were frequently used.

The robe was made from buffalo or smaller animal skins, with the hair still attached; the collar of the cloak was a strip of skin from the back of an otter, with the head at one end and the tail at the other. From this collar hung between one hundred and two hundred and fifty strips of ermine skin, or rather strips from the back of the ermine, including the head and tail; each of these strips was sewn around a cord made of twisted silk grass, which tapered in thickness toward the tail. The seams were hidden by a fringe of ermine skin, and small tassels of white fur were attached to each tail to highlight its blackness. The collar was further decorated with shells from the pearl oyster; the shirt, made from the tanned hides of various kinds of deer, was loose and reached halfway down the thigh; the sleeves were open underneath down to the elbow, with edges cut into a fringe from the elbow to the wrist, and they fit snugly around the arm. The collar was square and fringed, or decorated with the tails of the animals that provided the hide; the shirt was embellished with fringes and dyed porcupine quills; the leggings were made from nearly an entire antelope skin and extended from the ankle to the upper thigh. The back legs of the skin were worn on top and tucked into the girdle; the highly decorated neck, with fringes and quills, trailed on the ground behind the wearer’s heel; the side seams were fringed, and for this purpose, the scalps of fallen enemies were often used.

The moccasins were also of dressed hide, without the hair, except in winter, when buffalo-hide, with the hair inside, answered the purpose. They were made with a single seam on the outside edge, and were 426 embellished with quills; sometimes they were covered with the skin of a polecat, the tail of which dragged behind on the ground. Ear-ornaments of beads, necklaces of shells, twisted-grass, elk-tushes, round bones, like joints of a fish's back-bone, and the claws of the brown bear, were all worn. Eagles' feathers stuck in the hair, or a strip of otter-skin tied round the head, seem to have been the only head-dresses in use.[614] This, or something similar, was the dress only of the wealthy and prosperous tribes. Like the Utahs, the Snakes paint extensively, especially when intent upon war.[615]

The moccasins were made of soft leather, without any hair, except in winter when buffalo hide, with the fur inside, served the purpose. They had a single seam on the outside edge and were decorated with quills; sometimes they were covered with polecat skin, with the tail trailing behind. They wore ear ornaments made of beads, shell necklaces, twisted grass, elk ivory, round bones resembling fish backbones, and the claws of brown bears. Eagles' feathers were stuck in their hair, or they had a strip of otter skin tied around their heads; these seem to have been the only hairstyles in use. This, or something similar, was the attire of the wealthy and prosperous tribes. Like the Utahs, the Snakes painted themselves extensively, especially when preparing for war. 426 [614] [615]

DWELLINGS AND FOOD OF THE SHOSHONES.

DWELLINGS AND FOOD OF THE SHOSHONES.

The Snakes also build better dwellings than the Utahs. Long poles are leaned against each other in a circle, and are then covered with skins, thus forming a conical tent. A hole in the top, which can be closed in bad weather, serves as chimney, and an opening at the bottom three or four feet high, admits the occupants on pushing aside a piece of hide stretched on a stick, which hangs over the aperture as a door. These skin tents, as is necessary to a nomadic people, are struck and pitched with very little labor. When being moved from one place to another, the skins are folded and packed on the ponies, and the poles are hitched to each side of the animal by one end, while the other drags. The habitations of the people of Nevada and the greater part of Utah are very primitive and consist of heaps of brush, under which they crawl, or even of a mere shelter of bushes, semi-circular in shape, roofless, and three or four feet high, which serves only to break the force of the wind. Some of them build absolutely no dwellings, but live in caves and among the rocks, while others burrow like reptiles in the ground. Farnham gives us a very doleful picture of their condition; he says: "When the lizard, and snail, and wild roots are buried in the snows of winter, they 427 are said to retire to the vicinity of timber, dig holes in the form of ovens in the steep sides of the sand-hills, and, having heated them to a certain degree, deposit themselves in them, and sleep and fast till the weather permits them to go abroad again for food. Persons who have visited their haunts after a severe winter, have found the ground around these family ovens strewn with the unburied bodies of the dead, and others crawling among them, who had various degrees of strength, from a bare sufficiency to gasp in death, to those that crawled upon their hands and feet, eating grass like cattle."[616] Naturally pusillanimous, weak in development, sunk below the common baser passions of the savage, more improvident than birds, more beastly than beasts, it may be possible to conceive of a lower phase of humanity, but I confess my inability to do so.

The Snakes also create better shelters than the Utahs. Long poles are leaned against each other in a circle and covered with skins, forming a conical tent. A hole at the top, which can be closed during bad weather, acts as a chimney, and an opening at the bottom, three or four feet high, lets the occupants inside by pushing aside a piece of hide stretched on a stick that serves as a door. These skin tents, as needed by a nomadic people, are set up and taken down with very little effort. When moving from one place to another, the skins are folded and packed onto the ponies, and the poles are tied to each side of the animal at one end, while the other end drags along. The homes of the people in Nevada and most of Utah are very basic, consisting of piles of brush that they crawl under, or even just a simple shelter made of bushes, semi-circular in shape, roofless, and three or four feet high, which only helps block the wind. Some don't build any shelters at all, instead living in caves and among the rocks, while others burrow into the ground like reptiles. Farnham paints a grim picture of their condition; he says: "When the lizard, and snail, and wild roots are buried in the snows of winter, they are said to retreat to the area near timber, dig holes shaped like ovens on the steep sides of the sand-hills, and, after heating them to a certain degree, settle into them to sleep and fast until the weather allows them to venture out for food. Visitors to their dwellings after a harsh winter have found the ground around these family ovens littered with the unburied bodies of the dead, and others crawling among them, showing various degrees of strength, from just enough to gasp in death to those crawling on their hands and feet, eating grass like cattle."[616] Naturally timid, underdeveloped, sunk below the low baser instincts of savages, more reckless than birds, more animalistic than beasts, it might be conceivable to imagine a lower phase of humanity, but I admit I can't envision it.

Pine-nuts, roots, berries, reptiles, insects, rats, mice, and occasionally rabbits are the only food of the poorer Shoshone tribes. Those living in the vicinity of streams or lakes depend more or less for their subsistence upon fish. The Snakes of Idaho and Oregon, and the tribes occupying the more fertile parts of Utah, having abundance of fish and game, live well the year round, but the miserable root-eating people, partly owing to their inherent improvidence, partly to the scantiness of their 428 food-supply, never store sufficient provision for the winter, and consequently before the arrival of spring they are invariably reduced to extreme destitution. To avoid starvation they will eat dead bodies, and even kill their children for food.[617] A rat or a rabbit is prepared for eating by singeing the hair, pressing the offal from the entrails and cooking body and intestines together. Lizards, snakes, grasshoppers, and ants are thrown alive into a dish containing hot embers, and are tossed about until roasted; they are then eaten dry or used to thicken soup. Grasshoppers, seeds, and roots, are also gathered and cooked in the same manner as by the nations already described. The Gosh Utes take rabbits in nets made of flax-twine, about three feet wide and of considerable length. A fence of sage-brush is erected across the rabbit-paths, and on this the net is hung. The rabbits in running quickly along the trail become entangled in the meshes and are taken before they can escape. Lizards are dragged from their holes by means of a hooked stick. To catch ants a piece of fresh hide or bark is placed upon the ant-hill; this is soon covered by vast swarms of the insects, which are then brushed off into a bag and kept there until dead, when they are dried for future use. Among the hunting tribes antelope are gradually closed in upon by a circle of horsemen and beaten to death with clubs. They are also stalked after the fashion of the Californians proper, the hunter placing the head and horns of an antelope or deer upon his own head and thus disguised approaching within shooting distance.

Pine nuts, roots, berries, reptiles, insects, rats, mice, and sometimes rabbits are the only food for the poorer Shoshone tribes. Those living near streams or lakes rely more on fish for their survival. The Snakes of Idaho and Oregon, as well as tribes in the more fertile parts of Utah, have plenty of fish and game, allowing them to live well throughout the year. However, the struggling root-eating people, partly due to their natural lack of foresight and partly because of their limited food supply, never store enough provisions for the winter. As a result, they often find themselves in extreme poverty before spring arrives. To avoid starvation, they will eat dead bodies and even kill their children for food. A rat or a rabbit is prepared for eating by singeing the fur, removing the innards, and cooking the body and intestines together. Lizards, snakes, grasshoppers, and ants are thrown alive into a dish of hot embers, where they're tossed until roasted; they are then eaten dry or used to thicken soup. Grasshoppers, seeds, and roots are also gathered and cooked in a similar way as the other tribes have done. The Gosh Utes catch rabbits using nets made of flax twine, about three feet wide and quite long. A fence of sagebrush is set up across the rabbit paths, and the net is hung on it. As the rabbits run along the trail, they get caught in the net and are captured before they can escape. Lizards are pulled from their holes using a hooked stick. To catch ants, a piece of fresh hide or bark is placed on the ant hill; this soon attracts large numbers of the insects, which are then brushed off into a bag and kept there until they die, after which they are dried for later use. Among the hunting tribes, antelope are gradually surrounded by a circle of horsemen and beaten to death with clubs. They are also stalked like Californians do, with the hunter putting the head and horns of an antelope or deer on their own head to disguise themselves and approach within shooting distance.

NATIVE FISH-WEIR.

NATIVE FISH WEIR.

Fish are killed with spears having movable heads, which become detached when the game is struck, and are also taken in nets made of rushes or twigs. In the latter case a place is chosen where the river is crossed by a bar, the net is then floated down the stream and on reaching the bar both ends are drawn together. The fish thus enclosed are taken from the circle by hand, and the Shoshone as he takes each one, puts its head in 429 his mouth and kills it with his teeth. Captain Clarke describes an ingeniously constructed weir on Snake River, where it was divided into four channels by three small islands. Three of these channels were narrow "and stopped by means of trees which were stretched across, and supported by willow stakes, sufficiently near to prevent the passage of the fish. About the centre of each was placed a basket formed of willows, eighteen or twenty feet in length, of a cylindrical form, and terminating in a conic shape at its lower extremity; this was situated with its mouth upwards, opposite to an aperture in the weir. The main channel of the water was then conducted to this weir, and as the fish entered it they were so entangled with each other, that they could not move, and were taken out by emptying the small end of the willow basket. The weir in the main channel was formed in a manner somewhat different; there were, in fact two distinct weirs formed of poles and willow sticks quite across the river, approaching each other obliquely with an aperture in each side of the angle. This is made by tying a number of poles together at the top, in parcels of three, which were then set up in a triangular form at the base, two of the poles being in the range desired for the weir, and the third down the stream. To these poles two ranges of other poles are next lashed horizontally, with willow bark and withes, and willow sticks joined in with these crosswise, so as to form a kind of wicker-work from the bottom of the river to the height of three or four feet above the surface of the water. This is so thick as to prevent the fish from passing, and even in some parts with the help of a little gravel and some stone enables them to give any direction which they wish to the water. These two weirs being placed near to each other, one for the purpose of catching the fish as they ascend, the other as they go down the river, are provided with two baskets made in the form already described, and which are placed at the apertures of the weir."

Fish are caught using spears with movable heads that detach when the fish is struck, and they are also caught in nets made of rushes or twigs. In the case of nets, a location is selected where the river is crossed by a bar, the net is then floated downstream, and when it reaches the bar, both ends are pulled together. The fish trapped inside are then taken out by hand, and as the Shoshone catches each one, he puts its head in his mouth and kills it with his teeth. Captain Clarke describes a cleverly built weir on the Snake River, where it splits into four channels due to three small islands. Three of these channels are narrow and blocked by trees stretched across, supported by willow stakes to keep fish from passing through. In the center of each channel, there’s a basket made of willows, eighteen to twenty feet long, cylindrical in shape, tapering to a point at the bottom, positioned with its mouth facing up, opposite an opening in the weir. The main water channel is then directed toward this weir, and as the fish enter, they become so tangled with each other that they can't move, allowing them to be removed by emptying the small end of the willow basket. The weir in the main channel is constructed a bit differently; in fact, there are two distinct weirs made of poles and willow sticks running completely across the river, angled toward each other with openings on either side of the point. This is achieved by tying several poles together at the top in groups of three, set up in a triangle at the base, with two poles aligned for the weir and the third downstream. To these poles, two levels of additional poles are lashed horizontally, using willow bark and withes, with crosswise willow sticks to create a kind of wickerwork extending from the riverbed up to three or four feet above the water's surface. This structure is dense enough to block fish from passing, and in some parts, using a bit of gravel and stone helps to redirect the water as needed. These two weirs, placed close together, one for catching fish as they swim upstream and the other as they go downstream, are equipped with two baskets shaped as previously described, positioned at the openings of the weir.

For present consumption the fish are boiled in water-tight 430 baskets by means of red-hot stones, or are broiled on the embers; sometimes the bones are removed before the fish is cooked; great quantities are also dried for winter. Some few of the Utahs cultivate a little maize, vegetables, and tobacco, and raise stock, but efforts at agriculture are not general. The Snakes sometimes accompany the more northern tribes into the country of the Blackfeet, for the purpose of killing buffalo.[618]

For current consumption, the fish are boiled in water-tight baskets using red-hot stones, or they are grilled over the embers. Sometimes, the bones are removed before cooking. A lot of fish are also dried for the winter. A few of the Utah people grow some corn, vegetables, and tobacco, and raise livestock, but farming isn’t widespread. The Snakes sometimes join the more northern tribes in the Blackfeet territory to hunt buffalo.

In their persons, dwellings and habits, the Utahs are filthy beyond description. Their bodies swarm with 431 vermin which they catch and eat with relish. Some of the Snakes are of a more cleanly disposition, but, generally speaking, the whole Shoshone family is a remarkably dirty one.[619]

In terms of their appearance, homes, and lifestyles, the Utahs are incredibly dirty. Their bodies are infested with pests, which they catch and eat with enjoyment. Some of the Snakes are a bit more hygienic, but overall, the entire Shoshone group is quite dirty. 431 [619]

WEAPONS OF THE SHOSHONES.

Shoshone Weapons.

The bow and arrow are universally used by the Shoshones, excepting only some of the most degraded root-eaters, who are said to have no weapon, offensive or defensive, save the club. The bow is made of cedar, pine, or other wood, backed with sinew after the manner already described, or, more rarely, of a piece of elk-horn. The string is of sinew. The length of the bow varies. According to Farnham, that used by the Pi Utes is six feet long, while that of the Shoshones seen by Lewis and Clark was only two and a half feet in length. The arrows are from two to four feet, and are pointed with obsidian, flint, or, among the lower tribes, by merely hardening the tip with fire. Thirty or forty are usually carried in a skin quiver, and two in the hand ready for immediate use. Lances, which are used in some localities, are pointed in the same manner as the arrows when no iron can be procured. The Snakes have a kind of mace or club, which they call a poggamoggon. It consists of a heavy stone, sometimes wrapped in leather, attached by a sinew thong about two inches in length, to the end of a stout leather-covered handle, measuring nearly two feet. A loop fastened to the end held in the hand prevents the warrior from losing the weapon in the fight, and allows him to hold the club in readiness while he uses the bow and arrow.[620] They also have a circular 432 shield about two and a half feet in diameter, which is considered a very important part of a warrior's equipment, not so much from the fact that it is arrow-proof, as from the peculiar virtues supposed to be given it by the medicine-men. The manufacture of a shield is a season of great rejoicing. It must be made from the entire fresh hide of a male two-year-old buffalo, and the process is as follows. A hole is dug in the ground and filled with red-hot stones; upon these water is poured until a thick steam arises. The hide is then stretched, by as many as can take hold of it, over the hole, until the hair can be removed with the hands and it shrinks to the required size. It is then placed upon a prepared hide, and pounded by the bare feet of all present, until the ceremony is concluded. When the shield is completed, it is supposed to render the bearer invulnerable. Lewis and Clarke also make mention of a species of defensive armor "something like a coat of mail, which is formed by a great many folds of dressed antelope skins, united by means of a mixture of glue and sand. With this they cover their own bodies and those of their horses, and find it impervious to the arrow." I find mention in one instance only, of a shield being used by the Utahs. In that case it was small, circular, and worn suspended from the neck. The fishing spear I have already described as being a long pole with an elk-horn point. When a fish is struck the shaft is loosened from its socket in the head, but remains connected with the latter by a cord.[621] Arrows are occasionally 433 poisoned by plunging them into a liver which has been previously bitten by a rattlesnake.[622]

The bow and arrow are widely used by the Shoshones, except for a few of the most primitive root-eaters, who reportedly have no weapons, offensive or defensive, other than the club. The bow is made from cedar, pine, or other woods, reinforced with sinew as previously described, or, less commonly, from a piece of elk antler. The string is made of sinew. The length of the bow varies. According to Farnham, the one used by the Pi Utes is six feet long, while the Shoshones seen by Lewis and Clark had bows that were only two and a half feet long. The arrows range from two to four feet and are tipped with obsidian, flint, or, among the less advanced tribes, simply hardened at the tip with fire. They typically carry thirty or forty arrows in a skin quiver, with two prepared for immediate use in hand. Lances, used in some areas, are pointed like the arrows when iron isn't available. The Snakes have a type of mace or club they call a poggamoggon. It consists of a heavy stone, sometimes wrapped in leather, attached by a sinew thong about two inches long to the end of a sturdy leather-covered handle, which is nearly two feet long. A loop tied at the end allows the warrior to keep a hold on the weapon during battle and to use the club while also holding the bow and arrow.[620] They also have a circular 432 shield about two and a half feet in diameter, regarded as a crucial part of a warrior's gear, not mainly because it’s arrow-proof, but because of the special powers believed to be conferred by medicine men. Making a shield is a time of great celebration. It has to be crafted from the entire fresh hide of a male two-year-old buffalo, and the process is as follows: A hole is dug in the ground and filled with red-hot stones; water is poured over them until thick steam rises. The hide is then stretched by as many people as can hold it over the hole, until the hair can be removed by hand and it shrinks to the right size. It is then placed on a prepared hide and pounded by the bare feet of everyone present until the ceremony is finished. Once the shield is completed, it's believed to make the bearer invulnerable. Lewis and Clark also mention a type of defensive armor "similar to a coat of mail, made from numerous layers of dressed antelope skins, joined together with a mix of glue and sand. They use this to cover their own bodies and those of their horses, and find it impervious to arrows." I only found one reference to a shield being used by the Utahs, which was small, circular, and worn around the neck. The fishing spear I’ve described before is a long pole with an elk-horn point. When a fish is struck, the shaft comes loose from its socket in the head but stays connected by a cord.[621] Arrows are sometimes poisoned by dipping them in a liver that has already been bitten by a rattlesnake.[622]

MANNER OF MAKING WAR.

WAY OF FIGHTING.

The tribes that possess horses always fight mounted, and manage their animals with considerable address. In war they place their reliance upon strategy and surprise; fires upon the hills give warning of an enemy's approach. Prisoners of war are killed with great tortures, especially female captives, who are given over to the women of the victorious tribe and by them done to death most cruelly; it is said, however, that male prisoners who have distinguished themselves by their prowess in battle, are frequently dismissed unhurt. Scalps are taken, and sometimes portions of the flesh of a brave fallen enemy are eaten that the eater may become endued with the valor of the slain. He who takes the most scalps gains the most glory. Whether the warriors who furnished the trophies fell by the hand of the accumulator or not, is immaterial; he has but to show the spoils and his fame is established. The Snakes are said to be peculiarly skillful in eluding pursuit. When on foot, they will crouch down in the long grass and remain motionless while the pursuer passes within a few feet of them, or when caught sight of they will double and twist so that it is impossible to catch them. The custom of ratifying a peace treaty by a grand smoke, common to so many of the North American aborigines, 434 is observed by the Shoshones.[623] The pipe, the bowl of which is usually of red stone, painted or carved with various figures and adorned with feathers, is solemnly passed from mouth to mouth, each smoker blowing the smoke in certain directions and muttering vows at the same time.

The tribes that have horses always fight on horseback and manage their animals with impressive skill. In battle, they rely on strategy and surprise; fires on the hills signal the approach of an enemy. Prisoners of war are subjected to harsh torture, especially female captives, who are handed over to the women of the victorious tribe and killed in brutal ways. However, it's said that male prisoners who have shown bravery in battle are often released unharmed. Scalps are taken, and sometimes parts of a brave fallen enemy's flesh are eaten so that the eater can gain the courage of the slain. The person who collects the most scalps receives the most honor. Whether the warriors from whom the trophies were taken fell by the hands of the collector or not doesn't matter; he just needs to display the trophies to establish his fame. The Snakes are known to be particularly good at escaping capture. When on foot, they will crouch down in the tall grass and stay completely still while the pursuer goes by just a few feet away, or when spotted, they will twist and turn so much that they become impossible to catch. The tradition of sealing a peace treaty with a ceremonial smoke, common to many North American Indigenous peoples, is also practiced by the Shoshones. The pipe, usually made of red stone and decorated with various figures and feathers, is passed around solemnly from mouth to mouth, with each smoker blowing the smoke in specific directions and quietly making promises at the same time.

The only tools used before iron and steel were introduced by the whites were of flint, bone, or horn. The flint knife had no regular form, and had a sharp edge about three or four inches long, which was renewed when it became dull. Elk-horn hatchets, or rather wedges, were used to fell trees. They made water-proof baskets of plaited grass, and others of wicker-work covered with hide. The Snakes and some of the Utahs were versed in the art of pottery, and made very good vessels from baked clay. These were not merely open dishes, but often took the form of jars with narrow necks, having stoppers.[624] 435

The only tools used before iron and steel were brought in by white people were made of flint, bone, or horn. The flint knife didn’t have a set shape and had a sharp edge about three or four inches long, which was sharpened again when it got dull. Elk-horn hatchets, or rather wedges, were used for cutting down trees. They created waterproof baskets made from woven grass, as well as other baskets made from wicker and covered with hide. The Snakes and some of the Utahs were skilled in pottery and made excellent vessels from baked clay. These were not just simple open dishes; they often came in the shape of jars with narrow necks that had stoppers.[624] 435

LAWS AND GOVERNMENT.

LAWS AND GOVERNMENT.

Boats, as a rule, the Shoshones have none. They usually cross rivers by fording; otherwise they swim, or pass over on a clumsy and dangerous raft made of branches and rushes.[625] By way of compensation they all, except the poorest, have horses, and these constitute their wealth. They have no regular currency, but use for purposes of barter their stock of dried fish, their horses, or whatever skins and furs they may possess. They are very deliberate traders, and a solemn smoke must invariably precede a bargain.[626] Although each tribe has an ostensible chief, his power is limited to giving advice, and although his opinion may influence the tribe, yet he cannot compel obedience to his wishes. Every man does as he likes. Private revenge, of course, occasionally overtakes the murderer, or, if the sympathies of the tribe be with the murdered man, he may possibly be publicly executed, but there are no fixed laws for such cases. Chieftainship is hereditary in some tribes; in others it is derived from prestige.[627]

Boats are generally not used by the Shoshones. They usually cross rivers by walking through the water; otherwise, they swim or use a clumsy and dangerous raft made of branches and reeds. By way of compensation, most of them, except for the poorest, have horses, which represent their wealth. They don’t have a formal currency but trade using their stock of dried fish, horses, or any skins and furs they own. They are very careful traders, and a serious smoke session must always happen before a deal is made. Although each tribe has a formal chief, his power is mostly limited to giving advice. His opinion might influence the tribe, but he can’t enforce his wishes. Everyone acts as they wish. Private revenge sometimes catches up with a murderer, or if the tribe sympathizes with the victim, the murderer may be publicly executed, but there are no established laws for these situations. Leadership is hereditary in some tribes, while in others it comes from personal prestige.

The Utahs do not hesitate to sell their wives and children 436 into slavery for a few trinkets. Great numbers of these unfortunates are sold to the Navajos for blankets. An act which passed the legislature of Utah in 1852, legalizing slavery, sets forth that from time immemorial, slavery has been a customary traffic among the Indians; that it was a common practice among them to gamble away their wives and children into slavery, to sell them into slavery to other nations, and that slaves thus obtained were most barbarously treated by their masters; that they were packed from place to place on mules; that these unfortunate humans were staked out to grass and roots like cattle, their limbs mutilated and swollen from being bound with thongs; that they were frozen, starved, and killed by their inhuman owners; that families and tribes living at peace would steal each other's wives and children, and sell them as slaves. In view of these abuses it was made lawful for a probate judge, or selectmen, to bind out native captive women and children to suitable white persons for a term not to exceed twenty years.[628]

The Utahns readily sell their wives and children 436 into slavery for a few trinkets. Many of these individuals are sold to the Navajos for blankets. An act that was passed by the Utah legislature in 1852, which legalized slavery, states that for a long time, slavery has been a common practice among the Indians; that it was typical for them to gamble away their wives and kids into slavery, to sell them into slavery to other nations, and that the slaves obtained this way were treated very poorly by their masters; that they were moved from place to place on mules; that these unfortunate people were tied out to graze like cattle, their limbs injured and swollen from being bound with ropes; that they were frozen, starved, and killed by their cruel owners; that families and tribes living peacefully would steal each other's wives and children and sell them as slaves. Given these abuses, it became legal for a probate judge, or selectmen, to bind native captive women and children to suitable white people for a term not to exceed twenty years.[628]

Polygamy, though common, is not universal; a wife is generally bought of her parents;[629] girls are frequently betrothed in infancy; a husband will prostitute his wife to a stranger for a trifling present, but should she be unfaithful without his consent, her life must pay the forfeit. The women, as usual, suffer very little from the pains of child-bearing. When the time of a Shoshone woman's confinement draws near, she retires to some secluded place, brings forth unassisted, and remains there 437 for about a month, alone, and procuring her subsistence as best she can. When the appointed time has elapsed she is considered purified and allowed to join her friends again. The weaker sex of course do the hardest labor, and receive more blows than kind words for their pains. These people, in common with most nomadic nations, have the barbarous custom of abandoning the old and infirm the moment they find them an incumbrance. Lewis and Clarke state that children are never flogged, as it is thought to break their spirit.[630]

Polygamy, while common, isn't everywhere; a wife is usually bought from her parents;[629] girls are often engaged when they are infants; a husband might offer his wife to a stranger for a small gift, but if she is unfaithful without his permission, she could pay with her life. Women, as usual, endure little suffering from childbirth. When a Shoshone woman is about to give birth, she retreats to a private spot, delivers the baby on her own, and stays there for about a month, alone, taking care of her needs as best she can. Once the designated time has passed, she is seen as purified and can rejoin her friends. The weaker sex inevitably does the hardest work and receives more blows than kind words for their efforts. Like many nomadic peoples, they have the cruel practice of abandoning the old and sick as soon as they become a burden. Lewis and Clarke note that children are never beaten, as it is believed to ruin their spirit.[630]

GAMBLING AND DRINKING.

Gambling and drinking.

The games of hazard played by the Shoshones differ little from those of their neighbors; the principal one appears to be the odd-and-even game so often mentioned; but of late years they have nearly abandoned these, and have taken to 'poker,' which they are said to play with such adroitness as to beat a white man. With the voice they imitate with great exactness the cries of birds and beasts, and their concerts of this description, which generally take place at midnight, are discordant beyond measure. Though they manufacture no intoxicating liquor themselves, they will drink the whisky of the whites whenever opportunity offers. They smoke the kinikkinik leaf when no tobacco can be procured from the traders.[631] In connection with their smoking they 438 have many strange observances. When the pipe is passed round at the solemnization of a treaty, or the confirmation of a bargain, each smoker, on receiving it from his neighbor, makes different motions with it; one turns the pipe round before placing the stem to his lips; another describes a semicircle with it; a third smokes with the bowl in the air; a fourth with the bowl on the ground, and so on through the whole company. All this is done with a most grave and serious countenance, which makes it the more ludicrous to the looker-on. The Snakes, before smoking with a stranger, always draw off their moccasins as a mark of respect. Any great feat performed by a warrior, which adds to his reputation and renown, such as scalping an enemy, or successfully stealing his horses, is celebrated by a change of name. Killing a grizzly bear also entitles him to this honor, for it is considered a great feat to slay one of these formidable animals, and only he who has performed it is allowed to wear their highest insignia of glory, the feet or claws of the victim. To bestow his name upon a friend is the highest compliment that one man can offer another.

The gambling games played by the Shoshones are quite similar to those of their neighbors; the main one seems to be the odd-and-even game that's often mentioned. However, in recent years, they've mostly given up these games in favor of poker, which they say they play so skillfully that they can beat white players. They can imitate the sounds of birds and animals with great accuracy, and their performances, which usually happen at midnight, are extremely discordant. Though they don't make any intoxicating liquor themselves, they will drink whisky when given the chance. They smoke the kinikkinik leaf when there’s no tobacco available from traders. In relation to their smoking, they have several unusual customs. When the pipe is passed around during a treaty or the finalization of a deal, each person has their own unique way of using it: one might turn the pipe around before putting the stem to their lips; another might move it in a semicircle; a third smokes with the bowl facing up; a fourth smokes with the bowl on the ground, and so on through the entire group. They all do this with a very serious expression, which makes it all the more humorous to onlookers. The Snakes always take off their moccasins before smoking with a stranger as a sign of respect. Any major accomplishment by a warrior that boosts his reputation, such as scalping an enemy or successfully stealing horses, is celebrated with a change of name. Killing a grizzly bear also earns him this honor, as it’s considered a significant achievement to take down one of these fearsome creatures, and only those who accomplish this can wear the highest honor of glory: the feet or claws of the animal. Giving his name to a friend is the greatest compliment one man can give to another.

The Snakes, and some of the Utahs, are skillful riders, and possess good horses. Their horse-furniture is simple. A horse-hair or raw-hide lariat is fastened round the animal's neck; the bight is passed with a single half-hitch round his lower jaw, and the other end is held in the rider's hand; this serves as a bridle. When the horse is turned loose, the lariat is loosened from his jaw and allowed to trail from his neck. The old men and 439 the women have saddles similar to those used for packing by the whites; they are a wooden frame made of two pieces of thin board fitting close to the sides of the horse, and held together by two cross-pieces, in shape like the legs of an isosceles triangle. A piece of hide is placed between this and the horse's back, and a robe is thrown over the seat when it is ridden on. The younger men use no saddle, except a small pad, girthed on with a leather thong. When traveling they greatly overload their horses. All the household goods and provisions are packed upon the poor animal's back, and then the women and children seat themselves upon the pile, sometimes as many as four or five on one horse.[632]

The Snakes and some of the Utahs are skilled riders and have good horses. Their horse gear is pretty simple. A horse-hair or rawhide lasso is fastened around the animal's neck; the loop is secured with a single half-hitch around its lower jaw, and the other end is held by the rider. This acts as a bridle. When the horse is let go, the lasso is loosened from its jaw and left to trail from its neck. The older men and women use saddles similar to those used for packing by white people; these consist of a wooden frame made from two pieces of thin board that fit closely to the sides of the horse and are held together by two crosspieces shaped like the legs of an isosceles triangle. A piece of hide is placed between this and the horse's back, and a blanket is thrown over the seat when it's ridden. The younger men don’t use saddles, just a small pad secured with a leather strap. When traveling, they really overload their horses. All the household items and food are packed on the poor animal’s back, and then the women and children sit on top of the load, sometimes as many as four or five on one horse.

DISEASES AND BURIAL.

Diseases and burials.

The poorer Utahs are very subject to various diseases, owing to exposure in winter. They have few, if any, efficient remedies. They dress wounds with pine-gum, after squeezing out the blood. The Snakes are much affected by rheumatism and consumption, caused chiefly by their being almost constantly in the water fishing, and by exposure. Syphilis has, of course, been extensively introduced among all the tribes. A few plants and herbs are used for medicinal purposes, and the medicine-men practice their wonted mummeries, but what particular means of cure they adopt is not stated by the authorities. I find no mention of their having sweat-houses.[633]

The poorer Utah people are very prone to various diseases due to winter exposure. They have few, if any, effective remedies. They treat wounds with pine gum after squeezing out the blood. The Snakes are greatly affected by rheumatism and tuberculosis, primarily because they are almost always in the water fishing and dealing with exposure. Syphilis has, of course, been widely introduced among all the tribes. A few plants and herbs are used for medicinal purposes, and the medicine men perform their usual rituals, but the specific methods of treatment they use are not detailed by the sources. I find no mention of them having sweat lodges.

Concerning the disposal of the dead usage differs. In some parts the body is burned, in others it is buried. In either case the property of the deceased is destroyed at his burial. His favorite horse, and, in some instances, 440 his favorite wife, are killed over his grave, that he may not be alone in the spirit land. Laceration in token of grief is universal, and the lamentations of the dead person's relatives are heard for weeks after his death, and are renewed at intervals for many months. Child-like in this, they rush into extremes, and when not actually engaged in shrieking and tearing their flesh, they appear perfectly indifferent to their loss.[634]

When it comes to handling the dead, practices vary. In some areas, the body is cremated, while in others, it is buried. In both cases, the deceased's belongings are destroyed during the burial. His favorite horse, and sometimes even his beloved wife, are sacrificed at his grave so that he won't be alone in the afterlife. Mourning through physical pain is common, and the cries of the deceased's family can be heard for weeks after the death, with their grief resurfacing at various times for many months. In this way, they behave childishly, swinging between extremes, and when they aren't actively mourning and hurting themselves, they seem completely unaffected by their loss.

SHOSHONE CHARACTER.

SHOSHONE CULTURE.

The character of the better Shoshone tribes is not much worse than that of the surrounding nations; they are thieving, treacherous, cunning, moderately brave after their fashion, fierce when fierceness will avail them anything, and exceedingly cruel. Of the miserable root and grass eating Shoshones, however, even this much cannot be said. Those who have seen them unanimously agree that they of all men are lowest. Lying in a state of semi-torpor in holes in the ground during the winter, and in spring crawling forth and eating grass on their hands and knees, until able to regain their feet; having no clothes, scarcely any cooked food, in many instances no weapons, with merely a few vague imaginings for religion, living in the utmost squalor and filth, putting no bridle on their passions, there is surely room for no missing link between them and brutes.[635] Yet as 441 in all men there stands out some prominent good, so in these, the lowest of humanity, there is one virtue: they are lovers of their country; lovers, not of fair hills and fertile valleys, but of inhospitable mountains and barren plains; these reptile-like men love their miserable burrowing-places better than all the comforts of 442 civilization; indeed, in many instances, when detained by force among the whites, they have been known to pine away and die.

The character of the better Shoshone tribes isn't much worse than that of the neighboring nations; they're thieving, treacherous, cunning, somewhat brave in their own way, fierce when fierceness can benefit them, and extremely cruel. However, even this much can't be said about the miserable root-and-grass-eating Shoshones. Those who have encountered them agree unanimously that they are the lowest of all people. They lie in a state of semi-stupor in holes in the ground during winter, and in spring, they crawl out and eat grass on their hands and knees until they can stand again. They have no clothes, hardly any cooked food, in many cases no weapons, and only a few vague beliefs for religion, living in extreme squalor and filth, with no restraint on their passions, leaving no real distinction between them and beasts. Yet, like in all people, there is a notable good; among these, the lowest of humanity, there is one virtue: they love their country—not the beautiful hills and fertile valleys, but the harsh mountains and barren plains. These reptilian-like men prefer their miserable burrows over all the comforts of civilization; indeed, in many cases, when forcibly kept among white people, they have been known to wither away and die.

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

NORTHERN CALIFORNIANS.

NOR CALIFORNIANS.

To the Northern Californians, whose territory extends from Rogue River on the north to Eel River south, and from the Pacific Ocean to the Californian boundary east, including the Klamath, and other lakes, are assigned, according to the authorities, the following tribal boundaries: There are 'the Hoopahs, and the Ukiahs of Mendocino;' 'the Umpquas, Kowooses or Cooses, Macanootoony's of the Umpqua river section, Nomee Cults, and Nomee Lacks of Tehama County; the Copahs, Hanags, Yatuckets, Terwars and Tolowas, of the lower Klamath river; the Wylaks and Noobimucks of Trinity county mountains west from Sacramento plains; the Modocs of Klamath Lake, the Ylackas of Pitt River, the Ukas and Shastas of Shasta county.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, June 8, 1860.

To the NorCal residents, whose territory stretches from the Rogue River in the north to the Eel River in the south, and from the Pacific Ocean to the California border in the east, including the Klamath and other lakes, the following tribal boundaries are assigned according to the authorities: There are 'the Hoopahs and the Ukiahs of Mendocino;' 'the Umpquas, Kowooses or Cooses, Macanootoony's of the Umpqua River area, Nomee Cults, and Nomee Lacks of Tehama County; the Copahs, Hanags, Yatuckets, Terwars, and Tolowas of the lower Klamath River; the Wylaks and Noobimucks of the Trinity County mountains west of the Sacramento plains; the Modocs of Klamath Lake, the Ylackas of Pitt River, the Ukas and Shastas of Shasta County.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, June 8, 1860.

'The Tototins are divided into twelve bands; eight of them are located on the coast, one on the forks of the Coquille, and three on Rogue river.' 'The Tototins, from whom is derived the generic name of the whole people speaking the language, reside on the north bank of the Tototin river, about four miles from its mouth. Their country extends from the eastern boundary of the Yahshutes, a short distance below their village, up the stream about six miles, where the fishing-grounds of the Mackanotins commence.' 'The country of the Euquachees commences at the "Three Sisters," and extends along the coast to a point about three miles to the south of their village, which is on a stream which bears their name. The mining town of Elizabeth is about the southern boundary of the Euquachees, and is called thirty miles from Port Orford. Next southward of the Euquachees are the Yahshutes, whose villages occupy both banks of the Tototin or Rogue river, at its mouth. These people claim but about two and a half miles back from the coast, where the Tototin country commences. The Yahshutes claim the coast to some remarkable headlands, about six miles south of Rogue river. South of these headlands are the Chetlessentuns. Their village is north of, but near, the mouth of a stream bearing their name, but better known to the whites as Pistol river. The Chetlessentuns claim but about eight miles of the coast; but as the country east of them is uninhabited, like others similarly situated, their lands are supposed to extend to the summit of the mountains. Next to the Chetlessentuns on the south are the Wishtenatins, whose village is at the mouth of a small creek bearing their name. 443 They claim the country to a small trading-post known as the Whale's Head, about twenty-seven miles south of the mouth of Rogue River. Next in order are the Cheattee or Chitco band, whose villages were situated on each side of the mouth, and about six miles up a small river bearing their name.... The lands of these people extend from Whale's Head to the California line, and back from the coast indefinitely.... The Mackanotin village is about seven miles above that of the Tototins, and is on the same side of the river. They claim about twelve miles of stream. The Shistakoostees succeed them (the Mackanotins). Their village is on the north bank of Rogue river, nearly opposite the confluence of the Illinois. These are the most easterly band within my district in the South.' Parrish, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 283-9. 'Dr. Hubbard, in his notes (1856) on the Indians of Rogue River and South Oregon, on the ocean, before alluded to, gives the following list of names of Rancherias and clans of the Lototen or Tutatamys tribe. Masonah Band, location, Coquille river; Chockrelatan Band, location, Coquille forks; Quatomah Band, location, Flore's creek; Laguaacha Band, location, Elk river; Cosulhenten Band, location, Port Orford; Yuquache Band, location, Yugua creek; Chetlessenten Band, location, Pistol river; Yah Shutes Band, location, Rogue river; Wishtanatan Band, location, Whale's head; Cheahtoc Band, location, Chetko; Tototen Band, location, six miles above the mouth of Rogue river; Sisticoosta Band, location, above Big Bend, of Rogue river; Maquelnoteer Band, location, fourteen miles above the mouth of Rogue river.' Cal. Farmer, June 18, 1860. The Tutotens were a large tribe, numbering thirteen clans, inhabiting the southern coast of Oregon. Golden Era, March, 1856. 'Toutounis ou Coquins, sur la rivière de ce nom et dans l'intérieur des terres.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'On the lower part of the Clamet River are the Totutune, known by the unfavorable soubriquet of the Rogue, or Rascal Indians.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 221. The bands of the Tootooton tribe 'are scattered over a great extent of country—along the coast and on the streams from the California line to twenty miles north of the Coquille, and from the ocean to the summit of the coast range of mountains.' Palmer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 259. Taylor places the Tutunahs in the northwest corner of Del Norte County. MS. Map.

The Tototins are divided into twelve groups; eight of them are along the coast, one at the forks of the Coquille, and three along Rogue River. The Tototins, who give their name to all the people who speak this language, live on the north bank of the Tototin River, about four miles from its mouth. Their territory stretches from the eastern boundary of the Yahshutes, just below their village, up the river about six miles, where the fishing areas of the Mackanotins begin. The land of the Euquachees starts at the "Three Sisters" and extends along the coast to a point about three miles south of their village, which is on a stream named after them. The mining town of Elizabeth is about the southern boundary of the Euquachees, located thirty miles from Port Orford. To the south of the Euquachees are the Yahshutes, whose villages are on both banks of the Tototin or Rogue River at its mouth. They claim only about two and a half miles inland from the coast, where the Tototin territory starts. The Yahshutes claim the coast up to some notable headlands, about six miles south of Rogue River. South of these headlands are the Chetlessentuns. Their village is just north of, but close to, the mouth of a stream named after them, which is better known to white settlers as Pistol River. The Chetlessentuns claim only about eight miles of the coast; however, since the land east of them is uninhabited, like others in a similar situation, their territory is thought to extend to the mountain summits. Next to the Chetlessentuns to the south are the Wishtenatins, whose village is at the mouth of a small creek that bears their name. 443 They claim the land up to a small trading post known as the Whale's Head, about twenty-seven miles south of the mouth of Rogue River. Following them are the Cheattee or Chitco band, whose villages were located on both sides of the river mouth and about six miles up a smaller river that bears their name. The territory of these people extends from Whale's Head to the California border, and back from the coast indefinitely. The Mackanotin village is about seven miles above that of the Tototins, and it's on the same side of the river. They claim about twelve miles of the river. The Shistakoostees follow the Mackanotins. Their village is on the north bank of Rogue River, nearly opposite where the Illinois River joins it. They are the most easterly band within my district in the South. Parrish, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 283-9. Dr. Hubbard, in his notes (1856) on the Indians of Rogue River and South Oregon, previously mentioned, provides the following list of names of Rancherias and clans of the Lototen or Tutatamys tribe: Masonah Band, located on the Coquille River; Chockrelatan Band, located at Coquille Forks; Quatomah Band, located at Flore's Creek; Laguaacha Band, located on Elk River; Cosulhenten Band, located in Port Orford; Yuquache Band, located at Yugua Creek; Chetlessenten Band, located at Pistol River; Yah Shutes Band, located on Rogue River; Wishtanatan Band, located at Whale's Head; Cheahtoc Band, located at Chetko; Tototen Band, located six miles above the mouth of Rogue River; Sisticoosta Band, located above Big Bend of Rogue River; Maquelnoteer Band, located fourteen miles above the mouth of Rogue River. Cal. Farmer, June 18, 1860. The Tutotens were a large tribe, with thirteen clans, living along the southern coast of Oregon. Golden Era, March, 1856. 'Toutounis or Coquins, on the river of that name and inland.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'On the lower part of the Clamet River are the Totutune, known by the unflattering nickname of the Rogue, or Rascal Indians.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 221. The bands of the Tootooton tribe 'are spread over a large area, along the coast and on the rivers from the California border to twenty miles north of the Coquille, and from the ocean to the mountain summits of the coastal range.' Palmer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 259. Taylor places the Tutunahs in the northwest corner of Del Norte County. MS. Map.

The Hunas live in California a little south of Rogue River, on the way north from Crescent City. Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 314.

The Hunas live in California just south of Rogue River, on the route north from Crescent City. Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 314.

Modoc, by some Moädoc, is a word which originated with the Shasteecas, who applied it indefinitely to all wild Indians or enemies. 'Their proper habitat is on the southern shore of Lower Klamath Lake, on Hot Creek, around Clear Lake, and along Lost River in Oregon.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 535. They own the Klamath River from the lake 'to where it breaks through the Siskiyou range to the westward.' Id., vol. xi., p. 21. In the northern part of Siskiyou County. MS. Map. 'The Modocs of the Klamath Lake were also called Moahtockna.' Cal. Farmer, June 22, 1860. East of the Klamaths, whose eastern boundary is twenty-five or thirty miles east of the Cascade Range, along the southern boundary of Oregon, 'and extending some distance into California, is a tribe known as the Modocks. East of these again, but extending farther south, are the Moetwas.' 'The country round Ancoose and Modoc lakes, is claimed and occupied by 444 the Modoc Indians.' Palmer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 262-3. 'The Modocs (or Moadoc, as the word is pronounced) known in their language as the Okkowish, inhabit the Goose lake country, and are mostly within the State of California.... The word Modoc is a Shasta Indian word, and means all distant, stranger, or hostile Indians, and became applied to these Indians by white men in early days from hearing the Shastas speak of them.' See Steele, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 121.

Modoc, also spelled Moädoc, is a term that came from the Shasteecas, who used it broadly to refer to all wild Indians or enemies. 'Their main habitat is on the southern shore of Lower Klamath Lake, around Hot Creek, Clear Lake, and along Lost River in Oregon.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 535. They have control of the Klamath River from the lake 'to where it flows through the Siskiyou range to the west.' Id., vol. xi., p. 21. This is in the northern part of Siskiyou County. MS. Map. 'The Modocs of Klamath Lake were also referred to as Moahtockna.' Cal. Farmer, June 22, 1860. East of the Klamaths, whose eastern border is twenty-five or thirty miles east of the Cascade Range, along the southern border of Oregon, 'and extending into California, is a tribe known as the Modocks. Further east of them, but reaching farther south, are the Moetwas.' 'The area around Ancoose and Modoc lakes is claimed and settled by the Modoc Indians.' Palmer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 262-3. 'The Modocs (or Moadoc, as the term is pronounced), known in their own language as the Okkowish, live in the Goose Lake region, mostly within California.... The term Modoc is a Shasta Indian word that means all distant, stranger, or hostile Indians, which white men picked up in the early days from the Shastas speaking about them.' See Steele, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 121.

The Oukskenahs, in the north-western part of Siskiyou County. MS. Map.

The Oukskenahs are located in the northwestern part of Siskiyou County. MS. Map.

THE TRINITY RIVER TRIBES.

THE TRINITY RIVER TRIBES.

The Klamaths or Lutuami—'Lutuami, or Tlamatl, or Clamet Indians. The first of these names is the proper designation of the people in their own language. The second is that by which they are known to the Chinooks, and through them to the whites. They live on the head waters of the river and about the lake, which have both received from foreigners the name of Clamet.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 218. That portion of the eastern base of the Cascade Range, south of the forty-fourth parallel, 'extending twenty-five or thirty miles east, and south to the California line, is the country of the Klamath Indians.' Palmer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 262. The Tlameths 'inhabit the country along the eastern base of the Cascade and Sierra Nevada Mountains, and south to the Great Klameth Lake.' Thompson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 283. The Clamets inhabit 'Roquas River, near the south boundary' (of Oregon). Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hudson's Bay, p. 81. 'Lutuami, Clamets; also Tlamatl—Indians of southwestern Oregon, near the Clamet Lake.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 100. 'Klamacs, sur la rivière de ce nom et dans l'intérieur des terres.' De Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. Clamet: on the upper part of the river, and sixty miles below the lake so named. Framboise, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 255. 'Next east of the Shastas are the Klamath Lake Indians, known in their language as the Okshee, who inhabit the country about the Klamath lakes, and east about half way to the Goose Lake, to Wright Lake, and south to a line running about due east from Shasta Butte.' Steele, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, pp. 120-1. 'The name of Klamath or Tlamath, belonging to the tribes on the lake where the river rises, is not known among those farther down.... Thus, at the forks, the Weitspeks call the river below Pohlik, signifying down; and that above Pehtsik, or up; giving, moreover, the same name to the population in speaking of them collectively. Three distinct tribes, speaking different languages, occupy its banks between the sea and the mouth of the Shasté, of which the lowest extends up to Bluff Creek, a few miles above the forks. Of these there are, according to our information, in all, thirty-two villages.... The names of the principal villages ... are the Weitspek (at the forks), Wahsherr, Kaipetl, Moraiuh, Nohtscho, Méhteh, Schregon, Yauterrh, Pecquan, Kauweh, Wauhtecq, Scheperrh, Oiyotl, Naiagutl, Schaitl, Hopaiuh, Rekqua, and Weht'lqua, the two last at the mouth of the river.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 138.

The Klamaths or Lutuami—'Lutuami, or Tlamatl, or Clamet Indians. The first of these names is what they call themselves in their own language. The second is what the Chinooks use to refer to them, which is also how they are known to white settlers. They reside near the headwaters of the river and around the lake, which have both been named Clamet by outsiders.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 218. That area on the eastern slope of the Cascade Range, south of the forty-fourth parallel, 'extends twenty-five to thirty miles east and south to the California border, and is the land of the Klamath Indians.' Palmer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 262. The Tlameths 'live along the eastern slopes of the Cascade and Sierra Nevada Mountains, stretching south to the Great Klameth Lake.' Thompson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 283. The Clamets reside 'on Roquas River, close to the southern boundary' (of Oregon). Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hudson's Bay, p. 81. 'Lutuami, Clamets; also Tlamatl—Indians from southwestern Oregon, near Clamet Lake.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 100. 'Klamacs, along the river of that name and inland.' De Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. Clamet: on the upper section of the river, and sixty miles downstream from the lake of the same name. Framboise, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 255. 'Just east of the Shastas are the Klamath Lake Indians, known in their language as the Okshee, who inhabit the area around the Klamath lakes, east to about halfway to the Goose Lake, to Wright Lake, and south to a line running directly east from Shasta Butte.' Steele, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, pp. 120-1. 'The name Klamath or Tlamath, belonging to the tribes at the lake where the river rises, is unknown to those downstream.... Thus, at the forks, the Weitspeks refer to the river below Pohlik, meaning down; and upstream to Pehtsik, or up; giving the same name to the people when speaking about them collectively. Three distinct tribes, each speaking different languages, live along its banks between the sea and the mouth of the Shasta, with the lowest extending up to Bluff Creek, just above the forks. According to our information, there are a total of thirty-two villages.... The names of the main villages ... are the Weitspek (at the forks), Wahsherr, Kaipetl, Moraiuh, Nohtscho, Méhteh, Schregon, Yauterrh, Pecquan, Kauweh, Wauhtecq, Scheperrh, Oiyotl, Naiagutl, Schaitl, Hopaiuh, Rekqua, and Weht'lqua, the last two at the river's mouth.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 138.

The Eurocs inhabit 'the lower Klamath from Weitspeck down, and along the coast for about twenty miles.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 530. The Eurocs 'inhabit the banks of the Klamath from the junction of 445 the Trinity to the mouth, and the sea coast from Gold Bluff up to a point about six miles above the mouth of the Klamath.' Powers' Pomo, MS.

The Eurocs live along 'the lower Klamath from Weitspeck down, and along the coast for about twenty miles.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 530. The Eurocs 'settle the banks of the Klamath from where it meets the Trinity to the mouth, and the coastline from Gold Bluff up to a point about six miles above the mouth of the Klamath.' Powers' Pomo, MS.

The Cahrocs live between the Eurocs and the foot of the Klamath Mountains, also a short distance up Salmon River. 'On the Klamath River there live three distinct tribes, called the Eurocs, Cahrocs, and Modocs; which names mean respectively, "down the river," "up the river," and "head of the river."' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 328. Speaking of Indians at the junction of Salmon and Klamath Rivers, Mr. Gibbs says: 'they do not seem to have any generic appellation for themselves, but apply the terms "Kahruk," up, and "Youruk," down, to all who live above or below themselves, without discrimination, in the same manner that the others (at the junction of the Trinity) do "Pehtsik," and "Pohlik."' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 151.

The Cahrocs live between the Eurocs and the base of the Klamath Mountains, also a short distance up the Salmon River. 'On the Klamath River, there are three distinct tribes called the Eurocs, Cahrocs, and Modocs; these names mean respectively, "down the river," "up the river," and "head of the river."' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 328. Speaking of the Native Americans at the junction of the Salmon and Klamath Rivers, Mr. Gibbs notes: 'they don’t seem to have any general name for themselves, but use the terms "Kahruk," meaning up, and "Youruk," meaning down, for everyone living above or below them, without differentiation, just like the others (at the junction of the Trinity) use "Pehtsik" and "Pohlik."' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 151.

The Tolewahs are the first tribe on the coast north of Klamath River. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 139. The Tahlewahs are a 'tribe on the Klamath River.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 179. 'In the vicinity of Crescent City and Smith's River there are the ... Lopas, Talawas, and Lagoons.' Heintzelman, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, pp. 391-2. 'In Del Norte County ... the Haynaggis live along Smith River, the Tolowas on the Lagoon, and the Tahatens around Crescent City.' Powers' Pomo, MS. The Cops, Hanags, Yantuckets, and Tolawas, are 'Indian tribes living near the Oregon and California coast frontiers.' Crescent City Herald, Aug. 1857. The Tolowas at the meeting point of Trinity, Humboldt, and Klamath counties. MS. Map.

The Tolewahs are the first tribe along the coast north of the Klamath River. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 139. The Tahlewahs are a 'tribe on the Klamath River.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 179. 'Near Crescent City and Smith's River, there are the ... Lopas, Talawas, and Lagoons.' Heintzelman, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, pp. 391-2. 'In Del Norte County ... the Haynaggis live along Smith River, the Tolowas on the Lagoon, and the Tahatens around Crescent City.' Powers' Pomo, MS. The Cops, Hanags, Yantuckets, and Tolawas are 'Indian tribes living near the Oregon and California coast frontiers.' Crescent City Herald, Aug. 1857. The Tolowas are located at the junction of Trinity, Humboldt, and Klamath counties. MS. Map.

The Terwars, north-west of the Tolowas. MS. Map.

The Terwars, located northwest of the Tolowas. MS. Map.

The Weitspeks are the 'principal band on the Klamath, at the junction of the Trinity.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 422; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 200.

The Weitspeks are the main group on the Klamath, where it meets the Trinity. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 422; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 200.

The Oppegachs are a tribe at Red-Cap's Bar, on the Klamath River. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 148.

The Oppegachs are a tribe at Red-Cap's Bar, on the Klamath River. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 148.

The Hoopahs live 'am unteren Rio de la Trinidad, oder Trinity River.' Buschmann, Das Apache als eine Athhapask. Spr., p. 218. 'Indian tribe on the lower part of the Trinity River.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 82. The Hoopas live 'in Hoopa Valley, on the lower Trinity River.' Power's Pomo, MS., p. 85. 'The lower Trinity tribe is, as well as the river itself, known to the Klamaths by the name of Hoopah.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 139; see also p. 422. In the northern part of Klamath County. MS. Map.

The Hoopahs live 'on the lower Trinity River.' Buschmann, Das Apache als eine Athhapask. Spr., p. 218. 'Indian tribe on the lower Trinity River.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 82. The Hoopas live 'in Hoopa Valley, on the lower Trinity River.' Power's Pomo, MS., p. 85. 'The lower Trinity tribe is, as well as the river itself, known to the Klamaths by the name of Hoopah.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 139; see also p. 422. In the northern part of Klamath County. MS. Map.

'Upon the Trinity, or Hoopah, below the entrance of the south fork or Otahweiaket, there are said to be eleven ranches, the Okenoke, Agaraits, Uplegoh, Olleppauh'lkahtehtl and Pephtsoh; ... and the Haslintah, Aheltah, Sokéakeit, Tashhuanta, and Witspuk above it; A twelfth, the Méyemma, now burnt, was situated just above "New" or "Arkansas" River.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 139.

'At the Trinity, or Hoopah, below the entrance of the south fork or Otahweiaket, there are said to be eleven ranches: the Okenoke, Agaraits, Uplegoh, Olleppauh'lkahtehtl, and Pephtsoh; ... along with the Haslintah, Aheltah, Sokéakeit, Tashhuanta, and Witspuk above it. A twelfth ranch, the Méyemma, which is now burnt down, was located just above the "New" or "Arkansas" River.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 139.

The Copahs, in the extreme north of Klamath county, north of the Hoopahs. MS. Map. The Cops are mentioned as 'living near the Oregon and California coast frontiers,' in the Crescent City Herald, Aug., 1857.

The Copahs, located in the far north of Klamath County, north of the Hoopahs. MS. Map. The Cops are noted as 'living near the Oregon and California coast borders' in the Crescent City Herald, Aug., 1857.

The Kailtas live on the south fork of Trinity River. Powers' Pomo, MS.

The Kailtas live on the south fork of the Trinity River. Powers' Pomo, MS.

The Pataways occupy the banks of the Trinity, from the vicinity of Big Bar to South Fork. Powers' Pomo, MS. 446

The Pataways live along the banks of the Trinity, from around Big Bar to South Fork. Powers' Pomo, MS. 446

The Chimalquays lived on New River, a tributary of the Trinity. Powers' Pomo, MS.

The Chimalquays lived by New River, which is a tributary of the Trinity. Powers' Pomo, MS.

The Siahs 'occupied the tongue of land jutting down between Eel River, and Van Dusen's Fork.' Powers' Pomo, MS. The Sians or Siahs lived on the headwaters of Smith River. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 139.

The Siahs 'lived on the strip of land extending between Eel River and Van Dusen's Fork.' Powers' Pomo, MS. The Sians or Siahs resided at the source of the Smith River. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 139.

The Ehneks, Eenahs, or Eenaghs, lived above the Tolewas on Smith River. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 139. 'Ehnek was the name of a band at the mouth of the Salmon or Quoratem River.' Id., p. 422; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 67.

The Ehneks, Eenahs, or Eenaghs lived upstream from the Tolewas on Smith River. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 139. 'Ehnek was the name of a group at the mouth of the Salmon or Quoratem River.' Id., p. 422; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 67.

Wishosk 'is the name given to the Bay (Humboldt) and Mad River Indians by those of Eel River.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 422; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 201.

Wishosk is the name used for the Bay (Humboldt) and Mad River Indians by the people of Eel River. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 422; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 201.

The Weeyots are 'a band on the mouth of Eel River and near Humboldt Bay.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 200. The Humboldt Bay Indians call themselves Wishosk; and those of the hills Teokawilk; 'but the tribes to the northward denominate both those of the Bay and Eel River, Weyot, or Walla-walloo.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 133.

The Weeyots are "a group located at the mouth of Eel River and near Humboldt Bay." Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 200. The Humboldt Bay Indians refer to themselves as Wishosk; those in the hills call themselves Teokawilk; "but the tribes to the north know both the Bay and Eel River tribes as Weyot or Walla-walloo." Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 133.

'The Patawats live on the lower waters of Mad River, and around Humboldt Bay, as far south as Arcata, perhaps originally as far down as Eureka.' Powers' Pomo, MS.

'The Patawats live on the lower waters of Mad River and around Humboldt Bay, as far south as Arcata, possibly originally as far down as Eureka.' Powers' Pomo, MS.

Ossegon is the name given to the Indians of Gold Bluff, between Trinidad and the Klamath. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 133.

Ossegon is the name given to the Native Americans of Gold Bluff, located between Trinidad and the Klamath. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 133.

'The Lassics formerly dwelt in Mad River Valley, from the head waters down to Low Gap, or thereabout, where they borrowed on the Wheelcuttas.' Powers' Pomo, MS.

'The Lassics used to live in Mad River Valley, from the headwaters down to Low Gap, or somewhere around there, where they relied on the Wheelcuttas.' Powers' Pomo, MS.

Chori was the name given to the Indians of Trinidad by the Weeyots. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 133.

Chori was the name the Weeyots called the Indians of Trinidad. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 133.

The Chillulahs 'occupied the banks of Redwood Creek, from the coast up about twenty miles.' Powers' Pomo, MS. The Oruk, Tchololah, or Bald Hill Indians, lived on Redwood Creek. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 139.

The Chillulahs lived along the banks of Redwood Creek, stretching from the coast to about twenty miles inland. Powers' Pomo, MS. The Oruk, Tchololah, or Bald Hill Indians, resided by Redwood Creek. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 139.

The Wallies occupy the sandy country north of Humboldt Bay. Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 536.

The Wallies live in the sandy area north of Humboldt Bay. Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 536.

'The Wheelcuttas had their place on the Upper Redwood Creek, from the land of the Chillulahs up to the mountains. They ranged across southward by the foot of the Bald Hills, which appear to have marked the boundary between them and the Chillulahs in that direction; and penetrated to Van Dusen's Fork, anent the Siahs and Lassics, with whom they occasionally came in bloody collision.' Powers' Pomo, MS.

'The Wheelcuttas were located on the Upper Redwood Creek, from the Chillulahs' territory up to the mountains. They moved southward along the base of the Bald Hills, which seemed to set the boundary between them and the Chillulahs in that area; and they reached Van Dusen's Fork, where they occasionally had violent encounters with the Siahs and Lassics.' Powers' Pomo, MS.

The Veeards 'live around lower Humboldt Bay, and up Eel River to Eagle Prairie.' Powers' Pomo, MS.

The Veeards live around lower Humboldt Bay and up the Eel River to Eagle Prairie. Powers' Pomo, MS.

The Shastas live to the south-west of the Lutuamis or Klamaths. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 218. 'Sastés, dans l'intérieur au Nord de la Californie.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'The Shasta Indians, known in their language as Weohow—it meaning stone house, from the large cave in their country—occupy the land east of Shasta river, and south of the Siskiyou mountains, and west of the lower Klamath lake.' Steele, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 120. The Shastas occupy the centre of the county of that 447 name. MS. Map. 'Indians of south-western Oregon, on the northern frontiers of Upper California.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 168. Watsahewah is the name 'of one of the Scott River bands of the Shasta family.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 422. The name is spelled variously as Shasty, Shaste, Sasté, &c.

The Shastas live to the southwest of the Lutuamis or Klamaths. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 218. 'Sastés, in the interior north of California.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'The Shasta Indians, known in their language as Weohow—which means stone house, referring to the large cave in their area—live on the land east of the Shasta River, south of the Siskiyou Mountains, and west of Lower Klamath Lake.' Steele, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 120. The Shastas occupy the center of the county of that 447 name. MS. Map. 'Indians of southwestern Oregon, on the northern borders of Upper California.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 168. Watsahewah is the name 'of one of the Scott River bands of the Shasta family.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 422. The name is spelled in different ways, including Shasty, Shaste, Sasté, etc.

The Palaiks live to the southeast of the Lutuamis or Klamaths. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 218. 'Indians of south-western Oregon, on the northern frontiers of Upper California.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 145.

The Palaiks live to the southeast of the Lutuamis or Klamaths. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 218. 'Indians of southwestern Oregon, on the northern borders of Northern California.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 145.

On the Klamath are the Odeeilahs; in Shasta Valley the Ikarucks, Kosetahs, and Idakariúkes; and in Scott's Valley the Watsahewas and Eehs. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 171.

On the Klamath, you’ll find the Odeeilahs; in Shasta Valley, the Ikarucks, Kosetahs, and Idakariúkes; and in Scott's Valley, the Watsahewas and Eehs. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 171.

'The Hamburg Indians, known in their language as the Tka, inhabit immediately at the mouth of Scott's river, known in their language as the Ottetiewa river.' Steele, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 120.

'The Hamburg Indians, called the Tka in their language, live right at the mouth of Scott's River, which they refer to as the Ottetiewa River.' Steele, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 120.

'The Scott's Valley Indians, known in their language as the Iddoa, inhabit Scott's Valley above the cañon.' Ib.

The Scott's Valley Indians, known in their language as the Iddoa, live in Scott's Valley above the canyon. Ib.

'The Yreka (a misnomer for Yeka—Shasta Butte) Indians, known in their language as the Hoteday, inhabit that part of the country lying south of Klamath river, and west of Shasta river.' Ib.

'The Yreka (incorrectly named for Yeka—Shasta Butte) Indians, referred to in their language as the Hoteday, live in the area south of the Klamath River and west of the Shasta River.' Ib.

The Yuka or Uka tribe 'inhabited the Shasta Mountains in the vicinity of McCloud's fork of Pitt River.' Cal. Farmer, June 22, 1860. The Ukas are directly south of the Modocs. MS. Map. 'The Yukeh, or as the name is variously spelt, Yuka, Yuques, and Uca, are the original inhabitants of the Nome-Cult, or Round Valley, in Tehama County ... and are not to be confounded with the Yukai Indians of Russian River.' Gibbs, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 123.

The Yuka or Uka tribe lived in the Shasta Mountains near McCloud's fork of Pitt River. Cal. Farmer, June 22, 1860. The Ukas are just south of the Modocs. MS. Map. "The Yukeh, or as the name is spelled variously, Yuka, Yuques, and Uca, are the original inhabitants of the Nome-Cult, or Round Valley, in Tehama County ... and should not be confused with the Yukai Indians of Russian River." Gibbs, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 123.

'The Noser or Noza Indians ... live in the vicinity of Lassen's Butte.' Siskiyou Chronicle, May, 1859.

'The Noser or Noza Indians ... live near Lassen's Butte.' Siskiyou Chronicle, May, 1859.

The Ylakas are to the southeast of the Ukas. MS. Map.

The Ylakas are located to the southeast of the Ukas. MS. Map.

The Central Californians occupy the whole of that portion of California extending north and south, from about 40° 30´ to 35°, and east and west, from the Pacific Ocean to the Californian boundary. They are tribally divided as follows:

The Central Californians cover the entire area of California that stretches north and south from around 40° 30' to 35°, and east and west from the Pacific Ocean to the California border. They are divided into tribes as follows:

'The Mattoles have their habitat on the creek which bears their name, and on the still smaller stream dignified with the appellation of Bear River. From the coast they range across to Eel River, and by immemorial Indian usage and prescriptive right, they hold the western bank of this river from about Eagle Prairie, where they border upon the Veeards, up southward to the mouth of South Fork.' Powers' Pomo, MS.

'The Mattoles live along the creek that’s named after them, as well as on the smaller stream called Bear River. They extend their territory from the coast to Eel River, and according to long-standing Native American tradition and established rights, they occupy the western bank of this river from near Eagle Prairie, where they are next to the Veeards, all the way south to the mouth of South Fork.' Powers' Pomo, MS.

The Betumkes live on the South Fork of Eel River. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 634. In the northern part of Mendocino County. MS. Map.

The Betumkes live on the South Fork of Eel River. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 634. In the northern part of Mendocino County. MS. Map.

The Choweshaks live on the head of Eel river. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 421. Tribes living on the Middle Fork of Eel River, in the valley called by the Indians Betumki were the Naboh Choweshak, Chawteuh Bakowa, and Samunda. Id., p. 116. The Choweshaks lived on the head of Eel River. Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 48.

The Choweshaks live at the head of the Eel River. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 421. The tribes living on the Middle Fork of the Eel River, in the valley known as Betumki by the Indians, were the Naboh Choweshak, Chawteuh Bakowa, and Samunda. Id., p. 116. The Choweshaks lived at the head of Eel River. Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 48.

'The Loloncooks live on Bull Creek and the lower South Fork of Eel 448 River, owning the territory between those streams and the Pacific.' Powers' Pomo, MS.

'The Loloncooks live by Bull Creek and the lower South Fork of the Eel 448 River, owning the land between those streams and the Pacific.' Powers' Pomo, MS.

The Batemdakaiees live in the valley of that name on the head of Eel River. Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 17.

The Batemdakaiees live in the valley of that name at the source of Eel River. Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 17.

RUSSIAN RIVER AND COAST TRIBES.

Russian River and Coast Tribes.

The Pomos consist of 'a great number of tribes or little bands, sometimes one in a valley, sometimes three or four, clustered in the region where the headwaters of Eel and Russian rivers interlace, along the estuaries of the coast and around Clear Lake. Really, the Indians all along Russian river to its mouth are branches of this great family, but below Calpello they no longer call themselves Pomos.... The broadest and most obvious division of this large family is, into Eel river Pomos and Russian river Pomos.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., pp. 498-9.

The Pomos consist of a large number of tribes or small groups, sometimes just one in a valley, other times three or four, located in the area where the headwaters of the Eel and Russian rivers meet, along the coast's estuaries and around Clear Lake. In reality, the Native Americans along the Russian river all the way to its mouth are branches of this larger family, but below Calpello, they no longer identify as Pomos.... The main and most clear division of this large family is into Eel river Pomos and Russian river Pomos.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., pp. 498-9.

The Castel Pomos 'live between the forks of the river extending as far south as Big Chamise and Blue Rock.' Id., p. 499.

The Castel Pomos 'live between the forks of the river, reaching as far south as Big Chamise and Blue Rock.' Id., p. 499.

The Ki-Pomos 'dwell on the extreme headwaters of South Fork, ranging eastward to Eel River, westward to the ocean and northward to the Castel Pomos.' Ib., MS. Map.

The Ki-Pomos live in the upper reaches of South Fork, stretching east to Eel River, west to the ocean, and north to the Castel Pomos. Ib., MS. Map.

'The Cahto Pomos (Lake people) were so called from a little lake which formerly existed in the valley now called by their name.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., p. 500.

'The Cahto Pomos (Lake people) got their name from a small lake that used to be in the valley now named after them.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., p. 500.

The Choam Chadéla Pomos (Pitch Pine People) live in Redwood Valley. Id., p. 504.

The Choam Chadéla Pomos (Pitch Pine People) live in Redwood Valley. Id., p. 504.

The Matomey Ki Pomos (Wooded Valley People) live about Little Lake. Ib.

The Matomey Ki Pomos (Wooded Valley People) live around Little Lake. Ib.

The Camalèl Pomos (Coast People) or Usals live on Usal Creek. Ib.

The Camalèl Pomos (Coast People) or Usals live along Usal Creek. Ib.

The Shebalne Pomos (Neighbor People) live in Sherwood Valley. Ib.

The Shebalne Pomos (Neighbor People) live in Sherwood Valley. Ib.

The Pome Pomos (Earth People) live in Potter Valley. Besides the Pome Pomos there are two or three other little rancherias in Potter Valley, each with a different name; and the whole body of them are called Ballo Ki Pomos (Oat Valley People). Id.

The Pome Pomos (Earth People) live in Potter Valley. Along with the Pome Pomos, there are two or three other small rancherias in Potter Valley, each with a different name; and they are collectively known as Ballo Ki Pomos (Oat Valley People). Id.

The Camalel Pomos, Yonsal Pomos, and Bayma Pomos live on Ten Mile, and the country just north of it, in Mendocino County. Tobin, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 405.

The Camalel Pomos, Yonsal Pomos, and Bayma Pomos live on Ten Mile and the area just north of it in Mendocino County. Tobin, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 405.

'The Salan Pomas are a tribe of Indians inhabiting a valley called Potter's Valley.' Ford, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 257.

'The Salan Pomas are a tribe of Native Americans living in a valley known as Potter's Valley.' Ford, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 257.

The Niahbella Pomos live in the north-west of Mendocino County. MS. Map.

The Niahbella Pomos live in the northwest part of Mendocino County. MS. Map.

The Ukiahs live on Russian River in the vicinity of Parker's Ranch. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 112, 421. 'The Yuka tribe are those mostly within and immediately adjoining the mountains.' Mendocino Herald, March, 1871. The Yukai live on Russian River. Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 285. The Ukias are in the south-eastern part of Mendocino County. MS. Map.

The Ukiahs live along the Russian River near Parker's Ranch. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 112, 421, states, 'The Yuka tribe mostly resides in and around the mountains.' Mendocino Herald, March, 1871. The Yukai live on the Russian River. Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 285. The Ukias are located in the southeastern part of Mendocino County. MS. Map.

The Soteomellos or Sotomieyos 'lived in Russian River valley.' Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860.

The Soteomellos or Sotomieyos "lived in the Russian River valley." Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860.

The Shumeias 'lived on the extreme upper waters of Eel River, opposite Potter Valley.' Powers' Pomo, MS.

The Shumeias lived at the very top of Eel River, across from Potter Valley. Powers' Pomo, MS.

The Tahtoos 'live in the extreme upper end of Potter Valley.' Ib.

The Tahtoos 'live in the far upper part of Potter Valley.' Ib.

The Yeeaths live at Cape Mendocino. Tobin, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 406. 449

The Yeeaths live at Cape Mendocino. Tobin, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 406. 449

The Kushkish Indians live at Shelter Cove. Id., p. 405.

The Kushkish Indians live at Shelter Cove. Id., p. 405.

The Comachos live in Russian River Valley, in Rancheria and Anderson Valleys. Powers' Pomo, MS.

The Comachos live in the Russian River Valley, in Rancheria and Anderson Valleys. Powers' Pomo, MS.

The Kajatschims, Makomas, and Japiams live in the Russian River Valley, north of Fort Ross. Baer, Stat. und Ethno., p. 80.

The Kajatschims, Makomas, and Japiams live in the Russian River Valley, north of Fort Ross. Baer, Stat. und Ethno., p. 80.

The Gallinomeros occupy Dry Creek Valley and Russian River Valley below Healdsburg. Powers' Pomo, MS.

The Gallinomeros inhabit Dry Creek Valley and Russian River Valley below Healdsburg. Powers' Pomo, MS.

The Masalla Magoons 'live along Russian river south of Cloverdale.' Id.

The Masalla Magoons 'live along the Russian River south of Cloverdale.' Id.

The Rincons live south of the Masalla Magoons. Id.

The Rincons live south of the Masalla Magoons. Id.

The Gualalas live on Gualala or Wallalla Creek. Id.

The Gualalas live on Gualala or Wallalla Creek. Id.

The Nahlohs, Carlotsapos, Chowechaks, Chedochogs, Choiteeu, Misalahs, Bacowas, Samindas, and Cachenahs, Tuwanahs, lived in the country between Fort Ross and San Francisco Bay. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 634.

The Nahlohs, Carlotsapos, Chowechaks, Chedochogs, Choiteeu, Misalahs, Bacowas, Samindas, and Cachenahs, Tuwanahs, lived in the area between Fort Ross and San Francisco Bay. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 634.

Chwachamaju (Russian Severnovskia) or Northerners, is the name of one of the tribes in the vicinity of Fort Ross. Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. und Ethno., p. 80. 'Severnovskia, Severnozer, or "Northerners." Indians north of Bodega Bay. They call themselves Chwachamaja.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 170.

Chwachamaju (Russian Severnovskia) or Northerners, is the name of one of the tribes near Fort Ross. Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. und Ethno., p. 80. 'Severnovskia, Severnozer, or "Northerners." Indigenous people north of Bodega Bay. They refer to themselves as Chwachamaja.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 170.

The Olamentkes live at Bodega. Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. und Ethnog., p. 80; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 20.

The Olamentkes live in Bodega. Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. und Ethnog., p. 80; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 20.

The Kainamares or Kainaméahs are at Fitch's Ranch, extending as far back as Santa Rosa, down Russian River, about three leagues to Cooper's Ranch, and thence across the coast at Fort Ross, and for twenty-five miles above. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 102. 'The Kanimares had rancherias at Santa Rosa, Petaluma, or Pataloma, and up to Russian river.' Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860. 'The proper name of Russian river in Sonoma valley is Canimairo after the celebrated Indians of those parts.' Id., June 8, 1860. The Indians of the plains in vicinity of Fort Ross, call themselves Kainama. Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. und Ethno., p. 80. The Kyanamaras 'inhabit the section of country between the cañon of Russian river and its mouth.' Ford, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 257.

The Kainamares or Kainaméahs are at Fitch's Ranch, stretching back to Santa Rosa, along Russian River, about three leagues to Cooper's Ranch, and then across the coast at Fort Ross, and for twenty-five miles upstream. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 102. 'The Kanimares had rancherias at Santa Rosa, Petaluma, or Pataloma, and up to Russian River.' Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860. 'The correct name for Russian River in Sonoma Valley is Canimairo, named after the famous Indians from that area.' Id., June 8, 1860. The Indians in the plains near Fort Ross refer to themselves as Kainama. Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. und Ethno., p. 80. The Kyanamaras 'live in the region between the canyon of Russian River and its mouth.' Ford, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 257.

The Tumalehnias live on Bodega Bay. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 102.

The Tumalehnias live in Bodega Bay. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 102.

The Socoas, Lamas, and Seacos, live in Russian River Valley in the vicinity of the village of Sanél. Powers' Pomo, MS.

The Socoas, Lamas, and Seacos live in the Russian River Valley near the village of Sanél. Powers' Pomo, MS.

The Sonomas, Sonomis, or Sonomellos, lived at the embarcadero of Sonoma. Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860. The Sonomas lived in the south-eastern extremity of what is now the county of Sonoma. MS. Map.

The Sonomas, Sonomis, or Sonomellos, lived at the docks of Sonoma. Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860. The Sonomas lived in the southeastern part of what is now Sonoma County. MS. Map.

The Tchokoyems lived in Sonoma valley. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 421. The Chocuyens lived in the region now called Sonoma county, and from their chief the county takes its name. Cronise's Nat. Wealth, p. 22. The word Sonoma means 'Valley of the Moon.' Tuthill's Hist. Cal., p. 301. The Tchokoyems live in Sonoma Valley. Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 184.

The Tchokoyems lived in Sonoma Valley. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 421. The Chocuyens lived in the area now called Sonoma County, and the county gets its name from their chief. Cronise's Nat. Wealth, p. 22. The word Sonoma means 'Valley of the Moon.' Tuthill's Hist. Cal., p. 301. The Tchokoyems live in Sonoma Valley. Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 184.

'The Timbalakees lived on the west side of Sonoma valley.' Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860.

'The Timbalakees lived on the west side of Sonoma Valley.' Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860.

The Guillicas lived 'northwest of Sonoma,' on the old Wilson ranch of 1846. Ib.; MS. Map. 450

The Guillicas lived 'northwest of Sonoma,' on the old Wilson ranch from 1846. Ib.; MS. Map. 450

The Kinklas live in 39° 14´ north lat. and 122° 12´ long. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 201. The Klinkas are a 'tribu fixée au nord du Rio del Sacramento.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 358. South of the Rogue River Indians 'the population is very scanty until we arrive at the valley of the Sacramento, all the tribes of which are included by the traders under the general name of Kinklá, which is probably, like Tlamatl, a term of Chinook origin.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 221.

The Kinklas live at 39° 14′ north latitude and 122° 12′ longitude. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 201. The Klinkas are a 'settled tribe north of the Rio del Sacramento.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 358. South of the Rogue River Indians, 'the population is very sparse until we reach the Sacramento Valley, where all the tribes are grouped together by traders under the general name Kinklá, which is likely, like Tlamatl, a term of Chinook origin.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 221.

The Talatui live 'on the Kassima River, a tributary to the Sacramento, on the eastern side, about eighty miles from its mouth.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 631. Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 180.

The Talatui live on the Kassima River, which is a branch of the Sacramento, on the eastern side, about eighty miles from where it flows into the sea. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 631. Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 180.

The Oleepas live on the Feather River, twenty miles above Marysville. Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 293.

The Oleepas live on the Feather River, twenty miles north of Marysville. Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 293.

'The Nemshous, as stated by General Sutter, roamed (prior to 1846) between the Bear and American rivers; across the Sacramento were the Yolos and Colusas; north of the American Fork were the Bashones. On the banks of the river north of Fort Helvetia, roamed the Veshanacks, the Touserlemnies and Youcoolumnies; between the American (plain and hills) and the Mokalumne roamed the Walacumnies, Cosumnies, Solumnees, Mokelumnees, Suraminis, Yosumnis, Lacomnis, Kis Kies and Omochumnies.' Cal. Farmer, June 8, 1860. The Colusas live in the north-eastern corner of Colusa County. The Yolos, in the northern part of the county of that name. West of them the Olashes. The Bushones in the south of Yolo County. The Nemshoos in the eastern part of Placer County. The Yukutneys north of them. The Vesnacks south-west of the Nemshoos, and north of the Pulpenes. The Youcoulumnes and Cosumnes are in the eastern part of Amador county. The Mokelumnes south of them. The Yachachumnes west of the Mokelumnes. MS. Map. 'Yolo is a corruption of the Indian Yoloy, which signified a region thick with rushes, and was the name of the tribe owning the tule lands west of the Sacramento and bordering on Cache Creek.' Tuthill's Hist. Cal., p. 301. The following are names of rancherias of tame Indians or Neophytes in the Sacramento Valley; Sakisimme, Shonomnes, Tawalemnes, Seywamenes, Mukelemnes, Cosumne. Rancherias of wild Indians or Gentiles, are: Sagayacumne, Socklumnes, Olonutchamne, Newatchumne, Yumagatock, Shalachmushumne, Omatchamne, Yusumne, Yuleyumne, Tamlocklock, Sapototot, Yalesumne, Wapoomne, Kishey, Secumne, Pushune, Oioksecumne, Nemshan, Palanshan, Ustu, Olash, Yukulme, Hock, Sishu, Mimal, Yulu, Bubu, Honcut. Indian Tribes of the Sacramento Valley, MS. Tame Indians or Neophites: Lakisumne, Shonomne, Fawalomnes, Mukeemnes, Cosumne. Wild Indians or Gentiles: Sagayacumne, Locklomnee, Olonutchamne, Yumagatock, Shalachmushumne, Omutchamne, Yusumne, Yaleyumne, Yamlocklock, Lapototot, Yalesumne, Wajuomne, Kisky, Secumne, Pushune, Oioksecumne, Nemshaw, Palanshawl Ustu, Olash, Yukulme, Hock, Lishu, Mimal, Ubu, Bubu, Honcut. Sutter's Estimate of Indian Population, 1847, MS. The Ochecamnes, Servushamnes, Chupumnes, Omutchumnes, Sicumnes, Walagumnes, Cosumnes, Sololumnes, Turealemnes, Saywamines, Nevichumnes, Matchemnes, Sagayayumnes, Muthelemnes, and Lopstatimnes, lived on the eastern bank of the Sacramento. The Bushumnes (or Pujuni), (or Sekomne) Yasumnes, Nemshaw, Kisky, Yaesumnes, Huk, and 451 Yucal, lived on the western bank of the Sacramento. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 630, 631.

'According to General Sutter, the Nemshous lived (before 1846) between the Bear and American rivers; across the Sacramento were the Yolos and Colusas; north of the American Fork were the Bashones. Along the riverbanks north of Fort Helvetia wandered the Veshanacks, the Touserlemnies, and Youcoolumnies; between the American (plains and hills) and the Mokalumne were the Walacumnies, Cosumnies, Solumnees, Mokelumnees, Suraminis, Yosumnis, Lacomnis, Kis Kies, and Omochumnies.' Cal. Farmer, June 8, 1860. The Colusas are located in the north-eastern corner of Colusa County. The Yolos, in the northern part of that same county. To the west are the Olashes. The Bushones are in the south of Yolo County. The Nemshoos are in the eastern part of Placer County. The Yukutneys are north of them. The Vesnacks are south-west of the Nemshoos, and north of the Pulpenes. The Youcoulumnes and Cosumnes are found in the eastern part of Amador County. The Mokelumnes are to the south of them. The Yachachumnes are west of the Mokelumnes. MS. Map. 'Yolo is derived from the Indian Yoloy, which meant an area dense with rushes and was the name of the tribe that owned the tule lands west of the Sacramento and bordering on Cache Creek.' Tuthill's Hist. Cal., p. 301. Below are names of rancherias of settled Indians or Neophytes in the Sacramento Valley: Sakisimme, Shonomnes, Tawalemnes, Seywamenes, Mukelemnes, Cosumne. Rancherias of wild Indians or Gentiles include: Sagayacumne, Socklumnes, Olonutchamne, Newatchumne, Yumagatock, Shalachmushumne, Omatchamne, Yusumne, Yuleyumne, Tamlocklock, Sapototot, Yalesumne, Wapoomne, Kishey, Secumne, Pushune, Oioksecumne, Nemshan, Palanshan, Ustu, Olash, Yukulme, Hock, Sishu, Mimal, Yulu, Bubu, Honcut. Indian Tribes of the Sacramento Valley, MS. Settled Indians or Neophytes: Lakisumne, Shonomne, Fawalomnes, Mukeemnes, Cosumne. Wild Indians or Gentiles: Sagayacumne, Locklomnee, Olonutchamne, Yumagatock, Shalachmushumne, Omutchamne, Yusumne, Yaleyumne, Yamlocklock, Lapototot, Yalesumne, Wajuomne, Kisky, Secumne, Pushune, Oioksecumne, Nemshaw, Palanshawl Ustu, Olash, Yukulme, Hock, Lishu, Mimal, Ubu, Bubu, Honcut. Sutter's Estimate of Indian Population, 1847, MS. The Ochecamnes, Servushamnes, Chupumnes, Omutchumnes, Sicumnes, Walagumnes, Cosumnes, Sololumnes, Turealemnes, Saywamines, Nevichumnes, Matchemnes, Sagayayumnes, Muthelemnes, and Lopstatimnes lived on the eastern bank of the Sacramento. The Bushumnes (or Pujuni), (or Sekomne) Yasumnes, Nemshaw, Kisky, Yaesumnes, Huk, and 451 Yucal lived on the western bank of the Sacramento. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 630, 631.

The Yubas or Yuvas lived on Yuva River, a tributary to the Sacramento. Fremont's Geog. Memoir, p. 22.

The Yubas or Yuvas lived by the Yuva River, which flows into the Sacramento. Fremont's Geog. Memoir, p. 22.

The Meidoos and Neeshenams are on the Yuba and Feather Rivers. 'As you travel south from Chico the Indians call themselves Meidoo until you reach Bear River; but below that it is Neeshenam, or sometimes mana or maidec, all of which denote men or Indians.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. xii., p. 21.

The Meidoos and Neeshenams are located on the Yuba and Feather Rivers. 'As you head south from Chico, the Indigenous people refer to themselves as Meidoo until you get to Bear River; but south of that, they identify as Neeshenam, or sometimes mana or maidec, all of which mean men or Indigenous people.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. xii., p. 21.

The Cushnas live near the south fork of the Yuba River. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., 506; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 59. Taylor also mentions the Cushnas south of the Yuba. Cal. Farmer, May 31, 1861.

The Cushnas live by the south fork of the Yuba River. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., 506; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 59. Taylor also mentions the Cushnas south of the Yuba. Cal. Farmer, May 31, 1861.

CLEAR LAKE TRIBES.

Clear Lake Tribes.

The Guenocks and Locollomillos lived between Clear Lake and Napa. Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860.

The Guenocks and Locollomillos lived between Clear Lake and Napa. Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860.

The Lopillamillos or Lupilomis lived on the borders of Clear lake. Ib.; MS. Map.

The Lopillamillos or Lupilomis lived on the shores of Clear Lake. Ib.; MS. Map.

The Mayacmas and Tyugas dwell about Clear Lake. San Francisco Herald, June, 1858. The Mayacmas and Tyugas 'inhabited the vicinity of Clear lake and the mountains of Napa and Mendocino counties.' Cal. Farmer, June 22, 1860; MS. Map.

The Mayacmas and Tyugas live around Clear Lake. San Francisco Herald, June, 1858. The Mayacmas and Tyugas 'lived near Clear Lake and the mountains of Napa and Mendocino counties.' Cal. Farmer, June 22, 1860; MS. Map.

The Wi-Lackees 'live along the western slope of the Shasta mountains from round Valley to Hay Fork, between those mountains on one side and Eel and Mad Rivers on the other, and extending down the latter stream about to Low Gap.' Powers' Pomo, MS. The Wye Lakees, Nome Lackees, Noimucks, Noiyucans and Noisas, lived at Clear Lake. Geiger, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 438.

The Wi-Lackees live along the western slope of the Shasta mountains from Round Valley to Hay Fork, nestled between the mountains on one side and the Eel and Mad Rivers on the other, extending down the latter stream almost to Low Gap. Powers' Pomo, MS. The Wye Lakees, Nome Lackees, Noimucks, Noiyucans, and Noisas lived at Clear Lake. Geiger, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 438.

Napobatin, meaning 'many houses,' was the collective name of six tribes living at Clear Lake: their names were Hulanapo, Habenapo or stone house, Dahnohabe, or stone mountain, Möalkai, Shekom, and Howkuma. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 109.

Napobatin, which means 'many houses,' was the name shared by six tribes residing at Clear Lake: their names were Hulanapo, Habenapo or stone house, Dahnohabe, or stone mountain, Möalkai, Shekom, and Howkuma. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 109.

The Shanelkayas and Bedahmareks, or lower people, live on the east fork of Eel River. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 109.

The Shanelkayas and Bedahmareks, or lower people, live on the east fork of Eel River. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 109.

'The Sanéls live at Clear lake.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 112. 'The Sanels occupy Russian River Valley in the vicinity of the American village of Sanel.' Powers' Pomo, MS.

'The Sanéls live at Clear Lake.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 112. 'The Sanels inhabit the Russian River Valley near the American village of Sanel.' Powers' Pomo, MS.

The Bochheafs, Ubakheas, Tabahteas, and the Moiyas, live between Clear Lake and the coast. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 112.

The Bochheafs, Ubakheas, Tabahteas, and the Moiyas live between Clear Lake and the coast. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 112.

The Socoas, Lamas, and Seacos, occupy Russian River Valley in the vicinity of the village of Sanel. Powers' Pomo, MS.

The Socoas, Lamas, and Seacos live in the Russian River Valley near the village of Sanel. Powers' Pomo, MS.

The Napas 'inhabited the Salvador Vallejo ranch of Entre-Napa—that is the place between Napa river and Napa creek.' Hittell, in Hesperian Mag., vol. iv., p. 56; Cal. Farmer, June 7, 1861. 'The Napa Indians lived near that town and near Yount's ranch.' Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860.

The Napas lived on the Salvador Vallejo ranch of Entre-Napa—that is, the area between the Napa River and Napa Creek. Hittell, in Hesperian Mag., vol. iv., p. 56; Cal. Farmer, June 7, 1861. 'The Napa Indians resided close to that town and near Yount's ranch.' Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860.

'The Caymus tribe occupied the tract now owned by G. C. Yount.' Hittell, in Hesperian Mag., vol. iv., p. 55.

'The Caymus tribe lived in the area now owned by G. C. Yount.' Hittell, in Hesperian Mag., vol. iv., p. 55.

'The Calajomanas had their home on the land now known as the Bale ranche.' Ib. 452

'The Calajomanas lived on the land now called the Bale ranche.' Ib. 452

The Mayacomas dwelt in the vicinity of the hot springs in the upper end of Napa Valley. Ib.

The Mayacomas lived near the hot springs at the northern end of Napa Valley. Ib.

The Ulucas lived on the east of the river Napa, near the present townsite. Id., p. 56.

The Ulucas lived east of the Napa River, close to what is now the town site. Id., p. 56.

'The Suscols lived on the ranch of that name, and between Napa and Benicia.' Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860. 'The former domain of the Suscol Indians was afterwards known as Suscol ranch.' Hittel, in Hesperian Mag., vol. iv., p. 56; MS. Map.

'The Suscols lived on the ranch with that name, located between Napa and Benicia.' Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860. 'The area that used to belong to the Suscol Indians is now known as Suscol ranch.' Hittel, in Hesperian Mag., vol. iv., p. 56; MS. Map.

The Tulkays lived 'below the town of Napa.' Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860.

The Tulkays lived "downriver from Napa." Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860.

The Canaumanos lived on Bayle's ranch in Napa valley. Ib.

The Canaumanos lived on Bayle's ranch in Napa Valley. Ib.

The Mutistuls live 'between the heads of Napa and Putos creeks.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 111.

The Mutistuls live "between the heads of Napa and Putos creeks." Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 111.

The Yachimeses originally occupied the ground upon which the city of Stockton now stands. Cal. Farmer, Dec. 7, 1860.

The Yachimeses were the original inhabitants of the land where the city of Stockton is located today. Cal. Farmer, Dec. 7, 1860.

The Yachichumnes 'formerly inhabited the country between Stockton and Mt. Diablo.' San Francisco Evening Bulletin, Sept. 9, 1864.

The Yachichumnes 'used to live in the area between Stockton and Mt. Diablo.' San Francisco Evening Bulletin, Sept. 9, 1864.

The Suisunes live in Suisun valley. Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860. Solano County was named from their chief. Cronise's Nat. Wealth, p. 22; Tuthill's Hist. Cal., p. 301.

The Suisunes live in Suisun Valley. Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860. Solano County was named after their chief. Cronise's Nat. Wealth, p. 22; Tuthill's Hist. Cal., p. 301.

The Ullulatas 'lived on the north side of Suisun Valley.' Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860.

The Ullulatas lived on the north side of Suisun Valley. Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860.

The Pulpenes lived on the eastern side of Suisun Valley. Ib.

The Pulpenes lived on the east side of Suisun Valley. Ib.

The Tolenos lived on the north side of Suisun Valley. Ib.

The Tolenos lived on the north side of Suisun Valley. Ib.

The Karquines lived on the straits of that name. Ib.

The Karquines lived on the straits named after them. Ib.

The Tomales, Tamales, Tamallos, or Tamalanos, and Bollanos, lived between Bodega Bay and the north shore of San Francisco Bay. Id., March 2, 1860, March 30, 1860.

The Tomales, Tamales, Tamallos, or Tamalanos, and Bollanos lived between Bodega Bay and the north side of San Francisco Bay. Id., March 2, 1860, March 30, 1860.

The Socoisukas, Thamiens, and Gerguensens or Gerzuensens 'roamed in the Santa Clara valley, between the Coyote and Guadalupe rivers, and the country west of San Jose city to the mountains.' Id., June 22, 1860.

The Socoisukas, Thamiens, and Gerguensens or Gerzuensens 'roamed in the Santa Clara Valley, between the Coyote and Guadalupe rivers, and the area west of San Jose city to the mountains.' Id., June 22, 1860.

The Lecatuit tribe occupied Marin county, and it is from the name of their chief that the county takes its name. Cronise's Nat. Wealth, p. 22.

The Lecatuit tribe lived in Marin County, and the county is named after their chief. Cronise's Nat. Wealth, p. 22.

'The Petalumas or the Yolhios lived near or around that town.' Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860.

'The Petalumas or the Yolhios lived near that town.' Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860.

The Tulares, so called by the Spaniards, lived between the northern shore of the bay of San Francisco and San Rafael. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 421.

The Tulares, named by the Spaniards, lived between the northern shore of the San Francisco Bay and San Rafael. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 421.

The Wapos inhabited 'the country about the Geysers.' Ford, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 257.

The Wapos lived in the area around the Geysers. Ford, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 257.

The Yosemites inhabited the valley of the same name. The Tosemiteiz are on the headwaters of the Chowchilla. Lewis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 399.

The Yosemites lived in the valley that shares their name. The Tosemiteiz are located at the source of the Chowchilla. Lewis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 399.

The Ahwahnachees are the inhabitants of Yosemite Valley. Hittel's Yosemite, p. 42.

The Ahwahnachees are the people who live in Yosemite Valley. Hittel's Yosemite, p. 42.

TRIBES NEAR THE MISSION DOLORES.

Tribes near Mission Dolores.

The following names of rancherías which formerly existed in the vicinity of the Mission Dolores, are taken from the Mission Books: Abmoctac, Amutaja, Altanui, Aleytac, Anchin, Aleta, Aramay, Altajumo, Aluenchi, Acnagis, Assunta, Atarpe, Anamás, Acyum, Anamon, Cachanegtac, Caprup, Cazopo, Carascan, Conop, Chutchin, Chagunte, Chapugtac, Chipisclin, Chynau, 453 Chipletac, Chuchictac, Chiputca, Chanigtac, Churmutcé, Chayen, Chupcan, Elarroyde, Flunmuda, Génau, Guloismistac, Gamchines, Guanlen, Hunctu, Halchis, Horocroc, Huimen, Itáes, Juniamuc, Josquigard, Juchium, Juris, Joquizará, Luidneg, Luianeglua, Lamsim, Livangelva, Livangebra, Libantone, Macsinum, Mitliné, Malvaitac, Muingpe, Naig, Naique, Napa, Ompivromo, Ousint, Oturbe, Olestura, Otoacte, Petlenum, or Petaluma, Pruristac, Puichon, Puycone, Patnetac, Pructaca, Purutea, Proqueu, Quet, Sitlintaj, Suchni, Subchiam, Siplichiquin, Siscastac, Ssiti, Sitintajea, Ssupichum, Sicca, Soisehme, Saturaumo, Satumuo, Sittintac, Ssichitca, Sagunte, Ssalayme, Sunchaque, Ssipudca, Saraise, Sipanum, Sarontac, Ssogereate, Sadanes, Tuzsint, Tatquinte, Titmictac, Tupuic, Titiyú, Timita, Timsim, Tubisuste, Timigtac, Torose, Tupuinte, Tuca, Tamalo, or Tomales, Talcan, Totola, Urebure, Uturpe, Ussete, Uchium, Véctaca, Vagerpe, Yelamú, Yacmui, Yacomui, Yajumui, Zomiomi, Zucigin ... Aguasajuchium, Apuasto, Aguasto, Carquin, (Karquines), Cuchian, Chaclan, Chiguau, Cotejen, Chuscan, Guylpunes, Huchun, Habasto, Junatca, Jarquin, Sanchines, Oljon, Olpen, Olemos, Olmolococ, Quemelentus, Quirogles, Salzon, Sichican, Saucon, Suchigin, Sadan, Uquitinac, Volvon (or Bolbon). 'The tribes of Indians upon the Bay of San Francisco, and who were, after its establishment, under the supervision of the Mission of Dolores, were five in number; the Ahwashtees, Ohlones (called in Spanish Costanos, or Indians of the Coast), Altahmos, Romanons, and Tuolomos. There were, in addition to these, a few small tribes, but all upon the land extending from the entrance to the head of San Francisco Bay, spoke the same language.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, May 31, 1861. The tribes mentioned by Adam Johnston in Schoolcraft, who lived around the Missions of Dolores and Yerba Buena, were the 'Ahwashtes, Ohlones, Altahmos, Romanans, and Tulomos. The Ohlones were likely the same called by the old priests, Sulones, Solomnies, the Sonomis were another.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 506. 'The following races of Californians were named to us living within the precincts of the Mission of San Francisco; Guymen, Utschim, Olumpali, Soclan, Sonomi, Chulpun, Umpin, Kosmitas, Bulbones, Tchalabones, Pitem, Lamam, Apalamu, Tcholoones, Suysum, Numpali, Tamal, and Ululato.' Chamisso, in Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 51. 'On compte dans cette seul mission (San Francisco) plus de quinze différentes tribus d'Indiens: les Khoulpouni; les Oumpini; les Kosmiti; les Lamanès; les Bolbonès; les Pitemèns; les Khalalons; les Apatamnès, ils parlent la même langue et habitent le long des bords du Rio Sacramento; les Guimen; les Outchioung; les Olompalis; les Tamals; les Sonons ils parlent la même langue; ces tribus sont les plus nombreuses dans la mission de San Francisco; les Saklans; les Ouloulatines; les Noumpolis; les Souissouns; ils parlent des langues différentes.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. iii., pp. 5, 6. 'California Indians on the Bay of San Francisco, and formerly under the supervisions of the Mission Dolores. There were five tribes: Ashwashtes, Olhones (called by the Spaniards Costanos, or Indians of the coast), Altahmos, Romonans, and Tulomos. A few other small tribes round the bay speak the same language.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 53. 'Um die Bai von San Francisco die Matalánes, Salses und Quiróles, deren Sprachen, eine gemeinsame Quelle haben.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 454. The Olchones 'inhabit 454 the seacoast between San Francisco and Monterey.' Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 78. The Salsonas, 'viven unas seis leguas distantes rumbo al Sueste (of San Francisco Bay) por las cercanias del brazo de mar.' Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 214.

The following names of rancherías that used to be near Mission Dolores come from the Mission Books: Abmoctac, Amutaja, Altanui, Aleytac, Anchin, Aleta, Aramay, Altajumo, Aluenchi, Acnagis, Assunta, Atarpe, Anamás, Acyum, Anamon, Cachanegtac, Caprup, Cazopo, Carascan, Conop, Chutchin, Chagunte, Chapugtac, Chipisclin, Chynau, 453 Chipletac, Chuchictac, Chiputca, Chanigtac, Churmutcé, Chayen, Chupcan, Elarroyde, Flunmuda, Génau, Guloismistac, Gamchines, Guanlen, Hunctu, Halchis, Horocroc, Huimen, Itáes, Juniamuc, Josquigard, Juchium, Juris, Joquizará, Luidneg, Luianeglua, Lamsim, Livangelva, Livangebra, Libantone, Macsinum, Mitliné, Malvaitac, Muingpe, Naig, Naique, Napa, Ompivromo, Ousint, Oturbe, Olestura, Otoacte, Petlenum, or Petaluma, Pruristac, Puichon, Puycone, Patnetac, Pructaca, Purutea, Proqueu, Quet, Sitlintaj, Suchni, Subchiam, Siplichiquin, Siscastac, Ssiti, Sitintajea, Ssupichum, Sicca, Soisehme, Saturaumo, Satumuo, Sittintac, Ssichitca, Sagunte, Ssalayme, Sunchaque, Ssipudca, Saraise, Sipanum, Sarontac, Ssogereate, Sadanes, Tuzsint, Tatquinte, Titmictac, Tupuic, Titiyú, Timita, Timsim, Tubisuste, Timigtac, Torose, Tupuinte, Tuca, Tamalo, or Tomales, Talcan, Totola, Urebure, Uturpe, Ussete, Uchium, Véctaca, Vagerpe, Yelamú, Yacmui, Yacomui, Yajumui, Zomiomi, Zucigin ... Aguasajuchium, Apuasto, Aguasto, Carquin, (Karquines), Cuchian, Chaclan, Chiguau, Cotejen, Chuscan, Guylpunes, Huchun, Habasto, Junatca, Jarquin, Sanchines, Oljon, Olpen, Olemos, Olmolococ, Quemelentus, Quirogles, Salzon, Sichican, Saucon, Suchigin, Sadan, Uquitinac, Volvon (or Bolbon). The tribes of Indians around San Francisco Bay, which were supervised by Mission Dolores after its establishment, were five in total: the Ahwashtees, Ohlones (called Costanos by the Spanish, or Indians of the Coast), Altahmos, Romanons, and Tuolomos. Besides these, there were a few smaller tribes, but all the people living in the area from the entrance to the head of San Francisco Bay spoke the same language. Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, May 31, 1861. The tribes mentioned by Adam Johnston in Schoolcraft, who lived near the Missions of Dolores and Yerba Buena, were the 'Ahwashtes, Ohlones, Altahmos, Romanans, and Tulomos. The Ohlones were probably the ones referred to by the old priests as Sulones, Solomnies; the Sonomis were another.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 506. 'The following groups of Californians were reported to be living within the precincts of Mission San Francisco: Guymen, Utschim, Olumpali, Soclan, Sonomi, Chulpun, Umpin, Kosmitas, Bulbones, Tchalabones, Pitem, Lamam, Apalamu, Tcholoones, Suysum, Numpali, Tamal, and Ululato.' Chamisso, in Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 51. 'In this single mission (San Francisco) there are counted more than fifteen different tribes of Indians: the Khoulpouni; the Oumpini; the Kosmiti; the Lamanès; the Bolbonès; the Pitemèns; the Khalalons; the Apatamnès, they all speak the same language and live along the banks of the Rio Sacramento; the Guimen; the Outchioung; the Olompalis; the Tamals; the Sonons—they speak the same language; these tribes are the most numerous in the mission of San Francisco; the Saklans; the Ouloulatines; the Noumpolis; the Souissouns; they speak different languages.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. iii., pp. 5, 6. 'California Indians on the Bay of San Francisco, previously supervised by Mission Dolores. There were five tribes: Ashwashtes, Olhones (called by the Spaniards Costanos, or Indians of the coast), Altahmos, Romonans, and Tulomos. A few other small tribes around the bay speak the same language.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 53. 'Around San Francisco Bay, the Matalánes, Salses, and Quiróles, whose languages have a common origin.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 454. The Ohlones 'live along the seacoast between San Francisco and Monterey.' Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 78. The Salsonas 'live about six leagues southeast (of San Francisco Bay) near the inlet.' Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 214.

The Korekins formerly lived at the mouth of the San Joaquin. Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 141.

The Korekins used to live at the mouth of the San Joaquin. Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 141.

'The rancherias of Indians near this Mission, all within eight or ten miles of Santa Cruz, ... were: Aulintac, the rancheria proper to the Mission; Chalumü, one mile north-west of the Mission; Hottrochtac, two miles north-west; ... Wallanmai; Sio Cotchmin; Shoremee; Onbi; Choromi; Turami; Payanmin; Shiuguermi; Hauzaurni. The Mission also had neophytes of the rancherias of Tomoy, Osacalis (Souquel), Yeunaba, Achilla, Yeunata, Tejey, Nohioalli, Utalliam, Locobo, Yeunator, Chanech, Huocom, Chicutae, Aestaca, Sachuen, Hualquilme, Sagin, Ochoyos, Huachi, Apil, Mallin, Luchasmi, Coot, and Agtism, as detailed in a letter from Friar Ramon Olbez to Governor de Sola, in November, 1819, in reply to a circular from him, as to the native names, etc., of the Indians of Santa Cruz, and their rancherias.' Cal. Farmer, April 5, 1860.

The Indian rancherias near this Mission, all within eight to ten miles of Santa Cruz, were: Aulintac, the main rancheria for the Mission; Chalumü, one mile northwest of the Mission; Hottrochtac, two miles northwest; ... Wallanmai; Sio Cotchmin; Shoremee; Onbi; Choromi; Turami; Payanmin; Shiuguermi; Hauzaurni. The Mission also included neophytes from the rancherias of Tomoy, Osacalis (Souquel), Yeunaba, Achilla, Yeunata, Tejey, Nohioalli, Utalliam, Locobo, Yeunator, Chanech, Huocom, Chicutae, Aestaca, Sachuen, Hualquilme, Sagin, Ochoyos, Huachi, Apil, Mallin, Luchasmi, Coot, and Agtism, as detailed in a letter from Friar Ramon Olbez to Governor de Sola in November 1819, in response to a circular querying the native names and other details about the Indians of Santa Cruz and their rancherias. Cal. Farmer, April 5, 1860.

The Mutsunes are the natives of the Mission of San Juan Baptista. Cal. Farmer, Nov. 23, and June 22, 1860; Hist. Mag., vol. i., p. 205.

The Mutsunes are the original inhabitants of the Mission of San Juan Baptista. Cal. Farmer, Nov. 23, and June 22, 1860; Hist. Mag., vol. i., p. 205.

The Ansaymas lived in the vicinity of San Juan Bautista. Cal. Farmer, June 22, 1860. 'Four leagues (twelve miles) southeast of the Mission (Monterey), inside the hills eastward, was the rancheria of Echilat, called San Francisquita. Eslanagan was one on the east side of the river and Ecgeagan was another; another was Ichenta or San Jose; another Xaseum in the Sierra, ten leagues from Carmelo; that of Pachhepes was in the vicinity of Xaseum, among the Escellens. That of the Sargentarukas was seven leagues south and east of the river in a Canaditta de Palo Colorado.' Cal. Farmer, April 20, 1860.

The Ansaymas lived near San Juan Bautista. Cal. Farmer, June 22, 1860. "Four leagues (twelve miles) southeast of the Mission (Monterey), up in the hills to the east, was the rancheria of Echilat, known as San Francsiquita. Eslanagan was located on the east side of the river, and Ecgeagan was another one; then there was Ichenta or San Jose; another was Xaseum in the Sierra, ten leagues from Carmelo; Pachhepes was near Xaseum, among the Escellens. The Sargentarukas were seven leagues south and east of the river in a Canaditta de Palo Colorado." Cal. Farmer, April 20, 1860.

The Runsienes live near Monterey. Cal. Farmer, April 20, 1860. The Rumsen or Runsienes are 'Indians in the neighbourhood of Monterey, California. The Achastliers speak a dialect of the same language.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 163. 'Um den Hafen von Monterey leben die Rumsen oder Runsien, die Escelen oder Eslen, die Ecclemáches, und Achastliés.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 454. 'La partie septentrionale de la Nouvelle-Californie est habitée par les deux nations des Rumsen et Escelen.... Elles forment la population du preside et du village de Monterey. Dans la baie de S. Francisco, on distingue les tribus des Matalans, Salsen et Quirotes.' Humboldt, Pol., p. 321. 'Eslen y Runsien que ocupan toda la California septentrional.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 167. 'Um Monterey wohnen zwey Völker ... die Rumsen, und im Osten von diesen die Escelen.' Vater, Mithridates, p. 202. 'The Eslenes clan roamed over the present ranchos San Francisquito, Tallarcittos, and up and down the Carmelo Valley.' 'The rancheria per se of the Escellens was named by the priests, Santa Clara; Soccorondo was across the river a few miles. Their other little clans or septs were called Coyyo, Yampas, Fyules, Nennequi, Jappayon, Gilimis, and Yanostas.' Cal. Farmer, April 20, 1860. The Eskelens are 'California Indians, east of Monterey. The Ekklemaches are said to be a tribe of the Eskelen, 455 and to speak the richest idiom of all the California Indians.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 68. The country of the Ecclemachs extends more than twenty leagues east of Monterey. Cal. Farmer, Oct. 17, 1862.

The Runsienes live near Monterey. Cal. Farmer, April 20, 1860. The Rumsen or Runsienes are 'Indians in the area around Monterey, California. The Achastliers speak a dialect of the same language.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 163. 'Around the Monterey harbor, the Rumsen or Runsien, the Escelen or Eslen, the Ecclemáches, and Achastliés live.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 454. 'The northern part of New California is inhabited by the two nations of Rumsen and Escelen.... They make up the population of the presidio and the village of Monterey. In San Francisco Bay, the tribes of Matalans, Salsen, and Quirotes can be distinguished.' Humboldt, Pol., p. 321. 'Eslen and Runsien occupy all of northern California.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 167. 'In Monterey live two peoples ... the Rumsen, and to the east of them the Escelen.' Vater, Mithridates, p. 202. 'The Eslenes clan roamed over the present ranchos San Francisquito, Tallarcittos, and throughout the Carmelo Valley.' 'The rancheria per se of the Escellens was named by the priests, Santa Clara; Soccorondo was a few miles across the river. Their other smaller clans or septs were called Coyyo, Yampas, Fyules, Nennequi, Jappayon, Gilimis, and Yanostas.' Cal. Farmer, April 20, 1860. The Eskelens are 'California Indians, east of Monterey. The Ekklemaches are said to be a tribe of the Eskelen, 455 and are known for speaking the richest dialect of all the California Indians.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 68. The territory of the Ecclemachs extends more than twenty leagues east of Monterey. Cal. Farmer, Oct. 17, 1862.

The Katlendarucas seem 'to have been situated near the Esteros or Lagoons about the mouth of the Salinas river, or in the words of the old priest, "en los Esteros de la entrada al mar del Rio de Monterey, o reversa de esta grande Ensenada." Their rancherias were Capanay, Lucayasta, Paysim, Tiubta, Culul, Mustac, Pytogius, Animpayamo, Ymunacam, and all on the Pajaro river, or between it and the Salinas.' Cal. Farmer, April 20, 1860; MS. Map.

The Katlendarucas seem to have been located near the estuaries or lagoons at the mouth of the Salinas River, or in the words of the old priest, "in the estuaries at the entrance to the sea of the Monterey River, or the reverse of this large cove." Their rancherias included Capanay, Lucayasta, Paysim, Tiubta, Culul, Mustac, Pytogius, Animpayamo, Ymunacam, and all were on the Pajaro River, or between it and the Salinas.' Cal. Farmer, April 20, 1860; MS. Map.

The Sakhones had rancherias near Monterey 'on the ranchos now known as Loucitta, Tarro, National Buena Esperanza, Buena Vista, and lands of that vicinity.' Ib.; MS. Map.

The Sakhones had settlements near Monterey on the ranches we now know as Loucitta, Tarro, National Buena Esperanza, Buena Vista, and surrounding lands. Ib.; MS. Map.

'The Wallalshimmez live on Tuolumne River.' Lewis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 399.

'The Wallalshimmez live on the Tuolumne River.' Lewis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 399.

'The Potoancies claim the Merced river as their homes.' Ib. The Potaaches occupy the same region on the MS. Map.

'The Potoancies consider the Merced river as their home.' Ib. The Potaaches occupy the same area on the MS. Map.

'The Nootchoos ... live on the headwaters of Chowchilla.' Lewis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 399. The Nootchoos live on the south fork of the Merced. Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 325.

'The Nootchoos ... live at the source of Chowchilla.' Lewis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 399. The Nootchoos reside along the south fork of the Merced. Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 325.

'The Pohoneeches live on the headwaters of Fresno.' Lewis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 399. The Pohoneeches live on the north bank of the Fresno. Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 325.

'The Pohoneeches live in the upper reaches of Fresno.' Lewis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 399. The Pohoneeches inhabit the north bank of the Fresno. Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 325.

The Pitcatches, the Tallenches, and the Coswas, live on the San Joaquin. Lewis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 399.

The Pitcatches, the Tallenches, and the Coswas live along the San Joaquin. Lewis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 399.

KING'S RIVER AND TULARE LAKE TRIBES.

KING'S RIVER AND TULARE LAKE TRIBES.

'The Wattokes, a nation of Indians, consisting of the Wattokes, Ituchas, Chokemnies, and Wechummies, live high up on King's river.' Lewis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 399.

'The Wattokes, a nation of Native Americans made up of the Wattokes, Ituchas, Chokemnies, and Wechummies, live high up on King's River.' Lewis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 399.

The Watches, the Notonotoos, and the Wemelches, live in the neighborhood of King's River Farm. Ib.

The Watches, the Notonotoos, and the Wemelches live near King's River Farm. Ib.

'The Talches and Woowells live on Tulare Lake.' Ib.

'The Talches and Woowells live on Tulare Lake.' Ib.

The Chowchillas, Choocchancies, and Howachez, are mentioned as living at Fresno River Farm. Id., p. 399. The Chowchillas inhabit 'from the Kern River of the Tulare deltas to the Feather river.' Taylor, in Bancroft's Hand Book Almanac, 1864, p. 32.

The Chowchillas, Choocchancies, and Howachez are stated to reside at Fresno River Farm. Id., p. 399. The Chowchillas live 'from the Kern River of the Tulare deltas to the Feather River.' Taylor, in Bancroft's Hand Book Almanac, 1864, p. 32.

The Wallas live in Tuolumne county. Patrick, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 240. There has been much discussion about the word Wallie, or Walla. Powers asserts that it is derived from the word 'wallim,' which means 'down below', and was applied by the Yosemite Indians to all tribes living below them. The Wallies live on the Stanislaus and Tuolumne. Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 325.

The Wallas live in Tuolumne County. Patrick, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 240. There has been a lot of debate about the term Wallie, or Walla. Powers claims it's derived from the word 'wallim,' which means 'down below,' and it was used by the Yosemite Indians to refer to all the tribes living below them. The Wallies inhabit the Stanislaus and Tuolumne. Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 325.

The Mewahs live in Tuolumne county. Jewett, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 244.

The Mewahs live in Tuolumne County. Jewett, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 244.

The Meewoc nation 'extended from the snow-line of the Sierra to the San Joaquin River, and from the Cosumnes to the Fresno.... North of the Stanislaus they call themselves Meewoc (Indians); south of it, to the Merced, Meewa; south of that to the Fresno, Meewie. On the upper Merced river is Wakâlla; on the upper Tuolumne, Wakalumy; on the Stanislaus and 456 Mokelumne, Wakalumytoh.... As to tribal distribution, the Meewocs north of the Stanislaus, like the Neeshenams, designate principally by the points of the compass. These are toomun, choomuch, háyzooit, and ólowit (north, south, east, and west), from which are formed various tribal names—as Toomuns, Toomedocs, and Tamolécas, Choomuch, Choomwits, Choomedocs, or Chimedocs, and Choomtéyas; Olowits, Olówedocs, Oloweéyas, etc. Olówedocs is the name applied to all Indians living on the plains, as far west as Stockton. But there are several names which are employed absolutely, and without any reference to direction. On the south bank of the Cosumnes are the Cawnees; on Sutter Creek, the Yulónees; on the Stanislaus and Tuolumne the extensive tribe of Wallies; in Yosemite, the Awánees, on the south fork of Merced, the Nootchoos; on the middle Merced, the Choomtéyas, on the upper Chowchilla, the Héthtoyas; on the middle Chowchilla the tribe that named the stream; and on the north bank of the Fresno the Pohoneechees.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., pp. 322-5; MS. Map.

The Meewoc nation extended from the snow line of the Sierra to the San Joaquin River, and from the Cosumnes to the Fresno. North of the Stanislaus, they call themselves Meewoc (Indians); south of it, to the Merced, they are called Meewa; further south to the Fresno, they are known as Meewie. On the upper Merced River is Wakâlla; on the upper Tuolumne, Wakalumy; on the Stanislaus and Mokelumne, Wakalumytoh. In terms of tribal distribution, the Meewocs north of the Stanislaus, similar to the Neeshenams, mainly identify themselves using directions. These include toomun, choomuch, háyzooit, and ólowit (north, south, east, and west), which form various tribal names—such as Toomuns, Toomedocs, Tamolécas, Choomuch, Choomwits, Choomedocs, or Chimedocs, and Choomtéyas; Olowits, Olówedocs, Oloweéyas, etc. Olówedocs refers to all Indians living on the plains, as far west as Stockton. However, there are several names used outright, without any directional reference. On the south bank of the Cosumnes are the Cawnees; on Sutter Creek, the Yulónees; on the Stanislaus and Tuolumne, the large tribe of Wallies; in Yosemite, the Awánees; on the south fork of Merced, the Nootchoos; on the middle Merced, the Choomtéyas; on the upper Chowchilla, the Héthtoyas; on the middle Chowchilla, the tribe that named the stream; and on the north bank of the Fresno, the Pohoneechees. Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., pp. 322-5; MS. Map.

The Coitch tribe live one hundred and fifty miles east of the Vegas of Santa Clara. Los Angeles Star, May 18, 1861.

The Coitch tribe lives one hundred and fifty miles east of the Vegas of Santa Clara. Los Angeles Star, May 18, 1861.

The Notonatos lived on King's river. Maltby's MS. Letter.

The Notonatos lived by King's River. Maltby's MS. Letter.

The Kahweahs lived on Four Creeks. Ib.

The Kahweahs lived by Four Creeks. Ib.

The Yolanchas lived on Tule river. Ib.

The Yolanchas lived on the Tule River. Ib.

The Pokoninos lived on Deer creek. Ib.

The Pokoninos lived on Deer Creek. Ib.

The Poloyamas lived on Pasey creek. Ib.

The Poloyamas lived on Pasey Creek. Ib.

The Polokawynahs lived on Kern river. Ib.

The Polokawynahs lived on the Kern River. Ib.

The Ymithces and Cowiahs live on Four Creeks. Henley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 303.

The Ymithces and Cowiahs live on Four Creeks. Henley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 303.

The Waches, Notoowthas, Ptolmes, and Chunemnes live on King river. Ib.

The Waches, Notoowthas, Ptolmes, and Chunemnes live on King River. Ib.

The Costrowers, Pitiaches, Talluches, Loomnears and Amonces live on the San Joaquin. Id., p. 304.

The Costrowers, Pitiaches, Talluches, Loomnears, and Amonces live along the San Joaquin. Id., p. 304.

The Chowclas, Chookchaneys, Phonechas, Nookchues, and Howetsers, live on the Fresno river. Ib.

The Chowclas, Chookchaneys, Phonechas, Nookchues, and Howetsers live by the Fresno River. Ib.

The Coconoons live on the Merced river. Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 413.

The Coconoons live by the Merced River. Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 413.

The Monos living west of the Sierra Nevada, live on Fine Gold Gulch and the San Joaquin river. Ib. East of the Sierra Nevada they occupy the country south of Mono Lake. MS. Map. 'The Monos, Cosos, and some other tribes, occupy the eastern slopes of the Sierra Nevadas.' Cal. Farmer, May 8, 1863. 'The Olanches, Monos, Siqiurionals, Wasakshes, Cowhuillas, Chokiamauves, Tenisichs, Yocolles, Paloushiss, Wikachumnis, Openoches, Taches, Nutonetoos and Choemimnees, roamed from the Tuolumne to Kings river and the Tejon, on the east of the San Joaquin, the Tulare lakes and in the Sierra Nevada, as stated by Lieut. Beale, in 1856.' Cal. Farmer, June 8, 1860.

The Monos living west of the Sierra Nevada reside by Fine Gold Gulch and the San Joaquin River. Ib. To the east of the Sierra Nevada, they occupy the area south of Mono Lake. MS. Map. 'The Monos, Cosos, and some other tribes inhabit the eastern slopes of the Sierra Nevadas.' Cal. Farmer, May 8, 1863. 'The Olanches, Monos, Siqiurionals, Wasakshes, Cowhuillas, Chokiamauves, Tenisichs, Yocolles, Paloushiss, Wikachumnis, Openoches, Taches, Nutonetoos, and Choemimnees roamed from the Tuolumne to Kings River and the Tejon, on the east of the San Joaquin, the Tulare lakes, and in the Sierra Nevada, as stated by Lieut. Beale in 1856.' Cal. Farmer, June 8, 1860.

The Tulareños live in the mountain wilderness of the Four Creeks, Porsiuncula (or Kerns or Current) river and the Tejon; and wander thence towards the headwaters of the Mohave and the neighborhood of the Cahuillas. Their present common name belongs to the Spanish and Mexican times and is derived from the word Tularé (a swamp with flags). Hayes' MS. 'Tulareños, 457 Habitant la grande vallée de los Tulares de la Californie.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335.

The Tulareños live in the mountainous wilderness of the Four Creeks, Porsiuncula (or Kerns or Current) River, and the Tejon; and they roam towards the headwaters of the Mohave and the area around the Cahuillas. Their current common name dates back to the Spanish and Mexican periods and comes from the word Tularé (a swamp with reeds). Hayes' MS. 'Tulareños, 457 inhabit the great valley of the Tulares of California.' Mofras, Explor., vol. ii., p. 335.

'The Yocut dominion includes the Kern and Tulare basins and the middle of San Joaquin, stretching from Fresno to Kern River Falls.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. xi., p. 105.

'The Yocut territory covers the Kern and Tulare basins and the central part of San Joaquin, extending from Fresno to Kern River Falls.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. xi., p. 105.

Cumbatwas on Pitt river. Roseborough's letter to the author, MS.

Cumbatwas on Pitt River. Roseborough's letter to the author, MS.

Shastas, in Shasta and Scott valleys. Ib.

Shastas, in Shasta and Scott valleys. Ib.

SOUTHERN CALIFORNIANS.

Socal residents.

The Southern Californians, whose territory lies south of the thirty-fifth parallel, are, as far as is known, tribally distributed as follows:

The SoCal residents, located south of the thirty-fifth parallel, are, as far as we know, divided into tribes like this:

The Cahuillos 'inhabit principally a tract of country about eighty miles east from San Bernardino, and known as the Cabeson Valley, and their villages are on or near the road leading to La Paz on the Colorado River.... Another branch of this tribe numbering about four hundred occupy a tract of country lying in the mountains about forty miles southeast from San Bernardino, known as the Coahuila Valley.' Stanley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, pp. 194-5. 'The Coahuillas are scattered through the San Bernardino and San Jacinto Mountains and eastward in the Cabesan Valley.' Whiting, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 691. The Coahuilas live in the San Jacinto Mountains. Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 17. The Cohuillas reside in the northern half of the country, commencing on the coast, and extending to within fifty miles of the Colorado river, following the eastern base of the mountains. San Francisco Herald, June, 1853. The Cahuillos or Cawios reside 'near the Pacific, between the sources of the San Gabriel and Santa Anna.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 26. 'The Cahuillas are a little to the north of the San Luiseños, occupying the mountain ridges and intervening valleys to the east and southeast of Mount San Bernadino, down towards the Mohava river and the desert that borders the river Colorado, the nation of Mohavas lying between them and these rivers. I am unable just now to give the number and names of all their villages. San Gorgonio, San Jacinto, Coyote, are among those best known, though others even nearer the desert, are more populous.' Hayes' MS. The Cohuillas occupy the southwestern part of San Bernardino County, and the northwestern part of San Diego county. MS. Map. 'The Carvilla Indians occupy the Country from San Gorgonio Pass to the Arroyo Blanco.' Cram's Topog. Memoir, p. 119. 'The Cowillers and Telemnies live on Four Creeks.' Id., p. 400. 'The limits of the Kahweyah and Kahsowah tribes appear to have been from the Feather river in the northern part of the State, to the Tulare lakes of the south.' Cal. Farmer, May 25, 1860.

The Cahuillos primarily live in an area about eighty miles east of San Bernardino, known as the Cabeson Valley, and their villages are located on or near the road leading to La Paz along the Colorado River.... Another group of this tribe, numbering around four hundred, occupies a region in the mountains about forty miles southeast of San Bernardino, known as the Coahuila Valley.' Stanley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, pp. 194-5. 'The Coahuillas are spread throughout the San Bernardino and San Jacinto Mountains and further east in the Cabesan Valley.' Whiting, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 691. The Coahuilas live in the San Jacinto Mountains. Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 17. The Cohuillas are based in the northern half of the region, starting on the coast and extending to about fifty miles from the Colorado River, following the eastern base of the mountains. San Francisco Herald, June, 1853. The Cahuillos or Cawios live 'near the Pacific, between the sources of the San Gabriel and Santa Anna.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 26. 'The Cahuillas are just a bit north of the San Luiseños, occupying the mountain ridges and the intervening valleys to the east and southeast of Mount San Bernardino, extending down toward the Mohave River and the desert that borders the Colorado River, with the nation of Mohaves lying between them and these rivers. I can't currently provide the number and names of all their villages. San Gorgonio, San Jacinto, and Coyote are among the best known, although others even closer to the desert are more populous.' Hayes' MS. The Cohuillas inhabit the southwestern part of San Bernardino County and the northwestern part of San Diego County. MS. Map. 'The Carvilla Indians live in the area from San Gorgonio Pass to the Arroyo Blanco.' Cram's Topog. Memoir, p. 119. 'The Cowillers and Telemnies reside along Four Creeks.' Id., p. 400. 'The boundaries of the Kahweyah and Kahsowah tribes seem to stretch from the Feather River in the northern part of the state to the Tulare Lakes in the south.' Cal. Farmer, May 25, 1860.

The Diegeños 'are said to occupy the coast for some fifty miles above, and about the same distance below San Diego, and to extend about a hundred miles into the interior.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. The Dieguinos are in the southern part of San Diego County, and extend from the coast to the desert. Henley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 240. The Dieguinas reside in the southern part of the country watered by the Colorado, and claim the land from a point on the Pacific to the eastern part of the mountains impinging on the desert. San Francisco Herald, June, 1853. The Comeyas or Diegenos 'occupy the coast for some fifty miles above, and about the same distance below San Diego, and extend 458 about a hundred miles into the interior.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 7. 'The Indians round San Diego, Deguinos, Diegeños, were in a savage state, and their language almost unknown. Bartlett says that they are also called Comeya; but Whipple asserts that the Comeya, a tribe of the Yumas, speak a different language.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 62. On page 220 Ludewig says that as the name Diegeños means the Indians round San Diego, there is no such name as Deguinos. 'The villages of the Dieguinos, wherever they live separately, are a little to the south of the Cahuillas. Indeed, under this appellation they extend a hundred miles into Lower California, in about an equal state of civilization, and thence are scattered through the Tecaté valley over the entire desert on the west side of New River.... Their villages known to me are San Dieguito (about twenty souls), San Diego Mission, San Pasqual, Camajal (two villages), Santa Ysabel, San José, Matahuay, Lorenzo, San Felipe, Cajon, Cuyamaca, Valle de las Viejas.' Hayes' MS.

The Diegeños are said to live along the coast for about fifty miles above and the same distance below San Diego, extending roughly a hundred miles into the interior. Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. The Dieguinos are in the southern part of San Diego County, stretching from the coast to the desert. Henley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 240. The Dieguinas reside in the southern region of the area watered by the Colorado River and claim land from a point on the Pacific to the eastern part of the mountains that touch the desert. San Francisco Herald, June, 1853. The Comeyas or Diegenos occupy the coast for about fifty miles above and the same distance below San Diego, extending 458 around a hundred miles into the interior. Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 7. 'The Indians around San Diego, Deguinos and Diegeños, were in a primitive state, and their language was nearly unknown. Bartlett mentions they are also called Comeya; but Whipple states that the Comeya, a tribe of the Yumas, speak a different language.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 62. On page 220, Ludewig notes that since the name Diegeños refers to the Indians around San Diego, there is no such name as Deguinos. 'The villages of the Dieguinos, wherever they are located separately, are just a little south of the Cahuillas. In fact, under this name, they extend a hundred miles into Lower California at about the same level of civilization and are then scattered throughout the Tecaté valley over the entire desert on the west side of New River.... The villages known to me include San Dieguito (around twenty people), San Diego Mission, San Pasqual, Camajal (two villages), Santa Ysabel, San José, Matahuay, Lorenzo, San Felipe, Cajon, Cuyamaca, Valle de las Viejas.' Hayes' MS.

The Missouris 'are scattered over San Bernardino, San Diego and other counties in the southern part of the State.' Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 17.

The Missouris 'are spread out across San Bernardino, San Diego, and other counties in the southern part of the state.' Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 17.

The Kechi inhabit the country about Mission San Luis Rey. Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 92.

The Kechi live in the area around Mission San Luis Rey. Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 92.

The Chumas, or Kachumas live three miles from the Mission of Santa Inez. Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861.

The Chumas, or Kachumas, live three miles from the Mission of Santa Inez. Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861.

Los Cayotes was the name given by the Spaniards to the tribe which originally inhabited San Diego county. Hoffman, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. v., p. 147.

Los Cayotes was the name the Spaniards gave to the tribe that originally lived in San Diego County. Hoffman, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. v., p. 147.

The New River Indians 'live along New River, sixty miles west from Fort Yuma, and near San Diego.' Jones, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 216.

The New River Indians live along New River, sixty miles west of Fort Yuma, and close to San Diego. Jones, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 216.

The Sierras, or Caruanas, the Lagunas, or Tataguas, and the Surillos or Cartakas are mentioned as living on the Tejon reservation. Wentworth, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, pp. 324-6.

The Sierras, or Caruanas, the Lagunas, or Tataguas, and the Surillos or Cartakas are noted as residing on the Tejon reservation. Wentworth, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, pp. 324-6.

The Serranos lived in the vicinity of San Bernardino. Reid, in Los Angeles Star, Letter I., in Hayes Col.

The Serranos lived near San Bernardino. Reid, in Los Angeles Star, Letter I., in Hayes Col.

Mr Taylor claims to have discovered the exact positions of many of the places mentioned. His statement, for the accuracy of which I by no means vouch, is as follows: 'Xucu, or Shucu, on the Ortega farm, near Rincon Point; Missisissepono on Rafel Gonzale's rancho on Saticoy river, near sea, sometimes called Pono; Coloc, near Carpentaria beach. Mugu, below Saticoy some thirty miles, near the sea; Anacbuc or Anacarck, near the islet of La Patera, near the sea shore. Partocac or Paltocac, the Indian cemetery on the Mesa of La Patera, near sea; Aguin at the beach of Los Llagos Canada; Casalic, at the Refugio Playa and Canada; Tucumu or playa of Arroyo Honda. Xocotoc, Cojo, or Cojotoc, near Pt. Concepcion; Pt. Concepcion, Cancac or Caacac, or Cacat.' Cal. Farmer, Aug. 21, 1863.

Mr. Taylor claims to have pinpointed the exact locations of many of the places mentioned. I can't guarantee the accuracy of his statement, which is as follows: 'Xucu, or Shucu, on the Ortega farm, near Rincon Point; Missisissepono on Rafael Gonzalez's ranch on the Saticoy River, near the ocean, sometimes called Pono; Coloc, near Carpinteria beach. Mugu, about thirty miles below Saticoy, near the ocean; Anacbuc or Anacarck, near the islet of La Patera, by the shoreline. Partocac or Paltocac, the Indian cemetery on the Mesa of La Patera, near the ocean; Aguin at the beach of Los Llagos Canada; Casalic, at the Refugio Playa and Canada; Tucumu or the beach of Arroyo Honda. Xocotoc, Cojo, or Cojotoc, near Point Concepcion; Point Concepcion, Cancac or Caacac, or Cacat.' Cal. Farmer, Aug. 21, 1863.

SOUTHERN MISSION INDIANS.

SOUTHERN MISSION INDIANS.

The following names of rancherías were taken from the archives of the various missions; in the vicinity of La Purissima: Lajuchu, Silimastus, Sisolop, Jlaacs, or Slacus, Huasna, Estait, Esmischue, Ausion, Esnispele, Silisne, Sacspili, Estait, Huenejel, Husistaic, Silimi, Suntaho, Alacupusyuen, Espiiluima, Tutachro, Sisolop, Naila, Tutachro, Paxpili, or Axpitil, Silino, Lisahuato, Guaslaique, Pacsiol, Sihimi, Huenepel Ninyuelgual, Lompoc, 459 Nahuey, or Nahajuey, Sipuca, Stipu, Ialamma, Huasna, Sacsiol, Kachisupal, Salachi, Nocto, Fax, Salachi, Sitolo, or Sautatho, Omaxtux. Near Santa Inez, were: Sotomoenu, Katahuac, Asiuhuil, Situchi, Kulahuasa, Sisuchi, Kuyam, or Cuyama, Ionata, Tekep, Kusil, Sanchu, Sikitipuc, Temesathi, Lujanisuissilac, Tapanissilac, Ialamne, Chumuchn, Suiesia, Chumuchu, Tahijuas, Tinachi, Lompoe, Ionata, Aguama, Sotonoemu, Guaislac, Tequepas, Matiliha, Stucu, Aketsum, or Kachuma, Ahuamhoue, Geguep, Achillimo, Alizway, Souscoc, Talaxano, Nutonto, Cholicus. Near Santa Barbara were Guainnonost, Sisabanonase, Huelemen, Inoje, Luijta, Cajpilili, Missopeno (Sopono), Inajalayehua, Huixapa, Calahuassa, Snihuax, Huililoc, Yxaulo, Anijue, Sisuch, Cojats, Numguelgar, Lugups, Gleuaxcuyu, Chiuchin, Ipec, Sinicon, Xalanaj, Xalou, Sisahiahut, Cholosoc, Ituc, Guima, Huixapapa, Eleunaxciay, Taxlipu, Elmian, Anajue, Huililic, Inajalaihu, Estuc, Eluaxcu. Sihuicom, Liam. Some of these were from rancherias of the valleys east of the range on the coast. Some of these Taylor locates as follows: 'Janaya, above the Mission, Salpilil on the Patera; Aljiman, near the windmill of La Patera; Geliec, near islet of La Patera; Tequepes, in Santa Ynez Valley; Cascili, in the Refugio playa; Miguihui, on the Dos Pueblos; Sisichii, in Dos Pueblos; Maschal, on Santa Cruz Island; Gelo, the islet of La Patera; Cuyamu on Dos Pueblos also Cinihuaj on same rancho; Coloc, at the Rincon; Alcax in La Goleta; Allvatalama, near the La Goleta Estero; Sayokenek, on the Arroyo Burro; Partocac Cemetery, near Sea Bluffs of La Goleta; Humaliju, of San Fernando Mission; Calla Wassa and Anijue, of Santa Ynez Mission; Sajcay in Los Cruces; Sasaguel, in Santa Cruz Island; Lucuyumu, in the same Island, dated November, 1816; Nanahuani and Chalosas were also on same Island; Eljman was on San Marcos, Xexulpituc and Taxlipu, were camps of the Tulares.' Cal. Farmer, Aug. 21, 1863.

The following names of ranch communities were taken from the archives of the various missions; in the area of La Purissima: Lajuchu, Silimastus, Sisolop, Jlaacs or Slacus, Huasna, Estait, Esmischue, Ausion, Esnispele, Silisne, Sacspili, Estait, Huenejel, Husistaic, Silimi, Suntaho, Alacupusyuen, Espiiluima, Tutachro, Sisolop, Naila, Tutachro, Paxpili or Axpitil, Silino, Lisahuato, Guaslaique, Pacsiol, Sihimi, Huenepel Ninyuelgual, Lompoc, 459 Nahuey or Nahajuey, Sipuca, Stipu, Ialamma, Huasna, Sacsiol, Kachisupal, Salachi, Nocto, Fax, Salachi, Sitolo or Sautatho, Omaxtux. Near Santa Inez were: Sotomoenu, Katahuac, Asiuhuil, Situchi, Kulahuasa, Sisuchi, Kuyam or Cuyama, Ionata, Tekep, Kusil, Sanchu, Sikitipuc, Temesathi, Lujanisuissilac, Tapanissilac, Ialamne, Chumuchn, Suiesia, Chumuchu, Tahijuas, Tinachi, Lompoe, Ionata, Aguama, Sotonoemu, Guaislac, Tequepas, Matiliha, Stucu, Aketsum or Kachuma, Ahuamhoue, Geguep, Achillimo, Alizway, Souscoc, Talaxano, Nutonto, Cholicus. Near Santa Barbara were Guainnonost, Sisabanonase, Huelemen, Inoje, Luijta, Cajpilili, Missopeno (Sopono), Inajalayehua, Huixapa, Calahuassa, Snihuax, Huililoc, Yxaulo, Anijue, Sisuch, Cojats, Numguelgar, Lugups, Gleuaxcuyu, Chiuchin, Ipec, Sinicon, Xalanaj, Xalou, Sisahiahut, Cholosoc, Ituc, Guima, Huixapapa, Eleunaxciay, Taxlipu, Elmian, Anajue, Huililic, Inajalaihu, Estuc, Eluaxcu. Sihuicom, Liam. Some of these were from ranch communities of the valleys east of the coastal range. Some of these Taylor locates as follows: 'Janaya, above the Mission, Salpilil on the Patera; Aljiman, near the windmill of La Patera; Geliec, near the islet of La Patera; Tequepes, in Santa Ynez Valley; Cascili, in the Refugio playa; Miguihui, on the Dos Pueblos; Sisichii, in Dos Pueblos; Maschal, on Santa Cruz Island; Gelo, the islet of La Patera; Cuyamu on Dos Pueblos also Cinihuaj on the same rancho; Coloc, at the Rincon; Alcax in La Goleta; Allvatalama, near the La Goleta Estero; Sayokenek, on the Arroyo Burro; Partocac Cemetery, near Sea Bluffs of La Goleta; Humaliju, of San Fernando Mission; Calla Wassa and Anijue, of Santa Ynez Mission; Sajcay in Los Cruces; Sasaguel, in Santa Cruz Island; Lucuyumu, in the same Island, dated November, 1816; Nanahuani and Chalosas were also on the same Island; Eljman was on San Marcos, Xexulpituc and Taxlipu, were camps of the Tulares.' Cal. Farmer, Aug. 21, 1863.

Near San Buenaventura Mission were: 'Miscanaka, name of the Mission site. Ojai or Aujay, about ten miles up San Buenavent river. Mugu, on the coast near sea on Guadalasca rancho, not far from the point so called. Matillija up the S. B. river towards Santa Inez, which mission also had Matilija Indians. The Matillija Sierra separates the valleys of S. Buenaventa and S. Inez. Sespe was on the San Cayetano rancho of Saticoy river, twenty miles from the sea. Mupu and Piiru were on the arroyos of those names which came into the Saticoy near Sespe. Kamulas was higher up above Piiru. Cayeguas (not a Spanish name as spelt on some maps) on rancho of that name. Somes or Somo near hills of that name. Malico, range of hills south of Somo. Chichilop, Lisichi, Liam, Sisa, Sisjulcioy, Malahue, Chumpache, Lacayamu, Ypuc, Lojos Aogni, Luupsch, Miguigui, and Chihucchihui were names of other rancherias.... Ishgua or Ishguaget, was a rancheria near the mouth of the Saticoy river and not far from the beach.... Hueneme was a rancheria on the ocean coast a few miles south of Saticoy river. Tapo and Simi were rancherias on the present Noriega rancho of Simi. Saticoy is the name of the existing rancheria ... on the lower part of the Santa Paula or Saticoy rancho, about eight miles from the sea, near some fine springs of water, not far from the river, and near the high road going up the valleys.' Cal. Farmer, July 24, 1863. 'The site of San Fernando was a rancheria called Pasheckno. Other clans were Okowvinjha, Kowanga and Saway 460 Yanga. The Ahapchingas were a clan or rancheria between Los Angeles and San Juan Capistrano, and enemies of the Gabrielenos or those of San Gabriel.... The following are the names of the rancherias, or clans, living in the vicinity of San Luis Rey Mission: Enekelkawa was the name of one near the mission-site, Mokaskel, Cenyowpreskel, Itukemuk, Hatawa, Hamechuwa, Itaywiy, Milkwanen, Ehutewa, Mootaeyuhew, and Hepowwoo, were the names of others. At the Aquas Calientes was a very populous rancheria, called Hakoopin.' Id., May 11, 1860.

Near San Buenaventura Mission were: Miscanaka, the name of the mission site. Ojai or Aujay, about ten miles up the San Buenaventura River. Mugu, on the coast near the sea at Guadalasca rancho, not far from the point of that name. Matillija up the S.B. River towards Santa Inez, which mission also had Matilija Indians. The Matillija Sierra separates the valleys of San Buenaventura and Santa Inez. Sespe was on the San Cayetano rancho of the Saticoy River, twenty miles from the sea. Mupu and Piiru were located on the arroyos of those names that flowed into the Saticoy near Sespe. Kamulas was further up above Piiru. Cayeguas (which is not a Spanish name as it is spelled on some maps) was on the rancho of that name. Somes or Somo was near the hills of that name. Malico was a range of hills south of Somo. Chichilop, Lisichi, Liam, Sisa, Sisjulcioy, Malahue, Chumpache, Lacayamu, Ypuc, Lojos Aogni, Luupsch, Miguigui, and Chihucchihui were names of other rancherias. Ishgua or Ishguaget was a rancheria near the mouth of the Saticoy River and not far from the beach. Hueneme was a rancheria on the ocean coast a few miles south of the Saticoy River. Tapo and Simi were rancherias on the current Noriega rancho of Simi. Saticoy is the name of the existing rancheria on the lower part of the Santa Paula or Saticoy rancho, about eight miles from the sea, near some nice springs of water, not far from the river, and close to the main road going up the valleys. Cal. Farmer, July 24, 1863. 'The site of San Fernando was a rancheria called Pasheckno. Other clans included Okowvinjha, Kowanga, and Saway Yanga. The Ahapchingas were a clan or rancheria between Los Angeles and San Juan Capistrano, and enemies of the Gabrielenos or those of San Gabriel. The following are the names of the rancherias, or clans, living near San Luis Rey Mission: Enekelkawa was one near the mission site, while Mokaskel, Cenyowpreskel, Itukemuk, Hatawa, Hamechuwa, Itaywiy, Milkwanen, Ehutewa, Mootaeyuhew, and Hepowwoo were the names of others. At the Aquas Calientes was a very populated rancheria called Hakoopin.' Id., May 11, 1860.

In Los Angeles county, the following are the principal lodges or rancherias, with their corresponding present local names: Yangna, Los Angeles; Sibag-na, San Gabriel; Isanthcagna, Mision Vieja; Sisitcanogna, Pear Orchard; Sonagna, Mr White's farm; Acuragua, The Presa; Asucsagna, Azuza; Cucomogna, Cucamonga Farm; Pasinogna, Rancho del Chino; Awigna, La Puente; Chokishgna, The Saboneria; Nacaugna, Carpenter's Farm; Pineugna, Santa Catalina Island; Pimocagna, Rancho de los Ybarras; Toybipet, San José; Hutucgna, Santa Ana (Yorbes); Aleupkigna, Santa Anita; Maugna, Rancho de los Felis; Hahamogna, Rancho de los Verdugas; Cabuegna, Caliuenga; Pasecgna, San Fernando; Houtgna, Ranchito de Lugo, Suangna, Suanga; Pubugna, Alamitos; Tibahagna, Serritos; Chowig-na, Palos Verdes; Kinkipar, San Clemente Island, Harasgna. Reid, in Los Angeles Star, Letter I., in Hayes Collection.

In Los Angeles County, here are the main lodges or rancherias, along with their current local names: Yangna, Los Angeles; Sibag-na, San Gabriel; Isanthcagna, Mission Vieja; Sisitcanogna, Pear Orchard; Sonagna, Mr. White's farm; Acuragua, The Presa; Asucsagna, Azusa; Cucomogna, Cucamonga Farm; Pasinogna, Rancho del Chino; Awigna, La Puente; Chokishgna, The Saboneria; Nacaugna, Carpenter's Farm; Pineugna, Santa Catalina Island; Pimocagna, Rancho de los Ybarras; Toybipet, San José; Hutucgna, Santa Ana (Yorbes); Aleupkigna, Santa Anita; Maugna, Rancho de los Felis; Hahamogna, Rancho de los Verdugas; Cabuegna, Caliuenga; Pasecgna, San Fernando; Houtgna, Ranchito de Lugo; Suangna, Suanga; Pubugna, Alamitos; Tibahagna, Cerritos; Chowig-na, Palos Verdes; Kinkipar, San Clemente Island, Harasgna. Reid, in Los Angeles Star, Letter I., in Hayes Collection.

The San Luisieños inhabit the northern part of San Diego, from the coast east, including the mountains. Henley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 240. 'The villages of the San Luiseños are in a section of country adjacent to the Cahuillas, between 40 and 70 miles in the mountainous interior from San Diego; they are known as Las Flores, Santa Margarita, San Luis Rey Mission, Wahoma, Pala, Temecula, Ahuanga (two villages), La Joya, Potrero, and Bruno's and Pedro's villages within five or six miles of Aqua Caliente; they are all in San Diego County.' Hayes' MS.

The San Luisieños live in the northern part of San Diego, stretching from the coast to the east, including the mountains. Henley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 240. 'The villages of the San Luiseños are located near the Cahuillas, between 40 and 70 miles in the mountainous interior from San Diego; they include Las Flores, Santa Margarita, San Luis Rey Mission, Wahoma, Pala, Temecula, Ahuanga (two villages), La Joya, Potrero, and Bruno's and Pedro's villages within five or six miles of Aqua Caliente; they are all in San Diego County.' Hayes' MS.

The Noches are settled along the rivers which flow between the Colorado and the Pacific Ocean. Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 45. Garces mentions the western Noches in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., vol. i., p. 299.

The Noches live along the rivers that run between Colorado and the Pacific Ocean. Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 45. Garces talks about the western Noches in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., vol. i., p. 299.

The Tejon Indians were those who inhabited the southern part of Tulare valley. Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., vol. i., p. 83.

The Tejon Indians were the ones who lived in the southern part of Tulare Valley. Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., vol. i., p. 83.

The Playanos were Indians who came to settle in the valley of San Juan Capistrano. Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 249.

The Playanos were Native Americans who settled in the San Juan Capistrano valley. Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 249.

The Shoshones, whose territory spreads over south-eastern Oregon, southern Idaho, and the whole of Utah and Nevada, extending into Arizona and New Mexico, and the eastern border of California, I divide into two great nations, the Snakes or Shoshones, proper, and the Utahs, with their subdivisions. Wilson divides the Shoshones into the Shoshones and Bannacks, and the Utahs; the latter he subdivides into seven bands, which will be seen under Utahs. He adds: 'Among the Shoshonies there are only two bands properly speaking. The principal or better portion are called Shoshonies, or Snakes ... the others the Shoshocoes.... Their claim of boundary is to the east, from the red Buttes on the North fork of the Platte, to its head in the Park, Decayaque, or Buffalo Bull-pen, in the Rocky Mountains; to the 461 south across the mountains, over to the Yanpapa, till it enters Green, or Colorado river, and then across to the backbone or ridge of mountains called the Bear river mountains running nearly due west towards the Salt Lake, so as to take in most of the Salt Lake, and thence on to the sinks of Marry's or Humboldt's river; thence north to the fisheries, on the Snake river, in Oregon; and thence south (their northern boundary), to the Red Buttes, including the source of Green River.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. vi., p. 697. 'Under various names ... the great race of Shoshones, is found scattered over the boundless wilderness, from Texas to the Columbia. Their territory is bounded on the north and west by ... the Blackfeet and Crows.' Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 537-8.

The Shoshone Tribe, whose land covers southeastern Oregon, southern Idaho, all of Utah and Nevada, extending into Arizona and New Mexico, and the eastern border of California, can be divided into two main groups: the Snakes or Shoshones and the Utahs, along with their subdivisions. Wilson separates the Shoshones into the Shoshones, Bannacks, and Utahs; he further breaks the Utahs into seven bands, which can be found under Utahs. He notes: 'Among the Shoshonies, there are only two main bands. The larger and more significant group is called Shoshonies, or Snakes … the other is the Shoshocoes.... Their claimed eastern boundary stretches from the Red Buttes on the North Fork of the Platte to its source in the Park, Decayaque, or Buffalo Bull-pen, in the Rocky Mountains; to the south, across the mountains to the Yanpapa, reaching the Green or Colorado River, and then across to the ridge of mountains known as the Bear River mountains running nearly west towards the Salt Lake to encompass most of the Salt Lake, and then on to the sinks of Marry's or Humboldt's River; then north to the fishing areas on the Snake River in Oregon; and then south (their northern boundary) to the Red Buttes, including the source of the Green River.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. vi., p. 697. 'Under various names ... the great race of Shoshones is found spread out over the vast wilderness from Texas to the Columbia. Their territory is bordered on the north and west by ... the Blackfeet and Crows.' Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 537-8.

THE SNAKES.

The Snakes.

The Snakes, or Shoshones proper, although they form a part only of the great Shoshone family, are usually termed 'the Shoshones' by the authorities. They are divided by Dr Hurt into 'Snakes, Bannacks, Tosiwitches, Gosha Utes, and Cumumpahs, though he afterwards classes the last two divisions as hybrid races between the Shoshones and the Utahs.... The Shoshones claim the northeastern portion of the territory for about four hundred miles west, and from one hundred to one hundred and twenty-five miles south from the Oregon line.' Simpson's Route to Cal., p. 46. 'The great Snake nation may be divided into three divisions, namely, the Shirrydikas, or dog-eaters; the Wararereekas, or fish-eaters; and the Banattees, or robbers. But, as a nation, they all go by the general appellation of Shoshones, or Snakes.... The Shirrydikas are the real Shoshones, and live in the plains hunting the buffalo.' The country claimed by the Snake tribes 'is bounded on the east by the Rocky Mountains, on the south by the Spanish waters; on the Pacific, or west side, by an imaginary line, beginning at the west end, or spur, of the Blue Mountains, behind Fort Nez Percés, and running parallel with the ocean to the height of land beyond the Umpqua River, in about north lat. 41° (this line never approaches within 150 miles of the Pacific); and on the north by another line, running due east from the said spur of the Blue Mountains, and crossing the great south branch, or Lewis River, at the Dalles, till it strikes the Rocky Mountains 200 miles north of the three pilot knobs, or the place thereafter named the 'Valley of Troubles.'' Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 249, 251. 'They embrace all the territory of the Great South Pass, between the Mississippi valley and the waters of the Columbia.... Under the name of Yampatickara or Root-eaters and Bonacks they occupy with the Utahs the vast elevated basin of the Great Salt Lake, extending south and west to the borders of New Mexico and California.' Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 533-7, 540. 'The hunters report, that the proper country of the Snakes is to the east of the Youta Lake, and north of the Snake or Lewis river; but they are found in many detached places. The largest band is located near Fort Boise, on the Snake river to the north of the Bonacks.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 501. The Shoshones 'occupy the centre and principal part of the great Basin.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861. 'Inhabit that part of the Rocky Mountains which lies on the Grand and Green River branches of the Colorado of the West, the valley of Great Bear River, the habitable shores of the Great Salt Lake, a considerable portion of country on Snake River above and below Fort Hall, 462 and a tract extending two or three hundred miles to the west of that post.' Farnham's Trav., p. 61. The Shoshones inhabit about one third of the territory of Utah, living north of Salt Lake 'and on the line of the Humboldt or Mary River, some 400 miles west and 100 to 125 south of the Oregon line. The Yuta claim the rest of the territory between Kansas, the Sierra Nevada, New Mexico and the Oregon frontier.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 575. 'Les Soshonies, c'est-à-dire les déterreurs de racines, surnommés les Serpents, ... habitent la partie méridionale du territoire de l'Orégon, dans le voisinage de la haute Californie.' De Smet, Voy., p. 24. 'Their country lies south-west of the south-east branch of the Columbia, and is said to be the most barren of any part of the country in these western regions.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 83. 'On the south part of the Oregon Territory, adjoining upper California, are located the Shoshones or Snake Indians.' Ib., p. 308. 'Serpents ou Saaptins, Monquis, Bonacks et Youtas toutes les branches du Rio Colombia ou Sud-Est et les environs du lac Salé an Timpanogos.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'The country of the Shoshonees proper is south of Lewis or Snake River, and east of the Salt Lake. There is, however one detached band, known as the Wihinasht, or Western Snakes, near Fort Boirie, separated from the main body by the tribe of Bonnaks.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 219. 'The Shoshones are a small tribe of the nation called Snake Indians, a vague denomination, which embraces at once the inhabitants of the southern part of the Rocky mountains, and of the plains on each side.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 305. The Snakes or Shothoucs 'formerly occupied the whole of that vast territory lying between the Rocky and the Blue Mountains, and extending northward to the lower fork of the Columbia, and to the south as far as the basin of the Great Salt Lake.' Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 275. 'They occupy southern and western Nevada.' Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 18. 'They inhabit the southern part of the Rocky Mountains and the plains on each side.' Bulfinch's Ogn., p. 124. 'They occupy all the country between the southern branches of Lewis's river, extending from the Umatullum to the E. side of the Stony Mountains, on the southern parts of Wallaumut river from about 40° to 47° N. Lat. A branch of this tribe reside ... in spring and summer on the W. fork of Lewis river, a branch of the Columbia, and in winter and fall on the Missouri.' Morse's Rept., p. 369. 'The Shoshones dwell between the Rocky and blue mountain ranges.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 151. 'The aboriginees of the Reese River country consist of the Shoshone nation, divided into many subordinate tribes, each having a distinctive name, and occupying a tract of country varying from 20 to 50 miles square. Their country is bordered on the west by the Pi-Utes, the Edwards Creek mountains some 20 miles west of Reese River, being the dividing line. On the east it extends to Ruby Valley, where it joins on the territory of the Goshoots, the Bannocks being their neighbors on the northeast.' Cal. Farmer, June 26, 1863. 'The Snake tribe, inhabit the country bordering on Lewis and Bear Rivers, and their various tributaries.' Palmer's Jour., p. 43. 'The Snake Indians, who embrace many tribes, inhabit a wide extent of country at the head of Snake River above and below Fort Hall, and the vicinity of Great Bear River and Great Salt Lake. They are a migratory race, and generally occupy the south-eastern 463 portion of Oregon.' Dunn's Ogn., p. 325. The Shoshones inhabit the great plains to the southward of the Lewis River. Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 143. The Shoshones occupy 'almost the whole eastern half of the State (Nevada). The line separating them from the Pai-Utes on the east and south is not very clearly defined.' Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 114. 'The western bands of Shoshones ... range from the Idaho boundary north, southward to the thirty-eighth parallel; their western limit is the line passing through the Sunatoya Mountains; their eastern limit Steptoe and Great Salt Lake Valleys.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 95. The Snakes inhabit 'the plains of the Columbia between the 43d and 44th degrees of latitude.' Franchère's Nar., p. 150. The Washakeeks or Green River Snakes inhabit the country drained by Green River and its tributaries. The Tookarikkahs, or mountain sheep-eaters, 'occupy the Salmon river country and the upper part of Snake River Valley, and Coiners' Prairie, near the Boise mines.' These two bands are the genuine Snakes; other inferior bands are the Hokandikahs or Salt Lake Diggers who 'inhabit the region about the great lake.' The Aggitikkahs or Salmon-eaters who 'occupy the region round about Salmon falls, on Snake river.' Stuart's Montana, p. 80.

The Snakes, or Shoshones proper, though they are only part of the larger Shoshone family, are generally referred to as 'the Shoshones' by officials. Dr. Hurt categorizes them into 'Snakes, Bannacks, Tosiwitches, Gosha Utes, and Cumumpahs,' though he later identifies the last two groups as mixed races between the Shoshones and the Utahs. The Shoshones claim the northeastern part of the territory, stretching about four hundred miles west and from one hundred to one hundred twenty-five miles south of the Oregon line. Simpson's Route to Cal., p. 46. 'The great Snake nation can be divided into three groups: the Shirrydikas, or dog-eaters; the Wararereekas, or fish-eaters; and the Banattees, or robbers. Yet collectively, they are known by the general name of Shoshones, or Snakes. The Shirrydikas are the true Shoshones and reside in the plains hunting buffalo.' Their claimed land 'is bordered to the east by the Rocky Mountains, to the south by the Spanish waters; on the west side, by an imaginary line starting at the west end or spur of the Blue Mountains, behind Fort Nez Percés, running parallel to the ocean to the height of land beyond the Umpqua River, at roughly north latitude 41° (this line stays at least 150 miles away from the Pacific); and to the north by another line that runs due east from that spur of the Blue Mountains, crossing the main south branch, or Lewis River, at the Dalles, until it meets the Rocky Mountains 200 miles north of the three pilot knobs, later known as the 'Valley of Troubles.'' Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 249, 251. 'They hold all the territory of the Great South Pass, situated between the Mississippi valley and the waters of the Columbia. Under the label Yampatickara or Root-eaters and Bonacks, they share the vast elevated basin of the Great Salt Lake with the Utahs, extending south and west to the borders of New Mexico and California.' Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 533-7, 540. 'Hunters report that the true homeland of the Snakes is east of Youta Lake, and north of the Snake or Lewis River; however, they can be found in many scattered locations. The largest group is near Fort Boise on the Snake River, to the north of the Bonacks.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 501. The Shoshones 'occupy the central and main part of the great Basin.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861. 'They inhabit that area of the Rocky Mountains that lies along the Grand and Green River branches of the Colorado of the West, the valley of Great Bear River, the livable edges of the Great Salt Lake, and a significant portion of land on Snake River both above and below Fort Hall, 462 and a stretch extending two or three hundred miles west of that post.' Farnham's Trav., p. 61. The Shoshones live in about a third of Utah, located north of Salt Lake 'and along the line of the Humboldt or Mary River, some 400 miles west and 100 to 125 miles south of the Oregon line. The Yuta claim the remainder of the territory between Kansas, the Sierra Nevada, New Mexico, and the Oregon frontier.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 575. 'The Shoshones, meaning the root diggers, nicknamed the Snakes, ... inhabit the southern part of Oregon territory near high California.' De Smet, Voy., p. 24. 'Their territory lies southwest of the southeast branch of the Columbia and is said to be the most barren region of the western areas of the country.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 83. 'In the southern part of Oregon, bordering upper California, are the Shoshones or Snake Indians.' Ib., p. 308. 'Snakes or Saaptins, Monquis, Bonacks, and Youtas inhabit all branches of the Rio Colombia or Southeast and the areas surrounding the Great Salt Lake at Timpanogos.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 335. 'The homeland of the true Shoshones is located south of Lewis or Snake River and east of the Salt Lake. However, there is one isolated band known as the Wihinasht, or Western Snakes, near Fort Boirie, separated from the main group by the Bonnaks tribe.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 219. 'The Shoshones are a small tribe of the Snake Indians, a broad term that includes residents of the southern Rocky Mountains and the adjacent plains.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 305. The Snakes or Shothoucs 'formerly occupied the entire vast area between the Rocky and Blue Mountains, extending north to the lower fork of the Columbia, and south to the basin of the Great Salt Lake.' Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 275. 'They inhabit southern and western Nevada.' Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 18. 'They live in the southern part of the Rocky Mountains and the surrounding plains.' Bulfinch's Ogn., p. 124. 'They occupy all the land between the southern branches of Lewis's river, stretching from the Umatullum to the east side of the Stony Mountains, on the southern banks of Wallaumut river from about 40° to 47° N. Lat. A branch of this tribe resides ... in spring and summer on the west fork of Lewis river, a tributary of the Columbia, and in winter and fall on the Missouri.' Morse's Rept., p. 369. 'The Shoshones live between the Rocky and Blue mountain ranges.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 151. 'The native people of the Reese River region consist of the Shoshone nation, subdivided into many smaller tribes, each with its own distinct name and occupying areas of land ranging from 20 to 50 square miles. Their territory is bordered to the west by the Pi-Utes, with the Edwards Creek mountains about 20 miles west of Reese River as the dividing line. To the east, it reaches Ruby Valley, where it meets the territory of the Goshoots, with the Bannocks as their neighbors to the northeast.' Cal. Farmer, June 26, 1863. 'The Snake tribe inhabits regions near Lewis and Bear Rivers, along with their many tributaries.' Palmer's Jour., p. 43. 'The Snake Indians, representing many tribes, occupy a large area at the head of Snake River above and below Fort Hall, as well as near Great Bear River and Great Salt Lake. They are a nomadic people, generally found in the southeast portion of Oregon.' Dunn's Ogn., p. 325. The Shoshones inhabit the great plains south of the Lewis River. Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 143. The Shoshones cover 'almost the entire eastern half of the state (Nevada). The boundary separating them from the Pai-Utes on the east and south is not very well defined.' Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 114. 'The western groups of Shoshones ... range from the Idaho boundary to the south, down to the thirty-eighth parallel; their western limit is along the line through the Sunatoya Mountains; their eastern limit is the Steptoe and Great Salt Lake Valleys.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 95. The Snakes live 'on the plains of the Columbia between the 43rd and 44th degrees of latitude.' Franchère's Nar., p. 150. The Washakeeks or Green River Snakes live in the areas drained by Green River and its tributaries. The Tookarikkahs, or mountain sheep-eaters, 'are located in the Salmon River region and the upper part of Snake River Valley, as well as Coiners' Prairie, close to the Boise mines.' These two bands are the true Snakes; other smaller groups include the Hokandikahs or Salt Lake Diggers who 'live around the large lake.' The Aggitikkahs or Salmon-eaters 'occupy the area around Salmon Falls on Snake River.' Stuart's Montana, p. 80.

BANNACKS AND UTAHS.

Bannacks and Utahs.

'The Bannacks, who are generally classed with the Snakes, inhabit the country south of here, (Powder River) in the vicinity of Harney lake.... The Winnas band of Snakes inhabit the country north of Snake river, and are found principally on the Bayette, Boise, and Sickley rivers.' Kirkpatrick, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, pp. 267-8. The Bonacks 'inhabit the country between Fort Boise and Fort Hall.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 502. They 'inhabit the southern borders of Oregon, along the old Humboldt River emigrant road.' Simpson's Route to Cal., p. 47. The Bonaks seem 'to embrace Indian tribes inhabiting a large extent of country west of the Rocky Mountains. As the name imports, it was undoubtedly given to that portion of Indians who dig and live on the roots of the earth.' Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 221. The Bonaks inhabit 'the banks of that part of Saptin or Snake River which lies between the mouth of Boisais or Reeds River and the Blue Mountains.' Farnham's Trav., p. 76. The Bonax inhabit the country west of the Lewis fork of the Columbia between the forty-second and forty-fourth parallels. Parker's Map. The Bannacks range through northern Nevada, and into Oregon and Idaho. Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 18. They 'claim the southwestern portions of Montana as their land.' Sully, in Id., p. 289. 'This tribe occupies most of that portion of Nevada north of the forty-first degree of north latitude, with the southeastern corner of Oregon and the southwestern corner of Idaho.' Parker, in Id., 1866, p. 114. The Bannocks drift 'from Boise City to the game country northeast of Bozeman, Montana, and south as far as Fort Bridger, Wyoming Territory ... traveling from Oregon to East of the Rocky Mountains.' High, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, pp. 272-3.

The Bannacks, typically grouped with the Snakes, live in the area south of here (Powder River), near Harney Lake. The Winnas band of Snakes resides north of Snake River and can mainly be found on the Bayette, Boise, and Sickley Rivers. Kirkpatrick, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, pp. 267-8. The Bonacks 'live between Fort Boise and Fort Hall.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 502. They 'are found along the southern borders of Oregon, along the old Humboldt River emigrant road.' Simpson's Route to Cal., p. 47. The Bonaks appear 'to include Indian tribes living over a large area west of the Rocky Mountains. As the name suggests, it was likely given to that group of Indians who dig and survive on the roots of the earth.' Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 221. The Bonaks inhabit 'the banks of that section of Saptin or Snake River located between the mouth of Boisais or Reeds River and the Blue Mountains.' Farnham's Trav., p. 76. The Bonax live in the area west of the Lewis fork of the Columbia, between the forty-second and forty-fourth parallels. Parker's Map. The Bannacks extend through northern Nevada and into Oregon and Idaho. Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 18. They 'claim the southwestern parts of Montana as their territory.' Sully, in Id., p. 289. 'This tribe occupies the majority of that section of Nevada north of the forty-first degree of north latitude, along with the southeastern corner of Oregon and the southwestern corner of Idaho.' Parker, in Id., 1866, p. 114. The Bannocks migrate 'from Boise City to the hunting grounds northeast of Bozeman, Montana, and as far south as Fort Bridger, Wyoming Territory ... traveling from Oregon to east of the Rocky Mountains.' High, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, pp. 272-3.

UTAHS.

Utah's.

The Utah nation occupies all that portion of the territory assigned to the Shoshone family lying south of the Snakes, between the country of the Californians proper, and the Rocky Mountains. It is divided into several tribes, the number varying with different authorities. Wilson divides the Utah nation into seven tribes; viz., the 'Taos, Yampapas, Ewinte, Tenpenny Utahs, 464 Parant Utahs, Sampiches, Pahmetes.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. vi., p. 697. 'Besides the Parawat Yutas, the Yampas, 200-300 miles south, on the White River; the Tebechya, or sun-hunters, about Tête de Biche, near Spanish lands; and the Tash Yuta, near the Navajos; there are scatters of the nation along the Californian road from Beaver Valley, along the Santa Clara, Virgen, Las Vegas, and Muddy Rivers, to New Mexico.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 578. 'The tribes of Utah Territory are: Utahs at large, Pi Utahs, roving, Uwinty Utahs, Utahs of Sampitch Valley, Utahs of Carson Valley, Utahs of Lake Sevier and Walker River, Navahoes and Utahs of Grand River, Shoshonees, or Snakes proper, Diggers on Humboldt River, Eutahs of New Mexico.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 498. The Utahs are composed of several bands, the most important of which are the Timpanogs who 'range through Utah valley and the mountains adjoining the valley on the east.... The Uintahs, the principal band of the Utahs, ... range through Uintah valley and the Green River country.... The Pah Vants ... range through Pah Vant and Sevier valleys and west to the White mountains.' Irish, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 145. 'The Yutah nation is very numerous, and is also made up of many bands, which are to be distinguished only by their names.... Four of these bands called Noaches, Payuches, Tabiachis and Sogup, are accustomed to occupy lands within the province of New Mexico, or very near it, to the north and northeast.' Whipple, Ewbank, & Turner's Rept., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'The Utahs are divided into three bands—Mohuaches, Capotes, and Nomenuches or Poruches.' Delgado, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 163; see also pp. 17, 18. 'The Ute tribe Dr. Hurt divides into the Pah Utahs, Tamp Pah-Utes, Cheveriches, Pah Vants, San Pitches, and Pyedes. The Utahs proper inhabit the waters of Green River, south of Green River Mountains, the Grand River and its tributaries and as far south as the Navajo country. They also claim the country bordering on Utah Lake and as far south as the Sevier Lake.' Simpson's Route to Cal., p. 44. 'The Utahs are a separate and distinct tribe of Indians, divided into six bands, each with a head chief, as follows: The Menaches ... the Capotes ... the Tabe-naches ... the Cibariches ... the Tempanahgoes ... the Piuchas.' Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 178. 'The Yutahs are subdivided into four great bands: the Noaches, the Payuches (whom we believe to be identical with the Paï Utahs), the Tabiachis, and the Sogups, who live in perfect harmony on the north eastern confines of New Mexico, and at a distance of 500 miles to the south of the great tribe of the Zuguaganas.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 8. The Utes are 'those ... which inhabit the vicinity of the lakes and streams and live chiefly on fish, being distinguished by the name of Pah Utahs or Pah Utes, the word Pah, in their language signifying water.' Stansbury's Rept., p. 148. 'The country of the Utaws is situated to the east and southeast of the Soshonees, at the sources of the Rio Colorado.' De Smet's Letters, p. 39. 'The Youtas live between the Snake and Green Rivers.' Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 430. 'The Utahs of New Mexico are a portion of the tribe of the same name inhabiting the Territory of Utah.... They inhabit and claim all that region of country, embracing the sources of the north-western tributaries of the Arkansas river, above Bent's fort, up to the southern boundary of Utah Territory, and all the northern tributaries of the Rio 465 Grande, which lie within New Mexico and north of the 37th parallel of latitude.' Merriwether, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 169. The Utes 'occupy and claim that section of country ranging from Abiquin, northward to Navajo River and westward somewhat of this line.' Davis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 255. The Eutaws 'reside on both sides of the Eutaw or Anahuac mountains, they are continually migrating from one side to the other.' Farnham's Trav., p. 48. 'The Youtas inhabit the country between the Snake and Green rivers.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 502. 'The Utahs' claim of boundaries are all south of that of the Shoshonies, embracing the waters of the Colorado, going most probably to the Gulf of California.' Wilson, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. vi., p. 698. The country of the Utaws 'is situated to the east and southeast of the Shoshones, about the Salt Lake, and on the head waters of the Colorado river, which empties into the gulf of California.... Their country being in latitude about 41°.' 'The Utaws are decent in appearance and their country, which is towards Santa Fe, is said to be tolerably good.' Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 79, 309. The Yutas, Utaws, or Youtas, 'range between lat. 35° and 42° North and the Meridians 29° and 37° W. Long. of Washington. The great Yutas tribe is divided into two families which are contradistinguished by the names of their respective head-quarters; the Tao Yutas, so called because their principal camp is pitched in Tao mountains, seventy miles north of Santa Fé; and the Timpanigos Yutas, who hold their great camp near the Timpanigos lake.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 371. 'Um den Fluss Dolóres haben die Yutas, Tabeguáchis, Payúches und Tularénos ihre Wohnsitze.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 538. The Utahs live 'on the border of New Mexico.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 196. 'Le pays des Utaws est situé à l'est et au sud-est de celui des Soshonies, aux sources du Rio-Colorado.' De Smet, Voy., p. 30. 'The Yutas or Eutaws are one of the most extensive nations of the West, being scattered from the north of New Mexico to the borders of Snake river and Rio Colorado.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 300.

The Utah nation covers the area belonging to the Shoshone family that lies south of the Snakes, situated between California and the Rocky Mountains. It's divided into several tribes, with the number varying according to different sources. Wilson classifies the Utah nation into seven tribes: the 'Taos, Yampapas, Ewinte, Tenpenny Utahs, 464 Parant Utahs, Sampiches, Pahmetes.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. vi., p. 697. 'In addition to the Parawat Yutas, the Yampas, located 200-300 miles to the south on the White River; the Tebechya, or sun-hunters, around Tête de Biche, near Spanish territory; and the Tash Yuta, situated near the Navajos; there are scattered groups of the nation along the California route from Beaver Valley, through the Santa Clara, Virgen, Las Vegas, and Muddy Rivers, to New Mexico.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 578. 'The tribes of Utah Territory include: Utahs in general, Pi Utahs, roving bands, Uwinty Utahs, Utahs from Sampitch Valley, Utahs from Carson Valley, Utahs from Lake Sevier and Walker River, Navajos and Utahs from Grand River, Shoshonees, or Snakes proper, Diggers on Humboldt River, Eutahs from New Mexico.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 498. The Utahs consist of several bands, the most notable of which are the Timpanogs who 'roam through the Utah valley and the mountains nearby to the east.... The Uintahs, the main band of the Utahs, ... roam through Uintah valley and the Green River area.... The Pah Vants ... roam through Pah Vant and Sevier valleys and west to the White Mountains.' Irish, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 145. 'The Yutah nation is very large and also made up of many bands, which are only distinguished by their names.... Four of these bands, known as Noaches, Payuches, Tabiachis, and Sogup, are used to occupying lands within or near New Mexico, in the north and northeast.' Whipple, Ewbank, & Turner's Rept., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'The Utahs are divided into three bands—Mohuaches, Capotes, and Nomenuches or Poruches.' Delgado, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 163; see also pp. 17, 18. 'Dr. Hurt divides the Ute tribe into the Pah Utahs, Tamp Pah-Utes, Cheveriches, Pah Vants, San Pitches, and Pyedes. The Utahs proper inhabit the waters of the Green River, south of the Green River Mountains, the Grand River and its tributaries, extending as far south as the Navajo region. They also claim land bordering Utah Lake and extending south to Sevier Lake.' Simpson's Route to Cal., p. 44. 'The Utahs are a distinct tribe of Indians, divided into six bands, each with a head chief, as follows: The Menaches ... the Capotes ... the Tabe-naches ... the Cibariches ... the Tempanahgoes ... the Piuchas.' Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 178. 'The Yutahs are subdivided into four large bands: the Noaches, the Payuches (whom we believe to be the same as the Paï Utahs), the Tabiachis, and the Sogups, who live in harmony on the northeastern edge of New Mexico and are about 500 miles south of the large tribe of the Zuguaganas.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 8. The Utes are 'those ... who live near the lakes and rivers and primarily eat fish, known by the name of Pah Utahs or Pah Utes, where Pah means water in their language.' Stansbury's Rept., p. 148. 'The territory of the Utaws is located to the east and southeast of the Shoshonees, at the sources of the Rio Colorado.' De Smet's Letters, p. 39. 'The Youtas reside between the Snake and Green Rivers.' Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 430. 'The Utahs of New Mexico are a part of the tribe of the same name living in the Utah Territory.... They inhabit and lay claim to all that area, including the sources of the northwestern tributaries of the Arkansas River, above Bent's fort, up to the southern boundary of Utah Territory, and all the northern tributaries of the Rio 465 Grande that are within New Mexico and north of the 37th parallel of latitude.' Merriwether, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 169. The Utes 'occupy and claim the area extending from Abiquin, northward to the Navajo River and somewhat to the west of that line.' Davis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 255. The Eutaws 'reside on both sides of the Eutaw or Anahuac mountains, frequently migrating from one side to the other.' Farnham's Trav., p. 48. 'The Youtas live in the region between the Snake and Green rivers.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 502. 'The Utahs' claimed boundaries are entirely south of the Shoshonies, including the waters of the Colorado, likely extending down to the Gulf of California.' Wilson, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. vi., p. 698. The territory of the Utaws 'is situated to the east and southeast of the Shoshones, near Salt Lake, and on the headwaters of the Colorado River, which flows into the Gulf of California.... Their territory is around latitude 41°.' 'The Utaws are decent in appearance, and their region, which is towards Santa Fe, is said to be fairly good.' Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 79, 309. The Yutas, Utaws, or Youtas, 'range between lat. 35° and 42° North and the meridians of 29° and 37° W. Long. of Washington. The large Yutas tribe is classified into two families based on the names of their main camps; the Tao Yutas, named because their primary camp is in the Tao mountains, seventy miles north of Santa Fé; and the Timpanigos Yutas, who have their main camp near Timpanigos Lake.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 371. 'Around the river Dolóres, the Yutas, Tabeguáchis, Payúches, and Tularénos have their settlements.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 538. The Utahs live 'on the border of New Mexico.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 196. 'The territory of the Utaws is located to the east and southeast of that of the Soshonies, at the sources of the Rio Colorado.' De Smet, Voy., p. 30. 'The Yutas or Eutaws are one of the largest nations in the West, scattered from northern New Mexico to the edges of the Snake River and Rio Colorado.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 300.

The Pah Utes occupy the greater part of Nevada, and extend southward into Arizona and south-eastern California. There is reason to believe that the Pi Utes are a distinct tribe from the Pah Utes, but as the same localities are frequently assigned to both tribes by different writers, and as many have evidently thought them one and the same, thereby causing great confusion, I have thought it best to merely give the names as spelled by the authorities without attempting to decide which tribe is being spoken of in either case. The Pah-Utes 'range principally in the southwestern portion of Utah and the southeastern portion of Nevada.' Head, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 124. The Pah Utes 'are spread over the vast tract of territory, between the Sierra Nevada and the Colorado River, going as far south as the thirty-fifth parallel, and extending to the northward through California and Nevada into Southern Oregon and Idaho.' Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 92. The Pah-Utes inhabit the western part of Nevada. Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 59. The Pah Utes and Pah Edes range over all that part of Utah south of the city of Filmore in Millard County. Head, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1868, p. 150. 'The term Pah Utes is applied to a very large number of Indians who roam through that vast section of country lying between the Sierra Nevada and the Colorado, 466 going as far south as the thirty-fifth parallel, and extending to the northward through California, Nevada, into Southern Oregon and Idaho. The Indians of this tribe in Arizona are located in the Big Bend of the Colorado, on both sides of the river, and range as far east as Diamond River, west to the Sierra Nevada, and northward into the State of Nevada.' Jones, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 216. The Pah Utes 'properly belong in Nevada and Arizona, but range over in southwestern Utah.' Irish, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 146. The Pah-Utes 'range principally from the borders of Oregon, on the north, to the southeast boundary of Nevada, and from the Sierra Nevada eastward to the Humboldt River and Sink of Carson; there are one or two small bands of them still further east, near Austin, Nevada. They are much scattered within these limits.' Douglas, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, pp. 94-5. 'The Pah-utes roam along the eastern slopes of the Sierra Nevada, from the mouth of the Virgin with the Colorado (in about lat. 36° long. 115°) to the territories of the Washoes north, and as far east as the Sevier Lake country of Fremont's explorations.' Cal. Farmer, June 22, 1860. 'The Pa-utahs, and Lake Utahs occupy the territory lying south of the Snakes, and upon the waters of the Colorado of the west and south of the Great Salt Lake.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 179. The Pá Yuta (Pey Utes) 'extend from forty miles west of Stony Point to the Californian line, and N.W. to the Oregon line, and inhabit the valley of the Fenelon River, which rising from Lake Bigler empties itself into Pyramid Lake.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 576. 'The Womenunche (also known as the Pa Uches) occupy the country on the San Juan river.' Collins, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, p. 238. 'The custom of designating the different bands of Pah Utes is derived from the name of some article of food not common in other localities; "Ocki," signifies "trout," "toy," "tule," &c. The Ocki Pah Utes ... are located on Walker River and Lake, and the mountains adjacent thereto. The Cozaby Pah Utes ... range from Mono Lake east to Smoky Valley.' Campbell, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, pp. 112-13. The Pah Utes extend, 'over portions of Utah and Arizona Territories, also the States of Nevada and California. Fenton, in Id., p. 113.

The Pah Utes occupy most of Nevada and extend south into Arizona and southeastern California. There's evidence to suggest that the Pi Utes are a separate tribe from the Pah Utes. However, since different writers often assign the same areas to both tribes and many assume they're the same, which creates significant confusion, I've decided to simply list the names as spelled by the sources without trying to determine which tribe is being referred to in each instance. The Pah Utes mainly inhabit the southwestern part of Utah and the southeastern part of Nevada. Head, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 124. The Pah Utes 'are spread across a vast stretch of land between the Sierra Nevada and the Colorado River, reaching as far south as the thirty-fifth parallel and extending north through California and Nevada into Southern Oregon and Idaho.' Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 92. The Pah Utes live in the western part of Nevada. Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 59. The Pah Utes and Pah Edes cover all the area of Utah south of the city of Fillmore in Millard County. Head, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1868, p. 150. 'The term Pah Utes is used to refer to a large number of Indians who travel through the extensive region between the Sierra Nevada and the Colorado, 466 extending south to the thirty-fifth parallel and north through California, Nevada, into Southern Oregon and Idaho. The Pah Utes in Arizona are based in the Big Bend of the Colorado, on both sides of the river, and range as far east as Diamond River, west to the Sierra Nevada, and north into Nevada.' Jones, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 216. The Pah Utes 'are primarily located in Nevada and Arizona, but also move into southwestern Utah.' Irish, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 146. The Pah Utes 'range mostly from the Oregon border to the southeast boundary of Nevada, and from the Sierra Nevada east to the Humboldt River and Sink of Carson; there are also one or two small bands even further east, near Austin, Nevada. They are quite dispersed within these limits.' Douglas, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, pp. 94-5. 'The Pah Utes travel along the eastern slopes of the Sierra Nevada, from the mouth of the Virgin River where it meets the Colorado (around lat. 36° long. 115°) to the territories of the Washoes to the north, and as far east as the Sevier Lake region explored by Fremont.' Cal. Farmer, June 22, 1860. 'The Pa-utahs and Lake Utahs occupy the territory south of the Snakes, on the waters of the Colorado to the west and south of the Great Salt Lake.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 179. The Pá Yuta (Pey Utes) 'extend from forty miles west of Stony Point to the California border, and northwest to the Oregon border, residing in the Fenelon River valley, which rises from Lake Bigler and flows into Pyramid Lake.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 576. 'The Womenunche (also known as the Pa Uches) inhabit the land along the San Juan River.' Collins, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, p. 238. 'The practice of naming different bands of Pah Utes comes from the name of some food item not common in other places; "Ocki" means "trout," "toy," "tule," etc. The Ocki Pah Utes ... are based on Walker River and Lake, along with the nearby mountains. The Cozaby Pah Utes ... range from Mono Lake east to Smoky Valley.' Campbell, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, pp. 112-13. The Pah Utes 'extend over parts of the Utah and Arizona territories, as well as the states of Nevada and California.' Fenton, in Id., p. 113.

The Chemehuevis are a band of Pah-Utahs. Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 76. The Chimehuevais live about forty miles below the Colorado River agency, on the California side of the river, and are scattered over an area of fifty square miles. Tonner, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 323. The Chemehuewas are 'located mainly on the west bank of the Colorado, above La Paz, and ranges along the river from about thirty miles south of Fort Mohave, to a point fifty miles north of Fort Yuma, to the eastward, but a short distance.' Sherman, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 216. The Chemehuevis live on the Colorado river, above the Bill Williams fork, a small tribe and quite unknown. Poston, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 387. The Chemehuevis are 'a band of Pahutahs, ... belonging to the great Shoshonee family.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 35. 'The Chimchinves are undoubtedly a branch of the Pah Ute tribe.' Stanley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 102.

The Chemehuevis are a group of Pah-Utahs. Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 76. The Chimehuevais live about forty miles downstream from the Colorado River agency, on the California side of the river, spread out over an area of fifty square miles. Tonner, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 323. The Chemehuevas are mainly located on the west bank of the Colorado, above La Paz, and extend along the river from around thirty miles south of Fort Mohave to a point fifty miles north of Fort Yuma, but not very far east. Sherman, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 216. The Chemehuevis live on the Colorado River, above the Bill Williams fork, as a small and relatively unknown tribe. Poston, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 387. The Chemehuevis are 'a band of Pahutahs, ... part of the great Shoshonee family.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 35. 'The Chimchinves are definitely a branch of the Pah Ute tribe.' Stanley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 102.

PI UTES AND GOSH UTES.

PI UTES AND GOSH UTES.

The Pi Utes, or Pyutes, 'inhabit Western Utah, from Oregon to New Mexico; their locations being generally in the vicinity of the principal rivers and lakes of the Great Basin, viz., Humboldt, Carson, Walker, Truckee, Owens's, Pyramid, and Mono.' Simpson's Route to Cal., p. 48. 'The tribe of Indians 467 who inhabit this section (near Fort Churchill) of which the post forms the centre comes under the one generic name of Piute, and acknowledge as their great chief Winnemucca. They are split up into small Captaincies and scattered throughout a vast extent of territory.' Farley, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. iii., p. 154. The Piutes or Paiuches inhabit 'the northern banks of the Colorado, the region of Severe river, and those portions of the Timpanigos desert where man can find a snail to eat.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 371. The Piutes live 'along the eastern slopes of the Sierra Nevada, from the mouth of the Virgen with the Colorado (in about Lat. 36° Long. 115°) to the territories of the Washoes north, and as far east as the Sevier Lake.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, June 22, 1860. 'Von 34° nordwärts die Pai Utes.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., vol. i., p. 430. The territory occupied by the Piutes 'is about one hundred miles broad, and is bounded on the north by the country of the Bannocks, on the east by that of the Shoshones, on the south by the State line between Nevada and California and on the west by the territory of the Washoes.' Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 115. The Piutes inhabit 'a country two hundred miles long by one hundred and twenty broad, lying parallel and east of that of the Washoes.... South of Walker lake are the Mono Pi Utes.... They are closely allied to the Walker River or Ocki Pi Utes ... located in the vicinity of Walker river and lake and Carson river and Upper lake.... At the lower Carson lake are the Toy Pi Utes.' Campbell, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 119. 'Upon the Colorado river, in the northern part of the Territory lives a band, or some bands, of Pi Utes, occupying both sides of the river, roaming to the limit of Arizona on the west, but on the east, for some miles, how far cannot be determined.' Whittier, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1868, p. 140. The Pi Ute 'range extends north to the Beaver, south to Fort Mojave, east to the Little Colorado and San Francisco Mountains, and on the west through the southern part of Nevada as far as the California line ... the larger portion living in Nevada.' Fenton, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 203. The Pi Utes inhabit the south-west portion of Utah. Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 142. 'The Pi Ute Indians are scattered over a large extent of country in Southeastern Nevada and Southwestern Utah.' Powell, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 562. The Pi Utes inhabit the south-eastern part of Nevada. Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 59.

The Pi Utes, or Pyutes, live in Western Utah, stretching from Oregon to New Mexico. They are mostly found near the major rivers and lakes of the Great Basin, which include Humboldt, Carson, Walker, Truckee, Owens's, Pyramid, and Mono. Simpson's Route to Cal., p. 48. 'The tribe of Indians 467 in this area (near Fort Churchill) is generally referred to by the collective name of Piute, with their great chief being Winnemucca. They are divided into small groups led by Captains and are spread out over a large area.' Farley, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. iii., p. 154. The Piutes or Paiuches live 'on the northern banks of the Colorado, the region of the Sevier River, and the parts of the Timpanagos desert where one can find a snail to eat.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 371. The Piutes are found 'along the eastern slopes of the Sierra Nevada, from the mouth of the Virgen at the Colorado (around Lat. 36° Long. 115°) to the territories of the Washoes to the north, and as far east as Sevier Lake.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, June 22, 1860. 'From 34° north lies the Pai Utes.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., vol. i., p. 430. The area occupied by the Piutes 'is about one hundred miles wide and is bordered to the north by the Bannocks, to the east by the Shoshones, to the south by the state line between Nevada and California, and to the west by the territory of the Washoes.' Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 115. The Piutes occupy 'a region that is two hundred miles long and one hundred and twenty miles wide, lying parallel and east of the Washoes' territory.... South of Walker Lake are the Mono Pi Utes.... They are closely related to the Walker River or Ocki Pi Utes ... located near Walker River and Lake and Carson River and Upper Lake.... At the lower Carson Lake are the Toy Pi Utes.' Campbell, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 119. 'Along the Colorado River in the northern part of the Territory, there is a band, or several bands, of Pi Utes living on both sides of the river, ranging up to the Arizona border in the west, but eastward, how far is unclear.' Whittier, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1868, p. 140. The Pi Ute 'range extends north to the Beaver, south to Fort Mojave, east to the Little Colorado and San Francisco Mountains, and to the west through the southern part of Nevada as far as the California line ... with the majority residing in Nevada.' Fenton, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 203. The Pi Utes live in the southwestern part of Utah. Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 142. 'The Pi Ute Indians are spread out over a vast area in Southeastern Nevada and Southwestern Utah.' Powell, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 562. The Pi Utes inhabit the southeastern part of Nevada. Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 59.

The Gosh Utes inhabit the country west of Great Salt Lake, and extend to the Pah Utes. They are said by most writers to be of mixed breed, between the Snakes, or Shoshones proper, and the Utahs: 'The Goshautes live about forty miles west' of Salt Lake City. Forney, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 212. The Goships, or Gosha Utes, range west of Salt Lake. Cooley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 17. The Goships 'range between the Great Salt Lake and the land of the western Shoshones.' Head, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 123. The Goship Shoshones 'live in the western part of Utah, between Great Salt Lake and the western boundary of the Territory,' (Utah). Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 230. The Goshutes are located 'in the country in the vicinity of Egan Cañon.... In the Shoshone range.' Douglas, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 96. 'The Goship Shoshones inhabit that part of Utah which lies between Great Salt Lake and the western boundary of the Territory (Utah).' Tourtellotte, in Id., p. 141. The Goshoots 'Dr. Hurt 468 classes among the Shoshones; but according to Mr. G. W. Bean, Capt. Simpson's Guide in the fall of 1858 ... they are the offspring of a disaffected portion of the Ute tribe, that left their nation, about two generations ago, under their leader or Chief Goship, whence their name Goship Utes since contracted into Goshutes.... Reside principally in the grassy valleys west of Great Salt Lake, along and in the vicinity of Capt. Simpson's routes, as far as the Ungoweah Range.' Simpson's Route to Cal., pp. 47-8. The Gosh Yutas, 'a body of sixty under a peaceful leader were settled permanently on the Indian Farm at Deep Creek, and the remainder wandered 40 to 200 miles west of Gt. S. L. City.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 577.

The Gosh Utes live in the area west of Great Salt Lake and extend to the Pah Utes. Most writers say they are a mixed group, part Snakes or Shoshones and part Utahs: 'The Gosh Utes live about forty miles west' of Salt Lake City. Forney, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 212. The Gosh Utes, or Gosha Utes, are located west of Salt Lake. Cooley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 17. The Gosh Utes 'range between the Great Salt Lake and the land of the western Shoshones.' Head, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 123. The Gosh Ute Shoshones 'live in the western part of Utah, between Great Salt Lake and the western boundary of the Territory,' (Utah). Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 230. The Goshutes are found 'in the area near Egan Canyon.... In the Shoshone range.' Douglas, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 96. 'The Gosh Ute Shoshones inhabit the part of Utah that lies between Great Salt Lake and the western boundary of the Territory (Utah).' Tourtellotte, in Id., p. 141. The Goshutes 'Dr. Hurt 468 classifies among the Shoshones; but according to Mr. G. W. Bean, Capt. Simpson's Guide in the fall of 1858 ... they are the descendants of a discontented group from the Ute tribe that left their people about two generations ago, led by Chief Goship, which is how they got the name Goship Utes, later shortened to Goshutes.... They mainly live in the grassy valleys west of Great Salt Lake, along and near Capt. Simpson's routes, extending as far as the Ungoweah Range.' Simpson's Route to Cal., pp. 47-8. The Gosh Yutas, 'a group of sixty under a peaceful leader, were permanently settled on the Indian Farm at Deep Creek, while the rest roamed 40 to 200 miles west of Great Salt Lake City.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 577.

The Toquimas live about the head of Reese River Valley, and in the country to the east of that point. Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, June 26, 1863.

The Toquimas live near the source of Reese River Valley and in the area to the east of it. Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, June 26, 1863.

The Temoksees live about thirty miles south of Jacobsville. Cal. Farmer, June 26, 1863.

The Temoksees live about thirty miles south of Jacobsville. Cal. Farmer, June 26, 1863.

The Pah Vants 'occupy the Corn Creek, Paravan, and Beaver Valleys, and the valley of Sevier.' Simpson's Route to Cal., p. 45. Half the Pavants 'are settled on the Indian farm at Corn Creek; the other wing of the tribe lives along Sevier Lake, and the surrounding country in the north-east extremity of Filmore Valley, fifty miles from the City, where they join the Gosh Yuta.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 577. Although Mr Burton gives this as the fruit of his own observation, it is evidently taken from Forney's Rept., in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 364, which reads as follows: 'About half of them (the Pahvants) have their home on the Corn Creek Indian farm. The other wing of the tribe lives along Sevier lake and surrounding country, in the northeast extremity of Fillmore valley, and about fifty miles from Fillmore city.' The Pah Vants range 'through Pah-Vant and Sevier valleys, and west to the White Mountains.' Cooley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 17. 'The Pahvents occupy the territory in the vicinity of Corn Creek reservation, and south of the Goship Shoshones.' Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 230. 'The Pah Vant Indians inhabit the country south of the Goship Shoshones.' Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 142.

The Pah Vants 'live in the Corn Creek, Paravan, and Beaver Valleys, and the valley of Sevier.' Simpson's Route to Cal., p. 45. Half of the Pavants 'are settled on the Indian farm at Corn Creek; the other part of the tribe resides along Sevier Lake, and the surrounding area in the northeast corner of Filmore Valley, fifty miles from the city, where they join the Gosh Yuta.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 577. Although Mr. Burton presents this as his own observation, it is clearly taken from Forney's Report, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 364, which states: 'About half of them (the Pahvants) have their home on the Corn Creek Indian farm. The other part of the tribe lives along Sevier Lake and the surrounding area in the northeast corner of Fillmore Valley, about fifty miles from Fillmore City.' The Pah Vants range 'through Pah-Vant and Sevier valleys, and west to the White Mountains.' Cooley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 17. 'The Pah Vants occupy the territory near the Corn Creek reservation and south of the Goship Shoshones.' Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 230. 'The Pah Vant Indians live in the area south of the Goship Shoshones.' Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 142.

The Pi Edes 'are a band ranging through Beaver and Little Salt Lake Valley, and on the Virgin and Santa Clara rivers, down to the Muddy, embracing the whole southern portion of Utah Territory.' Irish, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 145. 'The Py Edes live adjoining the Pahvants, down to the Santa Clara.' Simpson's Route to Cal., p. 45. 'The Pi Ede Indians inhabit the country south of the Pah Vants.' Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 142. 'The Piede Indians inhabit the extreme southern portion of the territory (Utah) on the Santa Clara and Muddy rivers.' Armstrong, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 234. The Piede Indians live on Rio Virgin and Santa Clara river. Carvalho's Incid. of Trav., p. 223.

The Pi Edes are a group that ranges through Beaver and Little Salt Lake Valley, and along the Virgin and Santa Clara rivers, extending to the Muddy, covering the entire southern part of Utah Territory. Irish, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 145. "The Py Edes live next to the Pahvants, down to the Santa Clara." Simpson's Route to Cal., p. 45. "The Pi Ede Indians live in the area south of the Pah Vants." Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 142. "The Piede Indians live in the far southern part of the territory (Utah) on the Santa Clara and Muddy rivers." Armstrong, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 234. The Piede Indians reside along the Rio Virgin and Santa Clara river. Carvalho's Incid. of Trav., p. 223.

WASHOES AND SAMPITCHES.

Shoes and sandwiches.

The Washoes 'inhabit the country along the base of the Sierra Nevada Mountains, from Honey lake on the north to the west fork of Walker's river the south.' Dodge, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 374. Simpson's Route to Cal., on p. 45, and Burton's City of the Saints, p. 578, repeat this. The Washoes 'are stated to have boundaries as high up as the Oregon line, along the eastern flanks of the Sierra Nevada, as far to the east as two hundred miles and to the south to Walker's river.' Cal. Farmer, June 22, 1860. The Washoes live 469 in the extreme western part of Nevada. Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 115. 'Commencing at the western boundary of the State, we have first the Washoe tribe, ... occupying a tract of country one hundred miles long, north and south, by twenty-five in width.' Campbell, in Id., p. 119. The Washoes 'live along Lake Bigler and the headwaters of Carson, Walker, and Truckee rivers, and in Long and Sierra Valleys.' Wasson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1861, p. 114. The Washoes 'are scattered over a large extent of country along the western border of the State' of Nevada. Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 18. The Washoes 'frequent the settled portions of the State, principally the towns of Virginia City, Carson City, Reno, Washoe City, and Genoa. In summer they betake themselves to the mountains in the vicinity of Lake Tahoe and Hope Valley.' Douglas, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 96.

The Washoes live in the region at the base of the Sierra Nevada Mountains, stretching from Honey Lake in the north to the west fork of Walker's River in the south. Dodge, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 374. Simpson's Route to Cal., p. 45, and Burton's City of the Saints, p. 578, echo this. The Washoes 'are said to have boundaries extending as far up as the Oregon line, along the eastern slopes of the Sierra Nevada, reaching as far east as two hundred miles and south to Walker's River.' Cal. Farmer, June 22, 1860. The Washoes live 469 in the far western part of Nevada. Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 115. 'Starting at the western border of the State, we first have the Washoe tribe, ... occupying a region that is one hundred miles long, north and south, and twenty-five miles wide.' Campbell, in Id., p. 119. The Washoes 'reside around Lake Bigler and the headwaters of Carson, Walker, and Truckee Rivers, and in Long and Sierra Valleys.' Wasson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1861, p. 114. The Washoes 'are spread over a large area along the western border of the State' of Nevada. Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 18. The Washoes 'often visit the settled areas of the State, mainly the towns of Virginia City, Carson City, Reno, Washoe City, and Genoa. In the summer, they move to the mountains near Lake Tahoe and Hope Valley.' Douglas, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 96.

The Sampitches 'range through the Sanpitch valley and creek on the Sevier river.' Irish, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 145. 'The Sampiches are a tribe wandering on the desert to the south of Youta Lake.' Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 430. Burton mentions 'Sampichyas' settled at San Pete. City of the Saints, p. 578. The San Pitches 'live in the San Pitch valley and along the Sevier river.' Cooley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 18. 'The San Pitches occupy a territory south and east of the Timpanagos.' Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869. p. 230. 'The San Pitch Indians inhabit the country about the San Pete reservation.' Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 142. 'Les Sampectches, les Pagouts et les Ampayouts sont les plus proches voisins des Serpents.' De Smet, Voy., p. 28.

The Sampitches 'are found throughout the Sanpitch valley and creek on the Sevier river.' Irish, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 145. 'The Sampiches are a tribe moving across the desert south of Youta Lake.' Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 430. Burton notes 'Sampichyas' settled in San Pete. City of the Saints, p. 578. The San Pitches 'live in the San Pitch valley and along the Sevier river.' Cooley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 18. 'The San Pitches occupy lands to the south and east of the Timpanagos.' Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 230. 'The San Pitch Indians reside near the San Pete reservation.' Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 142. 'Les Sampectches, les Pagouts et les Ampayouts sont les plus proches voisins des Serpents.' De Smet, Voy., p. 28.

The Uinta Utes 'claim Uinta valley and the country along Green river.' Forney, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 364. The Uinta Yutas live 'in the mountains south of Fort Bridger, and in the country along Green River.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 577.

The Uinta Utes "claim Uinta Valley and the area along the Green River." Forney, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 364. The Uinta Yutas live "in the mountains south of Fort Bridger, and in the region along the Green River." Burton's City of the Saints, p. 577.

The Yam Pah Utes 'inhabit the country south of the Uinta Valley reservation.' Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 142; Id., 1869, p. 231.

The Yam Pah Utes live in the area south of the Uinta Valley reservation. Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 142; Id., 1869, p. 231.

The Elk Mountain Utes live in the south-eastern portion of Utah. Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 142; Burton's City of the Saints, p. 578. repeats.

The Elk Mountain Utes live in the southeastern part of Utah. Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 142; Burton's City of the Saints, p. 578. repeats.

The Tosawees or White Knives, or as they are sometimes called Shoshoteos or Foot-men, on the Humboldt and Goose Creek. Stuart's Montana, p. 80. 'The Tosawitches, or White Knives, inhabit the region along the Humboldt River.' Simpson's Shortest Route, p. 47. The Indians about Stony Point are called Tosawwitches (white knives). Hurt, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856.

The Tosawees or White Knives, also known as Shoshoteos or Foot-men, are found along the Humboldt and Goose Creek. Stuart's Montana, p. 80. 'The Tosawitches, or White Knives, live in the area along the Humboldt River.' Simpson's Shortest Route, p. 47. The Indians near Stony Point are referred to as Tosawwitches (White Knives). Hurt, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856.

The Weber Utes 'live in the valley of Salt Lake.' Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 230, also in Id., 1870, p. 141. The Weber Utes live in the vicinity of Salt Lake City. Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 56. The Weber River Yutas are principally seen in Great Salt Lake City. Their chief settlement is forty miles to the north. Burton's City of the Saints, p. 578.

The Weber Utes 'live in the Salt Lake Valley.' Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 230, also in Id., 1870, p. 141. The Weber Utes reside near Salt Lake City. Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 56. The Weber River Yutas are mostly found in Salt Lake City. Their main settlement is forty miles north. Burton's City of the Saints, p. 578.

The Cum Umbahs 'are mixed-bloods of the Utes and Shoshonees, and range in the region of Salt lake, Weber and Ogden valleys in northern Utah.' Irish, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 144.

The Cum Umbahs are people of mixed heritage from the Utes and Shoshone tribes, and they live in the Salt Lake, Weber, and Ogden valleys in northern Utah. Irish, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 144.

The Wimmenuches are 'a tribe of the Ute Indians, whose country is principally from Tierra Amarilla northward to Ellos de los Animas and thence also to the Rio Grande. They mix with the Pi Utes in Utah.' Davis, in Ind. 470 Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 255. The Wemenuche Utes 'roam and hunt west of the San Juan River, and their lodges are to be found along the banks of the Rio de las Animas, Rio de la Plata and Rio Mancos.' Hanson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 155. The Weminuche Utes live near the San Juan river. Armstrong, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 307.

The Wimmenuches are a group of the Ute Indians, whose territory mainly stretches from Tierra Amarilla north to Ellos de los Animas and also to the Rio Grande. They intermix with the Pi Utes in Utah. Davis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 255. The Wemenuche Utes 'hunt and wander west of the San Juan River, and their camps can be found along the banks of the Rio de las Animas, Rio de la Plata, and Rio Mancos.' Hanson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 155. The Weminuche Utes reside near the San Juan River. Armstrong, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 307.

The Capote Utes 'roam from within five to fifty miles of the agency, but the greater part of the time live in the vicinity of Tierra Amarilla, from five to ten miles distant, north and south along the Rio Charmer.' Hanson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 154; Armstrong, in Id., 1870, p. 307.

The Capote Utes travel around five to fifty miles from the agency, but most of the time they stay near Tierra Amarilla, about five to ten miles away, north and south along the Rio Charmer. Hanson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 154; Armstrong, in Id., 1870, p. 307.

'The Sheberetches inhabit the country south of the Yam Pah Utes.' Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 142.

'The Sheberetches live in the area south of the Yam Pah Utes.' Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 142.

The Fish Utes 'inhabit the country about Red Lake, south of the Sheberetches.' Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 142.

The Fish Utes live in the area around Red Lake, south of the Sheberetches. Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 142.

The Tash Utes live near the Navajos. Burton's City of the Saints, p. 578.

The Tash Utes live close to the Navajos. Burton's City of the Saints, p. 578.

The Tabechya, or Sun-hunters, 'live about Tête de Biche, near Spanish lands.' 'Timpenaguchya, or Timpana Yuta, corrupted into Tenpenny Utes, ... dwell about the kanyon of that name, and on the east of the Sweetwater Lake.' Burton's City of the Saints, pp. 577-8. 'The Timpanoge Indians formerly resided at and about Spanish Fort reservation, but they are now scattered among other bands and do not now exist as a separate tribe.' Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 142; see also Id., 1869, p. 230. The Timpanogs inhabit 'Utah valley, and the neighboring mountains.' Cooley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 17.

The Tabechya, or Sun-hunters, "live around Tête de Biche, near Spanish lands." "Timpenaguchya, or Timpana Yuta, which got changed to Tenpenny Utes, ... live by the canyon of that name, and to the east of Sweetwater Lake." Burton's City of the Saints, pp. 577-8. "The Timpanoge Indians used to live at and around the Spanish Fort reservation, but they are now scattered among other groups and no longer exist as a separate tribe." Tourtellotte, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 142; see also Id., 1869, p. 230. The Timpanogs live in "Utah Valley, and the nearby mountains." Cooley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 17.

New Mexican Group

NATIVE RACES of the PACIFIC STATES
NEW MEXICAN GROUP

NATIVE RACES of the PACIFIC STATES
NEW MEXICAN GROUP

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CHAPTER V.

NEW MEXICANS.

Geographical Position of this Group, and Physical Features of the Territory—Family Divisions: Apaches, Pueblos, Lower Californians, and Northern Mexicans—the Apache Family: Comanches, Apaches Proper, Hualapais, Yumas, Cosninos, Yampais, Yalchedunes, Yamajabs, Cochees, Cruzados, Nijoras, Navajos, Mojaves, and their Customs—The Pueblo Family: Pueblos, Moquis, Pimas, Maricopas, Papagos, and their Neighbours—The Cochimis, Waicuris, Pericuis, and other Lower Californians—The Seris, Sinaloas, Tarahumares, Conchos, Tepehuanes, Tobosos, Acaxes, and others in Northern Mexico.

Geographical Location of this Group and Physical Characteristics of the Area—Family Divisions: Apaches, Pueblos, Lower Californians, and Northern Mexicans—the Apache Family: Comanches, Apaches Proper, Hualapais, Yumas, Cosninos, Yampais, Yalchedunes, Yamajabs, Cochees, Cruzados, Nijoras, Navajos, Mojaves, and their Traditions—The Pueblo Family: Pueblos, Moquis, Pimas, Maricopas, Papagos, and their Neighbors—The Cochimis, Waicuris, Pericuis, and other Lower Californians—The Seris, Sinaloas, Tarahumares, Conchos, Tepehuanes, Tobosos, Acaxes, and others in Northern Mexico.

The New Mexicans, under which name I group the nations of New Mexico, Arizona, Lower California, Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Durango, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, northern Zacatecas, and western Texas, present some peculiarities not hitherto encountered in this work. As a groupal designation, this name is neither more nor less appropriate than some others; all I claim for it is that it appears as fit as any. The term Mexican might with propriety be applied to this group, as the majority of its people live within the Mexican boundary, but that word is employed in the next division, which is yet more strictly of Mexico.

The New Mexicans, a term I use to refer to the nations in New Mexico, Arizona, Lower California, Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Durango, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, northern Zacatecas, and western Texas, have some unique traits that haven't been discussed in this work before. As a collective label, this name is just as suitable as any other; all I’m saying is that it seems as appropriate as any. The term Mexican could be used for this group since most of the people live within the Mexican border, but that term is used in the next section, which refers even more specifically to Mexico.

The territory of the New Mexicans, which lies for the most part between the parallels 36° and 23° and the meridians 96° and 117°, presents a great diversity of climate and aspect. On reaching the northern extremity of the Gulf of California, the Sierra Nevada and coast ranges of mountains join and break up into detached upheavals, or 472 as they are called 'lost mountains'; one part, with no great elevation, continuing through the peninsula, another, under the name of Sierra Madre, extending along the western side of Mexico. The Rocky Mountains, which separate into two ranges at about the forty-fifth parallel, continue southward, one branch, known in Utah as the Wahsatch, merging into the Sierra Madre, while the other, the great Cordillera, stretches along the eastern side of Mexico, uniting again with the Sierra Madre in the Mexican table-land. Besides these are many detached and intersecting ranges, between which lie arid deserts, lava beds, and a few fertile valleys. From the sterile sandy deserts which cover vast areas of this territory, rise many isolated groups of almost inaccessible peaks, some of which are wooded, thus affording protection and food for man and beast. Two great rivers, the Colorado and the Rio Grande del Norte flow through this region, one on either side, but, except in certain spots, they contribute little to the fertilization of the country. In the more elevated parts the climate is temperate, sometimes in winter severely cold; but on the deserts and plains, with the scorching sun above and the burning sand beneath, the heat is almost insupportable. The scanty herbage, by which the greater part of this region is covered, offers to man but a transient food-supply; hence he must move from place to place or starve. Thus nature, more than elsewhere on our coast, invites to a roving life; and, as on the Arabian deserts, bands of American Bedouins roam over immense tracts seeking what they may devour. Here it is that many a luckless miner and ill-protected traveler pays the penalty of his temerity with his life; here it is, more than elsewhere within the temperate zones of the two Americas, that the natives bid defiance to the encroachments of civilization. Sweeping down upon small settlements and isolated parties, these American Arabs rob, murder, and destroy, then fleeing to their strongholds bid defiance to pursuers. In the midst of all this we find another phenomenon in the semi-civilized towns-people of New 473 Mexico and Arizona; a spontaneous awakening from the ruder phases of savagism.

The territory of New Mexico mainly lies between the latitudes of 36° and 23° and the longitudes of 96° and 117°, showcasing a wide range of climates and scenery. At the northern tip of the Gulf of California, the Sierra Nevada and nearby mountain ranges converge and break into separate peaks, known as 'lost mountains.' One section, which isn't particularly high, continues through the peninsula, while another, called Sierra Madre, stretches along the western side of Mexico. The Rocky Mountains split into two ranges near the forty-fifth parallel and continue southward. One branch, referred to as the Wahsatch in Utah, merges into the Sierra Madre, while the other, the great Cordillera, runs along the eastern side of Mexico, eventually rejoining the Sierra Madre in the Mexican plateau. In addition to these, there are many isolated and intersecting ranges, with arid deserts, lava fields, and a few fertile valleys in between. From the vast, barren sandy deserts of this area rise many isolated and often hard-to-reach peaks, some covered in forests, which provide shelter and food for people and animals. Two major rivers, the Colorado and the Rio Grande del Norte, flow through this region, one on each side, but they contribute little to the area's fertility, except in certain places. In the higher regions, the climate is temperate, sometimes bitterly cold in winter; but in the deserts and plains, under the scorching sun and burning sand, the heat can be unbearable. The sparse vegetation that covers much of this territory offers only temporary food supplies, forcing people to move from place to place to survive. Nature, more than anywhere else on our coast, encourages a nomadic lifestyle; similar to the Arabian deserts, bands of American Bedouins wander vast expanses searching for food. Here, many unfortunate miners and unprepared travelers pay dearly for their recklessness with their lives; this is also a place, more than elsewhere in the temperate zones of the Americas, where the natives resist the advances of civilization. They sweep down on small settlements and isolated groups, robbing, killing, and destroying, then retreating to their strongholds, defying anyone who pursues them. Amid all this, we find another phenomenon: the semi-civilized townspeople of New Mexico and Arizona, experiencing a spontaneous awakening from the rougher phases of savagery.

The families of this division may be enumerated as follows: The Apaches, under which general name I include all the savage tribes roaming through New Mexico, the north-western portion of Texas, a small part of northern Mexico, and Arizona; the Pueblos, or partially cultivated towns-people of New Mexico and Arizona, with whom I unite, though not town-builders, the non-nomadic Pimas, Maricopas and Pápagos of the lower Gila River; the Lower Californians, who occupy the peninsula; and the Northern Mexicans, which term includes the various nations scattered over the States of Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Durango, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon and northern Zacatecas.

The families in this division can be listed as follows: The Apaches, a term I use to refer to all the wild tribes roaming New Mexico, the northwestern part of Texas, a small area of northern Mexico, and Arizona; the Pueblos, or semi-agricultural townspeople of New Mexico and Arizona, along with the non-nomadic Pimas, Maricopas, and Pápagos of the lower Gila River, even though they aren’t city builders; the Lower Californians, who live on the peninsula; and the Northern Mexicans, which includes the various nations scattered across the states of Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Durango, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and northern Zacatecas.

THE APACHES.

THE APACHES.

To the Apaches, using the term in the signification of a family of this division, no accurate boundaries can be assigned. Owing to their roving proclivities and incessant raids they are led first in one direction and then in another. In general terms they may be said to range about as follows: The Comanches, Jetans, or Nauni, consisting of three tribes, the Comanches proper, the Yamparacks, and Tenawas, inhabiting northern Texas, eastern Chihuahua, Nuevo Leon, Coahuila, Durango, and portions of south-western New Mexico,[636] by language allied to the Shoshone family;[637] the Apaches, who call 474 themselves Shis Inday, or 'men of the woods,'[638] and whose tribal divisions are the Chiricaguis, Coyoteros, Faraones, Gileños, Lipanes, Llaneros, Mescaleros, Mimbreños, Natages, Pelones, Pinaleños, Tejuas, Tontos and Vaqueros, roaming over New Mexico, Arizona, north-western Texas, Chihuahua and Sonora,[639] and who are allied by language to the great Tinneh family;[640] the Navajos, or Tenuai, 'men,' as they designate themselves, having linguistic 475 affinities with the Apache nation, with which indeed they are sometimes classed, living in and around the Sierra de los Mimbres;[641] the Mojaves, occupying both banks of the Colorado in Mojave Valley; the Hualapais, near the headwaters of Bill Williams Fork; the Yumas, on the east bank of the Colorado, near its junction with the Rio Gila;[642] the Cosninos, who like the Hualapais are sometimes included in the Apache nation, ranging through the Mogollon Mountains;[643] and the Yampais, between Bill Williams Fork and the Rio Hassayampa.[644] Of the multitude of names mentioned by the early Spanish authorities, I only give in addition to the above the Yalchedunes, located on the west bank of the Colorado in about latitude 33° 20´, the Yamajabs, on the east bank of the same river, in about latitude 34°-35°; the Cochees, in the Chiricagui Mountains of Arizona, the Cruzados[645] in New Mexico, and finally the Nijoras,[646] somewhere about the lower Colorado.[647] 476

To the Apaches, when referring to a family within this group, it’s difficult to define precise boundaries. Because of their nomadic nature and constant raids, they move in various directions. Generally, they can be said to roam as follows: The Comanches, Jetans, or Nauni, made up of three tribes—Comanches proper, Yamparacks, and Tenawas—live in northern Texas, eastern Chihuahua, Nuevo Leon, Coahuila, Durango, and parts of southwestern New Mexico, and are linguistically related to the Shoshone family; the Apaches, who refer to themselves as Shis Inday, or 'men of the woods,' have tribal divisions including the Chiricaguis, Coyoteros, Faraones, Gileños, Lipanes, Llaneros, Mescaleros, Mimbreños, Natages, Pelones, Pinaleños, Tejuas, Tontos, and Vaqueros, roaming across New Mexico, Arizona, northwestern Texas, Chihuahua, and Sonora, and are linguistically affiliated with the extensive Tinneh family; the Navajos, or Tenuai, which means 'men,' as they name themselves, share linguistic connections with the Apache nation, with which they are sometimes associated, living in and around the Sierra de los Mimbres; the Mojaves, who inhabit both sides of the Colorado River in Mojave Valley; the Hualapais, near the headwaters of Bill Williams Fork; the Yumas, located on the east bank of the Colorado near its meeting with the Rio Gila; the Cosninos, who, similar to the Hualapais, are sometimes counted among the Apache nation, moving through the Mogollon Mountains; and the Yampais, situated between Bill Williams Fork and the Rio Hassayampa. From the many names recorded by early Spanish authorities, I also include the Yalchedunes, found on the west bank of the Colorado around latitude 33° 20´, the Yamajabs, on the east bank of the same river, between latitudes 34°-35°; the Cochees, in the Chiricagui Mountains of Arizona; the Cruzados in New Mexico; and lastly, the Nijoras, located somewhere near the lower Colorado. 476

The Apache country is probably the most desert of all, alternating between sterile plains and wooded mountains, interspersed with comparatively few rich valleys. The rivers do little to fertilize the soil except in spots; the little moisture that appears is quickly absorbed by the cloudless air and arid plains which stretch out, sometimes a hundred miles in length and breadth, like lakes of sand. In both mountain and desert the fierce, rapacious Apache, inured from childhood to hunger and thirst, and heat and cold, finds safe retreat. It is here, among our western nations, that we first encounter thieving as a profession. No savage is fond of work; indeed, labor and savagism are directly antagonistic, for if the savage continues to labor he can but become civilized. Now the Apache is not as lazy as some of his northern brothers, yet he will not work, or if he does, like the Pueblos who are nothing but partially reclaimed Apaches or Comanches, he forthwith elevates himself, and is no longer an Apache; but being somewhat free from the vice of laziness, though subject in an eminent degree to all other vices of which mankind have any knowledge, he presents the anomaly of uniting activity with barbarism, and for this he must thank his thievish propensities. Leaving others to do the work, he cares not whom, the agriculturists of the river-bottoms or the towns-people of the north, he turns Ishmaelite, pounces upon those near and more remote, and if pursued retreats across the jornadas del muerte, or 'journeys of death' as the Mexican calls them, and finds refuge in the gorges, cañons, and other almost impregnable natural fortresses of the mountains. 477

The Apache region is likely the most desert-like of all, shifting between barren plains and forested mountains, with relatively few fertile valleys. The rivers hardly nourish the soil, only in certain areas; the little moisture that does appear is quickly soaked up by the clear air and dry plains that stretch out, sometimes a hundred miles long and wide, like seas of sand. In both the mountains and the desert, the fierce, relentless Apache, hardened from childhood to hunger, thirst, heat, and cold, finds a safe haven. It is here, among our western nations, that we first encounter theft as a profession. No savage enjoys work; in fact, labor and savagery are directly opposed because if a savage continues to work, he can only become civilized. Now, the Apache isn't as lazy as some of his northern relatives, yet he won’t work, or if he does, like the Pueblos who are merely partially tamed Apaches or Comanches, he quickly elevates himself and is no longer an Apache. However, being somewhat free from laziness, though heavily burdened by other vices known to humanity, he presents the oddity of combining activity with barbarism, all thanks to his thieving tendencies. Leaving the work to others—whether the farmers in the river valleys or the townspeople to the north—he becomes like an Ishmaelite, swooping down on those close by and even those far away. If he is pursued, he retreats across the jornadas del muerte, or 'journeys of death' as the Mexicans call them, and finds refuge in the gorges, canyons, and other nearly impenetrable natural fortresses of the mountains. 477

PHYSIQUE OF APACHES.

APACHE PHYSIQUE.

The disparity in physical appearance between some of these nations, which may be attributed for the most part to diet, is curious. While those who subsist on mixed vegetable and animal food, present a tall, healthy, and muscular development, hardly excelled by the Caucasian race, those that live on animal food, excepting perhaps the Comanches, are small in stature, wrinkled, shriveled, and hideously ugly.[648] All the natives of this family, with the exception of the Apaches proper, are tall, well-built, with muscles strongly developed, pleasing features, although at times rather broad faces, high foreheads, large, clear, dark-colored eyes, possessing generally extraordinary powers of vision, black coarse hair and, for a wonder, beards. Taken as a whole, they are the most perfect specimens of physical manhood that we have yet encountered. While some, and particularly females, are PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES. a light copper color, others again approach near to the dark Californian. Women are generally plumper, inclining more to obesity than the men. Some comely girls are spoken of amongst them, but they grow old early.[649] 478 In contradistinction to all this the Apaches proper, or Apache nation, as we may call them, are slim, ill developed, but very agile. Their height is about five feet 479 four to five inches; features described as ugly, repulsive, emotionless, flat, and approaching the Mongol cast, while the head is covered with an unkempt mass of coarse, shocky, rusty black hair, not unlike bristles. The women are not at all behind the men in ugliness, and a pleasing face is a rarity. A feature common to the family is remarkably small feet; in connection with which may be mentioned the peculiarity which obtains on the lower Colorado, of having the large toe widely separated from the others, which arises probably from wading in marshy bottoms. All the tribes whose principal subsistence is meat, and more particularly those that eat horse and mule flesh, are said to exhale a peculiar scent, something like the animals themselves when heated.[650] 480

The difference in physical appearance among some of these nations, which is largely due to diet, is interesting. Those who eat a mix of vegetables and animal products tend to be tall, healthy, and muscular, almost rivaling the Caucasian race. In contrast, those who primarily eat animal products, with the possible exception of the Comanches, are generally shorter, wrinkled, shriveled, and unattractive. All the natives of this group, except for the Apaches themselves, are tall, well-built, with strong muscles and appealing faces, although sometimes with rather broad features, high foreheads, large, bright dark eyes, often displaying exceptional eyesight, black coarse hair, and surprisingly, beards. Overall, they are the best examples of physical manhood we have encountered so far. While some, especially women, are a light copper color, others are closer to the darker California complexion. Women tend to be plumper, leaning more towards obesity than men. There are mentions of some attractive girls among them, but they seem to age quickly. In contrast, the Apaches or Apache nation, as we can call them, are slender, poorly developed, but very agile. They stand about five feet four to five inches tall; their features are described as ugly, repulsive, emotionless, flat, and resembling a Mongolian appearance, with heads topped by a messy mass of coarse, spiky, rusty black hair, similar to bristles. The women are just as unattractive as the men, making a pleasing face a rare find. A common trait in this group is their remarkably small feet, which correlates with a peculiarity found in the lower Colorado region, where the big toe is widely spaced from the others, likely due to wading in marshy areas. All tribes that primarily rely on meat, especially those that eat horse and mule meat, are said to have a unique scent, somewhat akin to the smell of the animals themselves when warmed up.

DRESS OF APACHES AND MOJAVES.

Dresses of Apaches and Mojaves.

All the natives of this region wear the hair much in the same manner, cut square across the forehead, and flowing behind.[651] The Mojave men usually twist or plait it, while with the women it is allowed to hang loose. Tattooing is common, but not universal; many of the Mojave women tattoo the chin in vertical lines like the Central Californians, except that the lines are closer together.[652] Paint is freely used among the Mojaves, black and red predominating, but the Apaches, Yumas, and others use a greater variety of colors.[653] Breech-cloth and moccasins are the ordinary dress of the men,[654] while the 481 women have a short petticoat of bark.[655] The dress of the Mojaves and Apaches is often more pretentious, being a buckskin shirt, skull-cap or helmet, and moccasins of the same material; the latter, broad at the toes, slightly turned up, and reaching high up on the leg, serve as a protection against cacti and thorns.[656] It is a common practice among these tribes to plaster the head and body with mud, which acts as a preventive against vermin and a protection from the sun's rays.[657] In their selection 482 of ornaments the Mojaves show a preference for white, intermixed with blue; necklaces and bracelets made from beads and small shells, usually strung together, but sometimes sewed on to leather bands are much in vogue. The Apache nation adopt a more fantastic style in painting and in their head-dress; for ornament they employ deer-hoofs, shells, fish-bones, beads, and occasionally porcupine-quills, with which the women embroider their short deer-skin petticoats.[658] The Navajoes, both men and women, wear the hair long, tied or clubbed up behind; they do not tattoo or disfigure themselves with paint.[659] The ordinary dress is a species of hunting-shirt, or doublet, of deer-skin, or a blanket confined at the waist by a belt; buckskin breeches, sometimes ornamented up the seams with pieces of silver or porcupine-quills; long moccasins, reaching well up the 483 leg, and a round helmet-shaped cap, also of buckskin, surmounted with a plume of eagle or wild turkey feathers, and fastened with a chin-strap. The women wear a blanket and waist-belt, breeches and moccasins. The belts, which are of buckskin, are frequently richly ornamented with silver. They sometimes also use porcupine-quills, with which they embroider their garments.[660]

All the people in this area style their hair similarly, with cuts straight across the forehead and flowing down the back. The Mojave men typically twist or braid their hair, while the women let theirs hang loose. Tattooing is common but not everywhere; many Mojave women tattoo vertical lines on their chins like those in Central California, although their lines are closer together. The Mojaves commonly use paint, primarily black and red, but the Apaches, Yumas, and others use a wider range of colors. Men usually wear breech-cloths and moccasins, whereas women wear short bark petticoats. The attire of the Mojaves and Apaches can be more elaborate, consisting of a buckskin shirt, a skullcap or helmet, and moccasins made from the same material; these moccasins are broad at the toes, slightly turned up, and go high up the leg to protect against cacti and thorns. It's a common practice among these tribes to cover their heads and bodies with mud, which helps protect against bugs and the sun. When it comes to accessories, the Mojaves prefer white mixed with blue; they often wear necklaces and bracelets made from beads and small shells, usually strung together, though sometimes sewn onto leather bands. The Apache people have a more imaginative approach to painting and their headdresses; they adorn themselves with deer hooves, shells, fish bones, beads, and occasionally porcupine quills, which the women use to embroider their short deer-skin petticoats. The Navajo men and women wear their hair long, tied or bunned at the back; they don’t tattoo or paint their bodies. Their typical attire includes a type of hunting shirt or doublet made of deer skin, or a blanket tied at the waist with a belt; they wear buckskin breeches, sometimes embellished along the seams with bits of silver or porcupine quills; they wear long moccasins that reach well up their legs and a round, helmet-like cap made of buckskin, topped with a plume of eagle or wild turkey feathers, secured with a chin strap. Women wear a blanket, waist belt, breeches, and moccasins. Their buckskin belts are often richly adorned with silver and sometimes decorated with porcupine quills, which they use for embroidery on their clothing.

COMANCHE DRESS AND ORNAMENT.

COMANCHE CLOTHING AND DECORATIONS.

The Comanches of both sexes tattoo the face, and body generally on the breast.[661] The men do not cut the hair, but gather it into tufts or plaits, to which they attach round pieces of silver graduated in size from top to bottom; those who cannot obtain or afford silver use beads, tin, or glass.[662] Much time is spent by them in 484 painting and adorning their person—red being a favorite color; feathers also form a necessary adjunct to their toilet.[663] Some few wear a deer-skin shirt, but the more common dress is the buffalo-robe, which forms the sole covering for the upper part of the body; in addition, the breech-cloth, leggins, and moccasins are worn. The women crop the hair short, and a long shirt made of deer-skin, which extends from the neck to below the knees, with leggins and moccasins, are their usual attire.[664] 485

The Comanches, both men and women, tattoo their faces and generally decorate their bodies, especially on the chest.[661] The men don't cut their hair; instead, they style it in tufts or braids, attaching progressively larger round pieces of silver from top to bottom. Those who can't get or afford silver use beads, tin, or glass.[662] They spend a lot of time painting and decorating themselves—red is a popular color; feathers are also an important part of their appearance.[663] Some wear a deer-skin shirt, but most commonly, they wear a buffalo robe as their main clothing for the upper body, along with a breech cloth, leggings, and moccasins. Women keep their hair short and typically wear a long deer-skin shirt that reaches from the neck to below the knees, along with leggings and moccasins.[664] 485

DWELLINGS OF THE APACHES.

Apache Homes.

Nomadic and roving in their habits, they pay little attention to the construction of their dwellings. Seldom do they remain more than a week in one locality;[665] hence their lodges are comfortless, and diversified in style according to caprice and circumstances. The frame-work everywhere is usually of poles, the Comanches placing them erect, the Lipans bringing the tops together in cone-shape, while the Apaches bend them over into a low oval;[666] one or other of the above forms is usually adopted by all this family,[667] with unimportant differences depending on locality and variations of climate. The framework is covered with brushwood or 486 skins, sometimes with grass or flat stones. They are from twelve to eighteen feet in diameter at the widest part, and vary from four to eight feet in height,[668] which is sometimes increased by excavation.[669] A triangular opening serves as a door, which is closed with a piece of cloth or skin attached to the top.[670] When on or near rocky ground they live in caves, whence some travelers have inferred that they build stone houses.[671] A few of 487 the Mojave dwellings are so superior to the others that they deserve special notice. They may be described as a sort of shed having perpendicular walls and sloping roof, the latter supported by a horizontal beam running along the center, the roof projecting in front so as to form a kind of portico. The timber used is cottonwood, and the interstices are filled up with mud or straw.[672] None of their houses have windows, the door and smoke-hole in the roof serving for this purpose; but, as many of them have their fires outside, the door is often the only opening.[673]

Nomadic and wandering in their habits, they give little thought to how they build their homes. They rarely stay in one place for more than a week; hence their lodges are uncomfortable and vary in style based on personal preference and circumstances. The framework is usually made of poles, with the Comanches standing them upright, the Lipans shaping them into a cone, while the Apaches bend them into a low oval; one of these shapes is typically used by all these groups, with minor differences influenced by location and climate variations. The framework is covered with brushwood or skins, sometimes grass or flat stones. Their lodges are about twelve to eighteen feet in diameter at the widest part and range from four to eight feet in height, which can be increased by digging. A triangular opening serves as a door, closed with a piece of cloth or skin attached to the top. When they are on or near rocky ground, they live in caves, leading some travelers to think that they build stone houses. A few of the Mojave dwellings are so much better than the others that they deserve special mention. They can be described as a type of shed with vertical walls and a sloping roof, supported by a horizontal beam in the center, with the roof extending out front to create a sort of porch. The wood used is cottonwood, and the gaps are filled with mud or straw. None of their houses have windows; the door and the smoke-hole in the roof serve that purpose, but since many of them have their fires outside, the door is often the only opening.

NEW MEXICAN DWELLINGS.

New Mexican homes.

Small huts about three feet in height constitute their medicine-lodges, or bath-houses, and are generally in form and material like their other structures.[674] The Mojaves also build granaries in a cylindrical form with conical, skillfully made osier roofs.[675]

Small huts about three feet tall serve as their medicine lodges or bathhouses, and are usually similar in shape and materials to their other buildings.[674] The Mojaves also construct granaries that are cylindrical in shape with skillfully crafted conical roofs made of osiers.[675]

FOOD AND AGRICULTURE.

Food and Agriculture.

The food of all is similar;[676] most of them make more or less pretentions to agriculture, and are habituated to a vegetable diet, but seldom do any of them raise a sufficient supply for the year's consumption, and they are therefore forced to rely on the mesquit-bean, the piñon-nut 488 and the maguey-plant, agave mexicana, and other wild fruits, which they collect in considerable quantities.[677] They are but indifferent hunters, and secure only a precarious supply of small game, such as rabbits and squirrels, with ultimate recourse to rats, grasshoppers, lizards and other reptiles.[678] A few fish are taken by those living in the neighborhood of rivers.[679] The 489 Navajos, Mojaves, and Yumas, have long been acquainted with the art of agriculture and grow corn, beans, pumpkins, melons, and other vegetables, and also some wheat; some attempt a system of irrigation, and others select for their crops that portion of land which has been overflowed by the river. The Navajos possess numerous flocks of sheep, which though used for food, they kill only when requiring the wool for blankets. Although in later years they have cows, they do not make butter or cheese, but only a curd from sour milk, from which they express the whey and of which they are very fond.[680]

The food for everyone is pretty similar; most people make some effort to farm and are used to a plant-based diet, but they rarely grow enough to last the whole year. This forces them to depend on mesquite beans, piñon nuts, and the maguey plant, *agave mexicana*, along with other wild fruits that they gather in large amounts. They aren’t great hunters, only managing to catch a limited supply of small game like rabbits and squirrels, ultimately resorting to rats, grasshoppers, lizards, and other reptiles when needed. A few fish are caught by those living near rivers. The Navajos, Mojaves, and Yumas have long practiced farming, growing corn, beans, pumpkins, melons, and other vegetables, along with some wheat. Some of them try irrigation, while others choose land that has been flooded by the river for their crops. The Navajos have many sheep, which they use for food but only kill when they need wool for blankets. Although they have cows in more recent years, they don’t make butter or cheese; instead, they create a curd from sour milk, from which they squeeze out the whey, and they really enjoy it.

Their method of planting is simple; with a short sharp-pointed stick small holes are dug in the ground into which they drop the seeds, and no further care is given to the crop except to keep it partially free from weeds.[681]

Their method of planting is straightforward; they use a short, sharp stick to dig small holes in the ground where they drop the seeds, and no additional care is taken for the crop except to keep it somewhat free of weeds.[681]

Maize soaked in water is ground to a paste between two stones. From this paste tortillas, or thin cakes, are made which are baked on a hot stone. To cook the maguey, a hole is made in the ground, in which a fire is kindled; after it has burned some time the maguey-bulb is buried in the hot ashes and roasted. Some concoct a gypsy sort of dish or ollapodrida; game, and such roots or herbs as they can collect, being put in an earthen pot with water and boiled.[682] 490

Maize soaked in water is ground into a paste using two stones. From this paste, tortillas, or thin cakes, are made and baked on a hot stone. To cook the maguey, a hole is dug in the ground, and a fire is started; after it burns for a while, the maguey bulb is buried in the hot ashes and roasted. Some prepare a kind of stew or ollapodrida by adding game and any roots or herbs they can find into a clay pot with water and boiling it. [682] 490

As before mentioned, the roving Apaches obtain most of their food by hunting and plunder; they eat more meat and less vegetable diet than the other Arizona tribes. They have a great partiality for horse-flesh, seldom eat fish, but kill deer and antelope.[683] When hunting they frequently disguise themselves in a skin, and imitating closely the habits and movements of the animal, they contrive to approach within shooting-distance.[684] Whether it be horse or deer, every portion of the carcass with the exception of the bones, is consumed, the entrails being a special delicacy. Their meat they roast partially in the fire, and eat it generally half raw. When food is plenty they eat ravenously and consume an enormous 491 quantity; when scarce, they fast long and stoically. Most of them hate bear-meat and pork. So Jew-like is the Navajo in this particular that he will not touch pork though starving.[685]

As mentioned earlier, the wandering Apaches mostly get their food by hunting and stealing; they eat more meat and fewer vegetables than other tribes in Arizona. They really enjoy horse meat, rarely eat fish, but hunt deer and antelope. When hunting, they often disguise themselves in animal skins and closely imitate the habits and movements of their prey to get within shooting range. Whether it’s horse or deer, they consume every part of the carcass except for the bones, with the intestines being a particular delicacy. They usually cook the meat partially over a fire and eat it mostly raw. When food is abundant, they eat greedily and in large amounts; when it’s scarce, they endure long fasts. Most of them dislike bear meat and pork. The Navajo are so particular about this that they won’t touch pork even when starving.

BUFFALO HUNTING.

Buffalo hunting.

The Comanches do not cultivate the soil, but subsist entirely by the chase. Buffalo, which range in immense herds throughout their country, are the chief food, the only addition to it being a few wild plants and roots; hence they may be said to be almost wholly flesh-eaters.[686] In pursuit of the buffalo they exhibit great activity, skill, and daring. When approaching a herd, they advance in close column, gradually increasing their speed, and as the distance is lessened, they separate into two or more groups, and dashing into the herd at full gallop, discharge their arrows right and left with great rapidity; others hunt buffalo with spears, but the common and more fatal weapon is the bow and arrow. The skinning and cutting up of the slain animals is usually the task of the women.[687] The meat and also the entrails are 492 eaten both raw and roasted. A fire being made in a hole, sticks are ranged round it, meeting at the top, on which the meat is placed. The liver is a favorite morsel, and is eaten raw; they also drink the warm blood of the animal.[688] No provision is made for a time of scarcity, but when many buffalo are killed, they cut portions of them into long strips, which, after being dried in the sun, are pounded fine. This pemican they carry with them in their hunting expeditions, and when unsuccessful in the chase, a small quantity boiled in water or cooked with grease, serves for a meal. When unable to procure game, they sometimes kill their horses and mules for food, but this only when compelled by necessity.[689] In common with all primitive humanity they are filthy—never bathing except in summer[690]—with little or no sense of decency.[691] 493

The Comanches don’t farm the land, but they live entirely off hunting. Buffalo, which roam in huge herds across their territory, are their main food source, with only a few wild plants and roots added to their diet; so, they can be considered almost entirely meat-eaters.[686] In hunting buffalo, they show tremendous energy, skill, and courage. When getting close to a herd, they move in tight formation, gradually speeding up, and as they get nearer, they split into two or more groups, charging into the herd at full speed, quickly shooting their arrows in all directions; others hunt buffalo with spears, but the more common and deadly weapon is the bow and arrow. The task of skinning and cutting up the slain animals usually falls to the women.[687] They eat the meat and even the entrails both raw and cooked. They make a fire in a hole, arrange sticks around it that meet at the top, and place the meat on that. The liver is a favorite treat and is eaten raw; they also drink the warm blood of the animal.[688] They don’t store food for lean times, but when a lot of buffalo are killed, they cut parts into long strips, dry them in the sun, and pound them finely. They carry this pemican with them on their hunting trips, and when they don’t have luck hunting, a small amount boiled in water or cooked with grease serves as a meal. When they can’t find game, they sometimes have to kill their horses and mules for food, but they only do this in dire situations.[689] Like all primitive societies, they have poor hygiene—never bathing except in summer[690]—and have little or no sense of decency.[691] 493

WEAPONS.

Weapons.

Throughout Arizona and New Mexico, the bow and arrow is the principal weapon, both in war and in the chase; to which are added, by those accustomed to move about on horseback, the shield and lance;[692] with such also the Mexican riata may now occasionally be seen.[693] In battle, the Colorado River tribes use a club made of hard heavy wood, having a large mallet-shaped head, with a small handle, through which a hole is bored, and in which a leather thong is introduced for the purpose of securing it in the hand.[694] They seldom use the tomahawk. 494 BOW AND LANCE.Some carry slings with four cords attached.[695] The bows are made of yew, bois d'arc, or willow, and strengthened by means of deer-sinews, firmly fastened to the back with a strong adhesive mixture. The length varies from four to five feet. The string is made from sinews of the deer.[696] A leathern arm-guard is worn round the left wrist to defend it from the blow of the string.[697] The arrows measure from twenty to thirty inches, according to length of bow, and the shaft is composed of two pieces; the notch end, which is the longer, consisting of a reed, into which is fitted a shorter piece 495 made of acacia, or some other hard wood, and tipped with obsidian, agate, or iron. It is intended that when an object is struck, and an attempt is made to draw out the arrow, the pointed end shall remain in the wound. There is some difference in the feathering; most nations employing three feathers, tied round the shaft at equal distances with fine tendons. The Tontos have their arrows winged with four feathers, while some of the Comanches use only two. All have some distinguishing mark in their manner of winging, painting, or carving on their arrows.[698] The quiver is usually made of the skin of some animal, deer or sheep, sometimes of a fox or wild-cat skin entire with the tail appended, or of reeds, and carried slung at the back or fastened to a waist-belt.[699] The lance is from twelve to fifteen feet long, the point being a long piece of iron, a knife or sword blade socketed into the pole.[700] Previous to the introduction 496 of iron, their spears were pointed with obsidian or some other flinty substance which was hammered and ground to a sharp edge. The frame of the shield is made of light basket-work, covered with two or three thicknesses of buffalo-hide; between the layers of hide it is usual with the Comanches to place a stuffing of hair, thus rendering them almost bullet proof. Shields are painted in various devices and decorated with feathers, pieces of leather, and other finery, also with the scalps of enemies, and are carried on the left arm by two straps.[701]

Throughout Arizona and New Mexico, the bow and arrow are the main weapons used in both warfare and hunting. For those who are used to riding horses, the shield and lance are also included; additionally, the Mexican riata can sometimes be seen. In battle, the tribes along the Colorado River use a heavy wooden club with a large mallet-shaped head and a small handle, which has a hole bored through it for a leather thong to secure it in the hand. They rarely use the tomahawk. 494 Bow and arrow. Some carry slings with four cords attached. The bows are made from yew, bois d'arc, or willow and are reinforced with deer sinews securely glued to the back. They range in length from four to five feet. The string is made from deer sinews. A leather arm guard is worn around the left wrist to protect it from the string. 495 The arrows are twenty to thirty inches long, depending on the bow's length, with shafts made of two pieces: the longer notch end, which is a reed, fits into a shorter piece made of acacia or another hard wood, and is tipped with obsidian, agate, or iron. The design ensures that when an arrow strikes an object and is pulled out, the pointed end remains in the wound. There are variations in feathering; most groups use three feathers tied around the shaft at equal distances with fine tendons. The Tontos wing their arrows with four feathers, while some Comanches use only two. All have unique markings in their feathering, painting, or carving on their arrows. 496 The quiver is typically made from the skin of an animal, such as deer or sheep, sometimes using a whole fox or wildcat skin with the tail attached, or made from reeds, and is carried slung over the back or attached to a waist belt. The lance measures twelve to fifteen feet long, with the tip being a long piece of iron or a knife blade fitted into the pole. Before the introduction of iron, their spears were tipped with obsidian or another flinty material that was hammered and sharpened. The shield frame consists of light basket work and is covered with two or three layers of buffalo hide; Comanches often add stuffing of hair between the layers, making it almost bulletproof. Shields are decorated with various designs, feathers, pieces of leather, and other embellishments, including enemy scalps, and are carried on the left arm with two straps. 496

APACHE WARRIORS.

Apache Warriors.

Their fighting has more the character of assassination and murder than warfare. They attack only when they consider success a foregone conclusion, and rather than incur the risk of losing a warrior will for days lie in ambush till a fair opportunity for surprising the foe presents itself.[702] The ingenuity of the Apache in preparing an ambush or a surprise is described by Colonel Cremony as follows: "He has as perfect a knowledge of 497 the assimilation of colors as the most experienced Paris modiste. By means of his acumen in this respect, he can conceal his swart body amidst the green grass, behind brown shrubs, or gray rocks, with so much address and judgment that any but the experienced would pass him by without detection at the distance of three or four yards. Sometimes they will envelop themselves in a gray blanket, and by an artistic sprinkling of earth, will so resemble a granite boulder as to be passed within near range without suspicion. At others, they will cover their persons with freshly gathered grass, and lying prostrate, appear as a natural portion of the field. Again they will plant themselves among the Yuccas, and so closely imitate the appearance of that tree as to pass for one of its species."

Their fighting is more about assassination and murder than actual warfare. They only attack when they think victory is guaranteed, and instead of risking a loss, they will wait for days in ambush until the right moment to surprise the enemy shows up.[702] Colonel Cremony describes the Apache's creativity in setting up ambushes or surprises like this: "He knows how to blend colors as well as the most skilled fashion designer in Paris. Because of this skill, he can hide his dark body among green grass, behind brown bushes, or gray rocks so effectively that anyone who isn’t experienced would walk right by him without noticing from three or four yards away. Sometimes they wrap themselves in a gray blanket, and by skillfully sprinkling dirt on themselves, they can look just like a granite boulder, going undetected at close range. Other times, they cover themselves with freshly picked grass, and while lying flat, they blend in naturally with the field. Again, they might place themselves among the Yuccas, imitating the tree so closely that they could easily be mistaken for one."

Before undertaking a raid they secrete their families in the mountain fastnesses, or elsewhere, then two by two, or in greater numbers, they proceed by different routes, to a place of rendezvous, not far from where the assault is to be made or where the ambuscade is to be prepared. When, after careful observation, coupled with the report of their scouts, they are led to presume that little, if any, resistance will be offered them, a sudden assault is made, men, women and children are taken captives, and animals and goods secured, after which their retreat is conducted in an orderly and skillful manner, choosing pathways over barren and rugged mountains which are known only to themselves.[703] Held asunder from congregating in large bodies by a meagerness of provisions, they have recourse to a system of signals which facilitates intercourse with each other. During the day one or more columns of smoke are the 498 signals made for the scattered and roaming bands to rendezvous, or they serve as a warning against approaching danger. To the same end at night they used a fire beacon; besides these, they have various other means of telegraphing which are understood only by them, for example, the displacement and arrangement of a few stones on the trail, or a bended twig, is to them a note of warning as efficient, as is the bugle-call to disciplined troops.[704]

Before going on a raid, they hide their families in the mountains or other safe places. Then, in pairs or larger groups, they take different routes to a meeting point not far from where they plan to attack or set up an ambush. After observing the area carefully and based on their scouts' reports, if they think there will be little to no resistance, they launch a sudden attack, capturing men, women, and children, and securing animals and goods. Their retreat is organized and efficient, navigating through rough and barren mountains that only they know. They avoid gathering in large groups due to limited supplies and use a system of signals to communicate with each other. During the day, they create one or more columns of smoke as signals for the scattered bands to meet up or to warn of approaching danger. At night, they use a fire beacon for the same purpose. They also have other unique methods of signaling that only they understand, such as rearranging a few stones on the path or bending a twig, which serve as effective warnings, much like a bugle call to trained soldiers.

They treat their prisoners cruelly; scalping them, or burning them at the stake; yet, ruled as they are by greediness, they are always ready to exchange them for horses, blankets, beads, or other property. When hotly pursued, they murder their male prisoners, preserving only the females and children, and the captured cattle, though under desperate circumstances they do not hesitate to slaughter the latter.[705] The Apaches returning to their families from a successful expedition, are received by the women with songs and feasts, but if unsuccessful they are met with jeers and insults. On such occasions says Colonel Cremony, "the women turn away from them with assured indifference and contempt. They are upbraided as cowards, or for want of skill and tact, and are 499 told that such men should not have wives, because they do not know how to provide for their wants. When so reproached, the warriors hang their heads and offer no excuse for their failure. To do so would only subject them to more ridicule and objurgation; but Indian-like, they bide their time in the hope of finally making their peace by some successful raid." If a Mojave is taken prisoner he is forever discarded in his own nation, and should he return his mother even will not own him.[706]

They treat their prisoners brutally; scalping them or burning them at the stake. However, driven by greed, they are always willing to trade them for horses, blankets, beads, or other goods. When they are being chased, they kill their male prisoners, keeping only the women and children, as well as the captured cattle, though when pushed to the limit, they don't hesitate to butcher the cattle. When the Apaches come back to their families after a successful mission, the women welcome them with songs and feasts, but if they fail, they face jeers and insults. In those moments, Colonel Cremony notes, “the women turn away from them with clear indifference and disdain. They are chastised as cowards or for lacking skill and finesse, and are told that such men shouldn’t have wives because they can’t provide for them.” When faced with this criticism, the warriors lower their heads and don’t make excuses for their failure. Doing so would only bring them more mockery and scolding; instead, they wait patiently, hoping to redeem themselves with a successful raid. If a Mojave is captured, he is permanently shunned by his own tribe, and even if he returns, his mother will not accept him.

COMANCHE WARRIORS.

COMANCHE WARRIORS.

The Comanches, who are better warriors than the Apaches, highly honor bravery on the battle-field. From early youth, they are taught the art of war, and the skillful handling of their horses and weapons; and they are not allowed a seat in the council, until their name is garnished by some heroic deed.[707] Before going on the war-path they perform certain ceremonies, prominent among which is the war-dance.[708] They invariably fight on horseback with the bow and arrow, spear and shield, and in the management of these weapons they have no superiors.

The Comanches, who are better fighters than the Apaches, deeply respect bravery in battle. From a young age, they are trained in the art of war, including how to skillfully handle their horses and weapons. They aren’t allowed to sit in council until they’ve earned their reputation through some heroic act.[707] Before heading into battle, they perform specific ceremonies, with the war dance being especially important.[708] They always fight on horseback using bows and arrows, spears, and shields, and they’re unmatched in their skill with these weapons.

Their mode of attack is sudden and impetuous; they advance in column, and when near the enemy form subdivisions charging on the foe simultaneously from opposite sides, and while keeping their horses in constant motion, they throw themselves over the side, leaving only a small portion of the body exposed, and in this position discharge their arrows over the back of the animal or under his neck with great rapidity and precision.[709] 500 A few scalps are taken, for the purpose of being used at the war or scalp dance by which they celebrate a victory. Prisoners belong to the captors and the males are usually killed, but women are reserved and become the wives or servants of their owners, while children of both sexes are adopted into the tribe.[710] Peace ceremonies take place at a council of warriors, when the pipe is passed round and smoked by each, previous to which an interchange of presents is customary.[711]

Their way of attacking is quick and aggressive; they move forward in a line, and when they get close to the enemy, they break into smaller groups, charging at the foe from different sides at the same time. While keeping their horses in constant motion, they lean over the side, exposing only a small part of their bodies, and from this position, they rapidly and accurately shoot their arrows over their horses' backs or under their necks. 500 A few scalps are taken to be used in the war or scalp dance that celebrates a victory. Prisoners belong to their captors; the males are usually killed, but women are kept to become the wives or servants of their captors, while children of both genders are adopted into the tribe. [710] Peace ceremonies happen during a council of warriors, where the pipe is passed around and smoked by everyone, after which exchanging gifts is customary. [711]

IMPLEMENTS.

Tools.

Household utensils are made generally of wickerwork, or straw, which, to render them watertight, are coated with some resinous substance. The Mojaves and a few of the Apache tribes have also burnt-clay vessels, such as water-jars and dishes.[712] For grinding maize, as before 501 stated, a kind of metate is used, which with them is nothing more than a convex and a concave stone.[713] Of agricultural implements they know nothing; a pointed stick, crooked at one end, which they call kishishai, does service as a corn-planter in spring, and during the later season answers also for plucking fruit from trees, and again, in times of scarcity, to dig rats and prairie dogs from their subterranean retreats. Their cradle is a flat board, padded, on which the infant is fastened; on the upper part is a little hood to protect the head, and it is carried by the mother on her back, suspended by a strap.[714] Their saddles are simply two rolls of straw covered with deer or antelope skin, which are connected by a strap; a piece of raw hide serves for girths and stirrups. In later years the Mexican saddle, or one approaching it in shape, has been adopted, and the Navajos have succeeded in making a pretty fair imitation of it, of hard ash. Their bridles, which consist of a rein attached to the lower jaw, are very severe on the animal.[715] Although not essentially a fish-eating people, 502 the Mojaves and Axuas display considerable ingenuity in the manufacture of fishing-nets, which are noted for their strength and beauty. Plaited grass, or the fibry bark of the willow, are the materials of which they are made.[716] Fire is obtained in the old primitive fashion of rubbing together two pieces of wood, one soft and the other hard. The hard piece is pointed and is twirled on the softer piece, with a steady downward pressure until sparks appear.[717]

Household utensils are mostly made of wicker or straw, which are coated with a resinous substance to make them watertight. The Mojaves and a few Apache tribes also have clay vessels, like water jars and dishes. For grinding corn, they use a type of metate, which is simply a convex and a concave stone. They don't have any agricultural tools; a pointed stick bent at one end, called kishishai, serves as a corn planter in spring, is also used for picking fruit from trees later in the season, and in times of scarcity, helps to dig out rats and prairie dogs from their burrows. Their cradle is a flat board that’s padded, where the baby is secured; it has a little hood to protect the head, and it’s carried by the mother on her back with a strap. Their saddles consist of two rolls of straw covered with deer or antelope skin, connected by a strap, and a piece of raw hide is used for girths and stirrups. In recent years, they have adopted a Mexican saddle or one similar to it in shape, and the Navajos have managed to create a decent imitation made of hard ash. Their bridles consist of a rein attached to the lower jaw, which can be quite harsh on the animal. Although they aren't a fish-eating people, the Mojaves and Axuas show considerable skill in making fishing nets, known for their strength and beauty. These nets are made from plaited grass or the fibrous bark of the willow. Fire is still made the traditional way by rubbing two pieces of wood together—one soft and one hard. The hard piece is pointed and is twirled on the softer piece with steady downward pressure until sparks appear.

NAVAJO BLANKETS.

Navajo blankets.

The Navajos excel all other nations of this family in the manufacture of blankets.[718] The art with them is perhaps of Mexican origin, and they keep for this industry large flocks of sheep.[719] Some say in making blankets cotton is mixed with the wool, but I find no notice of their cultivating cotton. Their looms are of the most primitive kind. Two beams, one suspended and the other fastened to the ground, serve to stretch the warp perpendicularly, and two slats, inserted between the double warp, cross and recross it and also open a passage for the shuttle, which is simply a short stick with some thread wound around it. The operator sits 503 on the ground, and the blanket, as the weaving progresses, is wound round the lower beam.[720] The wool, after being carded, is spun with a spindle resembling a boy's top, the stem being about sixteen inches long and the lower point made to revolve in an earthen bowl by being twirled rapidly between the forefinger and thumb. The thread after being twisted is wound on the spindle, and though not very even, it answers the purpose very well.[721] The patterns are mostly regular geometrical figures, among which diamonds and parallels predominate.[722] Black and red are the principal variations in color, but blue and yellow are at times seen. Their colors they obtain mostly by dyeing with vegetable substances, but in later years they obtain also colored manufactured materials from the whites, which they again unravel, employing the colored threads obtained in this manner in their own manufactures.[723] They also weave 504 a coarse woolen cloth, of which they at times make shirts and leggins.[724] Besides pottery of burnt clay, wickerwork baskets, and saddles and bridles, no general industry obtains in this family.[725] Featherwork, such as sewing various patterns on skins with feathers, and other ornamental needlework, are also practiced by the Navajos.[726]

The Navajos are better than all other tribes in this group when it comes to making blankets.[718] This craft may have originated in Mexico, and they keep large flocks of sheep for this purpose.[719] Some people say they mix cotton with wool to make blankets, but I haven't found any evidence that they grow cotton. Their looms are very simple. They use two beams, one suspended and the other fixed to the ground, to stretch the warp vertically, and two slats that run between the double warp, weaving in and out, which also create a space for the shuttle. The shuttle is just a short stick with some thread wrapped around it. The weaver sits on the ground, and as the blanket is woven, it wraps around the lower beam.[720] After carding, the wool is spun using a spindle that looks like a boy's top, with the shaft about sixteen inches long and the lower point twirling in a bowl by being spun quickly between the forefinger and thumb. Once twisted, the thread is wound onto the spindle, and while it's not perfectly uniform, it works just fine.[721] The designs are mostly simple geometric shapes, primarily diamonds and parallel lines.[722] Black and red are the main colors used, but shades of blue and yellow can also be found. They mostly dye their colors using plants, but in recent years, they've also started acquiring colored manufactured materials from white people, which they unravel to use the colored threads in their own creations.[723] They also weave a rough wool fabric, which they sometimes use to make shirts and leggings.[724] Besides pottery made from burnt clay, wicker baskets, and saddles and bridles, there isn't much other industry in this group.[725] The Navajos also practice featherwork, sewing various designs onto skins with feathers, along with other decorative needlework.[726]

Of the Comanches, the Abbé Domenech relates that they extracted silver from some mines near San Saba, 505 from which they manufactured ornaments for themselves and their saddles and bridles.[727]

Of the Comanches, Abbé Domenech reports that they mined silver from some locations near San Saba, 505 which they used to create jewelry for themselves as well as for their saddles and bridles.[727]

PROPERTY.

PROPERTY.

They have no boats, but use rafts of wood, or bundles of rushes fastened tightly together with osier or willow twigs, and propelled sometimes with poles; but more frequently they place upon the craft their property and wives, and, swimming alongside of it, with the greatest ease push it before them.[728] For their maintenance, especially in latter days, they are indebted in a great measure to their horses, and accordingly they consider them as their most valuable property. The Navajos are larger stock owners than any of the other nations, possessing numerous flocks of sheep, and herds of cattle as well as horses and mules. These, with their blankets, their dressed skins, and peaches which they cultivate, constitute their chief wealth.[729] Certain bands of the Apache nation exchange with the agriculturists pottery and skins for grain.[730] Among the Navajos, husband and wife hold their property separate, and at their death it 506 becomes the inheritance of the nephew or niece. This law of entail is often eluded by the parents, who before death give their goods to their children.[731] Their exchanges are governed by caprice rather than by established values. Sometimes they will give a valuable blanket for a trifling ornament. The Mojaves have a species of currency which they call pook, consisting of strings of shell beads, whose value is determined by the length.[732] At the time of Coronado's expedition, in 1540, the Comanches possessed great numbers of dogs, which they employed in transporting their buffalo-skin tents and scanty household utensils.[733] When a buffalo is killed, the successful hunter claims only the hide; the others are at liberty to help themselves to the meat according to their necessities.[734] In their trading transactions they display much shrewdness, and yet are free from the tricks usually resorted to by other nations.[735]

They don’t have boats, but instead use wooden rafts or bundles of rushes tightly tied with willow twigs, sometimes pushed along with poles. More often, they load their belongings and wives on the rafts and swim alongside, easily pushing them along. For their livelihood, especially in recent times, they rely heavily on their horses, which they consider their most valuable assets. The Navajos are larger livestock owners than any other tribes, owning many flocks of sheep and herds of cattle, as well as horses and mules. Their main wealth comes from these, along with their blankets, tanned skins, and the peaches they grow. Certain groups of the Apache trade pottery and skins with farmers for grain. Among the Navajos, husbands and wives keep their property separate, and when they die, it goes to their nephew or niece. However, parents often bypass this law by giving their possessions to their children before they pass away. Their trade is more about personal preference than set values; sometimes they will trade a valuable blanket for a small trinket. The Mojaves have a type of currency called pook, which consists of strings of shell beads, and its value is based on length. During Coronado's expedition in 1540, the Comanches had many dogs that they used to carry their buffalo-skin tents and few household items. When a buffalo is killed, the hunter only claims the hide, while others can take the meat as needed. In trade, they are very savvy, but unlike other groups, they don't resort to trickery.

ARTS AND CALENDAR.

Events and Schedule.

Their knowledge of decorative art is limited; paintings 507 and sculptures of men and animals, rudely executed on rocks or walls of caverns are occasionally met with; whether intended as hieroglyphical representations, or sketched during the idle moments of some budding genius, it is difficult to determine, owing to the fact that the statements of the various authors who have investigated the subject are conflicting.[736] The Comanches display a certain taste in painting their buffalo-robes, shields, and tents. The system of enumeration of the Apaches exhibits a regularity and diffusiveness seldom met with amongst wild tribes, and their language contains all the terms for counting up to ten thousand.[737] In this respect the Comanches are very deficient; what little knowledge of arithmetic they have is decimal, and when counting, the aid of their fingers or presence of some actual object is necessary, being, as they are, in total ignorance of the simplest arithmetical calculation. The rising sun proclaims to them a new day; beyond this they have no computation or division of time. They know nothing of the motions of the earth or heavenly bodies, though they recognise the fixedness of the polar star.[738]

Their knowledge of decorative art is limited; paintings 507 and sculptures of people and animals, roughly made on rocks or cave walls are seen from time to time; whether they were meant as symbolic representations or drawn during the idle moments of some budding artist, it's hard to say, due to the conflicting accounts from various authors who have studied the topic. [736] The Comanches show some flair in painting their buffalo robes, shields, and tents. The way the Apaches count shows a consistency and detail that’s rarely found among wild tribes, and their language has terms for counting up to ten thousand.[737] In this area, the Comanches lag behind; their limited knowledge of arithmetic is decimal, and when counting, they need to use their fingers or have some actual object for reference, as they are entirely unaware of even the most basic calculations. The rising sun marks a new day for them; other than that, they have no sense of time or division of it. They don’t understand the movements of the earth or celestial bodies, though they do recognize the stability of the North Star.[738]

Their social organization, like all their manners and customs, is governed by their wild and migratory life. Government they have none. Born and bred with the 508 idea of perfect personal freedom, all restraint is unendurable.[739] The nominal authority vested in the war chief, is obtained by election, and is subordinate to the council of warriors.[740] Every father holds undisputed sway over his children until the age of puberty. His power, importance, and influence at the council-fire is determined by the amount of his slaves and other property.[741] Those specially distinguished by their cunning and prowess in war, or success in the chase, are chosen as chiefs.

Their social organization, like all their customs and behaviors, is shaped by their nomadic lifestyle. They have no formal government. Born and raised with the concept of complete personal freedom, they find any kind of restriction unbearable. The so-called authority held by the war chief comes from being elected and is subordinate to the council of warriors. Every father has complete control over his children until they reach puberty. His power, status, and influence at the council fire depend on how many slaves and other assets he owns. Those recognized for their skill and bravery in battle or success in hunting are selected as chiefs.

COMANCHE GOVERNMENT.

COMANCHE GOVERNMENT.

A chief may at any time be deposed.[742] Sometimes it happens that one family retains the chieftaincy in a tribe during several generations, because of the bravery or wealth of the sons.[743] In time of peace but little authority is vested in the chief; but on the war path, to ensure success, his commands are implicitly obeyed. It 509 also frequently happens that chiefs are chosen to lead some particular war or marauding expedition, their authority expiring immediately upon their return home.[744]

A chief can be removed at any time. Sometimes, one family holds the chieftaincy in a tribe for several generations due to the bravery or wealth of their sons. During times of peace, the chief has little authority, but in wartime, to ensure success, everyone follows his orders without question. It also often occurs that chiefs are appointed to lead specific wars or raiding missions, and their authority ends as soon as they return home.

Among the Comanches public councils are held at regular intervals during the year, when matters pertaining to the common weal are discussed, laws made, thefts, seditions, murders, and other crimes punished, and the quarrels of warrior-chiefs settled. Smaller councils are also held, in which, as well as in the larger ones, all are free to express their opinion.[745] Questions laid before them are taken under consideration, a long time frequently elapsing before a decision is made. Great care is taken that the decrees of the meeting shall be in accordance with the opinion and wishes of the majority. Laws are promulgated by a public crier, who ranks next to the chief in dignity.[746]

Among the Comanches, public councils take place regularly throughout the year, where issues related to the community's well-being are discussed, laws are created, and crimes like theft, rebellion, murder, and others are punished. Disputes between warrior-chiefs are also resolved here. Smaller councils are held as well, and in both the larger and smaller ones, everyone is free to share their views. Questions presented to them are considered thoroughly, often taking a significant amount of time before a decision is reached. Great care is taken to ensure that the meeting's decisions reflect the opinions and desires of the majority. Laws are announced by a public crier, who holds the position of second in rank to the chief.

Ancestral customs and traditions govern the decisions of the councils; brute force, or right of the strongest, with the law of talion in its widest acceptance, direct the mutual relations of tribes and individuals.[747] Murder, 510 adultery, theft, and sedition are punished with death or public exposure, or settled by private agreement or the interposition of elderly warriors. The doctor failing to cure his patient must be punished by death. The court of justice is the council of the tribe, presided over by the chiefs, the latter with the assistance of sub-chiefs, rigidly executing judgment upon the culprits.[748] All crimes may be pardoned but murder, which must pay blood for blood if the avenger overtake his victim.[749]

Ancestral customs and traditions guide the decisions of the councils; brute force, or the might makes right approach, along with the principle of retribution in its broadest sense, dictate the relationships between tribes and individuals. Murder, adultery, theft, and rebellion are punished with death or public humiliation, or resolved through private arrangements or the intervention of elder warriors. A doctor who fails to heal a patient must face the death penalty. The court of justice is the tribe's council, led by the chiefs, who, with the help of sub-chiefs, strictly enforce judgments on the offenders. All crimes can be forgiven except murder, which must be compensated with blood if the avenger finds their target.

All the natives of this family hold captives as slaves;[750] some treat them kindly, employing the men as herders 511 and marrying the women; others half-starve and scourge them, and inflict on them the most painful labors.[751] Nothing short of crucifixion, roasting by a slow fire, or some other most excruciating form of death, can atone the crime of attempted escape from bondage. They not only steal children from other tribes and sell them, but carry on a most unnatural traffic in their own offspring.[752]

All the people in this group keep captives as slaves; some treat them well, using the men as herders and marrying the women; others barely feed them and whip them, forcing them to do the most grueling work. Nothing less than crucifixion, being roasted alive, or some other horrific method of death is enough to punish the attempt to escape from slavery. They not only kidnap children from other tribes and sell them, but also engage in a deeply disturbing trade of their own children.

TREATMENT OF WOMEN.

WOMEN'S RIGHTS.

Womankind as usual is not respected. The female child receives little care from its mother, being only of collateral advantage to the tribe. Later she becomes the beast of burden and slave of her husband. Some celebrate the entry into womanhood with feasting and dancing.[753] Courtship is simple and brief; the wooer 512 pays for his bride and takes her home.[754] Every man may have all the wives he can buy. There is generally a favorite, or chief wife, who exercises authority over MARRIAGE AND CHILD-BIRTH. the others. As polygamy causes a greater division of labor, the women do not object to it.[755] Sometimes a feast of horse-flesh celebrates a marriage.[756] All the labor of preparing food, tanning skins, cultivating fields, making clothes, and building houses, falls to the women, the men considering it beneath their dignity to do anything but hunt and fight. The women feed and saddle the horses of their lords; oftentimes they are cruelly beaten, mutilated, and even put to death.[757] The 513 marriage yoke sits lightly; the husband may repudiate his wife at will and take back the property given for her; the wife may abandon her husband, but by the latter act she covers him with such disgrace that it may only be wiped out by killing somebody[758]—anybody whom he may chance to meet. In the event of a separation the children follow the mother. They are not a prolific race; indeed, it is but seldom that a woman has more than three or four children. As usual parturition is easy; but owing to unavoidable exposure many of their infants soon die. The naming of the child is attended with superstitious rites, and on reaching the age of puberty they never fail to change its name.[759] Immediately after the birth of the child, it is fastened to a small board, by bandages, and so carried for several 514 months on the back of the mother. Later the child rides on the mother's hip, or is carried on her back in a basket or blanket, which in travelling on horseback is fastened to the pommel of the saddle. Boys are early taught the use of weapons, and early learn their superiority over girls, being seldom or never punished.[760]

Womankind is typically not respected. The female child receives little care from her mother, being seen only as an additional benefit to the tribe. Later, she becomes a servant and property of her husband. Some celebrate the transition into womanhood with feasting and dancing. Courtship is straightforward and brief; the suitor pays for his bride and takes her home. Every man can have as many wives as he can afford. There is usually a favorite, or principal wife, who holds authority over the others. Marriage and childbirth. Since polygamy results in a greater division of labor, the women do not object to it. Sometimes, a feast of horsemeat celebrates a marriage. All the tasks of preparing food, tanning hides, farming, making clothes, and building houses fall to the women, as men think it's beneath them to do anything but hunt and fight. The women feed and saddle the horses of their husbands; they are often cruelly beaten, mutilated, and even killed. The marriage bond is weak; the husband can dismiss his wife at will and reclaim the property given for her; the wife can leave her husband, but this act brings such shame upon him that he may feel compelled to kill someone—anyone he happens to encounter. In the case of separation, the children stay with the mother. They are not a prolific people; indeed, it is rare for a woman to have more than three or four children. As usual, childbirth is easy; however, due to unavoidable exposure, many infants die soon after birth. Naming the child involves superstitious rituals, and upon reaching puberty, they always change the child's name. Right after birth, the child is tied to a small board with bandages and carried on the mother’s back for several months. Later, the child rides on the mother’s hip or is carried in a basket or blanket on her back, which is attached to the front of the saddle when traveling on horseback. Boys are taught to use weapons early and learn their superiority over girls, rarely if ever facing punishment.

It is a singular fact that of all these people the thievish meat-eating Apache is almost the only one who makes any pretentions to female chastity. All authorities agree that the Apache women both before and after marriage are remarkably pure.[761]

It’s a notable fact that among all these people, the thieving, meat-eating Apache is almost the only one who claims to value female chastity. Everyone agrees that Apache women, both before and after marriage, are extremely pure. [761]

Yuma husbands for gain surrender not only their slaves, but their wives. Hospitality carries with it the obligation of providing for the guest a temporary wife. The usual punishment for infidelity is the mutilation of the nose or ears, which disfigurement prevents the offender from marrying, and commonly sends her forth as a public harlot in the tribe.[762] The seducer can appease 515 the anger of an injured husband by presents, although before the law he forfeits his life. Even sodomy and incestuous intercourse occur among them. Old age is dishonorable.[763]

Yuma husbands give up not just their slaves for profit, but their wives as well. Hospitality means they have to provide a temporary wife for a guest. The typical punishment for cheating is having the nose or ears cut off, which makes it impossible for the offender to marry again and often leads her to become a public prostitute in the tribe.[762] The seducer can calm an angry husband with gifts, even though he risks losing his life under the law. They also engage in sodomy and incest. Being old is considered shameful.[763]

AMUSEMENTS.
SMOKING AND DANCING.

Entertainment.
Smoking and dancing.

They are immoderately fond of smoking, drinking, feasting, and amusements which fill up the many hours of idleness. Dancing and masquerading is the most favorite pastime. They have feasts with dances to celebrate victories, feasts given at marriage, and when girls attain the age of puberty; a ceremonial is observed at the burial of noted warriors, and on other various occasions of private family life, in which both men and women take part. The dance is performed by a single actor or by a number of persons of both sexes to the accompaniment of instruments or their own voices.[764] 516 All festivities are incomplete without impromptu songs, the music being anything but agreeable, and the accompaniment corn-stalk or cane flutes, wooden drums, or calabashes filled with stone and shaken to a constantly varying time.[765] They also spend much time in gambling, often staking their whole property on a throw, including everything upon their backs. One of these games is played with a bullet, which is passed rapidly from one hand to the other, during which they sing, assisting the music with the motion of their arms. The game consists in guessing in which hand the bullet is held. Another Comanche game is played with twelve sticks, each about six inches in length. These are dropped on the ground and those falling across each other are counted for game, one hundred being the limit.[766] Horse-racing is likewise a passion with them;[767] as are also all other athletic sports.[768] When smoking, 517 the Comanches direct the first two puffs, with much ceremony and muttering, to the sun, and the third puff with a like demonstration is blown toward the earth. When short of tobacco, they make use of the dried leaves of the sumach, of willow-bark, or other plants.[769]

They are extremely fond of smoking, drinking, feasting, and entertaining themselves during their many hours of idleness. Dancing and masquerading are the most popular pastimes. They hold feasts with dances to celebrate victories, weddings, and when girls reach puberty; a ceremony is conducted at the burial of notable warriors and on various occasions in private family life, where both men and women participate. The dance is performed by a solo dancer or by a group of people of both genders, accompanied by instruments or their own voices. [764] 516 All celebrations feel incomplete without spontaneous songs, and the music is anything but pleasant, with accompaniments from corn-stalk or cane flutes, wooden drums, or calabashes filled with stones that are shaken to a constantly varying beat. [765] They also spend a lot of time gambling, often wagering all their possessions on a throw, including everything they are wearing. One of these games involves passing a bullet quickly from one hand to the other while singing and moving their arms to the music. The objective is to guess which hand holds the bullet. Another game played by the Comanche uses twelve sticks, each about six inches long. These are dropped on the ground, and those that land on top of each other are counted as points, with a hundred being the maximum. [766] Horse racing is also a great passion for them; [767] as are all other athletic sports. [768] When smoking, 517 the Comanches first blow two puffs, with much ceremony and muttering, towards the sun, and the third puff is blown toward the ground with a similar show. When they run low on tobacco, they use dried leaves from sumac, willow bark, or other plants. [769]

The Comanches are remarkable for their temperance, or rather abhorrence for intoxicating drink; all the other nations of this family abandon themselves to this subtle demoralization, and are rapidly sinking under it. They make their own spirits out of corn and out of agave americana, the pulque and mescal, both very strong and intoxicating liquors.[770]

The Comanches are known for their moderation, or rather their strong dislike of alcoholic drinks; all the other nations in this group give in to this subtle corruption and are quickly being overwhelmed by it. They produce their own spirits from corn and agave americana, known as pulque and mescal, both of which are very strong and intoxicating liquors.[770]

Of all North American Indians the Comanches and Cheyennes are said to be the most skillful riders, and it would be difficult to find their superiors in any part 518 of the world. Young children, almost infants, are tied by their mothers to half-wild, bare-backed mustangs, which place thenceforth becomes their home. They supply themselves with fresh horses from wild droves wandering over the prairies, or from Mexican rancherías. A favorite horse is loved and cherished above all things on earth, not excepting wives or children. The women are scarcely behind the men in this accomplishment. They sit astride, guide the horses with the knee like the men, and catch and break wild colts. In fighting, the Comanches throw the body on one side of the horse, hang on by the heel and shoot with great precision and rapidity. It is beneath the dignity of these horsemen to travel on foot, and in their sometimes long and rapid marches, they defy pursuit.[771] Before horses were known they used to transport their household effects on the backs of dogs, which custom even now prevails among some nations.[772] 519

Of all the Native American tribes, the Comanches and Cheyennes are considered the best riders, and it would be hard to find anyone better anywhere in the world. Young children, almost infants, are strapped by their mothers to half-wild, bare-backed mustangs, which then become their home. They get fresh horses from wild herds roaming the prairies or from Mexican ranches. A favorite horse is valued and treasured above everything else, including wives or children. The women are nearly as skilled as the men in this area. They ride astride, steer the horses with their knees like the men do, and catch and train wild colts. In battle, the Comanches lean to one side of the horse, hold on with their heel, and shoot with great accuracy and speed. It's below their dignity as horsemen to walk, and during their long and fast marches, they make pursuit nearly impossible. Before horses were introduced, they used to carry their household items on the backs of dogs, a practice that still exists in some tribes.

COMANCHE CUSTOMS.

COMANCHE CULTURE.

The Comanche observes laws of hospitality as strictly as the Arab, and he exacts the observance of his rules of etiquette from strangers. When a visitor enters his dwelling, the master of the house points to him a seat, and how to reach it, and the host is greatly offended if his directions are not strictly followed. Meeting on the prairie, friends as well as enemies, if we may believe Colonel Marcy, put their horses at full speed. "When a party is discovered approaching thus, and are near enough to distinguish signals, all that is necessary to ascertain their disposition is to raise the right hand with the palm in front, and gradually push it forward and back several times. They all understand this to be a command to halt, and if they are not hostile, it will at once be obeyed. After they have stopped, the right hand is raised again as before, and slowly moved to the right and left, which signifies, I do not know you. Who are you? They will then answer the inquiry by giving their signal." Then they inflict on strangers the hugging and face-rubbing remarked among the Eskimos, demonstrating thereby the magnitude of their joy at meeting.[773] The various tribes of the Yuma and Mojave nations hold communication with one another by means of couriers or runners, who quickly disseminate important news, and call together the various bands for consultation, hunting, and war. Besides this, there is used everywhere on the prairies, a system of telegraphy, which perhaps is only excelled by the wires themselves. Smoke during the day, and fires at night, perched on mountain-tops, flash intelligence quickly and surely across the plains, giving the call for assistance or the order to 520 disperse when pursued. The advanced posts also inform the main body of the approach of strangers, and all this is done with astonishing regularity, by either increasing or diminishing the signal column, or by displaying it only at certain intervals or by increasing the number.[774] In cold weather many of the nations in the neighborhood of the Colorado, carry firebrands in their hands, as they assert for the purpose of warming themselves, which custom led the early visitors to name the Colorado the Rio del Tizon.[775]

The Comanche follows hospitality rules just as strictly as the Arab does, and he expects strangers to adhere to his etiquette. When a guest enters his home, the host directs him to a seat and how to get there, and he feels deeply insulted if his instructions aren’t closely followed. When meeting on the prairie, both friends and enemies, according to Colonel Marcy, put their horses at full speed. "When a group is seen approaching and is close enough to recognize signals, all that’s needed to gauge their intentions is to raise the right hand with the palm facing out and move it back and forth a few times. Everyone understands this as a command to stop, and if they aren't hostile, they'll comply immediately. After they’ve halted, the right hand is raised again and slowly moved side to side, which means, I don’t know you. Who are you? They will then respond with their signal." Then they greet strangers with the hugging and face-rubbing seen among the Eskimos, showing just how happy they are to meet.[773] The different tribes of the Yuma and Mojave nations communicate through couriers or runners, who quickly spread important news and gather the various groups for meetings, hunting, and conflict. Additionally, a system of signaling is used across the prairies, which may only be surpassed by actual wires. Smoke during the day and fires at night on mountain peaks broadcast messages swiftly and accurately across the plains, calling for help or ordering a retreat when pursued. The lookout posts alert the main group to the arrival of strangers, and this is done with remarkable precision, either by changing the height of the signal column, displaying it only at specific intervals, or by increasing the number of signals.[774] In cold weather, many tribes near the Colorado carry firebrands in their hands, claiming it’s for warmth, which led early visitors to name the Colorado the Rio del Tizon.[775]

DISEASES AND MEDICINE.

Health and Medicine.

The Comanches stand in great dread of evil spirits, which they attempt to conciliate by fasting and abstinence. When their demons withhold rain or sunshine, according as they desire, they whip a slave, and if their gods prove obdurate, their victim is almost flayed alive. The Navajos venerate the bear, and as before stated, never kill him nor touch any of his flesh.[776] Although early 521 writers speak of cannibalism among these people, there is no evidence that they do or ever did eat human flesh.[777] In their intercourse they are dignified and reserved, and never interrupt a person speaking. Unless compelled by necessity, they never speak any language but their own, it being barbarous in their eyes to make use of foreign tongues.[778]

The Comanches are very afraid of evil spirits, which they try to appease through fasting and self-denial. When their spirits refuse to bring rain or sunshine as they wish, they punish a slave, and if their gods remain unyielding, their victim is nearly skinned alive. The Navajos hold the bear in high regard, and as mentioned earlier, they never kill him or touch any of his meat.[776] Although early 521 writers mention cannibalism among these people, there is no proof that they have ever eaten human flesh.[777] In their interactions, they are dignified and reserved, and they never interrupt someone who is speaking. Unless absolutely necessary, they only speak their own language, as using foreign languages is considered barbaric in their view.[778]

BURIAL OF THE DEAD.

FUNERAL.

Although endowed generally with robust and healthy constitutions, bilious and malarial fever, pneumonia, rheumatism, dysentery, ophthalmia, measles, small-pox, and various syphilitic diseases are sometimes met among them; the latter occurring most frequently among the Navajos, Mojaves, Yumas, and Comanches. Whole bands are sometimes affected with the last-mentioned disease, and its effects are often visible in their young. A cutaneous ailment, called pintos, also makes its appearance at times.[779] For these ailments they have different remedies, consisting of leaves, herbs, and roots, of which decoctions or poultices are made; scarification and the hunger cure are resorted to as well. Among the Mojaves the universal remedy is the sweat-house, employed by them and the other nations not only as a remedy for diseases, but for pleasure. There is no essential difference between their sweat-houses and those of northern nations—an air-tight hut near a stream, heated stones, upon which water is thrown to generate steam, and a plunge into the water afterward. As a cure for the bite of a rattlesnake they employ an herb called euphorbia. Broken or wounded limbs are encased in wooden splints 522 until healed. But frequently they abandon their sick and maimed, or treat them with great harshness.[780] Priests or medicine-men possess almost exclusively the secrets of the art of healing. When herbs fail they resort to incantations, songs, and wailings. They are firm believers in witchcraft, and wear as amulets and charms, feathers, stones, antelope-toes, crane's bills, bits of charred wood and the like. Their prophets claim the power of foretelling future events, and are frequently consulted therefor.[781] Most of the nations in the vicinity of the Colorado, burn their dead as soon as possible after death, on which occasion the worldly effects of the deceased are likewise spiritualized; utensils, property, sometimes wives, are sent with their master to the spirit land.[782] 523 Those that do not burn the dead, bury them in caves or in shallow graves, with the robes, blankets, weapons, utensils, and ornaments of the deceased. The Comanches frequently build a heap of stones over the grave of a warrior, near which they erect a pole from which a pair of moccasins is suspended.[783] After burying the corpse, they have some mourning ceremonies, such as dances and songs around a fire, and go into mourning for a month. As a sign of grief they cut off the manes and tails of their horses, and also crop their own hair and lacerate their bodies in various ways; the women giving vent to their affliction by long continued howlings. But this applies only to warriors; children, and old men, are not worth so ostentatious a funeral.[784] 524 The name of a deceased person is rarely mentioned, and the Apaches are shy of admitting strangers to a celebration of funeral ceremonies, which mostly take place at night. In general they are averse to speaking upon the subject of death at all. The Navajos, says Mr Davis, "have a superstitious dread of approaching a dead body, and will never go near one when they can avoid it."[785]

Although generally blessed with strong and healthy bodies, bilious and malarial fever, pneumonia, rheumatism, dysentery, ophthalmia, measles, smallpox, and various syphilitic diseases sometimes occur among them; the latter is most common among the Navajos, Mojaves, Yumas, and Comanches. Entire groups are sometimes affected by the last-mentioned disease, and its effects are often visible in their young. A skin condition, called pintos, also appears at times.[779] For these ailments, they have various remedies that consist of leaves, herbs, and roots, which are made into decoctions or poultices; they also practice scarification and the hunger cure. Among the Mojaves, the go-to remedy is the sweat-house, used not only as a treatment for diseases but also for enjoyment. There’s no essential difference between their sweat-houses and those of northern nations—they build an airtight hut near a stream, heat stones, throw water on them to create steam, and then plunge into the water afterward. For treating rattlesnake bites, they use an herb called euphorbia. Broken or injured limbs are wrapped in wooden splints 522 until they heal. However, they often abandon their sick and injured or treat them very harshly.[780] Priests or medicine-men have almost exclusive knowledge of healing. When herbs don’t work, they turn to incantations, songs, and wailing. They strongly believe in witchcraft, wearing amulets and charms made of feathers, stones, antelope toes, crane’s bills, bits of charred wood, and similar items. Their prophets claim to have the ability to predict future events and are often consulted for that purpose.[781] Most of the nations near the Colorado burn their dead as soon as possible after death, and during this occasion, the worldly possessions of the deceased are also spiritualized; utensils, property, and sometimes wives are sent with their master to the spirit world.[782] 523 Those who do not burn their dead bury them in caves or shallow graves, along with the robes, blankets, weapons, utensils, and ornaments of the deceased. The Comanches often pile up stones over the grave of a warrior, near which they erect a pole from which a pair of moccasins is hung.[783] After burying the body, they hold mourning ceremonies, such as dances and songs around a fire, and mourn for a month. As a sign of grief, they cut off the manes and tails of their horses, crop their own hair, and inflict various wounds on their bodies; the women express their sorrow through prolonged howling. However, this only applies to warriors; children and old men do not receive such elaborate funerals.[784] 524 The name of a deceased person is rarely mentioned, and the Apaches are hesitant to allow strangers to join in their funeral ceremonies, which mostly take place at night. In general, they avoid discussing death altogether. The Navajos, says Mr. Davis, "have a superstitious dread of approaching a dead body and will never go near one when they can help it."[785]

NEW MEXICAN CHARACTER.

New Mexican character.

In the character of the several nations of this division there is a marked contrast. The Apaches as I have said, though naturally lazy like all savages, are in their industries extremely active,—their industries being theft and murder, to which they are trained by their mothers, and in which they display consummate cunning, treachery, and cruelty.[786] The Navajos and Mojaves display a more docile nature; their industries, although therein they do not claim to eschew all trickery, being of a 525 more peaceful, substantial character, such as stock-raising, agriculture, and manufactures. Professional thieving is not countenanced. Though treacherous, they are not naturally cruel; and though deaf to the call of gratitude, they are hospitable and socially inclined. They are ever ready to redeem their pledged word, and never shrink from the faithful performance of a contract. They are brave and intelligent, and possess much natural common sense.[787] The Tamajabs have no inclination to share in marauding excursions. Though not wanting in courage, they possess a mild disposition, and are kind to strangers.[788] The Comanches are dignified in their deportment, vain in respect to their personal appearance, ambitious of martial fame, unrelenting in their feuds, always exacting blood for blood, yet not sanguinary. They are true to their allies, prizing highly their freedom, hospitable to strangers, sober yet gay, maintaining a grave stoicism in presence of strangers, and a Spartan indifference under severe suffering or misfortune. Formal, discreet, and Arab-like, they are always faithful to the guest who throws himself upon their hospitality. To the valiant and brave is awarded the highest place in their esteem. They are extremely clannish in their social relations. Quarrels among relatives and friends are unheard of among them.[789] 526

In the character of the various nations in this region, there's a clear difference. The Apaches, as I mentioned, although they tend to be lazy like many primitive groups, are highly active in their pursuits—primarily theft and murder, which they learn from their mothers, showing remarkable cunning, deceit, and cruelty. The Navajos and Mojaves, on the other hand, have a more gentle nature; while they may not completely avoid trickery, their activities are more peaceful and practical, involving stock-raising, farming, and crafts. They don’t support professional thievery. Though they can be treacherous, they aren't inherently cruel; and while they may not express gratitude, they are hospitable and social. They always keep their promises and never back down from fulfilling a contract. They are brave and intelligent, with a good amount of common sense. The Tamajabs aren't interested in joining in raids. While they have courage, they are of a gentle nature and kind to outsiders. The Comanches carry themselves with dignity, are proud of their appearance, seek glory in battle, and are unforgiving in their conflicts, always demanding retribution, yet they're not bloodthirsty. They are loyal to their allies, value their freedom, are welcoming to travelers, and maintain a balance of seriousness and cheerfulness. They present a serious demeanor around strangers and show remarkable stoicism in the face of hardship. They are formal and discreet, akin to Arabs, and always remain loyal to guests who seek their hospitality. The courageous and brave hold the highest regard among them. They are very close-knit in their social interactions. Arguments between relatives and friends are unheard of among them.

THE PUEBLOS.

THE PUEBLOS.

The non-nomadic semi-civilized town and agricultural peoples of New Mexico and Arizona, the second division of this group, I call the Pueblos, or Towns-people, from pueblo, town, population, people, a name given by the Spaniards to such inhabitants of this region as were found, when first discovered, permanently located in comparatively well-built towns. Strictly speaking, the term Pueblos applies only to the villagers settled along the banks of the Rio Grande del Norte and its tributaries, between latitudes 34° 45´ and 36° 30´, and although the name is employed as a general appellation for this division, it will be used, for the most part, only in its narrower and popular sense. In this division, besides the before-mentioned Pueblos proper, are embraced the Moquis, or villagers of eastern Arizona, and the non-nomadic agricultural nations of the lower Gila River,—the Pimas, Maricopas, Pápagos, and cognate tribes. The country of the Towns-people, if we may credit Lieutenant Simpson, is one of "almost universal barrenness," yet interspersed with fertile spots; that of the agricultural nations, though dry, is more generally productive. The fame of this so-called civilization reached Mexico at an early day; first through Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca and his companions, who belonged to the expedition under the unfortunate Pámphilo de Narvaez, traversing the continent from Florida to the shore of the gulf of California; they brought in exaggerated rumors of great cities to the north, which prompted the expeditions of Marco de Niza in 1539, of Coronado in 1540, and of Espejo in 1586. These adventurers visited the north in quest of the fabulous kingdoms of Quivira, Tontonteac, Marata and others, in which great riches were said to exist. The name of Quivira was 527 afterwards applied by them to one or more of the pueblo cities. The name Cíbola, from cíbolo, Mexican bull, bos bison, or wild ox of New Mexico, where the Spaniards first encountered buffalo, was given to seven of the towns which were afterwards known as the seven cities of Cíbola. But most of the villages known at the present day were mentioned in the reports of the early expeditions by their present names. The statements in regard to the number of their villages differed from the first. Castañeda speaks of seven cities.[790] The following list, according to Lieutenant Whipple's statement, appears to be the most complete. Commencing north, and following the southward course of the Rio Grande del Norte; Shipap, Acoti, Taos, Picuris, San Juan, Pojuaque, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, Nambe, Tesuque, Cochite, Pecos, Santo Domingo, Cuyamanque, Silla, Jemez, San Felipe, Galisteo, Santa Ana, Zandia, Laguna, Acoma, Zuñi, Isleta, and Chilili.[791] The Moquis who speak a distinct language, and who have many customs peculiar to themselves, 528 inhabit seven villages, named Oraibe, Shumuthpa, Mushaiina, Ahlela, Gualpi, Siwinna, and Tegua.[792]

The settled, semi-civilized towns and farming communities of New Mexico and Arizona, which form the second part of this group, are referred to as the Towns, or Towns-people, from the term pueblo, meaning town, population, or people—a name given by the Spaniards to the inhabitants of this region who were found living permanently in relatively well-constructed towns. Technically, the term Pueblos applies only to the villagers living along the banks of the Rio Grande del Norte and its tributaries, between latitudes 34° 45´ and 36° 30´. Although the name is used generally for this division, it will mostly be employed in its narrower and more common sense. This group includes not only the aforementioned Pueblos but also the Moquis, or villagers of eastern Arizona, along with the settled agricultural peoples of the lower Gila River—the Pimas, Maricopas, Pápagos, and related tribes. According to Lieutenant Simpson, the land of the Towns-people is described as "almost universally barren," yet dotted with fertile areas; the agricultural lands, though dry, are generally more productive. The reputation of this so-called civilization reached Mexico quite early; first through Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca and his companions from the ill-fated expedition led by Pámphilo de Narvaez, who traveled across the continent from Florida to the California coast. They spread exaggerated tales of great cities to the north, leading to the expeditions of Marco de Niza in 1539, Coronado in 1540, and Espejo in 1586. These explorers journeyed north in search of the mythical kingdoms of Quivira, Tontonteac, Marata, and others, believed to be filled with great wealth. The name Quivira was later applied to one or more of the pueblo cities. The name Cíbola, derived from cíbolo, the Mexican bull or bos bison, the wild ox found in New Mexico where the Spaniards first encountered buffalo, was assigned to seven towns that became known as the seven cities of Cíbola. However, most of the villages recognized today were mentioned in the early expeditions by their current names. The reports about the number of villages differed from the beginning. Castañeda refers to seven cities.[790] The following list, according to Lieutenant Whipple's account, appears to be the most comprehensive. Starting from the north and moving south along the Rio Grande del Norte: Shipap, Acoti, Taos, Picuris, San Juan, Pojuaque, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, Nambe, Tesuque, Cochite, Pecos, Santo Domingo, Cuyamanque, Silla, Jemez, San Felipe, Galisteo, Santa Ana, Zandia, Laguna, Acoma, Zuñi, Isleta, and Chilili.[791] The Moquis, who have their own distinct language and many unique customs, live in seven villages named Oraibe, Shumuthpa, Mushaiina, Ahlela, Gualpi, Siwinna, and Tegua.[792]

By the Spanish conquest of New Mexico the natives were probably disturbed less than was usually the case with the vanquished race; the Pueblos being well-domiciled and well-behaved, and having little to be stolen, the invaders adopted the wise policy of permitting them to work in peace, and to retain the customs and traditions of their forefathers as they do, many of them, to this day. Attempts have been made to prove a relationship with the civilized Aztecs of Mexico, but thus far without success. No affinities in language appear to exist; that of the Moquis, indeed, contains a few faint traces of and assimilations to Aztec words, as I shall show in the third volume of this work, but they are not strong enough to support any theory of common origin or relationship.[793]

By the time the Spanish conquered New Mexico, the native people were likely less troubled than usually happens with defeated groups; the Pueblos were settled and orderly, and they had little for the invaders to take. The conquerors wisely decided to let them work peacefully and keep the customs and traditions of their ancestors, many of which they still maintain today. Attempts have been made to show a connection to the advanced Aztecs of Mexico, but so far, these have not been successful. There don’t seem to be any similarities in language; the Moquis language does have a few faint traces and adaptations of Aztec words, as I will explain in the third volume of this work, but these aren’t strong enough to support any theory of a shared origin or relationship.[793]

PIMAS AND PÁPAGOS.

Pimas and Papagos.

The Pimas inhabit the banks of the Gila River about two hundred miles above its confluence with the Colorado. Their territory extends from about the bend of the Gila up the river to a place called Maricopa Coppermine; northward their boundary is the Salt River, and south the Picacho. They are generally divided, and 529 known as the upper and lower Pimas, which branches show but slight dialectic differences. When first seen their territory extended further southward into Sonora. The Pápagos, their neighbors, are closely allied to them by language. In nowise related to them, but very similar in their manners and customs, are the Maricopas, who reside in their immediate vicinity, and who claim to have migrated to that place some centuries ago, from a more westerly territory.

The Pimas live along the banks of the Gila River, about two hundred miles upstream from where it meets the Colorado River. Their land stretches from around the bend of the Gila River up to a spot called Maricopa Coppermine; to the north, their boundary is the Salt River, and to the south, it’s Picacho. They are generally categorized into two groups, known as the upper and lower Pimas, which have only slight differences in dialect. When they were first observed, their territory extended further south into Sonora. The Pápagos, who live nearby, are closely connected to them through language. The Maricopas, who also live close by and have similar customs, are not related to the Pimas, but they claim to have migrated to that area from a location to the west several centuries ago.

All these people, although not dwelling in houses built, like those of the Pueblos, of solid materials, have settled villages in which they reside at all times, and are entirely distinct from the roving and nomadic tribes described in the Apache family. When first found by the Spaniards, they cultivated the soil, and knew how to weave cotton and other fabrics; in fact it was easily observable that they had made a step toward civilization. I therefore describe them together with the Pueblos. The region occupied by them, although containing some good soil, is scantily provided with water, and to enable them to raise crops, they are obliged to irrigate, conducting the water of the Gila to their fields in small canals. The water obtained by digging wells is frequently brackish, and in many places they are forced to carry all the water needed for household purposes quite a long distance. The climate is claimed to be one of the hottest on the American continent.

All these people, even though they don’t live in solidly built houses like those of the Pueblos, have established villages where they live year-round, and they are completely different from the wandering nomadic tribes mentioned in the Apache family. When the Spaniards first encountered them, they were farming the land and knew how to weave cotton and other fabrics; it was clear they had made progress toward civilization. That’s why I describe them alongside the Pueblos. The area they inhabit has some good soil but lacks ample water, so to grow crops, they have to irrigate by channeling water from the Gila River to their fields using small ditches. Water obtained from wells is often salty, and in many areas, they have to transport all the water needed for daily use over long distances. The climate is said to be one of the hottest on the American continent.

The Pueblos, and Moqui villagers, are a race of small people, the men averaging about five feet in height, with small hands and feet, well-cut features, bright eyes, and a generally pleasing expression of countenance.[794] Their hair is dark, soft, and of fine texture, and their skin a 530 clear shade of brown.[795] The woman seldom exceed four feet in height, with figure rotund, but a graceful carriage, and face full, with pretty, intelligent features and good teeth.[796] Albinos are at times seen amongst them, who are described as having very fair complexions, light hair, and blue or pink eyes.[797]

The Pueblos and Moqui villagers are a group of short people, with the men averaging around five feet tall. They have small hands and feet, well-defined features, bright eyes, and generally pleasant expressions. Their hair is dark, soft, and fine, and their skin is a clear shade of brown. The women are usually under four feet tall, with round figures, graceful postures, and full faces that feature pretty, intelligent characteristics and good teeth. Occasionally, albinos can be seen among them, described as having very fair skin, light hair, and blue or pink eyes.

DRESS OF THE PUEBLOS.

Pueblo Clothing.

The Pimas and their neighbors are men of fine physique, tall and bony, many of them exceeding six feet in height, broad-chested, erect, and muscular, but frequently light-limbed with small hands, though the feet of both sexes are large. They have large features, expressive of frankness and good nature, with prominent cheek-bones and aquiline nose, those of the women being somewhat retroussés.[798] The females are symmetrically formed, with beautifully tapered limbs, full busts, pleasing features, embellished with white and evenly set teeth.[799] Their coarse hair grows to a great length and thickness, and their dark complexion becomes yet darker toward the south.[800] The ordinary dress of the 531 Pueblos is the breech-cloth and blanket; some add a blouse of cotton or deer-skin, a waist-belt, and buckskin leggins and moccasins. The women wear a long, cotton, sleeveless tunic, confined round the waist by a colored girdle, a species of cape bordered in different colors, fastened round the neck at the two corners, and reaching down to the waist, while over the head a shawl is thrown. The feet are protected by neat moccasins of deer-skin or woolen stuff, surmounted by leggins of the same material. They have a habit of padding the leggins, which makes them appear short-legged with small feet.[801] The men bind a handkerchief or colored band round the head. Young women dress the hair in a peculiarly neat and becoming style. Parting it at the back, they roll it round hoops, when it is fastened in two high bunches, one on each side of the head, placing sometimes a single feather in the center; married women gather it into two tight knots at the side or one at the back of the head; the men cut it in front of the ears, and in a line with the eye-brows, while at the back it is plaited or gathered into a single bunch, and tied with a band.[801] On gala occasions they paint and adorn themselves in many grotesque styles; arms, legs, and exposed portions of the body are covered with stripes or rings, 532 and conical-shaped head-dresses; feathers, sheep-skin wigs, and masks, are likewise employed.[802] The habiliments of the Pimas are a cotton serape of their own manufacture, a breech-cloth, with sandals of raw-hide or deer-skin. Women wear the same kind of serape, wound round the loins and pinned, or more frequently tucked in at the waist, or fastened with a belt in which different-colored wools are woven; some wear a short petticoat of deer-skin or bark.[803] They wear no head-dress. Like the Pueblos, the men cut the hair short across the forehead, and either plait it in different coils behind, which are ornamented with bits of bone, shells, or red cloth, or mix it with clay, or gather it into a turban shape on top of the head, leaving a few ornamented and braided locks to hang down over the ears.[804] Each paints in a manner to suit the fancy; black, red, and yellow are the colors most in vogue, black being alone used for war paint. Some tattoo their newly born children round the eyelids, and girls, on arriving at the age of maturity, tattoo from the corners of the mouth to the chin. Some tribes oblige their women to cut the hair, others permit it to grow.[805] For ornament, shell 533 and bead necklaces are used; also ear-rings of a blue stone found in the mountains.[806] The dwellings of the PIMA AND MARICOPA DWELLINGS. agricultural Pimas, Maricopas, and Pápagos consist of dome-shaped huts, either round or oval at the base. There are usually thirty or more to a village, and they are grouped with some regard to regularity. Strong forked stakes are firmly fixed in the ground at regular distances from each other, the number varying according to the size of the hut, cross-poles are laid from one to the other, around these are placed cotton-wood poles, which are bent over and fastened to the transverse sticks, the structure is then wattled with willows, reeds, or coarse straw, and the whole covered with a coat of mud. The only openings are an entrance door about three feet high, and a small aperture in the center of the roof that serves for ventilation. Their height is from five to seven feet, and the diameter from twenty to fifty. Outside stands a shed, open at all sides with a roof of branches or corn-stalks, under which they prepare their food. Their houses are occupied mainly during the rainy season; in summer they build light sheds of twigs in their corn-fields, which not only are more airy, but are also more convenient in watching their growing crops. Besides the dwelling-place, each family has a granary, similar in shape and of like materials but of stronger construction; by frequent plastering with mud they are made impervious to rain.[807] The towns of the Pueblos 534 are essentially unique, and are the dominant feature of these aboriginals. Some of them are situated in valleys, others on mesas; sometimes they are planted on elevations almost inaccessible, reached only by artificial grades or by steps cut in the solid rock. Some of the towns are of an elliptical shape, while others are square, a town being frequently but a block of buildings. Thus a Pueblo consists of one or more squares, each enclosed by three or four buildings of from three to four hundred feet in length, and about one hundred and fifty feet in width at the base, and from two to seven stories of from eight to nine feet each in height. The buildings forming the square do not meet, but in some cases are connected by bridges or covered gangways, and in some instances the houses project over the streets below, which being narrow, are thus given an underground appearance. The stories are built in a series of gradations or retreating surfaces, decreasing in size as they rise, thus forming a succession of terraces.

The Pimas and their neighbors are well-built people, tall and lean, many over six feet tall, broad-chested, upright, and muscular, though often light-bodied with small hands, while both sexes have large feet. They have prominent features that show honesty and friendliness, with strong cheekbones and a slightly hooked nose, while women's noses tend to be more upturned. The women are well-proportioned, with elegantly shaped limbs, full chests, attractive faces, and nice, evenly spaced teeth. Their thick hair grows very long and adds to their dark complexion, which gets even darker as you go south. The usual clothing for the Pueblos consists of a breech cloth and a blanket; some add a cotton or deer-skin blouse, a waist belt, and buckskin leggings and moccasins. The women wear a long, sleeveless cotton tunic that cinches at the waist with a colorful belt, along with a colorful cape that fastens at the neck and reaches down to the waist, topped off with a shawl over their head. Their feet are covered with neat moccasins made of deer-skin or wool, along with leggings made of the same material. They often pad their leggings, making their legs look shorter with small feet. Men wrap a handkerchief or colorful band around their heads. Young women style their hair neatly and attractively. They part it in the back and wrap it around hoops, securing it in two high buns, with sometimes a single feather in the center; married women gather theirs into two tight knots at the sides or one at the back; men cut theirs in front of the ears, in line with their eyebrows, while the back is either braided or gathered into a single bunch tied with a band. On festive occasions, they paint and decorate themselves in various whimsical ways; they cover their arms, legs, and exposed skin with stripes or rings, and wear conical-shaped headpieces; feathers, sheep-skin wigs, and masks are also used. The Pimas wear a cotton serape that they make themselves, a breech cloth, and sandals made from raw-hide or deer-skin. Women also wear a similar type of serape, wrapped around their waists and either pinned or tucked in, sometimes held with a belt woven with different-colored wools; some wear a short deer-skin or bark petticoat. They do not wear a head covering. Like the Pueblos, men keep their hair short in front and either braid it in coils at the back, decorated with bits of bone, shells, or red cloth, use clay in it, or shape it into a turban style on top of their head with some ornamental and braided locks hanging over their ears. Everyone paints themselves according to personal preference; black, red, and yellow are the most popular colors, with black used exclusively for war paint. Some tattoo their newborns around the eyelids, and girls tattoo from the corners of the mouth to the chin when they reach maturity. Some tribes require their women to cut their hair, while others allow it to grow. For decoration, they use shell and bead necklaces, and earrings made from a blue stone found in the mountains. The homes of the agricultural Pimas, Maricopas, and Pápagos are dome-shaped huts, either round or oval at the base. There are typically thirty or more in a village, arranged somewhat orderly. Strong forked stakes are set firmly in the ground at regular intervals, with the number depending on the hut size. Cross-poles are laid between them, around which cottonwood poles are bent over and fastened to the crosspieces. The structure is then woven with willows, reeds, or coarse straw, and covered with a layer of mud. The only openings are a door about three feet high and a small vent at the roof's center. They are five to seven feet high with diameters ranging from twenty to fifty feet. Outside, there is an open shed with a roof made of branches or corn stalks, where they prepare their food. They mainly occupy their homes during the rainy season; in summer, they build light sheds of twigs in their cornfields for better airflow and easier crop monitoring. In addition to their home, each family has a granary, similar in shape and materials but built more robustly; with frequent mud plastering, they become waterproof. The towns of the Pueblos are quite unique and are a prominent feature among these natives. Some are located in valleys, others on mesas, and sometimes on high cliffs that are only accessible via manmade ramps or stone steps. Some towns are elliptical while others are square, often just a block of buildings. A Pueblo usually consists of one or more squares, each surrounded by three or four buildings that are three to four hundred feet long and about one hundred fifty feet wide at the base, with two to seven stories ranging from eight to nine feet high. The buildings enclosing the square do not touch but may be connected by bridges or enclosed walkways, and in some cases, the houses extend over narrow streets below, creating an underground appearance. The stories are built in tiers, getting smaller as they rise, creating a series of terraces.

In some of the towns these terraces are on both sides of the building; in others they face only toward the outside; while again in others they are on the inside. In front of the terraces is a parapet, which serves as a shelter for the inhabitants when forced to defend themselves against an attack from the outside. These terraces are about six feet wide, and extend round the three or four sides of the square, forming a walk for 535 the occupants of the story resting upon it, and a roof for the story beneath; so with the stories above. As there is no inner communication with one another, the only means of mounting to them is by ladders which stand at convenient distances along the several rows of terraces, and they may be drawn up at pleasure, thus cutting off all unwelcome intrusion. The outside walls of one or more of the lower stories are entirely solid, having no openings of any kind, with the exception of, in some towns, a few loopholes. All the doors and windows are on the inside opening on the court. The several stories of these huge structures are divided into multitudinous compartments of greater or lesser size, which are apportioned to the several families of the tribe. Access is had to the different stories by means of the ladders, which at night and in times of danger are drawn up after the person entering. To enter the rooms on the ground floor from the outside, one must mount the ladder to the first balcony or terrace, then descend through a trap door in the floor by another ladder on the inside. The roofs or ceilings, which are nearly flat, are formed of transverse beams which slope slightly outward, the ends resting on the side walls; on these, to make the floor and terrace of the story above, is laid brush wood, then a layer of bark or thin slabs, and over all a thick covering of mud sufficient to render them water-tight. The windows in the upper stories are made of flakes of selenite instead of glass. The rooms are large, the substantial partitions are made of wood, and neatly whitewashed. The apartments on the ground floor are gloomy, and generally used as store-rooms; those above are sometimes furnished with a small fireplace, the chimney leading out some feet above the terrace. PUEBLO HOUSES. Houses are common property, and both men and women assist in building them; the men erect the wooden frames, and the women make the mortar and build the walls. In place of lime for mortar, they mix ashes with earth and charcoal. They make adobes or sun-dried bricks by mixing ashes and earth with water, which is 536 then moulded into large blocks and dried in the sun. Some of the towns are built with stones laid in mud. Captain Simpson describes several ruined cities, which he visited, which show that the inhabitants formerly had a knowledge of architecture and design superior to any that the Pueblos of the present day possess. Yet their buildings are even now well constructed, for although several stories in height, the walls are seldom more than three or four feet in thickness. The apartments are well arranged and neatly kept; one room is used for cooking, another for grinding corn and preserving winter supplies of food, others for sleeping-rooms. On the balconies, round the doors opening upon them, the villagers congregate to gossip and smoke, while the streets below, when the ladders are drawn up, present a gloomy and forsaken appearance. Sometimes villages are built in the form of an open square with buildings on three sides, and again two or more large terraced structures capable of accommodating one or two thousand people are built contiguous to each other, or on opposite banks of a stream. In some instances the outer wall presents one unbroken line, without entrance or anything to indicate the busy life within; another form is to join the straight walls, which encompass three sides of a square, by a fourth circular wall; in all of which the chief object is defense. The Pueblos take great pride in their picturesque and, to them, magnificent structures, affirming that as fortresses they have ever proved impregnable. To wall out black barbarism was what the Pueblos wanted, and to be let alone; under these conditions time was giving them civilization.[808] 537

In some towns, these terraces are on both sides of the building; in others, they only face outward; while in some, they are on the inside. In front of the terraces is a parapet, which provides shelter for the residents when they need to defend against outside attacks. These terraces are about six feet wide and wrap around three or four sides of the square, creating a walkway for the occupants of the story sitting on it and a roof for the story below; this applies to the stories above as well. Since there’s no internal access between them, the only way to reach them is by ladders that are placed at convenient distances along the terraces, which can be pulled up as needed to prevent unwelcome entry. The outer walls of one or more of the lower stories are completely solid, without any openings except for a few loopholes in some towns. All the doors and windows are on the inside, opening into a courtyard. The various stories of these massive structures are divided into many compartments of different sizes, allocated to the families of the tribe. Access to the different stories is through the ladders, which are pulled up at night or during times of danger after someone enters. To get to the ground floor rooms from the outside, you have to climb the ladder to the first balcony or terrace, then go down through a trapdoor in the floor using another ladder on the inside. The roofs or ceilings, which are nearly flat, consist of cross beams that slope slightly outward, resting on the side walls; on top of these, to form the floor and terrace of the upper story, they lay brushwood, then a layer of bark or thin slabs, topped with a thick layer of mud to make them waterproof. The upper story windows are made of selenite flakes instead of glass. The rooms are large, with sturdy wooden partitions that are neatly whitewashed. The ground floor apartments are dim and mostly used for storage; the upper rooms sometimes have a small fireplace, with the chimney extending several feet above the terrace. Pueblo homes. Houses are communal property, and both men and women contribute to their construction; men build the wooden frames, while women mix mortar and construct the walls. Instead of lime, they use a mix of ashes, earth, and charcoal for the mortar. They create adobes or sun-dried bricks by mixing ashes and earth with water, forming large blocks that dry in the sun. Some towns use stones set in mud for construction. Captain Simpson describes several ruined cities he visited, which indicate that the people once had an understanding of architecture and design that's superior to what the current Pueblos possess. Yet, even now, their buildings are well-made, as the walls are rarely more than three or four feet thick, despite being several stories tall. The apartments are well-organized and kept tidy; one room is used for cooking, another for grinding corn and storing winter food supplies, and others serve as bedrooms. On the balconies, around the doors leading out to them, the villagers gather to chat and smoke, while the streets below, when the ladders are pulled up, look gloomy and abandoned. Sometimes, villages are arranged in an open square with buildings on three sides, while in other cases, two or more large terraced structures, capable of housing one or two thousand people, are built next to each other or on opposite sides of a stream. In some cases, the outer wall forms a continuous line with no entrance or indication of the bustling life inside; another configuration connects straight walls that enclose three sides of a square with a curved wall on the fourth side; in all these designs, the main goal is defense. The Pueblos take great pride in their picturesque and, in their eyes, magnificent buildings, claiming that as fortresses, they have always been impregnable. The Pueblos wanted to keep out dark barbarism and be left alone; under these conditions, time was leading them toward civilization. 537

PUEBLO ESTUFAS.

Pueblo Stoves.

The sweat-house, or as the Spaniards call it, the estufa, assumes with the Pueblos the grandest proportions. Every village has from one to six of these singular structures. A large, semi-subterranean room, it is at once bath-house, town-house, council-chamber, club-room, and church. It consists of a large excavation, the roof being about on a level with the ground, sometimes a little above it, and is supported by heavy timbers or pillars of masonry. Around the sides are benches, and in the center of the floor a square stone box for fire, wherein aromatic plants are kept constantly burning. Entrance is made by means of a ladder, through a hole in the top placed directly over the fire-place so that it also serves as a ventilator and affords a free passage to the smoke. Usually they are circular in form and of both large and small dimensions; they are placed either within the great building or underground in the court without. In some of the ruins they are found built in the center of what was once a pyramidal pile, and four stories in height. At Jemez the estufa is of one story, twenty-five feet wide by thirty feet high. The ruins of Chettro Kettle contain six estufas, each two or three stories in height. At Bonito are estufas one hundred and seventy-five feet in circumference, built in alternate layers of thick and 538 thin stone slabs. In these subterranean temples the old men met in secret council, or assembled in worship of their gods. Here are held dances and festivities, social intercourse, and mourning ceremonies. Certain of the Pueblos have a custom similar to that practiced by some of the northern tribes, the men sleeping in the sweat-house with their feet to the fire, and permitting women to enter only to bring them food. The estufas of Tiguex were situated in the heart of the village, built underground, both round and square, and paved with large polished stones.[809]

The sweat-house, or what the Spaniards call the estufa, is a key structure for the Pueblos. Every village has between one and six of these unique buildings. It's a large, semi-subterranean room that functions as a bath-house, town-house, council-chamber, club-room, and church. The structure consists of a large excavation with a roof that is mostly level with the ground—sometimes raised slightly—and it’s supported by heavy timbers or brick pillars. Benches line the sides, and in the center, there's a square stone box for fire where aromatic plants are constantly burned. People enter using a ladder through a hole in the roof directly above the fireplace, which also serves to vent smoke. Typically circular in shape, these sweat-houses come in various sizes and may be built either inside a larger structure or underground in the courtyard outside. In some ruins, they are found at the center of what used to be a four-story pyramid. At Jemez, the estufa is one story tall, twenty-five feet wide, and thirty feet high. The ruins of Chettro Kettle have six estufas, each two or three stories high. In Bonito, there are estufas that are one hundred seventy-five feet in circumference, constructed with alternating layers of thick and thin stone slabs. In these underground temples, the elders would meet in secret for discussions or gather to worship their gods. They also serve as venues for dances, festivities, social gatherings, and mourning rituals. Some Pueblos have a tradition similar to that of certain northern tribes, where men sleep in the sweat-house with their feet toward the fire, allowing women in only to bring them food. The estufas in Tiguex were located in the center of the village, built underground, both round and square, and paved with large polished stones.[809]

HOW FOOD IS OBTAINED.

HOW FOOD IS SOURCED.

From the earliest information we have of these nations they are known to have been tillers of the soil; and though the implements used and their methods of cultivation were both simple and primitive, cotton, corn, wheat, beans, with many varieties of fruits, which constituted their principal food, were raised in abundance. The Pueblos breed poultry to a considerable extent; fish are eaten whenever obtainable, as also a few wild animals, such as deer, hares, and rabbits, though they are indifferent hunters.[810] The Pápagos, whose country does 539 not present such favorable conditions for agriculture are forced to rely for a subsistence more upon wild fruits and animals than the nations north of them. They collect large quantities of the fruit of the pitahaya (cereus giganteus), and in seasons of scarcity resort to whatever is life-sustaining, not disdaining even snakes, lizards, and toads.[811] Most of these people irrigate their lands by means of conduits or ditches, leading either from the river or from tanks in which rain-water is collected and stored for the purpose. These ditches are kept in repair by the community, but farming operations are carried on by each family for its own separate benefit, which is a noticeable advance from the usual savage communism.[812] Fishing nets are made of twisted thread or of small sticks joined together at the ends. When the rivers are low, fish are caught in baskets or shot with arrows to which a string is attached.[813] The corn which is stored for winter use, is first par-boiled in the shuck, and then suspended from strings to dry; peaches are dried in large quantities, and melons are preserved by peeling and removing the seeds, when they are placed 540 in the sun, and afterward hung up in trees. Meal is ground on the metate and used for making porridge, tortillas, and a very thin cake called guayave, which latter forms a staple article of food amongst the Pueblos. The process of making the guayave, as seen by Lieutenant Simpson at Santo Domingo on the Rio Grande, is thus described in his journal. "At the house of the governor I noticed a woman, probably his wife, going through the process of baking a very thin species of corn cake, called, according to Gregg, guayave. She was hovering over a fire, upon which lay a flat stone. Near her was a bowl of thin corn paste, into which she thrust her fingers; allowing then the paste to drip sparingly upon the stone, with two or three wipes from the palm of her hand she would spread it entirely and uniformly over the stone; this was no sooner done than she peeled it off as fit for use; and the process was again and again repeated, until a sufficient quantity was obtained. When folded and rolled together, it does not look unlike (particularly that made from the blue corn) a hornet's nest—a name by which it is sometimes called." The Pimas do all their cooking out of doors, under a shed erected for the purpose. They collect the pulp from the fruit of the pitahaya, and boiling it in water, make a thick syrup, which they store away for future use. They also dry the fruit in the sun like figs.[814]

From the earliest information we have about these nations, they are known to have been farmers. Although their tools and farming methods were simple and basic, they grew cotton, corn, wheat, beans, and many types of fruits, which made up their main food supply, in large quantities. The Pueblos raise a good amount of poultry; they eat fish whenever they can catch it, along with a few wild animals like deer, hares, and rabbits, although they aren't very skilled at hunting.[810] The Pápagos, whose land doesn’t have as many good conditions for farming, have to rely more on wild fruits and animals for food than the nations to the north. They gather large amounts of pitahaya fruit (cereus giganteus), and during times of scarcity, they eat anything that can sustain life, including snakes, lizards, and toads.[811] Most of these people irrigate their fields using canals or ditches leading from the river or from tanks that collect and store rainwater. The community maintains these ditches, but each family farms separately for its own benefit, which is a significant improvement over typical communal living found in more primitive societies.[812] They make fishing nets from twisted thread or small sticks tied together at the ends. When the rivers are low, they catch fish using baskets or by shooting them with arrows attached to strings.[813] The corn saved for winter is first parboiled in the husk and then hung from strings to dry; they dry large amounts of peaches, and melons are preserved by peeling and removing the seeds before being placed in the sun and then hung up in trees. They grind meal on the metate to make porridge, tortillas, and a very thin cake called guayave, which is a staple food among the Pueblos. Lieutenant Simpson observed the process of making guayave at Santo Domingo on the Rio Grande and described it in his journal. "At the governor's house, I noticed a woman, probably his wife, making a very thin type of corn cake called guayave, according to Gregg. She was hovering over a fire with a flat stone on it. Next to her was a bowl of thin corn paste, which she dipped her fingers into, allowing the paste to drip sparingly onto the stone. With a few swipes from the palm of her hand, she spread it evenly over the stone. As soon as she finished, she peeled it off, ready for use, and repeated the process until she had a sufficient amount. When folded and rolled together, it resembles a hornet's nest—an alias it is sometimes referred to as, especially the version made from blue corn." The Pimas do all their cooking outside under a shed built for that purpose. They collect the pulp from the pitahaya fruit, boil it in water to make a thick syrup, which they store for future use. They also dry the fruit in the sun like figs.[814]

The Pueblos and Moquis are remarkable for their personal cleanliness and the neatness of their dwellings.[815] 541

The Pueblos and Moquis are known for their personal hygiene and the tidiness of their homes.[815] 541

PUEBLO WEAPONS.

Pueblo Weapons.

Their weapons are bows and arrows, spears, and clubs. The Pueblos use a crooked stick, which they throw somewhat in the manner of the boomerang; they are exceedingly skillful in the use of the sling, with a stone from which they are said to be able to hit with certainty a small mark or kill a deer at the distance of a hundred yards. For defense, they use a buckler or shield made of raw hide. Their arrows are carried in skin quivers or stuck in the belt round the waist.[816] Bows are made of willow, and are about six feet in length, strung with twisted deer-sinews; arrows are made of reeds, into which a piece of hard wood is fitted.[817] The Pimas wing their war arrows with three feathers and point them with flint, while for hunting purposes they have only two feathers and wooden points.[818] It has been stated that they poison them, but there does not appear to be good foundation for this assertion.[819] Clubs, which are used in hand-to-hand combats, are made of a hard, heavy wood, measuring from twenty to twenty-four inches in length. In former days they were sharpened by inserting flint or obsidian along the edge.[820] 542

Their weapons include bows and arrows, spears, and clubs. The Pueblos use a crooked stick that they throw somewhat like a boomerang; they're incredibly skilled with the sling, capable of hitting a small target or taking down a deer from a hundred yards away. For defense, they use a buckler or shield made of rawhide. They carry their arrows in skin quivers or tuck them in a belt around their waist. Bows are made from willow and are about six feet long, strung with twisted deer sinew; the arrows are made of reeds with a piece of hardwood fitted at the tip. The Pimas feather their war arrows with three feathers and point them with flint, while their hunting arrows only have two feathers and wooden points. It's been said that they poison the arrows, but there's not much evidence to support this claim. Clubs, used in close combat, are made from hard, heavy wood and measure between twenty to twenty-four inches long. In the past, they were sharpened by embedding flint or obsidian along the edge. 542

WAR CEREMONIES.

War ceremonies.

The Pimas wage unceasing war against the Apaches, and the Pueblos are ever at enmity with their neighbors, the Navajos. The Pueblos are securely protected by the position and construction of their dwellings, from the top of which they are able to watch the appearance and movements of enemies, and should any be daring enough to approach their walls, they are greeted by a shower of stones and darts. As an additional protection to their towns, they dig pitfalls on the trails leading to them, at the bottom of which sharp-pointed stakes are driven, the top of the hole being carefully covered.[821] Expeditions are sometimes organized against the Navajos for the recovery of stolen property. On such occasions the Towns-people equip themselves with the heads, horns, and tails of wild animals, paint the body and plume the head.[822] Lieutenant Simpson mentions a curious custom observed by them, just previous to going into action. "They halted on the way to receive from their chiefs some medicine from the medicine bags which each of them carried about his person. This they rubbed upon their heart, as they said, to make it big and brave." The Pueblos fight on horseback in skirmishing order, and keep up a running fight, throwing the body into various attitudes, the better to avoid the enemies' missiles, at the same time discharging their arrows with rapidity.[823] The Pimas, who fight usually on foot, when they decide on going to war, select their best warriors, who are sent 543 to notify the surrounding villages, and a place of meeting is named where a grand council is held. A fire being lighted and a circle of warriors formed, the proceedings are opened by war songs and speeches, their prophet is consulted, and in accordance with his professional advice, their plan of operations is arranged.[824] The attack is usually made about day-break, and conducted with much pluck and vigor. They content themselves with proximate success, and seldom pursue a flying foe.[825] During the heat of battle they spare neither sex nor age, but if prisoners are taken, the males are crucified or otherwise cruelly put to death, and the women and children sold as soon as possible.[826] The successful war party on its return is met by the inhabitants of the villages, scalps are fixed on a pole, trophies displayed, and feasting and dancing indulged in for several days and nights; if unsuccessful, mourning takes the place of feasting, and the death-cries of the women resound through the villages.[827]

The Pimas are in constant conflict with the Apaches, and the Pueblos are always at odds with their neighbors, the Navajos. The Pueblos are well-protected by the design and location of their homes, from which they can observe the arrival and movements of enemies. If any are bold enough to approach their walls, they face a barrage of stones and darts. To further safeguard their towns, they dig pits along the paths leading to them, where sharp stakes are placed at the bottom, and the tops are carefully covered. Expeditions are sometimes organized against the Navajos to retrieve stolen goods. On these occasions, the townspeople adorn themselves with the heads, horns, and tails of wild animals, paint their bodies, and style their hair. Lieutenant Simpson notes an interesting custom they practice right before going into battle. "They paused on their way to receive from their chiefs some medicine from the medicine bags that each of them carried. They rubbed it on their hearts, saying it would make them brave." The Pueblos fight on horseback in a skirmish formation, maintaining a constant fight while moving their bodies in different positions to evade enemy missiles, simultaneously shooting their arrows quickly. The Pimas, who usually fight on foot, select their best warriors when they choose to go to war. These warriors are sent to inform nearby villages, and a meeting place is designated where a big council is held. Once a fire is lit and a circle of warriors is formed, they begin the proceedings with war songs and speeches, consult their prophet, and plan their strategy based on his advice. The attack usually happens at dawn and is carried out with great courage and energy. They are satisfied with immediate success and rarely chase a retreating enemy. During the battle, they show no mercy to anyone, regardless of gender or age. If they capture prisoners, the men are often crucified or executed brutally, while the women and children are sold off as soon as possible. The victorious war party is welcomed back by the villagers, with scalps mounted on poles, trophies displayed, and celebrations of feasting and dancing lasting for several days and nights. If the mission fails, mourning replaces the celebration, and the wails of the women echo throughout the villages.

PUEBLO TRADE.

Pueblo Trade.

For farming implements they use plows, shovels, harrows, hatchets, and sticks, all of wood.[828] Baskets of willow-twigs, so closely woven as to be water-tight, and ornamented with figures; and round, baked, and glazed earthen vessels, narrow at the top, and decorated with paintings or enamel, are their household utensils.[829] For 544 mashing hulled corn they used the metate, a Mexican implement, made of two stones, one concave and the other convex, hereafter more fully described. Among their household utensils there must also be mentioned hair sieves, hide ropes, water-gourds, painted fans, stone pipes, and frame panniers connected with a netting to carry loads on their backs.[830] In their manufacture of blankets, of cotton and woolen cloths, and stockings, the Pueblos excel their neighbors, the Navajos, although employing essentially the same method, and using similar looms and spinning instruments, as have been described in the preceding pages. Although the women perform most of this work, as well as tanning leather, it is said that the men also are expert in knitting woolen stockings. According to Mühlenpfordt the Pimas and Maricopas make a basket-boat which they call cora, woven so tight as to be water-proof without the aid of pitch or other application.[831] All these nations, particularly the Pueblos, have great droves of horses, mules, donkeys, cattle, sheep, and goats grazing on the extensive plains, and about their houses poultry, turkeys, and dogs. The flocks they either leave entirely unprotected, or else the owner herds them himself, or from 545 each village one is appointed by the war captain to do so. The Pápagos carry on an extensive trade in salt, taken from the great inland salt lakes. Besides corn, they manufacture and sell a syrup extracted from the pitahaya.[832] The laws regulating inheritance of property are not well defined. Among some there is nothing to inherit, as all is destroyed when the person dies; among others the females claim the right of inheritance; at other times the remaining property is divided among all the members of the tribe. In general they care but little for gold, and all their trade, which at times is considerable, is carried on by barter; a kind of blue stone, often called turquoise, beads, skins, and blankets, serving the purpose of currency.[833]

For farming tools, they use plows, shovels, harrows, hatchets, and wooden sticks. Baskets made from tightly woven willow twigs are water-tight and decorated with designs. They also have round, baked, and glazed clay pots that are narrow at the top and adorned with paintings or enamel for everyday use. For mashing hulled corn, they use the metate, a Mexican tool made of two stones, one concave and the other convex, which will be explained in more detail later. Other household items include hair sieves, hide ropes, water gourds, painted fans, stone pipes, and frame panniers connected by netting for carrying loads on their backs. The Pueblos excel in making blankets, cotton and wool cloths, and stockings, surpassing their neighbors, the Navajos, although they use similar methods and tools as described earlier. While most of this work, including tanning leather, is done by women, men are also skilled at knitting woolen stockings. According to Mühlenpfordt, the Pimas and Maricopas create a basket-boat called cora, woven tightly enough to be waterproof without pitch or additional treatment. All these groups, especially the Pueblos, have large numbers of horses, mules, donkeys, cattle, sheep, and goats grazing on vast plains, along with poultry, turkeys, and dogs around their homes. The flocks are either left completely unguarded, herded by the owner, or one person from each village is chosen by the war captain to do this. The Pápagos engage in substantial salt trade sourced from the large inland salt lakes. In addition to corn, they produce and sell syrup extracted from the pitahaya. The inheritance laws are not clearly defined; some communities have nothing to inherit as possessions are destroyed upon death, while in others, females may claim inheritance, and sometimes remaining property is shared among all tribe members. Generally, they have little interest in gold, and their trading, which can be significant, is based on barter; items like a type of blue stone often called turquoise, beads, skins, and blankets serve as currency.

The Pueblos display much taste in painting the walls of their estufas, where are represented different plants, birds, and animals symmetrically done, but without any scenic effect. Hieroglyphic groupings, both sculptured 546 and painted, are frequently seen in the ancient Pueblo towns, depicting, perhaps, their historical events and deeds. With colored earths their pottery is painted in bright colors.[834] Many Spanish authors mention a great many gold and silver vessels in use amongst them, and speak of the knowledge they had in reducing and working these metals; but no traces of such art are found at present.[835]

The Pueblos have a great sense of style when it comes to painting the walls of their estufas, which feature various plants, birds, and animals arranged symmetrically but without any particular scenic effect. Hieroglyphic groupings, both carved and painted, are commonly found in the ancient Pueblo towns, possibly illustrating their historical events and achievements. They paint their pottery in vibrant colors using colored earths. Many Spanish writers mention a large number of gold and silver vessels used among them and discuss their skills in extracting and working with these metals; however, there are currently no signs of such craftsmanship.

LAWS OF THE PUEBLOS.

Pueblo Laws.

Among the Pueblos an organized system of government existed at the time of Coronado's expedition through their country; Castañeda, speaking of the province of Tiguex, says that the villages were governed by a council of old men; and a somewhat similar system obtains with these people at the present time. Each village selects its own governor, frames its own laws, and in all respects they act independently of each other. The governor and his council are elected annually by the people; all affairs of importance and matters relating to the welfare of the community are discussed at the estufa; questions in dispute are usually decided by a vote of the majority. All messages and laws emanating from the council-chamber are announced to the inhabitants by town criers. The morals of young people are carefully watched and guarded by a kind of secret police, whose duty it is to report to the governor all irregularities which may occur; and especial attention is given that no improper intercourse shall be allowed between the young men and women, in the event of which the offending parties are brought before the governor and council and, if guilty, ordered to marry, or if they refuse they are restricted from holding intercourse with each other, and if they persist they are 547 whipped. Among their laws deserves to be particularly mentioned one, according to which no one can sell or marry out of the town until he obtains permission from the authorities.[836] In the seven confederate pueblos of the Moquis, the office of chief governor is hereditary; it is not, however, necessarily given to the nearest heir, as the people have the power to elect any member of the dominant family. The governor is assisted by a council of elders, and in other respects the Moqui government is similar to that of the other towns.[837] The Pimas and Maricopas have no organized system of government, and are not controlled by any code of laws; each tribe or village has a chief to whom a certain degree of respect is conceded, but his power to restrain the people is very limited; his influence over them is maintained chiefly by his oratorical powers or military skill. In war the tribe is guided by the chief's advice, and his authority is fully recognized, but in time of peace his rule is nominal; nor does he attempt to control their freedom or punish them for offences. The chief's office is hereditary, yet an unpopular ruler may be deposed and another chosen to fill his place.[838]

Among the Pueblos, there was an organized system of government during Coronado's expedition through their territory. Castañeda, referring to the province of Tiguex, mentions that the villages were governed by a council of elders; this similar system is still in place today. Each village selects its own governor, creates its own laws, and operates independently of one another. The governor and his council are elected annually by the people; all important issues and matters affecting the community are discussed at the estufa. Disputed questions are usually resolved by a majority vote. All messages and laws from the council are announced to the residents by town criers. The behavior of young people is closely monitored by a form of secret police, who report any irregularities to the governor. Special care is taken to prevent inappropriate interactions between young men and women; if such behavior occurs, the individuals are brought before the governor and council and, if found guilty, are ordered to marry. If they refuse, they are prohibited from interacting with each other, and if they continue, they are whipped. One law of particular note states that no one can sell or marry outside the town without permission from the authorities. In the seven confederate pueblos of the Moquis, the position of chief governor is hereditary; however, it is not necessarily passed to the nearest heir, as the people can choose any member of the ruling family. The governor is supported by a council of elders, and the Moqui government is similar in other ways to that of the other villages. The Pimas and Maricopas lack an organized governmental system and are not governed by any specific laws; each tribe or village has a chief who is given some degree of respect, but his power to control the people is limited. His influence relies mostly on his skills in speaking or military ability. In war, the tribe follows the chief's advice, and his authority is fully recognized; however, in times of peace, his role is nominal, and he does not seek to restrict their freedom or punish them for offenses. The chief's position is hereditary, but an unpopular leader can be removed and replaced by another.

WOMEN AMONG THE PUEBLOS.

Women in the Pueblos.

Among the Pueblos the usual order of courtship is reversed; when a girl is disposed to marry she does not wait for a young man to propose to her, but selects one to her own liking and consults her father, who visits the parents of the youth and acquaints them with his daughter's 548 wishes. It seldom happens that any objections to the match are made, but it is imperative on the father of the bridegroom to reimburse the parents of the maiden for the loss of their daughter. This is done by an offer of presents in accordance with his rank and wealth. The inhabitants of one village seldom marry with those of another, and, as a consequence, intermarriage is frequent among these families—a fertile cause of their deterioration. The marriage is always celebrated by a feast, the provisions for which are furnished by the bride, and the assembled friends unite in dancing and music. Polygamy is never allowed, but married couples can separate if they are dissatisfied with each other; in such a contingency, if there are children, they are taken care of by the grandparents, and both parties are free to marry again; fortunately, divorces are not of frequent occurrence, as the wives are always treated with respect by their husbands.[839] To the female falls all indoor work, and also a large share of that to be done out of doors. In the treatment of their children these people are careful to guide them in the ways of honesty and industry, and to impress their minds with chaste and virtuous ideas. Mothers bathe their infants with cold water, and boys are not permitted to enter the estufas for the purpose of warming themselves; if they are cold they are ordered to chop wood, or warm themselves by running and exercise.[840] A girl's arrival at the age of puberty among the Gila nations is a period of much rejoicing; when the first symptoms appear, all her friends are duly informed of the important fact, and preparations are made to celebrate the joyful event. The girl is taken by her parents to the prophet, who performs certain ceremonies, which are supposed to drive the evil out of her, and then a singing and dancing festival is held. 549 When a young man sees a girl whom he desires for a wife, he first endeavors to gain the good will of the parents; this accomplished, he proceeds to serenade his lady-love, and will often sit for hours, day after day, near her house, playing on his flute. Should the girl not appear it is a sign she rejects him; but if, on the other hand, she comes out to meet him, he knows that his suit is accepted, and he takes her to his house. No marriage ceremony is performed. Among the Pápagos the parents select a husband for their daughter to whom she is, so to say, sold. It not unfrequently happens that they offer their daughter at auction, and she is knocked down to the highest bidder. However, among all the nations of this family, whether the bridegroom makes a love-match or not, he has to recompense the parents with as much as his means will permit.[841] Although polygamy is not permitted, they often separate and marry again at pleasure. Women, at the time of their confinement as well as during their monthly periods, must live apart; as they believe that if any male were to touch them, he would become sick. The children are trained to war, and but little attention given to teaching them useful pursuits. All the household labor is performed by the women; they also assist largely in the labors of the field; severe laws oblige them to observe the strictest chastity, and yet, at their festivals, much debauchery and prostitution take place.[842]

Among the Pueblos, the typical courtship order is flipped; when a girl wants to get married, she doesn’t wait for a guy to propose. Instead, she picks someone she likes and talks to her father, who then visits the young man’s parents to let them know what his daughter wants. It’s rare for there to be any objections to the match, but the groom’s family has to compensate the bride’s family for the loss of their daughter. This is done with gifts according to his social status and wealth. People from one village rarely marry those from another, which leads to frequent intermarriage among these families—a common reason for their decline. The marriage is always marked by a feast, which the bride provides, and everyone gathers to dance and enjoy music. Polygamy is never allowed, but if couples are unhappy together, they can separate. If there are children, the grandparents take care of them, and both parents are free to remarry; thankfully, divorces aren’t very common since husbands treat their wives with respect. To the women goes all the indoor work, along with a significant amount of outdoor tasks. When it comes to their children, these people are careful to guide them toward honesty and hard work, instilling virtuous ideas in them. Mothers bathe their infants in cold water, and boys aren’t allowed to enter the estufas to get warm; if they’re cold, they’re told to chop wood or warm themselves by running around. When a girl reaches puberty among the Gila nations, it’s a time of great celebration; when the first signs appear, all her friends are informed, and preparations are made to mark the occasion. Her parents take her to the prophet, who performs specific ceremonies to drive out any evil, followed by a singing and dancing festival. When a young man sees a girl he wants to marry, he first tries to win over her parents. After that, he serenades her and often sits outside her house for hours, playing his flute. If the girl doesn’t come out, it means she’s not interested; but if she does, he knows she accepts him, and he takes her to his home. No formal marriage ceremony is held. Among the Pápagos, the parents choose a husband for their daughter, effectively selling her. It’s not uncommon for them to auction their daughter off to the highest bidder. Regardless of whether the groom is making a love match or not, he must compensate the bride’s family as much as he can afford. Although polygamy is not allowed, couples often separate and remarry as they wish. Women must live separately during childbirth and their monthly periods because they believe that a man touching them would make him sick. Children are trained for war, with little effort put into teaching them useful skills. All household chores are done by women, who also help significantly with farm work. Strict laws force them to maintain absolute chastity, yet during festivals, there is a lot of debauchery and prostitution.

With but few exceptions, they are temperate in drinking and smoking. Intoxicating liquors they prepare out of the fruits of the pitahaya, agave, aloe, corn, mezcal, 550 prickly pear, wild and cultivated grapes. Colonel Cremony says that the Pimas and Maricopas 'macerate the fruit of the pitahaya (species of cactus) in water after being dried in the sun, when the saccharine qualities cause the liquid to ferment, and after such fermentation it becomes highly intoxicating. It is upon this liquor that the Maricopas and Pimas get drunk once a year, the revelry continuing for a week or two at a time; but it is also an universal custom with them to take regular turns, so that only one third of the party is supposed to indulge at one time, the remainder being required to take care of their stimulated comrades, and protect them from injuring each other or being injured by other tribes.'[843] All are fond of dancing and singing; in their religious rites, as well as in other public and family celebrations, these form the chief diversion. Different PUEBLO DANCES. dances are used on different occasions; for example, they have the arrow, scalp, turtle, fortune, buffalo, green-corn, and Montezuma dances. Their costumes also vary on each of these occasions, and not only are grotesque masks, but also elk, bear, fox, and other skins used as disguises. The dance is sometimes performed by only one person, but more frequently whole tribes join in, forming figures, shuffling, or hopping about to the time given by the music. Lieutenant Simpson, who witnessed a green-corn dance at the Jemez pueblo, describes it as follows:

With a few exceptions, they drink and smoke moderately. They make alcoholic beverages from the fruits of the pitahaya, agave, aloe, corn, mezcal, prickly pear, and both wild and cultivated grapes. Colonel Cremony mentions that the Pimas and Maricopas "macerate the fruit of the pitahaya (a type of cactus) in water after drying it in the sun, which causes the sugary elements to ferment, resulting in a highly intoxicating liquid. This is the drink that the Maricopas and Pimas indulge in to get drunk once a year, with the festivities lasting for a week or two at a time; however, they have a universal practice of taking turns, so only a third of the group is supposed to partake at once, while the others are responsible for looking after their inebriated friends and keeping them safe from hurting each other or from other tribes." All enjoy dancing and singing; these activities are the main entertainment during their religious ceremonies and other public and family events. Different dances are performed on different occasions; for instance, they have the arrow, scalp, turtle, fortune, buffalo, green-corn, and Montezuma dances. Their costumes change for each occasion, often featuring not just colorful masks, but also elk, bear, fox, and other animal skins used as disguises. The dance can be performed by a single person, but more often entire tribes participate, creating patterns, shuffling, or jumping in time with the music. Lieutenant Simpson, who saw a green-corn dance at the Jemez pueblo, describes it as follows:

'When the performers first appeared, all of whom were men, they came in a line, slowly walking and bending and stooping as they approached. They were dressed in a kirt of blanket, the upper portion of their bodies being naked and painted red. Their legs and arms, which were also bare, were variously striped with red, white and blue colors; and around their arms, above 551 the elbow, they wore a green band, decked with sprigs of piñon. A necklace of the same description was worn around the neck. Their heads were decorated with feathers. In one hand they carried a dry gourd, containing some grains of corn; in the other, a string from which were hung several tortillas. At the knee were fastened small shells of the ground turtle and antelope's feet; and dangling from the back, at the waist, depended a fox-skin. The party was accompanied by three elders of the town, whose business it was to make a short speech in front of the different houses, and, at particular times, join in the singing of the rest of the party. Thus they went from house to house, singing and dancing, the occupants of each awaiting their arrival in front of their respective dwellings.'

'When the performers first appeared, all of whom were men, they came in a line, walking slowly and bending as they approached. They wore a blanket kirt, with the upper part of their bodies exposed and painted red. Their bare legs and arms were striped in red, white, and blue; around their arms, above the elbow, they had on a green band decorated with sprigs of piñon. A matching necklace was worn around their necks. Their heads were adorned with feathers. In one hand, they carried a dry gourd filled with corn grains; in the other, a string with several tortillas hung from it. They had small shells of ground turtle and antelope feet attached at the knee, and a fox-skin dangled from their waists. The group was accompanied by three town elders, who would give a short speech in front of different houses and, at certain times, join in singing with the rest of the performers. They moved from house to house, singing and dancing, while the residents eagerly awaited their arrival in front of their homes.'

A somewhat similar Moqui dance is described by Mr Ten Broeck. Some of the Pueblo dances end with bacchanalia, in which not only general intoxication, but promiscuous intercourse between the sexes is permitted.[844] 'Once a year,' says Kendall, 'the Keres 552 have a great feast, prepared for three successive days, which time is spent in eating, drinking and dancing. Near this scene of amusement is a dismal gloomy cave, into which not a glimpse of light can penetrate, and where places of repose are provided for the revellers. To this cave, after dark, repair grown persons of every age and sex, who pass the night in indulgences of the most gross and sensual description.'

A somewhat similar Moqui dance is described by Mr. Ten Broeck. Some of the Pueblo dances end with wild celebrations, where not only excessive drinking occurs, but casual sex between the genders is allowed.[844] 'Once a year,' says Kendall, 'the Keres have a huge feast that lasts for three days, during which time people eat, drink, and dance. Close to this fun area is a dark, gloomy cave that doesn’t let any light in, and where there are places for the party-goers to rest. After dark, adults of all ages and genders go to this cave, where they spend the night indulging in the most crude and sensual activities.'

Reed flutes and drums are their chief instruments of music; the former they immerse in a shallow basin of water, and thereby imitate the warbling of birds. The drum is made of a hollow log, about two and a half feet long and fifteen inches in diameter. A dried hide, from which previously the hair has been scraped, is stretched over either end, and on this the player beats with a couple of drumsticks, similar to those used on our kettle-drums. Gourds filled with pebbles and other rattles, are also used as a musical accompaniment to their dances.[845]

Reed flutes and drums are their main musical instruments; they soak the flutes in a shallow basin of water to mimic the sounds of birds. The drum is made from a hollow log that's about two and a half feet long and fifteen inches wide. A dried hide, from which the hair has been removed, is stretched over each end, and the player strikes it with a pair of drumsticks similar to those used on our kettle drums. They also use gourds filled with pebbles and other rattles as musical accompaniment for their dances.[845]

CUSTOMS OF PIMAS AND PÁPAGOS.

Pima and Papago customs.

The Cocomaricopas and Pimas are rather fond of athletic sports, such as football, horse and foot racing, swimming, target-shooting, and of gambling.[846] Many 553 curious customs obtain among these people. Mr Walker relates that a Pima never touches his skin with his nails, but always uses a small stick for that purpose, which he renews every fourth day, and wears in his hair. Among the same nation, when a man has killed an Apache, he must needs undergo purification. Sixteen days he must fast, and only after the fourth day is he allowed to drink a little pinole. During the sixteen days he may not look on a blazing fire, nor hold converse with mortal man; he must live in the woods companionless, save only one person appointed to take care of him. On the seventeenth day a large space is cleared off near the village, in the center of which a fire is lighted. The men form a circle round this fire, outside of which those who have been purified sit, each in a small excavation. Certain of the old men then take the weapons of the purified and dance with them in the circle; for which service they receive presents, and thenceforth both slayer and weapon are considered clean, but not until four days later is the man allowed to return to his family. They ascribe the origin of this custom to a mythical personage, called Szeukha, who, after killing a monster, is said to have fasted for sixteen days.

The Cocomaricopas and Pimas really enjoy sports like football, horse racing, foot racing, swimming, target shooting, and gambling.[846] Many 553 interesting customs exist among these people. Mr. Walker mentions that a Pima never uses his nails on his skin but always uses a small stick for that purpose, which he replaces every four days and keeps in his hair. In the same group, when a man has killed an Apache, he must go through a purification process. He has to fast for sixteen days and can only drink a little pinole after the fourth day. During the sixteen days, he can't look at a fire or talk to anyone; he must live in the woods alone, except for one person assigned to take care of him. On the seventeenth day, a large area is cleared near the village, and a fire is lit in the center. The men form a circle around this fire, while those who have been purified sit outside of it in small dugouts. Some of the elders then take the purified person's weapons and dance with them in the circle; they receive gifts for this service, and from that point on, both the killer and the weapon are considered clean. However, the man can only return to his family four days later. They believe this custom originated from a mythical figure named Szeukha, who is said to have fasted for sixteen days after killing a monster.

The Pápagos stand in great dread of the coyote, and the Pimas never touch an ant, snake, scorpion, or spider, and are much afraid of thunderstorms. Like the Mojaves and Yumas, the Maricopas in cold weather carry a firebrand to warm themselves withal. In like manner the Pueblos have their singularities and semi-religious ceremonies, many of which are connected with a certain 554 mythical personage called Montezuma. Among these may be mentioned the perpetual watching of the eternal estufa-fire, and also the daily waiting for the rising sun, with which, as some writers affirm, they expectantly look for the promised return of the much-loved Montezuma. The Moqui, before commencing to smoke, reverently bows toward the four cardinal points.[847]

The Pápagos are really afraid of coyotes, and the Pimas avoid touching ants, snakes, scorpions, or spiders, and they’re also scared of thunderstorms. Like the Mojaves and Yumas, the Maricopas carry a firebrand to keep warm in cold weather. Similarly, the Pueblos have their unique customs and semi-religious ceremonies, many of which are linked to a mythical figure named Montezuma. These include the constant tending of the eternal estufa-fire and the daily waiting for the sunrise, which, as some writers say, is when they hope for the return of the beloved Montezuma. The Moqui, before they start smoking, respectfully bow toward the four cardinal directions.

Their diseases are few; and among these the most frequent are chills and fevers, and later, syphilis. The Pueblos and Moquis resort to the sweat-house remedy, but the Pimas only bathe daily in cold running water. Here, as elsewhere, the doctor is medicine-man, conjuror, and prophet, and at times old women are consulted. If incantations fail, emetics, purgatives, or blood-letting are prescribed.[848]

Their illnesses are few, with chills and fevers being the most common, followed later by syphilis. The Pueblos and Moquis use sweat houses for treatment, while the Pimas bathe daily in cold running water. As in other places, the doctor acts as a medicine man, conjuror, and prophet, and sometimes elderly women are consulted for advice. If spells don’t work, they may prescribe emetics, laxatives, or bloodletting. [848]

The Pimas bury their dead immediately after death. At the bottom of a shaft, about six feet deep, they excavate a vault, in which the corpse is placed, after 555 having first been tied up in a blanket. House, horses, and most personal effects are destroyed; but if children are left, a little property is reserved for them. A widow or a daughter mourns for three months, cutting the hair and abstaining from the bath during that time. The Maricopas burn their dead. Pueblo and Moqui burials take place with many ceremonies, the women being the chief mourners.[849]

The Pimas bury their dead right after they pass away. At the bottom of a six-foot deep shaft, they dig a vault where the body is placed, wrapped up in a blanket. They destroy the house, horses, and most personal belongings, but if there are children left behind, a small amount of property is set aside for them. A widow or daughter mourns for three months, cutting their hair and refraining from bathing during that time. The Maricopas cremate their dead. Pueblo and Moqui burials involve many rituals, with women being the primary mourners.

CHARACTER OF THE PUEBLOS.

CHARACTER OF THE COMMUNITIES.

Industrious, honest, and peace-loving, the people of this division are at the same time brave and determined, when necessity compels them to repel the thieving Apache. Sobriety may be ranked among their virtues, as drunkenness only forms a part of certain religious festivals, and in their gambling they are the most moderate of barbarians.[850] 556

Industrious, honest, and peace-loving, the people in this area are also brave and determined when they need to defend themselves against the thieving Apache. Sobriety is one of their virtues, as drunkenness only occurs during certain religious festivals, and they are the most moderate gamblers among all tribes.[850] 556

The Lower Californians present a sad picture. Occupying the peninsula from the head of the gulf to Cape San Lucas, it is thought by some that they were driven thither from Upper California by their enemies. When first visited by the Missionary Fathers, they presented humanity in one of its lowest phases, though evidences of a more enlightened people having at some previous time occupied the peninsula were not lacking. Clavigero describes large caves or vaults, which had been dug out of the solid rock, the sides decorated with paintings of animals and figures of men, showing dress and features different from any of the inhabitants. Whom they represented or by whom they were depicted there is no knowledge, as the present race have been unable to afford any information on the subject.

The Lower Californians present a sad picture. Occupying the peninsula from the head of the gulf to Cape San Lucas, some believe they were forced there from Upper California by their enemies. When the Missionary Fathers first visited, the people showed humanity at one of its lowest points, though there were signs that a more advanced society had previously inhabited the peninsula. Clavigero describes large caves or vaults dug out of solid rock, with the walls decorated with paintings of animals and figures of people, showing clothing and features different from any of the current inhabitants. There is no information about whom these figures represented or who created the artwork, as the present population has been unable to provide any details on the matter.

LOWER CALIFORNIA.

Baja California.

The peninsula extends from near 32° to 23° north latitude; in length it is about seven hundred, varying in width from thirty-five to eighty miles. Its 557 general features are rugged; irregular mountains of granite formation and volcanic upheavals traversing the whole length of the country, with barren rocks and sandy plains, intersected by ravines and hills. Some fertile spots and valleys with clear mountain streams are there, and in such places the soil produces abundantly; then there are plains of greater or less extent, with rich soil, but without water; so that, under the circumstances, they are little more than deserts. These plains rise in places into mesas, which are cut here and there by cañons, where streams of water are found, which are again lost on reaching the sandy plains. Altogether, Lower California is considered as one of the most barren and unattractive regions in the temperate zone, although its climate is delightful, and the mountain districts especially are among the healthiest in the world, owing to their southern situation between two seas. A curious meteorological phenomenon is sometimes observed both in the gulf and on the land; it is that of rain falling during a perfectly clear sky. Savants, who have investigated the subject, do not appear to have discovered the cause of this unusual occurrence.

The peninsula stretches from around 32° to 23° north latitude; it's about seven hundred miles long and varies in width from thirty-five to eighty miles. Its 557 overall features are rugged, with irregular mountains made of granite and volcanic formations running the entire length of the region, along with barren rocks and sandy plains, cut through by ravines and hills. There are some fertile spots and valleys with clear mountain streams, where the soil is highly productive; however, there are also plains of varying sizes that have rich soil but lack water, making them mostly desert-like. These plains rise in some areas into mesas, which are interrupted by canyons that contain streams of water, but the water disappears once it reaches the sandy plains. Overall, Lower California is seen as one of the most barren and unappealing areas in the temperate zone, although its climate is pleasant, and the mountainous regions are especially among the healthiest in the world, thanks to their southern location between two seas. A fascinating weather phenomenon is sometimes noticed both in the gulf and on land: rain falls during a completely clear sky. Scientists who have looked into this phenomenon haven't been able to determine its cause.

The greater part of the peninsula, at the time of its discovery, was occupied by the Cochimís, whose territory extended from the head of the gulf to the neighborhood of Loreto, or a little south of the twenty-sixth parallel; adjoining them were the Guaicuris, living between latitude 26° and 23° 30´; while the Pericúis were settled in the southern part, from about 23° 30´ or 24° to Cape San Lucas, and on the adjacent islands.[851] 558

The majority of the peninsula, at the time it was discovered, was inhabited by the Cochimís, whose territory stretched from the top of the gulf to the area around Loreto, or slightly south of the twenty-sixth parallel. Next to them were the Guaicuris, living between latitude 26° and 23° 30´, while the Pericúis settled in the southern region, from about 23° 30´ or 24° to Cape San Lucas and the nearby islands.[851] 558

The Lower Californians are well formed, robust and of good stature, with limbs supple and muscular; they are not inclined to corpulence; their features are somewhat heavy, the forehead low and narrow, the nose well set on, but thick and fleshy; the inner corners of the eyes round instead of pointed; teeth very white and regular, hair very black, coarse, straight, and glossy, with but little on the face, and none upon the body or limbs. The color of the skin varies from light to dark brown, the former color being characteristic of the dwellers in the interior, and the latter of those on the sea-coast.[852]

The Lower Californians are well-built, strong, and of good height, with flexible and muscular limbs; they tend not to be overweight. Their features are somewhat pronounced, with a low and narrow forehead, a well-defined but thick and fleshy nose, and round inner corners of the eyes instead of pointed ones. Their teeth are very white and even, and their hair is very black, coarse, straight, and shiny, with little facial hair and none on their bodies or limbs. The color of their skin ranges from light to dark brown, with lighter shades typical of those living inland and darker shades common among those by the coast.[852]

COCHIMÍ AND PERICÚI DRESS.

Cochimí and Pericú dress.

Adam without the fig-leaves was not more naked than were the Cochimís before the missionaries first taught them the rudiments of shame. They ignored even the usual breech-cloth, the only semblance of clothing being a head-dress of rushes or strips of skin interwoven with mother-of-pearl shells, berries, and pieces of reed. The Guaicuris and Pericúis indulge in a still more fantastic head-dress, white feathers entering largely into its composition. The women display more modesty, for, although scantily clad, they at least essay to cover their nakedness. The Pericúi women are the best dressed of all, having a petticoat reaching from the waist to the ankles, made from the fibre of certain palm-leaves, and rendered soft and flexible by beating between two stones. 559 Over the shoulders they throw a mantle of similar material, or of plaited rushes, or of skins. The Cochimí women make aprons of short reeds, strung upon cords of aloe-plant fibres fastened to a girdle. The apron is open at the sides, one part hanging in front, the other behind. As they are not more than six or eight inches wide, but little of the body is in truth covered. When traveling they wear sandals of hide, which they fasten with strings passed between the toes.[853] Both sexes are fond of ornaments; to gratify this passion, they string together pearls, shells, fruit-stones and seeds in the forms of necklaces and bracelets. In addition to the head-dress the Pericúis are distinguished by a girdle highly ornamented with pearls and mother-of-pearl shells. They perforate ears, lips, and nose, inserting in the openings, shells, bones, or hard sticks. Paint in many colors and devices is freely used on war and gala occasions; tattooing obtains, but does not appear to be universal among them. Mothers, to protect them against the weather, cover the entire bodies of their children with a varnish of coal and urine. Cochimí women cut the hair short, but the men allow a long tuft to grow on the crown of the head. Both sexes among the Guaicuris and Pericúis wear the hair long and flowing loosely over the shoulders.[854]

Adam without the fig leaves was no more naked than the Cochimís before the missionaries first taught them the basics of shame. They didn't even wear the usual breech cloth; the only hint of clothing was a head-dress made of rushes or strips of skin woven with mother-of-pearl shells, berries, and pieces of reed. The Guaicuris and Pericúis have an even more elaborate head-dress, largely made of white feathers. The women are somewhat more modest, as they at least attempt to cover their nakedness. The Pericúi women are the best dressed of all, wearing a petticoat that reaches from the waist to the ankles, made from the fibers of certain palm leaves that are softened and made flexible by being beaten between two stones. They drape a mantle made of similar material, woven rushes, or skins over their shoulders. The Cochimí women make aprons from short reeds strung together on cords made from aloe plant fibers tied to a girdle. The apron is open at the sides, with one part hanging in front and the other in back. Since they're only about six or eight inches wide, very little of the body is actually covered. When traveling, they wear sandals made of hide, which they secure with strings passed between the toes. Both genders love jewelry; to satisfy this desire, they string together pearls, shells, fruit stones, and seeds into necklaces and bracelets. In addition to their head-dress, the Pericúis are known for a girdle that's heavily decorated with pearls and mother-of-pearl shells. They pierce their ears, lips, and noses, inserting shells, bones, or hard sticks into the holes. They freely use colorful paints and designs during war and festival occasions; tattooing is practiced but does not seem to be universal among them. To protect their children from the weather, mothers cover their bodies completely with a varnish made from coal and urine. Cochimí women cut their hair short, while men let a long tuft grow on the crown of their heads. Both genders among the Guaicuris and Pericúis wear their hair long and let it flow loosely over their shoulders.

Equally Adamitic are their habitations. They appear to hold a superstitious dread of suffocation if they live 560 or sleep in covered huts; hence in their rare and meagre attempts to protect themselves from the inclemencies of the weather, they never put any roof over their heads. Roving beast-like in the vicinity of springs during the heat of the day, seeking shade in the ravines and overhanging rocks; at night, should they desire shelter, they resort to caverns and holes in the ground. During winter they raise a semi-circular pile of stones or brushwood, about two feet in height, behind which, with the sky for a roof and the bare ground for a bed, they camp at night. Over the sick they sometimes throw a wretched hut, by sticking a few poles in the ground, tying them at the top and covering the whole with grass and reeds, and into this nest visitors crawl on hands and knees.[855]

Their homes are just as primitive. They seem to have a superstitious fear of being suffocated if they live or sleep in covered huts; as a result, in their rare and minimal attempts to shield themselves from the harsh weather, they never put a roof over their heads. They wander around like animals near springs during the heat of the day, searching for shade in the ravines and beneath overhanging rocks; at night, if they want shelter, they go to caves and holes in the ground. During winter, they build a semi-circular pile of stones or brushwood about two feet high, behind which they camp at night with the sky as their roof and the bare ground as their bed. For the sick, they sometimes construct a makeshift hut by sticking a few poles in the ground, tying them at the top, and covering everything with grass and reeds, and visitors have to crawl into this nest on hands and knees.

LOWER CALIFORNIAN FOOD.

Lower Californian Cuisine.

Reed-roots, wild fruit, pine-nuts, cabbage-palms, small seeds roasted, and also roasted aloe and mescal roots constitute their food. During eight weeks of the year they live wholly on the redundant fat-producing pitahaya, after which they wander about in search of other native vegetable products, and when these fail they resort to hunting and fishing. Of animal food they will eat anything—beasts, birds, and fishes, or reptiles, worms, and insects; and all parts: flesh, hide, and entrails. Men and monkeys, however, as articles of food are an abomination; the latter because they so much resemble the former. The gluttony and improvidence of these people exceed, if possible, those of any other nation; alternate feasting and fasting is their custom. When so fortunate as to have plenty they consume large quantities, preserving none. An abominable habit is related of them, that they pick up the undigested seeds of the pitahaya discharged from their bowels, and after parching and grinding them, eat the meal with much relish. 561 Clavigero, Baegert, and other authors, mention another rather uncommon feature in the domestic economy of the Cochimís; it is that of swallowing their meat several times, thereby multiplying their gluttonous pleasures. Tying to a string a piece of well-dried meat, one of their number masticates it a little, and swallows it, leaving the end of the string hanging out of the mouth; after retaining it for about two or three minutes in his stomach, it is pulled out, and the operation repeated several times, either by the same individual or by others, until the meat becomes consumed. Here is Father Baegert's summary of their edibles: "They live now-a-days on dogs and cats; horses, asses and mules; item: on owls, mice and rats; lizards and snakes; bats, grasshoppers and crickets; a kind of green caterpillar without hair, about a finger long, and an abominable white worm of the length and thickness of the thumb."[856]

Reed roots, wild fruit, pine nuts, cabbage palms, small roasted seeds, and roasted aloe and mescal roots make up their diet. For eight weeks each year, they live entirely on the fat-rich pitahaya, after which they roam around looking for other native plant foods. When those are scarce, they turn to hunting and fishing. They'll eat anything that’s animal food—beasts, birds, fish, reptiles, worms, and insects—and every part: flesh, hide, and organs. However, they find the idea of eating men and monkeys repulsive; the latter because they resemble the former. The overeating and recklessness of these people are possibly worse than any other nation; they have a routine of alternating between feasting and fasting. When they're lucky enough to have plenty, they consume vast amounts without saving any. It’s said that they have a disgusting habit of picking up undigested pitahaya seeds from their feces, roasting and grinding them, and then enjoying the meal. 561 Clavigero, Baegert, and other authors mention another rather unusual aspect of the Cochimís' eating habits: they swallow their meat multiple times to increase their gluttonous pleasure. They tie a piece of well-dried meat to a string, chew it a little, and swallow it, leaving the string end hanging out of their mouth. After holding it in their stomach for about two or three minutes, they pull it out and repeat the process several times, either by the same person or by others, until the meat is gone. Here’s Father Baegert's summary of what they eat: "They nowadays live on dogs and cats; horses, donkeys, and mules; also, owls, mice, and rats; lizards and snakes; bats, grasshoppers, and crickets; a type of green caterpillar that’s about a finger long, and a disgusting white worm as long and thick as a thumb." [856]

Their weapon is the bow and arrow, but they use stratagem to procure the game. The deer-hunter deceives his prey by placing a deer's head upon his own; hares are trapped; the Cochimís throw a kind of boomerang or flat curved stick, which skims the ground and breaks the animal's legs. Fish are taken from pools left by the tide and from the sea, sometimes several miles out, in nets and with the aid of long lances. It is said that at San Roche Island they catch fish with birds. They also gather oysters, which they eat roasted, but use no salt. They have no cooking utensils, but roast their meat by throwing it into the fire and after a time raking it out. Insects and caterpillars are parched over the hot coals in shells. Fish is commonly eaten raw; they 562 drink only water.[857] It is said that they never wash, and it is useless to add that in their filthiness they surpass the brutes.[858]

Their weapon is the bow and arrow, but they use clever tricks to catch their game. The deer hunter tricks his prey by putting a deer's head on his own; they trap hares; the Cochimís throw a type of boomerang or flat curved stick that skims the ground and breaks the animal's legs. They catch fish from pools left by the tide and from the sea, sometimes several miles out, using nets and long lances. It's said that on San Roche Island, they catch fish with birds. They also gather oysters, which they eat roasted, but they don’t use any salt. They have no cooking utensils, but they roast their meat by tossing it into the fire and after a while, they pull it out. They dry insects and caterpillars over hot coals in shells. Fish is usually eaten raw; they drink only water. It’s said that they never wash, and it’s pointless to mention that in their dirtiness, they surpass the animals.

Besides bows and arrows they use javelins, clubs, and slings of cords, from which they throw stones. Their bows are six feet long, very broad and thick in the middle and tapering toward the ends, with strings made from the intestines of animals. The arrows are reeds about thirty inches in length, into the lower end of which a piece of hard wood is cemented with resin obtained from trees, and pointed with flint sharpened to a triangular shape and serrated at the edges. Javelins are sharpened by first hardening in the fire and then grinding to a point; they are sometimes indented like a saw. Clubs are of different forms, either mallet-head or axe shape; they also crook and sharpen at the edge a piece of wood in the form of a scimeter.[859]

Besides bows and arrows, they use javelins, clubs, and slings made of cords to throw stones. Their bows are six feet long, quite broad and thick in the middle, tapering toward the ends, with strings made from animal intestines. The arrows are made of reeds about thirty inches long, with a piece of hard wood glued to the lower end using tree resin, and they are pointed with flint that’s sharpened to a triangular shape and serrated at the edges. Javelins are sharpened by hardening them in fire and then grinding them to a point; they are sometimes notched like a saw. Clubs come in different shapes, either mallet-head or axe-like; they can also be curved and sharpened at the edge, resembling a scimitar.[859]

Their wars, which spring from disputed boundaries, are frequent and deadly, and generally occur about fruit and seed time. The battle is commenced amidst yells and brandishing of weapons, though without any preconcerted plan, and a tumultuous onslaught is made without regularity or discipline, excepting that a certain number are held in reserve to relieve those who have expended their arrows or become exhausted. While yet at a distance they discharge their arrows, but soon rush forward and fight at close quarters with their clubs and spears; nor do they cease till many on both sides have fallen.[860] 563

Their fights, which come from disputed borders, happen often and are deadly, usually around the time for planting and harvesting. The battle starts with yelling and waving weapons, but with no real plan in place, and a chaotic attack is made without structure or discipline—except that some fighters are kept in reserve to take over for those who have run out of arrows or are too tired to continue. They shoot arrows from a distance, then quickly charge in to fight up close with their clubs and spears, and they don’t stop until many have fallen on both sides. [860] 563

IMPLEMENTS IN LOWER CALIFORNIA.

Tools in Baja California.

Their implements and household utensils are both rude and few. Sharp flints serve them instead of knives; a bone ground to a point answers the purpose of a needle or an awl; and with a sharp-pointed stick roots are dug. Fire is obtained in the usual way from two pieces of wood. When traveling, water is carried in a large bladder. The shell of the turtle is applied to various uses, such as a receptacle for food and a cradle for infants.

Their tools and household items are simple and limited. They use sharp flint for knives; a pointed bone works as a needle or an awl; and they dig up roots with a sharp stick. They make fire the usual way, using two pieces of wood. While traveling, they carry water in a large bladder. Turtle shells are used for many purposes, like holding food and serving as a cradle for babies.

The Lower Californians have little ingenuity, and their display of mechanical skill is confined to the manufacture of the aforesaid implements, weapons of war, and of the chase; they make some flat baskets of wicker work, which are used in the collection of seeds and fruits; also nets from the fibre of the aloe, one in which to carry provisions, and another fastened to a forked stick and hung upon the back, in which to carry children.[861]

The Lower Californians have limited creativity, and their mechanical skills are mainly focused on making the tools and weapons mentioned earlier. They create some flat wicker baskets used for gathering seeds and fruits; they also make nets from aloe fiber, one for carrying supplies and another attached to a forked stick that hangs on their back for carrying children.[861]

For boats the inhabitants of the peninsula construct rafts of reeds made into bundles and bound tightly together; they are propelled with short paddles, and seldom are capable of carrying more than one person. In those parts where trees grow a more serviceable canoe is made from bark, and sometimes of three or more logs, not hollowed out, but laid together side by side and made fast with withes or pita-fibre cords. These floats are buoyant, the water washing over them as over a catamaran. On them two or more men will proceed fearlessly to sea, to a distance of several miles from the coast. To transport their chattels across rivers, 564 they use wicker-work baskets, which are so closely woven as to be quite impermeable to water; these, when loaded, are pushed across by the owner, who swims behind.[862]

For boats, the people living on the peninsula build rafts from tightly bound bundles of reeds. They paddle them with short oars, and they can usually only hold one person. In areas with trees, a more practical canoe is made from bark, or sometimes built from three or more logs placed side by side and secured with ropes or pita-fiber cords. These floats are buoyant, allowing water to wash over them like a catamaran. Two or more men can confidently take them out to sea, traveling several miles from the shore. To carry their goods across rivers, they use wicker baskets that are tightly woven to keep water out; the owner pushes these baskets across while swimming behind them. 564

Besides their household utensils and boats, and the feathers or ornaments on their persons, I find no other property. They who dwell on the sea-coast occasionally travel inland, carrying with them sea-shells and feathers to barter with their neighbors for the productions of the interior.[863]

Besides their household tools and boats, and the feathers or decorations they wear, I don't see any other possessions. Those who live by the coast sometimes travel inland, bringing sea shells and feathers to trade with their neighbors for goods from the interior.[863]

They are unable to count more than five, and this number is expressed by one hand; some few among them are able to understand that two hands signify ten, but beyond this they know nothing of enumeration, and can only say much or many, or show that the number is beyond computation, by throwing sand into the air and such like antics. The year is divided into six seasons; the first is called Mejibo, which is midsummer, and the time of ripe pitahayas; the second season Amaddappi, a time of further ripening of fruits and seeds; the third Amadaappigalla, the end of autumn and beginning of winter; the fourth, which is the coldest season, is called Majibel; the fifth, when spring commences, is Majiben; the sixth, before any fruits or seeds have ripened, consequently the time of greatest scarcity, is called Majiibenmaaji.[864]

They can only count up to five, which they express using one hand; a few of them understand that two hands represent ten, but beyond that, they have no concept of counting. They can only say "a lot" or "many," or show that a number is too large to calculate by throwing sand into the air and similar actions. The year is divided into six seasons: the first is called Mejibo, which is midsummer and the time for ripe pitahayas; the second season is Amaddappi, a time when fruits and seeds continue to ripen; the third, Amadaappigalla, marks the end of autumn and the start of winter; the fourth, the coldest season, is called Majibel; the fifth, when spring begins, is Majiben; and the sixth, which comes before any fruits or seeds have ripened and is therefore the time of greatest scarcity, is called Majiibenmaaji.[864]

Neither government nor law is found in this region; every man is his own master, and administers justice in the form of vengeance as best he is able. As Father 565 Baegert remarks: 'The different tribes represented by no means communities of rational beings, who submit to laws and regulations and obey their superiors, but resembled far more herds of wild swine, which run about according to their own liking, being together to-day and scattered to-morrow, till they meet again by accident at some future time. In one word, the Californians lived, salva venia, as though they had been free-thinkers and materialists.' In hunting and war they have one or more chiefs to lead them, who are selected only for the occasion, and by reason of superior strength or cunning.[865]

There’s no government or law in this area; every man is his own boss and seeks justice through revenge as best he can. As Father 565 Baegert notes: 'The different tribes are not communities of rational beings that follow laws and rules and respect their leaders; they’re more like herds of wild pigs, running around as they please, coming together today and scattered tomorrow, until they randomly reunite later on. In short, the Californians lived, salva venia, as if they were free-thinkers and materialists.' In hunting and war, they have one or more chiefs who lead them, chosen just for that moment, based on their strength or cunning. [865]

MARRIAGE.

MARRIAGE.

Furthermore, they have no marriage ceremony, nor any word in their language to express marriage. Like birds or beasts they pair off according to fancy. The Pericúi takes as many women as he pleases, makes them work for him as slaves, and when tired of any one of them turns her away, in which case she may not be taken by another. Some form of courtship appears to have obtained among the Guaicuris; for example, when a young man saw a girl who pleased him, he presented her with a small bowl or basket made of the pita-fibre; if she accepted the gift, it was an evidence that his suit was agreeable to her, and in return she gave him an ornamented head-dress, the work of her own hand; then they lived together without further ceremony. Although among the Guaicuris and Cochimís some hold a plurality of wives, it is not so common as with the Pericúis, for in the two first-mentioned tribes there are more men than women. A breach of female chastity is sometimes followed by an attempt of the holder of the woman to kill the offender; yet morality never attained any great height, as it is a practice with them for different tribes to meet occasionally for 566 the purpose of holding indiscriminate sexual intercourse. Childbirth is easy; the Pericúis and Guaicuris wash the body of the newly born, then cover it with ashes; as the child grows it is placed on a frame-work of sticks, and if a male, on its chest they fix a bag of sand to prevent its breasts growing like a woman's, which they consider a deformity. For a cradle the Cochimís take a forked stick or bend one end of a long pole in the form of a hoop, and fix thereto a net, in which the infant is placed and covered with a second net. It can thus be carried over the shoulder, or when the mother wishes to be relieved, the end of the pole is stuck in the ground, and nourishment given the child through the meshes of the net. When old enough the child is carried astride on its mother's shoulders. As soon as children are able to get food for themselves, they are left to their own devices, and it sometimes happens that when food is scarce the child is abandoned, or killed by its parents.[866]

Furthermore, they don’t have a marriage ceremony or any word in their language for marriage. Like birds or animals, they pair off based on their preferences. The Pericúi man can take as many women as he wants, makes them work for him like slaves, and when he gets tired of one, he sends her away, and she can’t be taken by another man. There seems to be some form of courtship among the Guaicuris; for example, when a young man sees a girl he likes, he gives her a small bowl or basket made of pita fibers. If she accepts the gift, it shows she is interested, and in return, she gives him a decorated head-dress made by her. Then, they live together without any more formalities. Although some Guaicuris and Cochimís have multiple wives, it’s not as common as it is among the Pericúis, because in the first two tribes, there are more men than women. A violation of female chastity can sometimes lead to the woman's partner attempting to kill the offender; however, morality never reached a high standard, as it is customary for different tribes to meet periodically for indiscriminate sexual relationships. Childbirth is easy; the Pericúis and Guaicuris wash the newborn’s body and then cover it with ashes. As the child grows, it is placed on a framework of sticks, and if it’s a boy, they attach a bag of sand to its chest to prevent its breasts from developing like a girl’s, which they consider a deformity. For a cradle, the Cochimís use a forked stick or bend one end of a long pole into a hoop shape, attaching a net where the infant is placed and covered with a second net. This allows it to be carried over the shoulder, or when the mother needs a break, the pole’s end is stuck in the ground, and the child is fed through the net’s openings. When they are old enough, children are carried straddling their mother’s shoulders. As soon as they can find food for themselves, they are left to fend for themselves, and sometimes when food is scarce, the child is abandoned or killed by its parents.

LOWER CALIFORNIAN FEAST.

Lower California Feast.

Nevertheless, these miserables delight in feasts, and in the gross debauchery there openly perpetrated. Unacquainted with intoxicating liquors, they yet find drunkenness in the fumes of a certain herb smoked through a stone tube, and used chiefly during their festivals. Their dances consist of a series of gesticulations and jumpings, accompanied by inarticulate murmurings and yells. One of their great holidays is the pitahaya season, when, with plenty to eat, they spend days and nights in amusements; 567 at such times feats of strength and trials of speed take place. The most noted festival among the Cochimís occurs upon the occasion of their annual distribution of skins. To the women especially it was an important and enjoyable event. Upon an appointed day all the people collected at a designated place. In an arbor constructed with branches, the road to which was carpeted with the skins of wild animals that had been killed during the year, their most skillful hunters assembled; they alone were privileged to enter the arbor, and in their honor was already prepared a banquet and pipes of wild tobacco. The viands went round as also the pipe, and, in good time, the partakers became partially intoxicated by the smoke; then one of the priests or sorcerers, arrayed in his robe of ceremony, appeared at the entrance to the arbor, and made a speech to the people, in which he recounted the deeds of the hunters. Then the occupants of the arbor came out and made a repartition of the skins among the women; this finished, dancing and singing commenced and continued throughout the night. It sometimes happened that their festivals ended in fighting and bloodshed, as they were seldom conducted without debauchery, especially among the Guaicuris and Pericúis.[867]

Nevertheless, these miserable people enjoy feasts and the blatant partying taking place. Unfamiliar with strong alcoholic drinks, they still get drunk from the smoke of a certain herb inhaled through a stone pipe, mainly used during their celebrations. Their dances involve a series of gestures and jumps, paired with indistinct murmurs and shouts. One of their major holidays is the pitahaya season when, with plenty to eat, they spend their days and nights in entertainment; during this time, they showcase feats of strength and speed. The most celebrated festival among the Cochimís happens during their annual skin distribution. This event was especially significant and enjoyable for the women. On a designated day, everyone gathered at a specific location. In a shelter made of branches, the path leading to it was lined with the skins of wild animals killed throughout the year, where their most skilled hunters gathered; only they were allowed to enter the shelter, where a feast and pipes of wild tobacco awaited them. The food and pipe were passed around, and soon the participants became somewhat intoxicated from the smoke; then, one of the priests or shamans, dressed in ceremonial attire, appeared at the entrance of the shelter and delivered a speech to the crowd, recounting the hunters' achievements. Afterward, the people inside the shelter came out and divided the skins among the women; once that was done, dancing and singing began and continued all night long. Sometimes, their celebrations ended in fights and violence, as they rarely took place without excess, particularly among the Guaicuris and Pericúis.

When they have eaten their fill they pass their time in silly or obscene conversation, or in wrestling, in which sports the women often take a part. They are very adroit in tracking wild beasts to their lairs and taming them. At certain festivals their sorcerers, who were called by some quamas, by others cusiyaes, wore long robes of skins, ornamented with human hair; these sages filled the offices of priests and medicine-men, and threatened their credulous brothers with innumerable ills and death, unless they supplied them with provisions. 568 These favored of heaven professed to hold communication with oracles, and would enter caverns and wooded ravines, sending thence doleful sounds, to frighten the people, who were by such tricks easily imposed upon and led to believe in their deceits and juggleries.[868]

When they’ve eaten enough, they spend their time having silly or inappropriate conversations or wrestling, with women often participating. They are quite skilled at tracking wild animals to their dens and taming them. During certain festivals, their sorcerers, known as quamas by some and cusiyaes by others, wore long robes made of animal skins adorned with human hair; these wise ones served as priests and medicine men, threatening their gullible fellow villagers with various misfortunes and death unless they were given food. 568 These favored ones claimed to communicate with oracles and would enter caves and wooded valleys, making mournful sounds to scare the people, who were easily tricked and led to believe in their lies and tricks.[868]

As to ailments, Lower Californians are subject to consumption, burning fevers, indigestion, and cutaneous diseases. Small pox, measles, and syphilis, the last imported by troops, have destroyed numberless lives. Wounds inflicted by the bites of venomous reptiles may be added to the list of troubles. Loss of appetite is with them, generally, a symptom of approaching death. They submit resignedly to the treatment prescribed by their medicine-men, however severe or cruel it may be. They neglect their aged invalids, refusing them attendance if their last sickness proves too long, and recovery appears improbable. In several instances they have put an end to the patient by suffocation or otherwise.[869]

As for health issues, people in Lower California are prone to tuberculosis, fevers, digestive problems, and skin diseases. Smallpox, measles, and syphilis— the latter brought in by soldiers— have taken countless lives. They also deal with injuries from bites of poisonous snakes. A loss of appetite often signals imminent death for them. They accept the treatments prescribed by their healers, no matter how harsh it might be. They tend to neglect their elderly who are ill, refusing to care for them if their illness lasts too long and recovery seems unlikely. In some cases, they have ended the patient's suffering through suffocation or other means.[869]

Diseases are treated externally by the application of ointments, plasters, and fomentations of medicinal herbs, particularly the wild tobacco. Smoke is also a great panacea, and is administered through a stone tube placed on the suffering part. The usual juggleries attend the practice of medicine. In extreme cases they attempt to draw with their fingers the disease from the patient's mouth. If the sick person has a child or sister, they cut its or her little finger of the right hand, and let the blood drop on the diseased part. Bleeding with a sharp stone and whipping the affected part with nettles, or applying ants to it, are among the remedies used. For the cure of tumors, the medicine-men burst and suck them with their lips until blood is drawn. Internal 569 diseases are treated with cold-water baths. The means employed by the medicine-man are repeated by the members of the patient's family and by his friends. In danger even the imitation of death startles them. If an invalid is pronounced beyond recovery, and he happens to slumber, they immediately arouse him with blows on the head and body, for the purpose of preserving life.[870]

Diseases are treated externally by using ointments, plasters, and poultices made from medicinal herbs, especially wild tobacco. Smoke is also a powerful remedy, delivered through a stone tube placed on the affected area. The practice of medicine often includes various tricks. In severe cases, they try to pull the disease out of the patient’s mouth with their fingers. If the sick person has a child or sister, they cut the little finger of their right hand and let the blood drip onto the diseased area. Other remedies include bleeding with a sharp stone, whipping the affected area with nettles, or applying ants to it. For tumors, medicine men will burst and suck them with their lips until blood is drawn. Internal diseases are treated with cold-water baths. The methods used by the medicine man are often repeated by the patient’s family and friends. In times of danger, even pretending to be dead can startle them. If a patient is deemed beyond recovery and happens to fall asleep, they immediately wake him up with blows to the head and body to try to preserve life.[870]

DEATH AND BURIAL IN LOWER CALIFORNIA.

DEATH AND BURIAL IN LOWER CALIFORNIA.

Death is followed by a plaintive, mournful chant, attended with howling by friends and relatives, who beat their heads with sharp stones until blood flows freely. Without further ceremony they either inter or burn the body immediately, according to the custom of the locality: in the latter case they leave the head intact. Oftentimes they bury or burn the body before life has actually left it, never taking pains to ascertain the fact.[871]

Death is followed by a sad, mournful chant, with friends and relatives howling as they beat their heads with sharp stones until blood flows freely. Without any further ceremony, they either bury or burn the body right away, depending on local customs: in the latter case, they leave the head intact. Often, they bury or burn the body before life has actually left it, never taking the time to confirm the fact.[871]

Weapons and other personal effects are buried or burned with the owner; and in some localities, where burying is customary, shoes are put to the feet, so that the spiritualized body may be prepared for its journey. In Colechá and Guajamina mourning ceremonies are practiced certain days after death—juggleries—in which the priest pretends to hold converse with the departed spirit through the scalp of the deceased, commending the qualities of the departed, and concluding by asking on the spirit's behalf that all shall cut off their hair as a sign of sorrow. After a short dance, more howling, hair-pulling, and other ridiculous acts, the priest demands provisions for the spirit's journey, which his 570 hearers readily contribute, and which the priest appropriates to his own use, telling them it has already started. Occasionally they honor the memory of their dead by placing a rough image of the departed on a high pole, and a quama or priest sings his praises.[872]

Weapons and personal belongings are buried or burned with the owner; in some places where burial is common, shoes are placed on the feet to prepare the deceased's spirit for its journey. In Colechá and Guajamina, mourning ceremonies happen a few days after death, featuring performances where the priest pretends to communicate with the spirit through the deceased's scalp, praising their qualities and asking everyone to cut their hair as a sign of mourning. After a brief dance, more wailing, hair-pulling, and other absurd activities, the priest requests offerings for the spirit's journey, which the attendees willingly provide, but the priest keeps for himself, claiming the spirit has already begun its journey. Sometimes, they honor their dead by placing a crude image of the deceased on a tall pole, while a quama or priest sings their praises.

The early missionaries found the people of the peninsula kind-hearted and tractable, although dull of comprehension and brutal in their instincts, rude, narrow-minded, and inconstant. A marked difference of character is observable between the Cochimís and the Pericúis. The former are more courteous in their manners and better behaved; although cunning and thievish, they exhibit attachment and gratitude to their superiors; naturally indolent and addicted to childish pursuits and amusements, they lived among themselves in amity, directing their savage and revengeful nature against neighboring tribes with whom they were at variance. The Pericúis, before they became extinct, were a fierce and barbarous nation, unruly and brutal in their passions, cowardly, treacherous, false, petulant, and boastful, with an intensely cruel and heartless disposition, often shown in relentless persecutions and murders. In their character and disposition the Guaicuris did not differ essentially from the Pericúis. In the midst of so much darkness there was still one bright spot visible, inasmuch as they were of a cheerful and happy nature, lovers of kind and lovers of country. Isolated, occupying an ill-favored country, it was circumstances, rather than any inherent incapacity for improvement, that held these poor people in their low state; for, as we shall see at some future time, in their intercourse with civilized foreigners, they were not lacking in cunning, diplomacy, selfishness, and other aids to intellectual progress.[873] 571

The early missionaries found the people of the peninsula to be kind-hearted and easily influenced, but also slow to understand and brutal by nature, rude, narrow-minded, and fickle. There was a noticeable difference in character between the Cochimís and the Pericúis. The Cochimís were more polite and well-mannered; even though they could be cunning and thieving, they showed loyalty and gratitude to those in authority. Naturally lazy and inclined towards childish games and entertainment, they lived peacefully among themselves, directing their savage and vengeful tendencies toward neighboring tribes with whom they had conflicts. The Pericúis, before they went extinct, were a fierce and barbaric people, unruly and brutal in their emotions, cowardly, treacherous, dishonest, irritable, and boastful, with a cruel and heartless disposition often displayed in their relentless persecution and murders. The Guaicuris were not fundamentally different in character and temperament from the Pericúis. Amidst so much darkness, there was still a glimmer of light, as they had cheerful and happy natures, and they loved kindness and their homeland. Isolated in a challenging environment, their situation, rather than any lack of ability to improve, kept these unfortunate people in a low state; for, as we will see later, in their interactions with civilized outsiders, they were not lacking in cunning, diplomacy, selfishness, and other traits that foster intellectual progress.[873] 571

NORTHERN MEXICANS.

NORTHERN MEXICANS.

The Northern Mexicans, the fourth and last division of this group, spread over the territory lying between parallels 31° and 23° of north latitude. Their lands have an average breadth of about five hundred miles, with an area of some 250,000 square miles, comprising the states of Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Durango, Nuevo Leon, and the northern portions of Zacatecas, San Luis Potosí and Tamaulipas.

The Norteños, the fourth and final division of this group, occupy the territory between the latitudes of 31° and 23° north. Their region is roughly five hundred miles wide, covering about 250,000 square miles, which includes the states of Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Durango, Nuevo Leon, and the northern parts of Zacatecas, San Luis Potosí, and Tamaulipas.

Nearly parallel with the Pacific seaboard, and dividing the states of Sonora and Sinaloa from Chihuahua and Durango, runs the great central Cordillera; further to the eastward, passing through Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and San Luis Potosí, and following the shore line of the Mexican Gulf, the Sierra Madre continues in a southerly direction, until it unites with the first-named range at the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. All of these mountains abound in mineral wealth. The table-land between them is intersected by three ridges; one, the Sierra Mimbres, issuing from the inner flank of the Western Cordillera north of Arispe, extending in a northerly direction and following the line of the Rio Grande. The middle mountainous divide crosses from Durango to Coahuila, while the third rises in the state of Jalisco and taking an easterly and afterward northerly direction, traverses the table-land and merges into the Sierra Madre in the state of San Luis Potosí. On these broad table-lands are numerous lakes fed by the streams which have their rise in the mountains adjacent; in but few 572 spots is the land available for tillage, but it is admirably adapted to pastoral purposes. The climate can hardly be surpassed in its tonic and exhilarating properties; the atmosphere is ever clear, with sunshine by day, and a galaxy of brilliant stars by night; the absence of rain, fogs, and dews, with a delicious and even temperature, renders habitations almost unnecessary. All this vast region is occupied by numerous tribes speaking different languages and claiming distinct origins. Upon the northern seaboard of Sonora and Tiburon Island are the Ceris, Tiburones, and Tepocas; south of them the Cahitas, or Sinaloas, which are general names for the Yaquis and Mayos, tribes so called from the rivers on whose banks they live. In the state of Sinaloa there are also the Cochitas, Tuvares, Sabaibos, Zuaques, and Ahomes, besides many other small tribes. Scattered through the states of the interior are the Ópatas, Eudeves, Jovas, Tarahumares, Tubares, and Tepehuanes, who inhabit the mountainous districts of Chihuahua and Durango. East of the Tarahumares, in the northern part of the first-named state, dwell the Conchos. In Durango, living in the hills round Topia, are the Acaxées; south of whom dwell the Xiximes. On the table-lands of Mapimi and on the shores of its numerous lakes, the Irritilas and many other tribes are settled; while south of these again, in Zacatecas and San Luis Potosí, are the Guachichiles, Huamares, and Cazcanes, and further to the east, and bordering on the gulf shores we find the country occupied by scattered tribes, distinguished by a great variety of names, prominent among which are the Carrizas or Garzas, Xanambres, and Pintos.[874]

Almost parallel to the Pacific coast, the great central Cordillera runs, separating the states of Sonora and Sinaloa from Chihuahua and Durango. Further east, it continues through Coahuila, Nuevo León, and San Luis Potosí, following the shoreline of the Gulf of Mexico, eventually merging with the earlier-mentioned range at the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. These mountains are rich in mineral resources. The plateau between them is divided by three ridges: the Sierra Mimbres, which originates from the inner side of the Western Cordillera north of Arispe, extends northward along the Rio Grande. The central mountain range crosses from Durango to Coahuila, while the third ridge starts in Jalisco, moves east, then north, crossing the plateau before joining the Sierra Madre in San Luis Potosí. Numerous lakes on these vast plateaus are fed by streams originating in the nearby mountains; only a few areas of land are suitable for farming, but the region is excellent for grazing. The climate is nearly unbeatable in its refreshing and invigorating qualities; the air is always clear, with sunny days and a stunning display of stars at night. The lack of rain, fog, and dew, combined with a pleasant and stable temperature, makes permanent housing almost unnecessary. This expansive region is inhabited by various tribes that speak different languages and claim unique ancestries. Along the northern coast of Sonora and Tiburon Island live the Ceris, Tiburones, and Tepocas; to their south are the Cahitas, or Sinaloas, which are collective terms for the Yaquis and Mayos, named after the rivers by which they reside. In Sinaloa, you'll also find the Cochitas, Tuvares, Sabaibos, Zuaques, and Ahomes, in addition to many smaller tribes. Scattered throughout the interior states are the Ópatas, Eudeves, Jovas, Tarahumares, Tubares, and Tepehuanes, who live in the mountainous areas of Chihuahua and Durango. East of the Tarahumares, in the northern part of Chihuahua, are the Conchos. In Durango, the Acaxées live in the hills around Topia, with the Xiximes residing to their south. On the Mapimi tablelands and along the shores of its many lakes, the Irritilas and various other tribes have settled; further south, in Zacatecas and San Luis Potosí, are the Guachichiles, Huamares, and Cazcanes. To the east, bordering the gulf, we find areas occupied by scattered tribes with a wide range of names, among which the Carrizas or Garzas, Xanambres, and Pintos are notably prominent.

PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES IN NORTH MEXICO.

UNIQUE TRAITS IN NORTH MEXICO.

Most of these nations are composed of men of large 573 stature; robust, and well formed, with an erect carriage; the finest specimens are to be found on the sea-coast, exceptions being the Ópatas and Chicoratas, the former inclining to corpulency, the latter being short, although active and swift runners. The women are well limbed and have good figures, but soon become corpulent. The features of these people are quite regular, the head round and well shaped, with black and straight hair; they have high cheek-bones and handsome mouths, with a generally mild and pleasing expression of countenance. They have piercing black eyes, and can distinguish objects at great distances. The Ceris see best toward the close of the day, owing to the strong reflection from the white sands of the coast during the earlier part of the day. The Carrizas are remarkable for their long upper lip. The men of this region have little beard; their complexion varies from a light brown to a copper shade. Many of them attain to a great age.[875]

Most of these nations consist of tall men; they are robust and well-built, standing upright. The best examples can be found along the coastline, with some exceptions like the Ópatas and Chicoratas— the former tend to be corpulent while the latter are shorter but quick and agile. The women are well-proportioned and have attractive figures, although they tend to gain weight quickly. These people have fairly regular features, with round, well-shaped heads and straight black hair; they have high cheekbones and nice mouths, generally displaying a mild and pleasant demeanor. Their eyes are strikingly dark, allowing them to see objects at great distances. The Ceris have better vision later in the day, likely due to the strong glare from the white sands earlier on. The Carrizas are notable for their long upper lips. The men in this area often have little facial hair, and their skin tone ranges from light brown to copper. Many of them live to a great age.

For raiment the Cahitas and Ceris wear only a small rag in front of their persons, secured to a cord tied 574 round the waist; the Tarahumares, Acaxées, and other nations of the interior use for the same purpose a square piece of tanned deer-skin painted, except in cold weather, when they wrap a large blue cotton mantle round the shoulders. The women have petticoats reaching to their ankles, made of soft chamois or of cotton or agave-fibre, and a tilma or mantle during the winter. Some wear a long sleeveless chemise, which reaches from the shoulders to the feet. The Ceri women have petticoats made from the skins of the albatross or pelican, the feathers inside. The Ópata men, soon after the conquest, were found well clad in blouse and drawers of cotton, with wooden shoes, while their neighbors wore sandals of raw hide, cut to the shape of the foot.[876]

For clothing, the Cahitas and Ceris wear just a small rag in front, held by a cord tied around the waist; the Tarahumares, Acaxées, and other inland groups use a square piece of tanned deer skin that’s painted, except in colder weather when they wrap a large blue cotton blanket around their shoulders. The women wear petticoats that reach their ankles, made from soft chamois, cotton, or agave fiber, and a *tilma* or mantle in winter. Some wear a long sleeveless shirt that goes from shoulders to feet. Ceri women have petticoats made from albatross or pelican skins, with the feathers on the inside. The Ópata men were found well-dressed in cotton blouses and shorts, with wooden shoes, while their neighbors wore leather sandals shaped to their feet.

The Cahitas, Acaxées and most other tribes, pierce the ears and nose, from which they hang small green stones, attached to a piece of blue cord; on the head, neck, and wrists, a great variety of ornaments are worn, made from mother-of-pearl and white snails' shells, also fruit-stones, pearls, and copper and silver hoops; round the ankles some wear circlets of deer's hoofs, others decorate their heads and necks with necklaces of red beans and strings of paroquets and small birds; pearls and feathers are much used to ornament the hair. The practice of painting the face and body is common to all, the colors most in use being red and black. A favorite style with the Ceris is to paint the face in alternate perpendicular stripes of blue, red, and white. The Pintos paint the face, breast, and arms; the Tarahumares tattoo the forehead, lips, and cheeks in various patterns; the Yaquis the chin and arms; while other tribes tattoo the face or body in styles peculiar to themselves. Both sexes are proud of their hair, which they wear long and 575 take much care of; the women permit it to flow, in loose tresses, while the men gather it into one or more tufts on the crown of the head, and when hunting protect it by a chamois cap, to prevent its being disarranged by trees or bushes.[877]

The Cahitas, Acaxées, and most other tribes pierce their ears and noses, hanging small green stones from them attached to a piece of blue cord. They wear a variety of ornaments on their heads, necks, and wrists made from mother-of-pearl, white snail shells, fruit stones, pearls, and copper and silver hoops. Around their ankles, some wear circlets made of deer hooves, while others adorn their heads and necks with necklaces made of red beans and strings of parrots and small birds. Pearls and feathers are commonly used to decorate their hair. Everyone commonly paints their faces and bodies, using red and black as the main colors. A popular style among the Ceris is to paint their faces in alternating vertical stripes of blue, red, and white. The Pintos paint their faces, chests, and arms; the Tarahumares tattoo their foreheads, lips, and cheeks in various patterns; the Yaquis tattoo their chins and arms, while other tribes have their unique styles of tattooing their faces or bodies. Both men and women take pride in their hair, wearing it long and taking great care of it. Women let their hair flow in loose tresses, while men gather theirs into one or more tufts on top of their heads, and when hunting, they protect it with a chamois cap to keep it from getting messed up by trees or bushes. 575

NORTHERN MEXICAN DWELLINGS.

Northern Mexican homes.

Their houses are of light construction, usually built of sticks and reeds, and are covered with coarse reed matting. The Chinipas, Yaquis, Ópatas and Conchos build somewhat more substantial dwellings of timber and adobes, or of plaited twigs well plastered with mud; all are only one story high and have flat roofs. Although none of these people are without their houses or huts, they spend most of their time, especially during summer, under the trees. The Tarahumares find shelter in the deep caverns of rocky mountains, the Tepehuanes and Acaxées place their habitations on the top of almost inaccessible crags, while the Humes and Batucas build their villages in squares, with few and very small entrances, the better to defend themselves against their enemies—detached buildings for kitchen and store-room purposes being placed contiguous.[878] 576

Their homes are lightweight structures, typically made from sticks and reeds, covered with rough reed mats. The Chinipas, Yaquis, Ópatas, and Conchos construct slightly sturdier houses from timber and adobe, or woven twigs that are well plastered with mud; all are only one story tall and feature flat roofs. While none of these groups lack housing, they spend the majority of their time, particularly in the summer, under the trees. The Tarahumares take refuge in the deep caves of rocky mountains, the Tepehuanes and Acaxées build their homes on the tops of nearly unreachable cliffs, while the Humes and Batucas design their villages in squares with few and very small entrances, allowing them to better defend against their enemies—separate buildings for kitchens and storage are placed nearby.[878] 576

The Northern Mexicans live chiefly on wild fruits such as the pitahaya, honey, grain, roots, fish, and larvæ; they capture game both large and small, and some of them eat rats, mice, frogs, snakes, worms, and vermin. The Ahomamas along the shores of Lake Parras, the Yaquis, Batucas, Ceris, Tarahumares, and the Ópatas since the conquest have become agriculturists and cattle-breeders, besides availing themselves of fishing and hunting as means of subsistence. On the coast of Sonora, there being no maize, the natives live on pulverized rush and straw, with fish caught at sea or in artificial enclosures. The dwellers on the coast of Sinaloa consume a large quantity of salt, which they gather on the land during the dry season, and in the rainy reason from the bottom of marshes and pools. It is said that the Salineros sometimes eat their own excrement. According to the reports of the older historians, the Tobosos, Bauzarigames, Cabezas, Contotores, and Acaxées, as well as other tribes of Durango and Sinaloa, formerly fed on human flesh,—hunted human beings for food as they hunted deer or other game. The flesh of their brave foes they ate, thinking thereby to augment their own bravery.[879]

The Northern Mexicans primarily live off wild fruits like pitahaya, honey, grains, roots, fish, and larvae. They hunt both large and small game, and some eat rats, mice, frogs, snakes, worms, and pests. The Ahomamas along the shores of Lake Parras, along with the Yaquis, Batucas, Ceris, Tarahumares, and Ópatas, have become farmers and cattle herders since the conquest, while also using fishing and hunting for food. On the coast of Sonora, where there’s no maize, the locals eat ground rush and straw, along with fish caught at sea or in man-made enclosures. The people on the coast of Sinaloa consume a lot of salt, which they collect from the land in the dry season and from the bottoms of marshes and pools during the rainy season. It's rumored that the Salineros sometimes eat their own feces. Older historians report that the Tobosos, Bauzarigames, Cabezas, Contotores, and Acaxées, along with other tribes in Durango and Sinaloa, used to eat human flesh—hunting other people for food just like they would hunt deer or other game. They believed that eating the flesh of their brave enemies would make them braver. [879]

METHODS OF HUNTING.

Hunting Methods.

The Ceris of Tiburon Island depend for food entirely on fish and game. They catch turtle by approaching the animal and suddenly driving the point of their spear into its back, a cord being attached to the weapon by which they drag the prize on to the raft as soon as its 577 strength has become exhausted. According to Gomara, the natives of Sonora in 1537 were caught poisoning the deer-pools, probably for the skins, or it may have been only a stupefying drink that the pools were made to supply. The Sinaloans are great hunters; at times they pursue the game singly, then again the whole town turns out and, surrounding the thickest part of the forest, the people set fire to the underbrush and bring down the game as it attempts to escape the flames. A feast of reptiles is likewise thus secured. Iguanas are caught with the hands, their legs broken, and thus they are kept until required for food. For procuring wild honey, a bee is followed until it reaches its tree, the sweet-containing part of which is cut off and carried away. The Tarahumares hunt deer by driving them through narrow passes, where men are stationed to shoot them. Others make use of a deer's head as a decoy. For fishing they have various contrivances; some fish between the rocks with a pointed stick; others, when fishing in a pool, throw into the water a species of cabbage or leaves of certain trees, that stupefy the fish, when they are easily taken with the hands; they also use wicker baskets, and near the Pacific Ocean they inclose the rivers, and catch enormous quantities of smelt and other fish, which have come up from the sea to spawn. The Laguneros of Coahuila catch ducks by placing a calabash on their heads, with holes through which to breathe and see; thus equipped, they swim softly among the ducks, and draw them under water without flutter or noise. Tatéma is the name of a dish cooked in the ground by the Tarahumares. The Laguneros make tortillas of flour obtained from an aquatic plant. The Zacatecs make the same kind of bread from the pulp of the maguey, which is first boiled with lime, then washed and boiled again in pure water, after which it is squeezed dry and made into cakes. Most of the people use pozole, or pinolatl, both being a kind of gruel made of pinole, of parched corn or seeds ground, the one of greater thickness than the other; also tamales, boiled beans, and 578 pumpkins. The Ceris of Tiburon eat fish and meat uncooked, or but slightly boiled. The Salineros frequently devour uncooked hares and rabbits, having only removed their furs.[880]

The Ceris of Tiburon Island rely completely on fish and game for food. They catch turtles by sneaking up on them and quickly driving a spear into their backs, attaching a cord to the spear to drag the catch onto their raft once it’s too tired to fight back. According to Gomara, in 1537, the natives of Sonora were caught poisoning deer watering holes, possibly for the skins, or maybe just to create a tranquilizing drink from the pools. The Sinaloans are skilled hunters; sometimes they hunt alone, while at other times the entire town bands together, surrounding dense areas of the forest, setting fire to the underbrush, and capturing the game as they try to escape the flames. They also capture reptiles this way. Iguanas are caught by hand, their legs are broken, and they are kept until needed for food. To gather wild honey, they follow a bee to its tree, then cut off the part that contains the sweet stuff and carry it away. The Tarahumares hunt deer by driving them through narrow passes, where men are positioned to shoot them. Others use a deer’s head as a decoy. For fishing, they have different tools; some spear fish between the rocks with a pointed stick, while others throw a type of cabbage or leaves into a pool to stupefy the fish, making them easy to catch by hand. They also use wicker baskets and, near the Pacific Ocean, they block rivers to catch large amounts of smelt and other fish that come upstream to spawn. The Laguneros of Coahuila catch ducks by placing a calabash on their heads, with holes to breathe and see through; this allows them to swim quietly among the ducks and pull them underwater without causing a disturbance. Tatéma is a dish cooked in the ground by the Tarahumares. The Laguneros make tortillas from flour sourced from an aquatic plant. The Zacatecs prepare a similar type of bread from maguey pulp, which is boiled with lime, washed, then boiled again in clean water before being drained and formed into cakes. Most people consume pozole or pinolatl, both types of gruel made from ground pinole, parched corn, or seeds, with one being thicker than the other; they also eat tamales, boiled beans, and pumpkins. The Ceris of Tiburon eat fish and meat raw or just lightly boiled. The Salineros often eat raw hares and rabbits, having only removed their fur.

HOW ARROWS WERE MADE AND POISONED.

HOW ARROWS WERE MADE AND POISONED.

The weapons universally used by these nations were bows and arrows and short clubs, in addition to which the chiefs and most important warriors carried a short lance and a buckler. The arrows were carried in a quiver made of lion or other skins. The Tarahumares and some others wore a leathern guard round the left wrist, to protect it from the blow of the bow-string. Flint knives were employed for cutting up their slain enemies. The Ceris, Jovas, and other tribes smeared the points of their arrows with a very deadly poison, but how it was applied to the point, or whence obtained, it is difficult to determine; some travelers say that this poison was taken from rattlesnakes and other venomous reptiles, which, by teasing, were incited to strike their fangs into the liver of a cow or deer which was presented to them, after which it was left to putrefy, and the arrows being dipped into the poisonous mass, were placed in the sun to dry; but other writers, again, assert that the poison was produced from a vegetable preparation. The wound inflicted by the point, however slight, is said to 579 have caused certain death. The arrows were pointed with flint, or some other stone, or with bone, fastened to a piece of hard wood, which is tied by sinews to a reed or cane, notched, and winged with three feathers; when not required for immediate use, the tying was loosed, and the point reversed in the cane, to protect it from being broken. The Ceris and Chicoratos cut a notch a few inches above the point, so that in striking it should break off and remain in the wound. Their clubs were made of a hard wood called guayacan, with a knob at the end, and when not in use were carried slung to the arm by a leather thong. Their lances were of Brazil wood, bucklers of alligator-skin, and shields of bull's hide, sufficiently large to protect the whole body, with a hole in the top to look through. Another kind of shield was made of small lathes closely interwoven with cords, in such a manner that, when not required for use, it could be shut up like a fan, and was carried under the arm.[881]

The weapons commonly used by these nations were bows, arrows, and short clubs. In addition, the chiefs and important warriors carried a short lance and a shield. The arrows were stored in a quiver made from lion or other animal skins. The Tarahumares and some other groups wore a leather guard around their left wrist to protect it from the bowstring's snap. They used flint knives for cutting up their slain enemies. The Ceris, Jovas, and other tribes coated the tips of their arrows with a very powerful poison, but it’s unclear how it was applied or where it came from. Some travelers claim that this poison came from rattlesnakes and other venomous reptiles, which were provoked to bite the liver of a cow or deer presented to them; the liver was then left to rot, and the arrows were dipped into the poisonous substance before being dried in the sun. Other writers assert that the poison was made from a plant preparation. However, any wound from the tip, even if minor, was said to be fatal. The arrows were tipped with flint, some other stone, or bone, attached to a piece of hard wood secured with sinews to a notched reed or cane, which was also equipped with three feathers for stability. When not in immediate use, the tying was loosened, and the point was reversed in the cane to prevent it from breaking. The Ceris and Chicoratos made a notch a few inches above the tip so that when it struck, the tip would break off and remain in the wound. Their clubs were made from a tough wood called guayacan with a knob on one end, and when not in use, they were slung to the arm with a leather strap. Their lances were made of Brazil wood, shields were fashioned from alligator skin, and larger shields were made of bull hide, big enough to cover the whole body, with a hole at the top for vision. Another type of shield was made of small laths tightly woven with cords so that when not in use, it could be folded up like a fan and carried under the arm.

Living in a state of constant war, arising out of family quarrels or aggressions made into each other's territories, they were not unskilled in military tactics. Previous 580 to admission as a warrior, a young man had to pass through certain ordeals; having first qualified himself by some dangerous exploit, or having faithfully performed the duty of a scout in an enemy's country. The preliminaries being settled, a day was appointed for his initiation, when one of the braves, acting as his godfather, introduced him to the chief, who, for the occasion, had first placed himself in the midst of a large circle of warriors. The chief then addressed him, instructing him in the several duties required of him, and drawing from a pouch an eagle's talon, with it proceeded to score his body on the shoulders, arms, breast, and thighs, till the blood ran freely; the candidate was expected to suffer without showing the slightest signs of pain. The chief then handed to him a bow and a quiver of arrows; each of the braves also presented him with two arrows. In the campaigns that followed, the novitiate must take the hardest duty, be ever at the post of danger, and endure without a murmur or complaint the severest privations, until a new candidate appeared to take his place.[882]

Living in a constant state of war, due to family disputes or invasions into each other's territories, they were quite skilled in military tactics. Before becoming a warrior, a young man had to undergo certain trials; he needed to first prove himself through a dangerous feat or by fulfilling the duties of a scout in enemy territory. Once the preliminaries were settled, a day was set for his initiation, during which one of the experienced warriors, acting as his sponsor, introduced him to the chief, who had positioned himself in the middle of a large circle of warriors for the occasion. The chief then addressed him, explaining the various responsibilities expected of him and, taking an eagle's talon from a pouch, he used it to make marks on the candidate's shoulders, arms, chest, and thighs, drawing blood. The candidate was expected to endure this without showing any signs of pain. The chief then handed him a bow and a quiver of arrows; each of the warriors also gave him two arrows. In the campaigns that followed, the newcomer had to take on the toughest duties, always being at the front line of danger, and endure the hardest hardships without a complaint, until a new candidate came to take his place.

WAR CUSTOMS IN NORTH MEXICO.

NORTH MEXICO WAR CUSTOMS.

When one tribe desires the assistance of another in war, they send reeds filled with tobacco, which, if accepted, is a token that the alliance is formed; a call for help is made by means of the smoke signal. When war is decided upon, a leader is chosen, at whose house all the elders, medicine-men, and principal warriors assemble; a fire is then lighted, and tobacco handed round and smoked in silence. The chief, or the most aged and distinguished warrior then arises, and in a loud tone and not unpoetic language, harangues his hearers, recounting to them heroic deeds hitherto performed, victories formerly gained, and present wrongs to be avenged; after which tobacco is again passed round, 581 and new speakers in turn address the assembly. War councils are continued for several nights, and a day is named on which the foe is to be attacked. Sometimes the day fixed for the battle is announced to the enemy, and a spot on which the fight is to take place selected. During the campaign fasting is strictly observed. The Acaxées, before taking the war-path, select a maiden of the tribe, who secludes herself during the whole period of the campaign, speaking to no one, and eating nothing but a little parched corn without salt. The Ceris and Ópatas approach their enemy under cover of darkness, preserving a strict silence, and at break of day, by a preconcerted signal, a sudden and simultaneous attack is made. To fire an enemy's house, the Tepagues and others put lighted corn-cobs on the points of their arrows. In the event of a retreat they invariably carry off the dead, as it is considered a point of honor not to leave any of their number on the field. Seldom is sex or age spared, and when prisoners are taken, they are handed over to the women for torture, who treat them most inhumanly, heaping upon them every insult devisable, besides searing their flesh with burning brands, and finally burning them at the stake, or sacrificing them in some equally cruel manner. Many cook and eat the flesh of their captives, reserving the bones as trophies. The slain are scalped, or a hand is cut off, and a dance performed round the trophies on the field of battle. On the return of an expedition, if successful, entry into the village is made in the day-time. Due notice of their approach having been forwarded to the inhabitants, the warriors are received with congratulations and praises by the women, who, seizing the scalps, vent their spleen in frantic gestures; tossing them from one to another, these female fiends dance and sing round the bloody trophies, while the men look on in approving silence. Should the expedition, however, prove unsuccessful, the village is entered in silence and during the dead of night. All the booty taken is divided amongst the aged men and women, as it is 582 deemed unlucky by the warriors to use their enemy's property.[883]

When one tribe wants help from another in war, they send reeds filled with tobacco. If the tobacco is accepted, it shows that an alliance has been formed; a call for help is made through smoke signals. When war is decided, a leader is chosen, and all the elders, medicine men, and main warriors gather at their house. A fire is lit, and tobacco is passed around and smoked in silence. Then, the chief or the oldest and most respected warrior stands up and speaks in a loud, poetic way, recounting heroic deeds from the past, victories already won, and current wrongs that need to be avenged. Afterward, tobacco is passed around again, and new speakers take turns addressing the group. War councils go on for several nights until a day is set for the attack. Sometimes, the date for the battle is announced to the enemy, and a location for the fight is chosen. During the campaign, fasting is strictly observed. The Acaxées, before going to war, choose a maiden from the tribe who isolates herself for the entire campaign, speaking to no one and eating only a little roasted corn without salt. The Ceris and Ópatas approach their enemy under the cover of darkness, staying quiet, and at dawn, they use a prearranged signal to launch a sudden and simultaneous attack. To set fire to an enemy's house, the Tepagues and others place burning corn cobs on their arrows. If they have to retreat, they always carry off their dead, as leaving any members behind is considered dishonorable. Rarely is age or gender spared, and when they capture prisoners, the women torture them in brutal ways, subjecting them to every imaginable insult, burning their flesh with hot brands, and eventually burning them at the stake or sacrificing them in other equally cruel methods. Many even cook and eat the flesh of their captives, keeping the bones as trophies. The slain are scalped, or a hand is cut off, and a dance is performed around the trophies on the battlefield. Upon returning from a successful expedition, the warriors enter the village during the day. They send word of their approach ahead of time, and the villagers greet them with cheers and praises. The women, grabbing the scalps, express their excitement through frenzied gestures, tossing them to each other, dancing and singing around the bloody trophies while the men watch in approving silence. However, if the expedition is unsuccessful, they enter the village quietly and under the cover of night. All the spoils taken are divided among the elder men and women since the warriors believe it's unlucky to use anything from their enemies.

Their household utensils consist of pots of earthen ware and gourds, the latter used both for cooking and drinking purposes; later, out of the horns of oxen cups are made. The Tarahumares use in place of saddles two rolls of straw fastened by a girdle to the animal's back, loose enough, however, to allow the rider to put his feet under them. Emerging from their barbarism, they employ, in their agricultural pursuits, plows with shares of wood or stone, and wooden hoes. The Ceris have a kind of double-pointed javelin, with which they catch fish, which, once between the prongs, are prevented from slipping out by the jagged sides.[884]

Their household items include clay pots and gourds, which are used for both cooking and drinking. They also make cups from ox horns. Instead of saddles, the Tarahumares use two rolls of straw strapped to the back of the animal, leaving enough space for the rider to fit their feet underneath. As they progress from their primitive ways, they use wooden or stone plows and wooden hoes for farming. The Ceris have a type of double-pointed javelin, which they use to catch fish. Once the fish are caught between the prongs, the jagged edges keep them from slipping out. [884]

The Ahomoas, Eudebes, Jovas, Yaquis, and Ópatas weave fabrics out of cotton or agave-fibre, such as blankets or serapes, and cloth with colored threads in neat designs and figures; these nations also manufacture matting from reeds and palm-leaves. Their loom consists of four short sticks driven into the ground, to which a frame is attached to hold the thread. The shuttle is an oblong piece of wood, on which the cross-thread is wound. After passing through the web, the shuttle is seized and pressed close by a ruler three inches in breadth, which is placed between the web and supplies the place of a comb. When any patterns are to be worked, several women assist to mark off with wooden pegs the amount of thread required. The Yaquis and Ceris manufacture common earthen ware, and the Tarahumares twist horse-hair 583 into strong cords; they also use undressed hides cut in strips, and coarse aloe-fibres.[885]

The Ahomoas, Eudebes, Jovas, Yaquis, and Ópatas weave fabrics from cotton or agave fiber, like blankets and serapes, and create cloth with colorful threads in neat designs and patterns; they also make mats from reeds and palm leaves. Their loom consists of four short sticks driven into the ground, with a frame attached to hold the thread. The shuttle is a rectangular piece of wood, on which the cross-thread is wrapped. After passing through the fabric, the shuttle is grabbed and pressed tightly by a ruler that’s three inches wide, acting as a substitute for a comb. When specific patterns are to be created, several women help mark off the thread needed with wooden pegs. The Yaquis and Ceris produce common earthenware, while the Tarahumares twist horsehair into strong cords; they also use unprocessed hides cut into strips and coarse aloe fibers.

PROPERTY OF CERIS, ÓPATAS, AND YAQUIS.

PROPERTY OF CERIS, ÓPATAS, AND YAQUIS.

No boats or canoes are employed by any of the natives of this region; but the Ceris, the Tiburones, and the Tepocas make rafts of reeds or bamboos, fastened together into bundles. These rafts are about eighteen feet long and tapering toward both ends; some are large enough to carry four or five men; they are propelled with a double-bladed paddle, held in the middle and worked alternately on both sides.[886]

No boats or canoes are used by any of the natives in this area; however, the Ceris, Tiburones, and Tepocas create rafts made of reeds or bamboo, which are bound together into bundles. These rafts are about eighteen feet long and narrow at both ends; some are big enough to carry four or five people. They are paddled with a double-bladed paddle, held in the center and used alternately on each side.[886]

Subsequent to the conquest, the Ópatas and Yaquis accumulated large flocks of sheep, cattle, and bands of horses; the latter are good miners, and expert divers for pearls. Their old communistic ideas follow them in their new life; thus, the landed property of the Tarahumares is from time to time repartitioned; they have also a public asylum for the sick, helpless, and for orphans, who are taken care of by male and female officials called tenanches. Pearls, turquoises, emeralds, coral, feathers, and gold were in former times part of their property, and held the place of money; trade, for the most part, was carried on by simple barter.[887]

After the conquest, the Ópatas and Yaquis built up large herds of sheep and cattle, as well as groups of horses; the latter are skilled miners and expert pearl divers. Their old communal ideals continue to influence their new way of life; for instance, the land belonging to the Tarahumares is periodically redistributed. They also have a public shelter for the sick, disabled, and orphans, who are cared for by male and female officials known as tenanches. Pearls, turquoises, emeralds, coral, feathers, and gold used to be part of their possessions and served as currency; trade mostly relied on simple barter.[887]

The Northern Mexicans make no pretensions to art; nevertheless, Guzman states that in the province of Culiacan the walls of the houses were decorated with 584 obscene paintings. They are all great observers of the heavenly bodies and the changes in the atmosphere; the Yaquis count their time by the moon. They are good musicians, imitating to perfection on their own instruments almost any strain they happen to hear. Their native melodies are low, sweet, and harmonious. In Petatlan they embroidered dresses with pearls, and as they had no instrument for piercing the jewel, they cut a small groove round it, and so strung them. With pearls they formed on cloth figures of animals and birds.[888]

The Northern Mexicans don't consider themselves artists; however, Guzman notes that in the province of Culiacan, the walls of houses were adorned with explicit paintings. They are keen observers of the stars and weather changes; the Yaquis measure time by the moon. They are talented musicians, perfectly imitating any melody they hear on their instruments. Their traditional songs are soft, sweet, and melodic. In Petatlan, they embroidered dresses with pearls, and since they didn't have a tool to pierce the jewels, they carved a small groove around each one to string them. Using pearls, they created images of animals and birds on fabric.

I find nowhere in this region any system of laws or government. There are the usual tribal chieftains, selected on account of superior skill or bravery, but with little or no power except in war matters. Councils of war, and all meetings of importance, are held at the chief's house.[889]

I can't find any system of laws or government in this area. There are the usual tribal leaders chosen for their skills or bravery, but they have little power outside of war. Councils of war and all important meetings take place at the chief's house.[889]

MARRIAGE AND POLYGAMY.

Marriage and Polygamy.

The Ceris and Tepocas celebrate the advent of womanhood with a feast, which lasts for several days. The Ahome maiden wears on her neck a small carved shell, as a sign of her virginity, to lose which before marriage is a lasting disgrace. On the day of marriage the bridegroom removes this ornament from his bride's neck. It is customary among most of the tribes to give presents to the girl's parents. The Tahus, says Castañeda, are obliged to purchase a maiden from her parents, and deliver her to the cacique,[890] chief, or possibly high priest, 585 to whom was accorded the droit de seigneur. If the bride proves to be no virgin, all the presents are returned by her parents, and it is optional with the bridegroom to keep her or condemn her to the life of a public prostitute. The Bauzarigames, Cabezas, Contotores, and Tehuecos practice polygamy and inter-family marriages, but these are forbidden by the Ceris, Chinipas, Tiburones, and Tepocas. Different ceremonies take place upon the birth of the first child. Among some, the father is intoxicated, and in that state surrounded by a dancing multitude, who score his body till the blood flows freely. Among others, several days after the birth of a male child, the men visit the house, feel each limb of the newly born, exhort him to be brave, and finally give him a name; women perform similar ceremonies with female children. The couvade obtains in certain parts; as for instance, the Lagunero and Ahomama husbands, after the birth of a child, remain in bed for six or seven days, during which time they eat neither fish nor meat. The Sisibotaris, Ahomes, and Tepehuanes hold chastity in high esteem, and both their maidens and matrons are remarkably chaste. The standard of morality elsewhere in this vicinity is in general low, especially with the Acaxées and Tahus, whose incestuous connections and system of public brothels are notorious. According to Arlegui, Ribas, and other authors, among some of these nations male concubinage prevails to a great extent; these loathsome semblances of humanity, whom to call beastly were a slander upon beasts, dress themselves in the clothes and perform the functions of women, the use of weapons even being denied them.[891] 586

The Ceris and Tepocas celebrate the arrival of womanhood with a feast that lasts for several days. The Ahome maiden wears a small carved shell around her neck as a symbol of her virginity, which, if lost before marriage, brings lasting shame. On the wedding day, the groom removes this ornament from his bride’s neck. It's common among most tribes to give gifts to the girl’s parents. According to Castañeda, the Tahus are required to buy a maiden from her parents and hand her over to the cacique, the chief, or possibly the high priest, who has the droit de seigneur. If the bride is not a virgin, her parents return all the gifts, and the groom can decide whether to keep her or condemn her to a life as a public prostitute. The Bauzarigames, Cabezas, Contotores, and Tehuecos practice polygamy and inter-family marriages, but this is prohibited by the Ceris, Chinipas, Tiburones, and Tepocas. Different ceremonies take place when the first child is born. In some cases, the father gets intoxicated and, in that state, is surrounded by a dancing crowd that marks his body until it bleeds freely. In other cases, a few days after a male child is born, the men visit the house, examine each limb of the newborn, encourage him to be brave, and finally give him a name; women do similar ceremonies for female children. Couvade is observed in certain areas; for instance, Lagunero and Ahomama husbands stay in bed for six or seven days after the birth of a child, during which they eat neither fish nor meat. The Sisibotaris, Ahomes, and Tepehuanes place a high value on chastity, and both their young women and married women are notably chaste. The level of morality around this area is generally low, especially among the Acaxées and Tahus, known for their incestuous relationships and public brothels. According to Arlegui, Ribas, and others, among some of these nations, male concubinage is quite common; these wretched beings, whom calling “beasts” would insult actual animals, dress in women’s clothing and take on their roles, even being denied the right to use weapons.

Drunkenness prevails to a great extent among most of the tribes; their liquors are prepared from the fruit of the pitahaya, mezquite-beans, agave, honey, and wheat. In common with all savages, they are immoderately fond of dancing, and have numerous feasts, where, with obscene carousals and unseemly masks, the revels continue, until the dancers, from sheer exhaustion or intoxication, are forced to rest. The Ópatas hold a festival called torom raqui, to insure rain and good crops. Clearing a square piece of ground, they strew it with seeds, bones, boughs, horns, and shells; the actors then issue forth from huts built on the four corners of the square, and there dance from sunrise to sunset. On the first day of the year they plant in the ground a tall pole, to which are tied long ribbons of many colors. A number of young maidens, fancifully attired, dance round the pole, holding the ends of the ribbons, twisting themselves nearer or away from the center in beautiful figures. Upon other occasions they commemorate, in modern times, what is claimed to be the journey of the Aztecs, and the appearance of Montezuma among them. Hunting and war expeditions are inaugurated by dances. Their musical instruments are flutes and hollow trunks beaten with sticks or bones, and accompanied with song and impromptu words, relating the exploits of their gods, warriors, and hunters. They are passionately fond of athletic sports, such as archery, wrestling, and racing; but the favorite pastime is a kind of foot-ball. The game is played between two parties, with a large elastic ball, on a square piece of ground prepared expressly for the purpose. The players must strike the ball with the shoulders, knees, or hips, but never with 587 the hand. Frequently one village challenges another as upon the occasion of a national festival, which lasts several days, and is accompanied with dancing and feasting. They have also games with wooden balls, in which sticks are used when playing. The players are always naked, and the game often lasts from sunrise to sunset, and sometimes, when the victory is undecided, the play will be continued for several successive days. Bets are freely made, and horses and other property staked with the greatest recklessness.[892]

Drunkenness is quite common among most of the tribes; they make their drinks from the fruit of the pitahaya, mesquite beans, agave, honey, and wheat. Like all primitive cultures, they love dancing and have many feasts filled with wild partying and inappropriate masks, which go on until the dancers, exhausted or intoxicated, have to take a break. The Ópatas celebrate a festival called torom raqui to encourage rain and good harvests. They clear a square patch of land, scattering it with seeds, bones, branches, horns, and shells. Performers come out from huts at each corner of the square and dance from sunrise to sunset. On New Year's Day, they plant a tall pole in the ground, to which they tie long ribbons of various colors. A group of young women, dressed in elaborate outfits, dances around the pole while holding the ribbons, weaving in and out beautifully. They also remember, in modern times, what they say is the journey of the Aztecs and the arrival of Montezuma among them. Hunting and war expeditions are kicked off with dances. Their musical instruments include flutes and hollow logs struck with sticks or bones, accompanied by songs and improvised lyrics that tell the stories of their gods, warriors, and hunters. They have a strong passion for athletic activities like archery, wrestling, and racing, but their favorite sport is a type of football. The game is played between two teams with a large, elastic ball on a square field specifically prepared for it. Players must hit the ball with their shoulders, knees, or hips, but never with their hands. Often, one village will challenge another during a national festival lasting several days, filled with dancing and feasting. They also play games with wooden balls using sticks. The players are always naked, and the games can go from sunrise to sunset, sometimes continuing for several days if the result is still undecided. Bets are made freely, and horses and other possessions are wagered without much caution.

CUSTOMS IN NORTHERN MEXICO.

Customs in Northern Mexico.

Loads are carried on the head, or in baskets at the back, hanging from a strap that passes across the forehead. Another mode of carrying burdens is to distribute equally the weight at both ends of a pole which is slung across the shoulder, à la Chinoise. Their conceptions of the supernatural are extremely crude; thus, the Ópatas, by yells and gesticulations, endeavor to dispel eclipses of the heavenly bodies; before the howling of the wind they cower as before the voice of the Great Spirit. The Ceris superstitiously celebrate the new moon, and bow reverentially to the rising and setting sun. Nuño de Guzman states that in the province of Culiacan tamed serpents were found in the dwellings of the natives, which they feared and venerated. Others have a great veneration for the hidden virtues of poisonous plants, and believe that if they crush or destroy one, some harm will happen to them. It is a common 588 custom to hang a small bag containing poisonous herbs round the neck of a child, as a talisman against diseases or attacks from wild beasts, which they also believe will render them invulnerable in battle. They will not touch a person struck by lightning, and will leave him to die, or, if dead, to lie unburied.[893]

Loads are carried on the head or in baskets on the back, hanging from a strap that goes across the forehead. Another way to carry burdens is to balance the weight at both ends of a pole slung across the shoulder, à la Chinoise. Their beliefs about the supernatural are quite basic; for example, the Ópatas try to scare away eclipses of the heavenly bodies with shouts and gestures. They cower before the howling wind as if it were the voice of the Great Spirit. The Ceris hold superstitious celebrations for the new moon and bow respectfully to the rising and setting sun. Nuño de Guzman mentions that in the province of Culiacan, tamed snakes were found in the homes of the natives, which they both feared and respected. Some have a deep respect for the hidden powers of poisonous plants and believe that if they crush or destroy one, they will suffer harm. It’s common to hang a small bag with poisonous herbs around a child's neck as a charm against diseases or attacks from wild animals, and they also believe it makes them invulnerable in battle. They won’t touch someone struck by lightning and will leave them to die or, if they’re dead, to remain unburied. 588

MEDICAL TREATMENT.

Healthcare.

Intermittent and other fevers prevail among the people of Northern Mexico. Small-pox, introduced by Europeans, has destroyed many lives; syphilis was introduced among the Carrizos by the Spanish troops. The Tarahumares suffer from pains in the side about the end of the spring. The Ópatas of Oposura are disfigured by goitres, but this disease seems to be confined within three leagues of the town. Wounds inflicted by arrows, many of them poisoned, and bites of rattlesnakes are common. Friends, and even parents and brothers leave to their fate such as are suffering from contagious diseases; they, however, place water and wild fruits within the sufferer's reach. To relieve their wearied legs and feet after long marches, they scarify the former with sharp flints. In extreme cases they rub themselves with the maguey's prickly leaf well pounded, which, acting as an emollient on their hardened bodies, affords them prompt relief. The Carrizos cure syphilis with certain plants, the medicinal properties of which are known to them. As a purgative they use the grains of the maguacate, and as a febrifuge the cenicilla (teraina frutescens). With the leaves of the latter they make a decoction which, mixed with hydromel, is an antidote for intermittent fevers. They also use the 589 leaves of the willow in decoction, as a remedy for the same complaint. In Sinaloa, the leaf and roots of the guaco are used by the natives as the most efficacious medicine for the bites of poisonous reptiles. The Ópatas employ excellent remedies for the diseases to which they are subject. They have a singular method of curing rattlesnake bites, a sort of retaliative cure; seizing the reptile's head between two sticks, they stretch out the tail and bite it along the body, and if we may believe Alegre, the bitten man does not swell up, but the reptile does, until it bursts. In some parts, if a venomous snake bites a person, he seizes it at both ends, and breaks all its bones with his teeth until it is dead, imagining this to be an efficacious means of saving himself from the effect of the wounds. Arrow wounds are first sucked, and then peyote powder is put into them; after two days the wound is cleaned, and more of the same powder applied; this operation is continued upon every second day, and finally powdered lechugilla-root is used; by this process the wound, after thoroughly suppurating, becomes healed. Out of the leaves of the maguey, lechugilla, and date-palm, as well as from the rosemary, they make excellent balsams for curing wounds. They have various vegetable substances for appeasing the thirst of wounded persons, as water is considered injurious. The Acaxées employ the sucking processes, and blowing through a hollow tube, for the cure of diseases. The Yaquis put a stick into the patient's mouth, and with it draw from the stomach the disease; the Ceris of Tiburon Island also employ charms in their medical practice.[894]

Intermittent and other fevers are common among the people of Northern Mexico. Smallpox, brought by Europeans, has taken many lives; syphilis was introduced among the Carrizos by Spanish troops. The Tarahumares experience side pain around the end of spring. The Ópatas of Oposura are marked by goiters, but this illness seems to be limited to three leagues from the town. Arrow wounds, many of which are poisoned, and rattlesnake bites are frequent. Friends, and even family members, leave those suffering from contagious diseases to fend for themselves; however, they do leave water and wild fruits within reach of the sick. To relieve tired legs and feet after long marches, they make cuts on their skin with sharp stones. In extreme cases, they rub themselves with the well-pounded prickly leaves of the maguey, which soothes their toughened bodies and provides quick relief. The Carrizos treat syphilis with certain plants that they know have medicinal properties. They use the seeds of the maguacate as a laxative and cenicilla (teraina frutescens) as a fever reducer. They brew a decoction from the leaves of the latter, mixed with honey water, which serves as an antidote for intermittent fevers. They also use decocted willow leaves as a remedy for the same condition. In Sinaloa, the natives use the leaves and roots of guaco as the most effective medicine for bites from poisonous snakes. The Ópatas have excellent remedies for the diseases they experience. They have a unique method for treating rattlesnake bites, a sort of retaliatory cure; by grasping the snake's head with two sticks, they pull its tail and bite along its body, believing, as Alegre states, that the bitten person does not swell, but the snake does until it bursts. In some areas, if someone is bitten by a venomous snake, they take hold of both ends of the snake and crush its bones with their teeth until it dies, thinking this will protect them from the effects of the bite. Arrow wounds are first sucked, and then peyote powder is applied. After two days, the wound is cleaned, and more of the same powder is added; this process is repeated every other day, and finally, powdered lechugilla root is used; through this method, the wound, after thoroughly discharging pus, heals. They make excellent balms for healing wounds from the leaves of maguey, lechugilla, date palm, and rosemary. They have various plant substances to quench the thirst of injured individuals, as water is seen as harmful. The Acaxées use sucking techniques and blow through a hollow tube to treat diseases. The Yaquis place a stick in the patient’s mouth and use it to draw the illness from the stomach; the Ceris of Tiburon Island also use charms in their healing practices.

I find nothing of cremation in these parts. The dead body is brought head and knees together, and 590 placed in a cave or under a rock. Several kinds of edibles, with the utensils and implements with which the deceased earned a support while living, are deposited in the grave, also a small idol, to serve as a guide and fellow traveler to the departed on the long journey. On the lips of dead infants is dropped milk from the mother's breast, that these innocents may have sustenance to reach their place of rest. Among the Acaxées, if a woman dies in childbirth, the infant surviving is slain, as the cause of its mother's death. Cutting the hair is the only sign of mourning among them.[895]

I don’t see any cremation practices around here. The body is brought in with its head and knees together and placed in a cave or under a rock. Various food items, along with the tools and belongings the deceased used to support themselves in life, are placed in the grave, along with a small idol to act as a guide and companion for the departed on their long journey. Milk from the mother’s breast is put on the lips of dead infants so these innocent ones can have nourishment on their way to rest. Among the Acaxées, if a woman dies during childbirth, the surviving baby is killed, as it's seen as the cause of the mother's death. Cutting hair is their only sign of mourning.

CHARACTER.

CHARACTER.

The character of the Northern Mexicans, as portrayed by Arlegui, is gross and low; but some of these tribes do not deserve such sweeping condemnation. The Mayos, Yaquis, Acaxées, and Ópatas are generally intelligent, honest, social, amiable, and intrepid in war; their young women modest, with a combination of sweetness and pride noticed by some writers. The Ópatas especially are a hard-working people, good-humored, free from intemperance and thievishness; they are also very tenacious of purpose, when their minds are made up—danger often strengthening their stubbornness the more. The Sisibotaris, Ahomamas, Onavas, and Tarahumares are quiet and docile, but brave when occasion requires; the last-mentioned are remarkably honest. The Tepocas and Tiburones are fierce, cruel, and treacherous, more warlike and courageous than the Ceris of the main land, who are singularly devoid of good qualities, being sullenly stupid, lazy, inconstant, revengeful, depredating, and much given to intemperance. Their country even has become a refuge for evil-doers. In former times they were warlike and brave: but even this quality they have lost, and have become as cowardly as they are cruel. The Tepehuanes and other mountaineers are savage and warlike, and their animosity to the whites perpetual. The Laguneros and other tribes of Coahuila are intelligent, domestic, and hospitable; the former especially are very brave. In Chihuahua 591 they are generally fierce and uncommunicative. At El Paso, the women are more jovial and pleasant than the men; the latter speak but little, never laugh, and seldom smile; their whole aspect seems to be wrapped in melancholy—everything about it has a semblance of sadness and suffering.[896]

The portrayal of Northern Mexicans by Arlegui is crude and negative, but some of these tribes don't deserve such harsh judgment. The Mayos, Yaquis, Acaxées, and Ópatas are generally smart, honest, social, friendly, and brave in battle; their young women are modest, displaying a mix of sweetness and pride noted by some writers. The Ópatas, in particular, are hardworking, good-natured, and free from drinking and stealing; they are also very determined when they set their minds to something—danger usually makes them even more stubborn. The Sisibotaris, Ahomamas, Onavas, and Tarahumares are quiet and gentle, but courageous when necessary; the Tarahumares are especially known for their honesty. The Tepocas and Tiburones are fierce, cruel, and treacherous, more aggressive and courageous than the Ceris from the mainland, who lack any good traits, being sadly dull, lazy, unreliable, vengeful, destructive, and prone to drunkenness. Their region has turned into a sanctuary for wrongdoers. In the past, they were brave and combative, but they have lost even that quality and become as cowardly as they are cruel. The Tepehuanes and other mountain tribes are savage and aggressive, consistently hostile toward whites. The Laguneros and other tribes in Coahuila are smart, family-oriented, and welcoming; particularly, the Laguneros are very brave. In Chihuahua, they are generally fierce and reserved. In El Paso, the women are more cheerful and sociable than the men; the men hardly speak, never laugh, and rarely smile; their overall demeanor seems shrouded in sadness—everything about them suggests grief and suffering. 591

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

To the New Mexican group belong the nations inhabiting the territory lying between the parallels 36° and 23° of north latitude, and the meridians 96° and 117° of west longitude; that is to say, the occupants of the states of New Mexico, Arizona, Lower California, Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Durango, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, Northern Zacatecas, and Western Texas.

To the New Mexican group belong the nations living in the area between the parallels of 36° and 23° north latitude and the meridians of 96° and 117° west longitude; in other words, the people who occupy the states of New Mexico, Arizona, Baja California, Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Durango, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, Northern Zacatecas, and Western Texas.

In the Apache family, I include all the savage tribes roaming through New Mexico, the north-western portion of Texas, a small part of Northern Mexico, and Arizona; being the Comanches, Apaches proper, Navajos, Mojaves, Hualapais, Yumas, Cosninos, Yampais, Yalchedunes, Yamajabs, Cochees, Cruzados, Nijoras, Cocopas, and others.

In the Apache tribe, I include all the fierce tribes that move throughout New Mexico, the northwestern part of Texas, a small area of Northern Mexico, and Arizona; such as the Comanches, Apaches, Navajos, Mojaves, Hualapais, Yumas, Cosninos, Yampais, Yalchedunes, Yamajabs, Cochees, Cruzados, Nijoras, Cocopas, and others.

The Comanches inhabit Western Texas, Eastern New Mexico, and Eastern Mexico, and from the Arkansas River north to near the Gulf of Mexico south. Range 'over the plains of the Arkansas from the vicinity of Bent's fort, at the parallel of 38°, to the Gulf of Mexico ... from the eastern base of the Llano Estacado to about the meridian of longitude 98th.' Pope, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 16. From the western border of the Choctaw country 'uninterruptedly along the Canadian to Tucumcari creek and thence, occasionally, to Rio Pecos. From this line they pursue the buffalo northward as far as the Sioux country, and on the south are scarcely limited by the frontier settlements of Mexico.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 592 8, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'During summer ... as far north as the Arkansas river, their winters they usually pass about the head branches of the Brazos and Colorado rivers of Texas.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., p. 307. 'Between 102° and 104° longitude and 33° and 37° north latitude.' Norton, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 146. 'About thirteen thousand square miles of the southern portion of Colorado, and probably a much larger extent of the neighboring States of Kansas and Texas, and Territory of New Mexico and the "Indian country," are occupied by the Kioways and Comanches.' Dole, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, p. 34; Evans and Collins, in Id., pp. 230, 242; Martinez, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 487. 'En Invierno se acercan á Téjas, y en Estío á la sierra de Santa Fe.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 251. 'Comanches ou Hietans (Eubaous, Yetas), dans le nord-ouest du Texas.' Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1852, tom. cxxxiii., p. 225. 'Originaire du Nouveau-Mexique; mais ... ils descendent souvent dans les plaines de la Basse-Californie et de la Sonora.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 192. 'Range east of the mountains of New Mexico.' Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 244. 'In dem uncultivirten Theile des Bolson de Mapimi' (Chihuahua). Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 214; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., pp. 221-2. 'Entre la rivière Rouge et le Missouri, et traversent el Rio-Bravo-del-Norte.' Dufey, Resumé de l'Hist., tom. i., p. 4. 'Upon the south and west side' of the Rio Brazos. Marcy's Rept., p. 217; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 43-6. 'Im Westen des Mississippi und des Arcansas ... und bis an das linke Ufer des Rio Grande.' Ludecus, Reise, p. 104. 'Range from the sources of the Brazos and Colorado, rivers of Texas, over the great Prairies, to the waters of the Arkansas and the mountains of Rio Grande.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 51. Concurrent statements in Wilson's Amer. Hist., p. 625; Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 549; Ward's Mexico, vol. ii., p. 557; Moore's Texas, p. 30; Dewees' Texas, p. 233; Holley's Texas, p. 152; Dragoon Camp., p. 153. 'La nacion comanche, que está situada entre el Estado de Texas y el de Nuevo México ... se compone de las siguientes tribus ó pueblos, á saber: Yaparehca, Cuhtzuteca, Penandé, Pacarabó, Caiguarás, Noconi ó Yiuhta, Napuat ó Quetahtore, Yapainé, Muvinábore. Sianábone, Caigua, Sarritehca y Quitzaené.' García Rejon, in Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 347. 'Extends from the Witchita Mountains as far as New Mexico, and is divided into four bands, called respectively the Cuchanticas, the Tupes, the Yampaxicas, and the Eastern Comanches.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 21. See also: Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 344, 348-9; Foote's Texas, vol. i., p. 298; Frost's Ind. Wars, p. 293.

The Comanches live in Western Texas, Eastern New Mexico, and Eastern Mexico, stretching from the Arkansas River in the north to near the Gulf of Mexico in the south. They range across the plains of the Arkansas from near Bent's fort, at latitude 38°, to the Gulf of Mexico... from the eastern base of the Llano Estacado to about longitude 98°. Pope, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 16. From the western edge of the Choctaw territory, they move 'uninterruptedly along the Canadian to Tucumcari creek and then, occasionally, to the Rio Pecos. From this line, they follow the buffalo northward as far as the Sioux territory and to the south, they are hardly limited by the frontier settlements of Mexico.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 592 8, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'In the summer, they go as far north as the Arkansas river, and they usually spend the winter around the upper branches of the Brazos and Colorado rivers in Texas.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., p. 307. 'Between 102° and 104° longitude and 33° and 37° north latitude.' Norton, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 146. 'About thirteen thousand square miles of the southern part of Colorado, and likely a much larger area in nearby states like Kansas and Texas, as well as in the Territory of New Mexico and the "Indian country," are occupied by the Kioways and Comanches.' Dole, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, p. 34; Evans and Collins, in Id., pp. 230, 242; Martinez, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 487. 'In winter, they move closer to Texas, and in summer they head to the Sierra of Santa Fe.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 251. 'Comanches or Hietans (Eubaous, Yetas), in the northwest of Texas.' Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1852, vol. cxxxiii., p. 225. 'Originally from New Mexico; however, they often descend into the plains of Lower California and Sonora.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, series v., No. 96, p. 192. 'Range east of the mountains of New Mexico.' Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 244. 'In the uncultivated part of the Bolson de Mapimi' (Chihuahua). Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 214; Froebel, Aus Amerika, vol. ii., pp. 221-2. 'Between the Red River and the Missouri, and across the Rio Grande del Norte.' Dufey, Resumé de l'Hist., vol. i., p. 4. 'On the south and west side' of the Rio Brazos. Marcy's Rept., p. 217; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 43-6. 'In the west of the Mississippi and Arkansas... and down to the left bank of the Rio Grande.' Ludecus, Reise, p. 104. 'Range from the sources of the Brazos and Colorado rivers in Texas, across the great Prairies, to the waters of the Arkansas and the mountains of the Rio Grande.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 51. Additional statements in Wilson's Amer. Hist., p. 625; Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 549; Ward's Mexico, vol. ii., p. 557; Moore's Texas, p. 30; Dewees' Texas, p. 233; Holley's Texas, p. 152; Dragoon Camp., p. 153. 'The Comanche nation, located between Texas and New Mexico ... comprises the following tribes or communities, namely: Yaparehca, Cuhtzuteca, Penandé, Pacarabó, Caiguarás, Noconi or Yiuhta, Napuat or Quetahtore, Yapainé, Muvinábore, Sianábone, Caigua, Sarritehca, and Quitzaené.' García Rejon, in Pimentel, Cuadro, vol. ii., p. 347. 'Extends from the Wichita Mountains to New Mexico and is divided into four bands, called the Cuchanticas, the Tupes, the Yampaxicas, and the Eastern Comanches.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 21. See also: Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 344, 348-9; Foote's Texas, vol. i., p. 298; Frost's Ind. Wars, p. 293.

APACHE TRIBES.

APACHE NATIONS.

The Apaches may be said to 'extend from the country of the Utahs, in latitude 38° north to about the 30th parallel.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 325. 'Along both sides of the Rio Grande, from the southern limits of the Navajo country at the parallel of 34°, to the extreme southern line of the Territory, and from thence over the States of Chihuahua, Sonora, and Durango, of Mexico. Their range eastward is as far as the valley of the Pecos, and they are found as far to the west as the Pimos villages on the Gila.' Pope, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 13. Scattered 'throughout the whole of Arizona, a large part of New Mexico, and all the northern portion of Chihuahua and Sonora, and in some parts of Durango.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 593 141. Range 'over some portions of California, most of Sonora, the frontiers of Durango, and ... Chihuahua.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 291. Apatschee, a nation 'welche um ganz Neu-Biscaya, und auch an Tarahumara gränzet.' Steffel, in Murr, Nachrichten, p. 302. 'Reicht das Gebiet der Apache-Indianer vom 103. bis zum 114. Grad westlicher Länge von Greenwich, und von den Grenzen des Utah-Gebietes, dem 38. Grad, bis hinunter zum 30. Grad nördlicher Breite.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 229. Inhabit 'all the country north and south of the Gila, and both sides of the Del Norte, about the parallel of the Jornada and Dead Man's lakes.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 132. 'Tota hæc regio, quam Novam Mexicanam vocant, ab omnibus pene lateribus ambitur ab Apachibus.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 316. 'Recorren las provincias del Norte de México, llegando algunas veces hasta cerca de Zacatecas.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 251. 'Derramadas desde la Intendencia de San Luis Potosí hasta la extremidad setentrional del golfo de California.' Balbi, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 385. 'Se extienden en el vasto espacio ... que comprenden los grados 30 á 38 de latitud norte, y 264 á 277 de longitude de Tenerife.' Cordero, in Id., p. 369; see also Id., p. 40. 'From the entrance of the Rio Grande to the Gulf of California.' Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 337. 'The southern and south-western portions of New Mexico, and mainly the valley of the Gila.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 203; Bent, in Id., vol. i., p. 243. 'Scarcely extends farther north than Albuquerque ... nor more than two hundred miles south of El Paso del Norte; east, the vicinity of the White Mountains; west, generally no further than the borders of Sonora.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 207. 'Ils ont principalement habité le triangle formé par le Rio del Norte, le Gila et le Colorado de l'ouest.' Turner, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1852, tom. cxxxv., pp. 307, 313. Concurrent authorities: Gallatin, in Id., 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 298, 301; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 453; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., pp. 8, 186; Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 345; Stanley's Portraits, p. 57; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 297; Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 549; Western Scenes, p. 233; Mill's Hist. Mex., p. 170; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 456; Conder's Mex. Guat., vol. ii., p. 74-5; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 4-6; Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 180; Poston, in Id., 1864, p. 155; Clark, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 336.

The Apaches can be said to 'span from the area of the Utahs, at latitude 38° north, down to about the 30th parallel.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 325. 'They inhabit both sides of the Rio Grande, from the southern edges of Navajo territory at the 34° parallel to the southernmost boundary of the Territory, and from there into the states of Chihuahua, Sonora, and Durango in Mexico. Their range goes east as far as the Pecos Valley, and they can be found as far west as the Pimo villages on the Gila.' Pope, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 13. Scattered 'throughout Arizona, a large part of New Mexico, all of northern Chihuahua and Sonora, and some regions of Durango.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 593 141. They also range 'over some areas of California, most of Sonora, the borders of Durango, and ... Chihuahua.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 291. Apatschee, a nation 'that borders all of New Biscaya, and also on Tarahumara.' Steffel, in Murr, Nachrichten, p. 302. 'The territory of the Apache Indians stretches from the 103rd to the 114th degrees west longitude from Greenwich, and from the edges of Utah territory, the 38th degree, down to the 30th degree north latitude.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 229. They inhabit 'all the lands north and south of the Gila, and both sides of the Del Norte, around the parallel of Jornada and Dead Man's lakes.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 132. 'This entire region, known as New Mexico, is nearly surrounded by Apaches.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 316. 'They traverse the northern provinces of Mexico, sometimes reaching close to Zacatecas.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 251. 'Spread from San Luis Potosí down to the northern tip of the Gulf of California.' Balbi, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 385. 'They extend across the vast area ... covering degrees 30 to 38 of northern latitude and 264 to 277 of longitude from Tenerife.' Cordero, in Id., p. 369; see also Id., p. 40. 'From the mouth of the Rio Grande to the Gulf of California.' Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 337. 'The southern and southwestern parts of New Mexico, primarily the Gila Valley.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 203; Bent, in Id., vol. i., p. 243. 'They hardly extend further north than Albuquerque ... nor more than two hundred miles south of El Paso del Norte; east, near the White Mountains; west, usually no further than the borders of Sonora.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 207. 'They mainly lived in the triangle formed by the Rio del Norte, the Gila, and the Colorado River to the west.' Turner, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1852, tom. cxxxv., pp. 307, 313. Concurrent authorities: Gallatin, in Id., 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 298, 301; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 453; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., pp. 8, 186; Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 345; Stanley's Portraits, p. 57; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 297; Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 549; Western Scenes, p. 233; Mill's Hist. Mex., p. 170; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 456; Conder's Mex. Guat., vol. ii., pp. 74-5; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 4-6; Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 180; Poston, in Id., 1864, p. 155; Clark, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 336.

The Apache nation is divided into the following tribes; Chiricagüis, Coyoteros, Faraones, Gileños, Copper Mine Apaches, Lipanes, Llaneros, Mescaleros, Mimbreños, Natages, Pelones, Pinaleños, Tontos, Vaqueros, and Xicarillas.

The Apache Nation is made up of the following tribes: Chiricagüis, Coyoteros, Faraones, Gileños, Copper Mine Apaches, Lipanes, Llaneros, Mescaleros, Mimbreños, Natages, Pelones, Pinaleños, Tontos, Vaqueros, and Xicarillas.

The Lipanes roam through western Texas, Coahuila, and the eastern portion of Chihuahua. Their territory is bounded on the west by the 'lands of the Llaneros; on the north, the Comanche country; on the east, the province of Cohaguila; and on the south, the left bank of the Rio Grande del Norte.' Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 119; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 8, in Id.; Pope, in Id., vol. ii., p. 14. The Lee Panis 'rove from the Rio Grande to some distance into the province of Texas. Their former residence was on the Rio Grande, near the sea shore.' Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 363. Su 'principal asiento es en Coahuila, Nuevo Leon y Tamaulipas.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 251. 'Divídese en dos 594 clases ... la primera ha estado enlazada con los mescaleros y llaneros, y ocupa los terrenos contiguos á aquellas tribus: la segunda vive generalmente en la frontera de la provincia de Tejas y orillas del mar.... Por el Poniente son sus limites los llaneros; por el Norte los comanches; por el Oriente los carancaguaces y borrados, provincia de Tejas, y por el Sur nuestra frontera (Mexico).' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 382. 'From time immemorial has roved and is yet roving over the Bolson de Mapimi.' Wislizenus' Tour, p. 70. 'Frequented the bays of Aransas and Corpus Christi, and the country lying between them and the Rio Grande.' Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 349; Foote's Texas, p. 298. See also: Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 289; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 210; Moore's Texas, p. 31; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 6.

The Lipanes move around western Texas, Coahuila, and the eastern part of Chihuahua. Their territory is bordered on the west by the lands of the Llaneros; to the north, the Comanche territory; to the east, the province of Cohaguila; and to the south, the left bank of the Rio Grande del Norte. Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 119; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 8, in Id.; Pope, in Id., vol. ii., p. 14. The Lee Panis roamed from the Rio Grande to some distance into the province of Texas. Their former home was along the Rio Grande, close to the coastline. Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 363. Their main settlement is in Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and Tamaulipas. Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 251. They are divided into two classes... the first has been connected with the Mescaleros and Llaneros and occupies the lands adjacent to those tribes: the second generally lives on the border of the province of Texas and along the coast.... To the west, their limits are the Llaneros; to the north, the Comanches; to the east, the Carancaguaces and the Borrachos, in the province of Texas; and to the south, our border (Mexico). Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 382. 'From time immemorial, they have roamed and continue to roam over the Bolson de Mapimi.' Wislizenus' Tour, p. 70. 'They frequented the bays of Aransas and Corpus Christi, and the land between them and the Rio Grande.' Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 349; Foote's Texas, p. 298. See also: Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 289; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 210; Moore's Texas, p. 31; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 6.

The Mescaleros inhabit 'the mountains on both banks of the river Pecos, as far as the mountains that form the head of the Bolson de Mapimi, and there terminate on the right bank of the Rio Grande. Its limit on the west is the tribe of the Taracones; on the north, the extensive territories of the Comanche people; on the east, the coast of the Llanero Indians; and on the south, the desert Bolson de Mapimi.' Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 119. 'Im Bolsón de Mapimí und in den östlichen Gränzgebirgen del Chanáte, del Diablo puerco und de los Pílares.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 521. 'Occupent le Bolson de Mapimi, les montagnes de Chanate, et celles de los Organos, sur la rive gauche du Rio Grande del Norte.' Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 289. Live 'east of the Rio del Norte.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 290; Carleton, in Smithsonian Rept., 1854, p. 315; Western Scenes, p. 233; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 6; Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 343. 'On the east side of the Rio Grande, and on both sides of the Pecos, extending up the latter river ... to about the thirty-fourth parallel.' Merriwether, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 170-1. See also: Steck, in Id., 1858, pp. 195-8, 1863, p. 108; Collins, in Id., 1862, p. 240; Cooley, in Id., 1865, p. 20; Norton, in Id., 1866, p. 145.

The Mescaleros live in the mountains on both sides of the Pecos River, reaching as far as the mountains that border the head of the Bolson de Mapimi, and ending on the right bank of the Rio Grande. To the west, they are bordered by the Taracones; to the north, by the vast lands of the Comanche people; to the east, by the coastline of the Llanero Indians; and to the south, by the desert Bolson de Mapimi. Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 119. 'In the Bolson de Mapimí and in the eastern border mountains of Chanáte, the Devil’s Pig and the Pílares.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 521. 'They occupy the Bolson de Mapimi, the mountains of Chanate, and those of los Organos, on the left bank of the Rio Grande del Norte.' Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 289. Live 'east of the Rio del Norte.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 290; Carleton, in Smithsonian Rept., 1854, p. 315; Western Scenes, p. 233; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 6; Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 343. 'On the east side of the Rio Grande, and on both sides of the Pecos, extending up the latter river ... to about the thirty-fourth parallel.' Merriwether, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 170-1. See also: Steck, in Id., 1858, pp. 195-8, 1863, p. 108; Collins, in Id., 1862, p. 240; Cooley, in Id., 1865, p. 20; Norton, in Id., 1866, p. 145.

'The Copper Mine Apaches occupy the country on both sides of the Rio Grande, and extend west to the country of the Coyoteros and Pinalinos, near the eastern San Francisco River.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 323.

'The Copper Mine Apaches live on both sides of the Rio Grande and stretch west to the territories of the Coyoteros and Pinalinos, close to the eastern San Francisco River.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 323.

The Faraones, Pharaones or Taracones, 'inhabit the mountains between the river Grande del Norte and the Pecos.' Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 119. The following concur; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 213, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 521; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 416; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 289.

The Faraones, Pharaones, or Taracones "live in the mountains between the Grande del Norte River and the Pecos." Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 119. The following sources agree: Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. i., p. 213, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 521; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, vol. ii., p. 416; Humboldt, Essai Pol., vol. i., p. 289.

The 'Xicarillas anciently inhabited the forests of that name in the far territories to the north of New Mexico, until they were driven out by the Comanches, and now live on the limits of the province, some of them having gone into the chasms (cañadas) and mountains between Pecuries and Taos, which are the last towns of the province.' Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 119. 'Inhabiting the mountains north of Taos.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 285. 'Les Jicorillas, à l'extrémité nord du Nouveau-Mexique.' Turner, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1852, tom. cxxxv., p. 310. 'From the Rio Grande eastward beyond the Red river, between the thirty-fourth and thirty-seventh parallels.' Merriwether, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 170. 'In 595 the mountains which lie between Santa Fé, Taos, and Abiquin.' Collins, in Id., 1860, pp. 159-60. 'At the Cimarron.' Graves, in Id., 1866, p. 133. 'Upon Rio Ose, west of the Rio Grande.' Davis, in Id., 1868, p. 160; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 8.

The 'Xicarillas originally lived in the forests that share their name in the distant regions north of New Mexico until they were pushed out by the Comanches. Now, they reside at the edge of the province, with some moving into the canyons and mountains between Pecuries and Taos, which are the last towns in the province.' Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 119. 'Living in the mountains north of Taos.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 285. 'Les Jicorillas, at the far north of New Mexico.' Turner, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1852, tom. cxxxv., p. 310. 'From the Rio Grande eastward beyond the Red River, between the thirty-fourth and thirty-seventh parallels.' Merriwether, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 170. 'In 595 the mountains between Santa Fé, Taos, and Abiquin.' Collins, in Id., 1860, pp. 159-60. 'At the Cimarron.' Graves, in Id., 1866, p. 133. 'On Rio Ose, west of the Rio Grande.' Davis, in Id., 1868, p. 160; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 8.

The Llaneros occupy 'the great plains and sands that lie between the Pecos and the left bank of the river Grande del Norte.' Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 119. Inhabit the 'cajones de la Cabellera y Pitaycachi, Sierra de Mimbres, Laguna de Guzman.' Barrangan, in El Orden, Mex., Decemb. 27, 1853. 'Ocupan ... los llanos y arenales situados entre el rio de Pecos, nombrado por ellos Tjunchi, y el Colorado que llaman Tjulchide.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 381; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 6.

The Llaneros live in "the vast plains and sands that stretch between the Pecos River and the left bank of the Rio Grande." Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 119. They inhabit the "cajones de la Cabellera y Pitaycachi, Sierra de Mimbres, Laguna de Guzman." Barrangan, in El Orden, Mex., Decemb. 27, 1853. "They occupy ... the plains and sandy areas located between the Pecos River, which they call Tjunchi, and the Colorado River, which they call Tjulchide." Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 381; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 6.

The Mimbreños have their hunting grounds upon the Mimbres Mountains and River, and range between the sierras San Mateo and J'lorida on the north and south, and between the Burros and Mogoyen on the west and east. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 207. 'Südlich von den Apáches Gileños, an den Gränzen von Chihuáhua und Neu-Mejico jagen in den Gebirgen im Osten die Apáches Mimbreños.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 211. 'La provincia de Nuevo México es su confin por el Norte; por el Poniente la parcialidad mimbreña; por el Oriente la faraona, y por el Sur nuestra frontera.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 380. See also: Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 119; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 6. 'In the wild ravines of the Sierra de Acha.' Mill's Hist. Mex., p. 185.

The Mimbreños have their hunting areas in the Mimbres Mountains and River, stretching between the San Mateo and J'lorida ranges to the north and south, and between the Burros and Mogoyen ranges to the west and east. Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 207. 'South of the Gileños Apaches, along the borders of Chihuahua and New Mexico, the Mimbreños hunt in the eastern mountains.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 211. 'The province of New Mexico is their boundary to the north; to the west, the Mimbreño faction; to the east, the Faraona, and to the south, our border.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 380. See also: Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 119; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 6. 'In the wild ravines of the Sierra de Acha.' Mill's Hist. Mex., p. 185.

The Chiricaguis adjoin on the north 'the Tontos and Moquinos; on the east the Gileños; and on the south and west the province of Sonora.' Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 119. 'Live in the mountains of that name, the Sierra Largua and Dos Cabaces.' Steck, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, pp. 345-6.

The Chiricaguis border the Tontos and Moquinos to the north, the Gileños to the east, and the province of Sonora to the south and west. Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 119. They live in the mountains of that name, the Sierra Largua and Dos Cabaces. Steck, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, pp. 345-6.

The Tontos 'inhabit the northern side of the Gila from Antelope Peak to the Pimo villages.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 130. 'Between Rio Verde and the Aztec range of mountains,' and 'from Pueblo creek to the junction of Rio Verde with the Salinas.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 14-15; in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Cortez, in Id., p. 118. 'Südlich von den Wohnsitzen der Cocomaricópas und dem Rio Gila.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 211. On the 'rio Puerco.' Barrangan, in El Orden, Mex., Decemb. 27, 1853. 'In the cañons to the north and east of the Mazatsal peaks.' Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 417. See Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 460; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 185, vol. ii., p. 7. 'Inhabit the Tonto basin from the Mogollon Mountains on the north to Salt River on the south, and between the Sierra Ancha on the east to the Mazatsal Mountains.' Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 94. 'On both sides of the Verde from its source to the East Fork, and ... around the headwaters of the Chiquito Colorado, on the northern slope of the Black Mesa or Mogollon Mountains ... on the north, to Salt River on the south, and between the Sierra Ancha on the east and the Mazatsal Mountains on the west.' Jones, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 221.

The Tontos live on the northern side of the Gila from Antelope Peak to the Pimo villages. Cremony's Apaches, p. 130. They are found 'between Rio Verde and the Aztec mountain range' and 'from Pueblo Creek to where Rio Verde meets the Salinas.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 14-15; in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Cortez, in Id., p. 118. 'South of the Cocomaricópas's settlements and the Rio Gila.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. i., p. 211. Regarding the 'Rio Puerco.' Barrangan, in El Orden, Mex., Decemb. 27, 1853. 'In the canyons to the north and east of the Mazatsal peaks.' Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 417. See Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 460; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 185, vol. ii., p. 7. They 'inhabit the Tonto basin from the Mogollon Mountains to the north to Salt River to the south, and between the Sierra Ancha to the east and the Mazatsal Mountains to the west.' Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 94. 'On both sides of the Verde from its source to the East Fork, and ... around the headwaters of the Chiquito Colorado, on the northern slope of the Black Mesa or Mogollon Mountains ... on the north, to Salt River on the south, and between the Sierra Ancha on the east and the Mazatsal Mountains on the west.' Jones, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 221.

The Pinaleños, Piñols or Piñals range 'over an extensive circuit between the Sierra Piñal and the Sierra Blanca.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 308. 'Between the Colorado Chiquito and Rio Gila.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., 596 p. 14, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. See also: Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 147; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 150. In 'the country watered by the Salinas and other tributaries of the Gila.' Steck, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 346; also Whittier, in Id., 1868, p. 141; Colyer, in Id., 1869, p. 94; Jones, in Id., p. 222.

The Pinaleños, Piñols, or Piñals are found 'over a wide area between the Sierra Piñal and the Sierra Blanca.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 308. 'Between the Colorado Chiquito and Rio Gila.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., 596 p. 14, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. Also see: Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 147; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 150. In 'the area served by the Salinas and other tributaries of the Gila.' Steck, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 346; also Whittier, in Id., 1868, p. 141; Colyer, in Id., 1869, p. 94; Jones, in Id., p. 222.

The Coyoteros 'live in the country north of the Gila and east of the San Carlos.' Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 223. 'Upon the Rio San Francisco, and head waters of the Salinas.' Steck, in Id., 1859, p. 346; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 185; Hardy's Trav., p. 430.

The Coyoteros live in the area north of the Gila and east of San Carlos. Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 223. "Along the Rio San Francisco and the headwaters of the Salinas." Steck, in Id., 1859, p. 346; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 185; Hardy's Trav., p. 430.

'The Gileños inhabit the mountains immediately on the river Gila ... bounded on the west by the Chiricagüìs; on the north by the province of New Mexico; on the east by the Mimbreño tribe.' Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 119. 'Oestlich von diesem Flusse (Gila), zwischen ihm und dem südlichen Fusse der Sierra de los Mimbres, eines Theiles der Sierra Madre.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 421; Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 380; Maxwell, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1873, p. 116.

The Gileños live in the mountains right by the Gila River, bordered to the west by the Chiricagüìs, to the north by the province of New Mexico, and to the east by the Mimbreño tribe. Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 119. 'East of this river (Gila), between it and the southern foothills of the Sierra de los Mimbres, part of the Sierra Madre.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 421; Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 380; Maxwell, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1873, p. 116.

The Apache Mojaves are 'a mongrel race of Indians living between the Verde or San Francisco and the Colorado.' Poston, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 156.

The Apache Mojaves are a mixed group of Native Americans living between the Verde or San Francisco and the Colorado. Poston, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 156.

The Navajos occupy 'a district in the Territory of New Mexico, lying between the San Juan river on the north and northeast, the Pueblo of Zuñi on the south, the Moqui villages on the west, and the ridge of land dividing the waters which flow into the Atlantic ocean from those which flow into the Pacific on the east.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 283. 'Extending from near the 107th to 111th meridian, and from the 34th to the 37th parallel of latitude.' Clark, in Hist. Mag., vol. viii., p. 280. Northward from the 35th parallel 'to Rio San Juan, valley of Tuñe Cha, and Cañon de Chelle.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 13, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'Between the Del Norte and Colorado of the West,' in the northwestern portion of New Mexico. Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 216. 'In the main range of Cordilleras, 150 to 200 miles west of Santa Fé, on the waters of Rio Colorado of California.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 285-6. 'Between the del Norte and the Sierra Anahuac, situated upon the Rio Chama and Puerco,—from thence extending along the Sierra de los Mimbros, into the province of Sonora.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180. 'La Provincia de Navajoos, que está situada à la parte de el Norte del Moqui, y à la del Noruest de la Villa de Santa Fee.' Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 426. 'Esta nacion dista de las fronteras de Nuevo-México como veinticinco leguas, entre los pueblos de Moqui, Zuñi y la capital (Santa Fé).' Barreiro, Ojeada sobre N. Mex., app., p. 10. 'Habita la sierra y mesas de Navajó.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 382. See also: Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. iii., p. 295. 'Along the 34th parallel, north latitude.' Mowry's Arizona, p. 16. 'On the tributaries of the river San Juan, west of the Rio Grande, and east of the Colorado, and between the thirty-fifth and thirty-seventh parallels of north latitude.' Merriwether, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 172. 'From Cañon de Chelly to Rio San Juan.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 460. 'From the Rio San Juan to the Gila.' Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 179. 'Directly west from Santa Fé, extending from near the 597 Rio Grande on the east, to the Colorado on the west; and from the land of the Utahs on the north, to the Apaches on the south.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 209. 'Fifty miles from the Rio del Norte.' Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 102. 'From the 33° to the 38° of north latitude.' and 'from Soccorro to the valley of Taos.' Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 202. Concurrent authorities: Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 78; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 184; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 132.

The Navajos live in a region in New Mexico, bordered by the San Juan River to the north and northeast, the Pueblo of Zuñi to the south, the Moqui villages to the west, and the land ridge that separates the waters flowing into the Atlantic Ocean from those flowing into the Pacific on the east.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 283. 'Their area stretches from around the 107th to the 111th meridian and from the 34th to the 37th parallel of latitude.' Clark, in Hist. Mag., vol. viii., p. 280. Northward from the 35th parallel 'to the Rio San Juan, Tuñe Cha valley, and Cañon de Chelly.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 13, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'Located between the Del Norte and Colorado of the West,' in the northwestern part of New Mexico. Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 216. 'In the main range of the Cordilleras, 150 to 200 miles west of Santa Fé, near the waters of the Colorado River of California.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 285-6. 'Between the Del Norte and the Sierra Anahuac, situated on the Rio Chama and Puerco, extending along the Sierra de los Mimbros, into the province of Sonora.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180. 'La Provincia de Navajoos, que está situada à la parte de el Norte del Moqui, y à la del Noruest de la Villa de Santa Fee.' Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 426. 'This nation is about twenty-five leagues from the borders of New Mexico, between the Moqui and Zuñi towns and the capital (Santa Fé).' Barreiro, Ojeada sobre N. Mex., app., p. 10. 'They inhabit the mountains and plateaus of Navajó.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 382. See also: Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. iii., p. 295. 'Along the 34th parallel of north latitude.' Mowry's Arizona, p. 16. 'On the tributaries of the San Juan River, west of the Rio Grande, and east of the Colorado, lying between the thirty-fifth and thirty-seventh parallels of north latitude.' Merriwether, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 172. 'From Cañon de Chelly to Rio San Juan.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 460. 'From the Rio San Juan to the Gila.' Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 179. 'Directly west of Santa Fé, extending from near the Rio Grande on the east to the Colorado on the west; and from the lands of the Utahs in the north to the Apaches in the south.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 209. 'Fifty miles from the Rio del Norte.' Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 102. 'From 33° to 38° north latitude.' and 'from Socorro to the valley of Taos.' Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 202. Concurrent authorities: Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 78; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 184; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 132.

MOJAVES AND YUMAS.

Mojaves and Yumas.

The Mojaves dwell on the Mojave and Colorado rivers, as far up as Black Cañon. The word Mojave 'appears to be formed of two Yuma words—hamook (three), and häbî (mountains)—and designates the tribe of Indians which occupies a valley of the Colorado lying between three mountains. The ranges supposed to be referred to are: 1st, "The Needles," which terminates the valley upon the south, and is called Asientic-häbî, or first range; 2d, the heights that bound the right bank of the Colorado north of the Mojave villages, termed Havic-häbî, or second range; and, 3d, the Blue Ridge, extending along the left bank of the river, to which has been given the name of Hamook-häbî, or third range.' Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 30. 'Von 34° 36´ nordwärts bis zum Black Cañon.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., pp. 430-4. 'Inhabit the Cottonwood valley.' Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 79. 'Occupy the country watered by a river of the same name, which empties into the Colorado.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 178. 'The Mohaves, or Hamockhaves, occupy the river above the Yumas.' Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 302. See further: Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 122; Cal. Mercantile Jour., vol. i., p. 227; Jones, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 217; Willis, in Id., Spec. Com., 1867, pp. 329-30; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 123.

The Mojaves live along the Mojave and Colorado rivers, reaching up to Black Cañon. The term Mojave seems to come from two Yuma words—hamook (three) and häbî (mountains)—and refers to the tribe of Indians that occupies a valley of the Colorado nestled between three mountains. The ranges that are thought to be referenced are: 1st, "The Needles," which forms the southern end of the valley and is called Asientic-häbî, or first range; 2nd, the heights bordering the right bank of the Colorado north of the Mojave villages, known as Havic-häbî, or second range; and 3rd, the Blue Ridge, which stretches along the left bank of the river, referred to as Hamook-häbî, or third range. Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 30. 'From 34° 36' north to Black Cañon.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., vol. i., pp. 430-4. 'Inhabit the Cottonwood valley.' Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 79. 'Live in the area around a river of the same name, which flows into the Colorado.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 178. 'The Mohaves, or Hamockhaves, reside above the Yumas on the river.' Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 302. See further: Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 122; Cal. Mercantile Jour., vol. i., p. 227; Jones, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 217; Willis, in Id., Spec. Com., 1867, pp. 329-30; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 123.

The Hualapais are 'located chiefly in the Cerbat and Aquarius Mountains, and along the eastern slope of the Black Mountains. They range through Hualapai, Yampai, and Sacramento valleys, from Bill Williams Fork on the south to Diamond River on the north.' Jones, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 217. 'In the almost inaccessible mountains on the Upper Colorado.' Poston, in Id., 1863, p. 387. 'On the north and south of the road from Camp Mohave to Prescott.' Whittier, in Id., 1868, p. 140. 'In the northwest part of Arizona.' Willis, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 329.

The Hualapais are mainly found in the Cerbat and Aquarius Mountains, and along the eastern side of the Black Mountains. They extend through Hualapai, Yampai, and Sacramento valleys, from Bill Williams Fork in the south to Diamond River in the north.' Jones, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 217. 'In the nearly impossible-to-reach mountains on the Upper Colorado.' Poston, in Id., 1863, p. 387. 'To the north and south of the road from Camp Mohave to Prescott.' Whittier, in Id., 1868, p. 140. 'In the northwest part of Arizona.' Willis, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 329.

The Yumas or Cuchans range 'from the New River to the Colorado, and through the country between the latter river and the Gila, but may be said to inhabit the bottom lands of the Colorado, near the junction of the Gila and the Colorado.' Ind. Traits, vol. i., in Hayes Collection. 'Both sides of the Colorado both above and below the junction with the Gila.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., pp. 177-9. 'From about sixty miles above Fort Yuma to within a few miles of the most southern point of that part of the Colorado forming the boundary.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 107. 'Das eigentliche Gebiet dieses Stammes ist das Thal des untern Colorado; es beginnt dasselbe ungefähr achtzig Meilen oberhalb der Mündung des Gila, und erstreckt sich von da bis nahe an den Golf von Californien.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., vol. i., pp. 122, 430-1, 434. 'La junta del Gila con el Colorado, tierra poblada de la nacion yuma.' 598 Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 849. 'Le nord de la Basse-Californie, sur la rive droite du Rio-Colorado.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 186. 'For ten or fifteen miles north and south' in the valley near the mouth of the Gila. Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 42. See Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 101, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Latham's Comparative Philology, vol. viii., p. 420; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 78; Mowry's Arizona, p. 33; McKinstry, in San Francisco Herald, June, 1853; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 205; Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, pp. 301-2; Bailey, in Id., 1858, p. 202; Jones, in Id., 1869, p. 216; Howard, in Id., 1872, pp. 161-2; Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 561.

The Yumas or Cuchans live 'from the New River to the Colorado, and through the area between that river and the Gila, but can be said to occupy the lowlands of the Colorado, near where the Gila and Colorado join.' Ind. Traits, vol. i., in Hayes Collection. 'Both sides of the Colorado above and below the junction with the Gila.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., pp. 177-9. 'From about sixty miles above Fort Yuma to just a few miles from the southernmost point of the portion of the Colorado that forms the boundary.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 107. 'The actual territory of this tribe is the valley of the lower Colorado; it begins about eighty miles upstream from the Gila's mouth and extends from there close to the Gulf of California.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., vol. i., pp. 122, 430-1, 434. 'The junction of the Gila with the Colorado, land populated by the Yuma nation.' 598 Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 849. 'The north of Lower California, on the right bank of the Rio Colorado.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 186. 'For ten or fifteen miles north and south' in the valley near the mouth of the Gila. Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 42. See Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 101, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Latham's Comparative Philology, vol. viii., p. 420; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 78; Mowry's Arizona, p. 33; McKinstry, in San Francisco Herald, June, 1853; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 205; Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, pp. 301-2; Bailey, in Id., 1858, p. 202; Jones, in Id., 1869, p. 216; Howard, in Id., 1872, pp. 161-2; Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 561.

The Cosninos 'roam northward to the big bend of the Colorado.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 14, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'In the vicinity of Bill Williams and San Francisco Mountains.' Jones, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 221. See also: Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 484; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 185.

The Cosninos 'move north to the big bend of the Colorado.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Report, p. 14, in Pacific Railroad Report, vol. iii. 'Near Bill Williams and the San Francisco Mountains.' Jones, in Indian Affairs Report, 1869, p. 221. See also: Figuier's Human Race, p. 484; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 185.

The Yampais inhabit the country west and north-west of the Aztec range of mountains to the mouth of the Rio Virgen. Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 14, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'Am obern Colorado.' 'Nördlich von den Mohaves.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., pp. 431, 277. 'On the west bank of the Colorado, about the mouth of Bill Williams's fork.' Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 302; Poston, in Id., 1863, p. 387.

The Yampais live in the area to the west and northwest of the Aztec mountain range, all the way to the mouth of the Rio Virgen. Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 14, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'In northern Colorado.' 'North of the Mohaves.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., vol. i., pp. 431, 277. 'On the west bank of the Colorado, near the mouth of Bill Williams's fork.' Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 302; Poston, in Id., 1863, p. 387.

The Yalchedunes or Talchedunes 'live on the right bank of the Colorado, and their tribes first appear in lat. 33° 20´.' Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 124.

The Yalchedunes or Talchedunes live on the right bank of the Colorado, and their tribes first appear at latitude 33° 20´. Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 124.

The Yamajabs or Tamajabs 'are settled on the left bank of the Colorado from 34° of latitude to 35°.' Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 124; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 62.

The Yamajabs or Tamajabs are established on the left bank of the Colorado from 34° to 35° latitude. Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 124; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 62.

The Cochees are in the 'Chiricahua mountains, southern Arizona and northern Sonora.' Whittier, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1868, p. 141.

The Cochees are located in the Chiricahua Mountains, in southern Arizona and northern Sonora. Whittier, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1868, p. 141.

The Nijoras dwell in the basin of the Rio Azul. 'Petite tribu des bords du Gila.' Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 47; Gallatin, in Id., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 291.

The Nijoras live in the Rio Azul basin. 'Small tribe from the banks of the Gila.' Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, vol. cxxvi., p. 47; Gallatin, in Id., 1851, vol. cxxxi., p. 291.

The Soones live 'near the head waters of the Salinas.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 133; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 296.

The Soones live 'close to the source of the Salinas.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 133; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 296.

The Cocopas 'live along the Colorado for fifty miles from the mouth.' Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 31. 'On the Colorado bottoms were the Cocopahs, the southern gulf tribes of which Consag calls the Bagiopas, Hebonomas, Quigyamas, Cuculetes, and the Alchedumas.' Browne's Explor. of Lower Cal., p. 54. 'On the right bank of the river Colorado, from lat. 32° 18´ upward.' Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 123. 'Range all the way from Port Isabel, upon the east bank of the river (Colorado), to the boundary line between the Republic of Mexico and the United States.' Johnson's Hist. Arizona, p. 10. 'Between the Gila and the Gulf, and near the latter.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 179. See also: Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 107; Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 301; Poston, in Id., 1863, p. 386; Bailey, in Id., 1858, p. 202; Howard, in Id., 1872, p. 149. 599

The Cocopas live along the Colorado River for fifty miles from its mouth. Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 31. 'In the Colorado valley were the Cocopahs, along with the southern gulf tribes, which Consag refers to as the Bagiopas, Hebonomas, Quigyamas, Cuculetes, and the Alchedumas.' Browne's Explor. of Lower Cal., p. 54. 'On the right bank of the Colorado River, from latitude 32° 18' upwards.' Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 123. 'They range all the way from Port Isabel on the east bank of the Colorado River to the boundary line between Mexico and the United States.' Johnson's Hist. Arizona, p. 10. 'Located between the Gila River and the Gulf, and close to the latter.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 179. See also: Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 107; Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 301; Poston, in Id., 1863, p. 386; Bailey, in Id., 1858, p. 202; Howard, in Id., 1872, p. 149. 599

Without definitely locating them, Salmeron enumerates the following nations, seen by Oñate during his trip through New Mexico:

Without definitively locating them, Salmeron lists the following nations that Oñate saw during his journey through New Mexico:

The Cruzados, somewhere between the Moquis and the Rio Gila, near a river which he calls the Rio Sacramento. 'Dos jornadas de allí (Cruzados) estaba un rio de poco agua, por donde ellos iban á otro muy grande que entra en la mar, en cuyas orillas habia una nacion que se llama Amacava.' 'Pasada esta nacion de amacabos ... llegaron á la nacion de los Bahacechas.' 'Pasada esta nacion de Bahacecha, llegaron á la nacion de los indios ozaras.' 'La primera nacion pasado el rio del nombre de Jesus, es Halchedoma.' 'Luego está la nacion Cohuana.' 'Luego está la nacion Haglli.' 'Luego los Tlalliquamallas.' Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 31-6. 'La nacion Excanjaque que habita cien leguas del Nuevo-México, rumbo Nordeste.' Id., p. 92. 'Habitan indios excanjaques aquel tramo de tierra que en cuarenta y seis grados de altura al polo y ciento sesenta y dos de longitud, se tiende oblícuamente al abrigo que unas serranías hacen á un rio que corre Norueste, Sur deste á incorporarse con otro que se va á juntar con el Misissipi, son contérmino de los pananas.' Id., p. 107. 'Cerca de este llano de Matanza, está otro llano de esa otra parte del rio en que hay siete cerros, habitados de la nacion Aixas.' Id., p. 92. 'La nacion de los Aijados, que hace frente por la parte del Oriente y casi confina con la nacion Quivira por la parte del norte, estando vecina de los Tejas por Levante.' Paredes, in Id., p. 217.

The Cruzados, located between the Moquis and the Rio Gila, near a river he refers to as the Rio Sacramento. "Two days journey from there (Cruzados) was a small river, along which they were going to a much larger one that flows into the sea, where there was a nation called Amacava." "After passing this nation of Amacabos... they arrived at the nation of the Bahacechas." "After this nation of Bahacecha, they reached the nation of the Ozaras." "The first nation after crossing the river named Jesus is Halchedoma." "Next is the Cohuana nation." "Then there’s the Haglli nation." "Then the Tlalliquamallas." Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iii, vol. iv, pp. 31-6. "The Excanjaque nation, which lives a hundred leagues from New Mexico, to the Northeast." Id., p. 92. "The Excanjaques inhabit that stretch of land at forty-six degrees in height to the pole and one hundred sixty-two in longitude, situated obliquely sheltered by mountain ranges next to a river that flows Northwest, Southward to merge with another that joins the Mississippi, neighboring the Pananas." Id., p. 107. "Near this plain of Matanza is another plain across the river, which has seven hills, inhabited by the Aixas nation." Id., p. 92. "The nation of the Aijados faces East and almost borders the nation Quivira in the North, being close to the Tejas to the East." Paredes, in Id., p. 217.

PUEBLO FAMILY.

Pueblo Family.

In the Pueblo Family, besides the inhabitants of the villages situated in the valley of the Rio Grande del Norte, I include the seven Moqui villages lying west of the former, and also the Pimas, the Maricopas, the Pápagos, and the Sobaipuris with their congeners of the lower Gila river. 'The number of inhabited pueblos in the Territory [New Mexico] is twenty-six.... Their names are Taos, Picoris, Nambé, Tezuque, Pojuaque, San Juan, San Yldefonso, Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana, Cochiti, Isleta, Silla, Laguna, Acoma, Jemez, Zuñi, Sandia, and Santa Clara.... In Texas, a short distance below the southern boundary of New Mexico, and in the valley of the Del Norte, is a pueblo called Isleta of the South,' and another called Los Lentes. Davis' El Gringo, pp. 115-16. San Gerónimo de Taos, San Lorenzo de Picuries, San Juan de los Caballeros, Santo Tomas de Abiquiu, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, San Francisco de Nambé, Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe de Pojuaque, San Diego de Tesuque, N. S. de los Angeles de Tecos, San Buena Ventura de Cochiti, Santo Domingo, San Felipe, N. S. de los Dolores de Sandia, San Diego de Jemes, N. S. de la Asumpcion de Zia, Santa Ana, San Augustin del Isleta, N. S. de Belem, San Estevan de Acoma, San Josef de La Laguna, N. S. de Guadalupe de Zuñi. Alencaster, in Meline's Two Thousand Miles, p. 212. Taos, eighty-three miles north north-east of Santa Fé; Picuris, on Rio Picuris, sixty miles north by east of Santa Fé; San Juan, on the Rio Grande, thirty-four miles north of Santa Fé, on road to Taos; Santa Clara, twenty-six miles north north-west of Santa Fé; San Ildefonso, on Rio Grande, eighteen miles north of Santa Fé; Nambe, on Nambe Creek, three miles east of Pojuaque; Pojuaque, sixteen miles north of Santa Fé; Tesuque, eight miles north of Santa Fé; Cochiti, on west bank 600 of Rio Grande, twenty-four miles south-west of Santa Fé; Santo Domingo, on Rio Grande, six miles south of Cochiti; San Felipe, on Rio Grande, six miles south of Santo Domingo; Sandia, on Rio Grande, fifteen miles south of San Felipe; Isleta, on Rio Grande, thirty miles south of Sandia; Jemes, on Jemes River, fifty miles west of Santa Fé; Zia, near Jemes, fifty-five miles west of Santa Fé; Santa Ana, near Zia, sixty-five miles west of Santa Fé; Laguna, west of Albuquerque forty-five miles, on San José River; Acoma, one hundred and fifteen miles west of Santa Fé, on a rock five hundred feet high, fifteen miles south-west of Laguna; Zuñi, one hundred and ninety miles west south-west of Santa Fé, in the Navajo country, on Zuñi River. Meline's Two Thousand Miles, p. 222. See Abert, in Emory's Reconnoissance, pp. 488-94; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., pp. 10-12, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Ward, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, pp. 191, 193-4; Barreiro, Ojeada sobre N. Mex., p. 15. 'La primera, entrando sur á norte, es la nacion Tigua.... Están poblados junto á la sierra de Puruai, que toma el nombre del principal pueblo que se llama asi, y orillas del gran rio ... fueran de éste, pueblan otros dos pueblos, el uno San Pedro, rio abajo de Puruai y el otro Santiago, rio arriba.... La segunda nacion es la de Tahanos, que al rumbo oriental y mano derecha del camino, puebla un rio que de la parte del Oriente ... viene á unirse con el rio Grande; su pueblo principal es Zandia con otros dos pueblos.... La tercera nacion es la de los Gemex, que á la parte Occidua puebla las orillas del Rio-Puerco cuyo principal pueblo Qicinzigua.... La cuarta nacion es de los teguas, que están poblados al Norte de los tahanas, de esa otra parte del rio, su principal es Galisteo ... con otros dos pueblos, y hay al rumbo oriental, encaramada en una sierra alta, la quinta de Navon de los Pecos, su principal pueblo se llama así, otro se llama el Tuerto, con otras rancherías en aquellos picachos.... La sesta nacion es la de los queres.... El pueblo principal de esta nacion es Santo Domingo ... la sétima nacion al rumbo boreal es la de los tahos.... La octava nacion es la de los picuries, al rumbo Norueste de Santa Cruz, cuyo pueblo principal es San Felipe, orillas del rio Zama, y su visita Cochite, orilla del mismo rio.... La última nacion es la de los tompiras, que habita de esa otra parte de la cañada de Santa Clara y rio Zama, en un arroyo que junta al dicho rio, y es las fronteras de los llanos de Cíbola ó Zuñi.' Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 98-100.

In the Pueblo Family, along with the residents of the villages in the valley of the Rio Grande del Norte, I also include the seven Moqui villages located to the west of the former, as well as the Pimas, the Maricopas, the Pápagos, and the Sobaipuris with their relatives along the lower Gila River. "The number of inhabited pueblos in the Territory [New Mexico] is twenty-six.... Their names are Taos, Picoris, Nambé, Tezuque, Pojuaque, San Juan, San Yldefonso, Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana, Cochiti, Isleta, Silla, Laguna, Acoma, Jemez, Zuñi, Sandia, and Santa Clara.... In Texas, just below the southern boundary of New Mexico, in the valley of Del Norte, there is a pueblo called Isleta of the South, and another one called Los Lentes." Davis' El Gringo, pp. 115-16. San Gerónimo de Taos, San Lorenzo de Picuries, San Juan de los Caballeros, Santo Tomas de Abiquiu, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, San Francisco de Nambé, Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe de Pojuaque, San Diego de Tesuque, N. S. de los Angeles de Tecos, San Buena Ventura de Cochiti, Santo Domingo, San Felipe, N. S. de los Dolores de Sandia, San Diego de Jemes, N. S. de la Asumpcion de Zia, Santa Ana, San Augustin del Isleta, N. S. de Belem, San Estevan de Acoma, San Josef de La Laguna, N. S. de Guadalupe de Zuñi. Alencaster, in Meline's Two Thousand Miles, p. 212. Taos, eighty-three miles north-northeast of Santa Fé; Picuris, on Rio Picuris, sixty miles north by east of Santa Fé; San Juan, on the Rio Grande, thirty-four miles north of Santa Fé, on the road to Taos; Santa Clara, twenty-six miles north-northwest of Santa Fé; San Ildefonso, on Rio Grande, eighteen miles north of Santa Fé; Nambe, on Nambe Creek, three miles east of Pojuaque; Pojuaque, sixteen miles north of Santa Fé; Tesuque, eight miles north of Santa Fé; Cochiti, on the west bank 600 of Rio Grande, twenty-four miles southwest of Santa Fé; Santo Domingo, on Rio Grande, six miles south of Cochiti; San Felipe, on Rio Grande, six miles south of Santo Domingo; Sandia, on Rio Grande, fifteen miles south of San Felipe; Isleta, on Rio Grande, thirty miles south of Sandia; Jemez, on Jemez River, fifty miles west of Santa Fé; Zia, near Jemez, fifty-five miles west of Santa Fé; Santa Ana, near Zia, sixty-five miles west of Santa Fé; Laguna, forty-five miles west of Albuquerque, on San José River; Acoma, one hundred and fifteen miles west of Santa Fé, on a rock five hundred feet high, fifteen miles southwest of Laguna; Zuñi, one hundred and ninety miles west-southwest of Santa Fé, in Navajo country, on Zuñi River. Meline's Two Thousand Miles, p. 222. See Abert, in Emory's Reconnoissance, pp. 488-94; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., pp. 10-12, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Ward, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, pp. 191, 193-4; Barreiro, Ojeada sobre N. Mex., p. 15. "The first, entering from south to north, is the Tigua nation.... They are settled near the Puruai mountain range, which takes its name from the main village called the same, and along the great river ... aside from this, there are two other pueblos, one called San Pedro, downstream from Puruai, and the other Santiago, upstream.... The second nation is the Tahanos, which is on the right side of the road along a river that comes from the east... and merges with the Rio Grande; its main village is Zandia along with two other pueblos.... The third nation is the Gemex, which occupies the western banks of the Rio Puerco, with its main village being Qicinzigua.... The fourth nation consists of the Teguas, who are settled north of the Tahanos, on the other side of the river, their main village is Galisteo... with two other pueblos, and there is to the east, perched on a high mountain, the fifth of Navon of the Pecos, its main village is named after it, another is called El Tuerto, along with other rancherías in those peaks.... The sixth nation is the Queres.... The main village of this nation is Santo Domingo... the seventh nation in the northern direction is the Taos.... The eighth nation is the Picuries, to the northwest of Santa Cruz, whose main village is San Felipe, by the banks of the Zama River, and its visita is Cochiti, by the same river.... The last nation is the Tompiras, who live on the other side of the Santa Clara canyon and the Zama River, in a creek that joins the aforementioned river, and is on the borders of the plains of Cíbola or Zuñi." Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iii., vol. iv., pp. 98-100.

'Some sixty miles to the south southeast of Fort Defiance is situated the pueblo of Zuñi, on a small tributary of the Colorado Chiquito.' Davis' El Gringo, p. 422. 'On the Rio de Zuñi.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 90. 'To the N. E. of the Little Colorado, about lat. 35°, are the Zunis.' Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 563.

Some sixty miles to the south-southeast of Fort Defiance is the pueblo of Zuñi, located on a small tributary of the Colorado Chiquito. Davis' El Gringo, p. 422. 'On the Rio de Zuñi.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 90. 'To the northeast of the Little Colorado, around latitude 35°, are the Zunis.' Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 563.

The Moquis, are settled 'West from the Navajos, and in the fork between the Little and the Big Colorados.' The names of their villages are, according to Mr Leroux, 'Óráibè, Shúmuthpà, Múshàilnà, Ahlélà, Guálpí, Shiwinnà, Téquà.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 13, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'Westward of the capital of New Mexico ... Oraibe, Taucos, Moszasnavi, Guipaulavi, Xougopavi, Gualpi.' Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 121. 'Desde estos parages (Zuñi) corriendo para el Vest Noruest, empiezan los Pueblos, y Rancherías de las Provincias de Moqui Oraybe: los 601 Pueblos Moquinos son: Hualpi, Tanos, Moxonavi, Xongopavi, Quianna, Aguatubi, y Rio grande de espeleta.' Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., pp. 425-6; Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. ii., p. 527. 'The five pueblos in the Moqui are Orayxa, Masanais, Jongoapi, Gualpa, and another, the name of which is not known.' Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 195. 'The three eastern villages are located on one bluff, and are named as follows: Taywah, Sechomawe, Jualpi.... Five miles west of the above-named villages ... is ... the village of Meshonganawe.... One mile west of the last-named village ... is ... Shepowlawe. Five miles, in a northwestern direction, from the last-named village is ... Shungopawe. Five miles west of the latter ... is the Oreybe village.' Crothers, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 324. Further authorities: Palmer, in Id., 1870, p. 133; Browne's Apache Country, p. 290; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 185, vol. ii., p. 40; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 305; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 278; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 127; Marcy's Life on the Border, p. 111.

The Moquis are located 'West of the Navajos, at the junction of the Little and Big Colorados.' Their village names are, according to Mr. Leroux, 'Óráibè, Shúmuthpà, Múshàilnà, Ahlélà, Guálpí, Shiwinnà, Téquà.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 13, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'West of the capital of New Mexico ... Oraibe, Taucos, Moszasnavi, Guipaulavi, Xougopavi, Gualpi.' Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 121. 'From these areas (Zuni) heading towards the Northwest, the towns and ranches of the Moqui province begin: the 601 Moqui towns are: Hualpi, Tanos, Moxonavi, Xongopavi, Quianna, Aguatubi, and the Rio Grande de Espeleta.' Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., pp. 425-6; Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. ii., p. 527. 'The five pueblos in the Moqui are Orayxa, Masanais, Jongoapi, Gualpa, and another, whose name is unknown.' Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 195. 'The three eastern villages are on one bluff and are named: Taywah, Sechomawe, Jualpi.... Five miles west of these villages ... is ... the village of Meshonganawe.... One mile west of that village ... is ... Shepowlawe. Five miles northwest from the last village is ... Shungopawe. Five miles west of that is the Oreybe village.' Crothers, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 324. Further sources: Palmer, in Id., 1870, p. 133; Browne's Apache Country, p. 290; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 185, vol. ii., p. 40; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 305; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 278; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 127; Marcy's Life on the Border, p. 111.

THE PIMAS OF ARIZONA.

The Pimas of Arizona.

'The Pimas inhabit the country on both banks of the Gila River, two hundred miles above its mouth. They claim the territory lying between the following boundaries: Commencing at a mountain about twelve miles from the bend of the Gila River, the line runs up said river to the Maricopa Coppermine. The north line extends to Salt River and the southern one to the Picacho.' Walker's Pimas, MS. 'La partie la plus septentrionale de l'intendance de la Sonora porte le nom de la Pimeria.... On distingue la Pimeria alta de la Pimeria baxa.' Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 296. 'Corre, pues, esta Pimería alta, de Sur á Norte desde los 30 grados hasta los 34 que se cuentan desde esta mision de Nuestra Señora de los Dolores hasta el rio del Gila ... y de Oriente á Poniente desde el valle de los pimas, llamados sobaipuris, hasta las cercanías y costas del seno del mar californio, habitadas de los pimas sobas.... Por el Sur tiene el resto de las naciones ópata, endeves, pertenecientes á dicha provincia y entre ellas y la sierra-madre, de Oriente á Poniente, la Pimería baja.' Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., pp. 345-6. 'Los pueblos de pimas bajos son ... desde Taraitzi hasta Cumuripa, Onapa, Nuri, Movas y Oanbos lo son hàcia el Sur de Cumuripa, Suaqui, San José de Pimas, Santa Rosalía, Ures y Nacameri hácia el Poniente, son la frontera contra los seris.... Los pimas altos ocupan todo el terreno que hay desde de Cucurpe por Santa Ana Caborca hasta la mar de Oriente á Poniente y Sur Norte, todo lo que desde dicha mision tirando por Dolores, Remedios, Cocospera el presidio de Terrenate, y desde éste siguiendo el rio de San Pedro ó de los Sobaipuris hasta su junta con el rio Xila, y por ambas orillas de este hasta el Colorado y entre la mar, ó seno de Californias se encierra.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 553-4. 'From the river Yaqui in Sonora, northward to the Gila and even beyond the Tomosatzi (Colorado) eastward beyond the mountains in the province of Taraumara, and westward to the sea of Cortez,' Smith, Grammar of the Pima or Névome Language, p. viii; Id., Heve Language, pp. 5-7; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 396; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 216. 'Nördlich vom Flusse Yaqui, vom Dorfe S. José de Pimas bis zu dem über 60 Leguas nördlicher gelegenen Dorfe Cucurápe, bewohnen die Pimas bajas die Mitte des Landes.' 'Nördlich vom 602 Fluss Ascensión, von der Küste weit ins Land hinein, treffen wir die Pimas altas.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., pp. 419-20. 'Pimérie haute et basse. La première s'étend depuis les Rios Colorado et Gila jusqu'à la ville de Hermosillo et au Rio de los Ures, et la seconde depuis cette limite jusqu'au Rio del Fuerte qui la sépare de Sinaloa.' Mofras, Explor., tom. i., p. 208. 'Los pimas altos ocupan los partidos de la Magdalena y del Altar; lindan al Norte con el Gila; al Este con los apaches y con los ópatas, sirviendo de limite el rio San Pedro ó de Sobaipuris; al Oeste el mar de Cortés, y al Sur el terreno que ocuparon los séris.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 347. See also: Malte-Brun, Sonora, pp. 14-15; Mill's Hist. Mex., p. 191; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 81; Hardy's Trav., p. 437; Cutts' Conq. Cal., p. 195; Stanley's Portraits, p. 58; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 296; Cremony's Apaches, pp. 89-90; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 50.

The Pimas live in the area on both sides of the Gila River, about two hundred miles upstream from where it meets the sea. They claim the land between these boundaries: starting at a mountain about twelve miles from the bend of the Gila River, the line goes up the river to the Maricopa Coppermine. The northern boundary extends to Salt River, and the southern one reaches Picacho. Walker's Pimas, MS. 'The northernmost part of the Sonora territory is known as Pimeria.... We differentiate between Pimeria alta and Pimeria baxa.' Humboldt, Essai Pol., vol. i., p. 296. 'So, this Pimería alta runs from south to north, from 30 degrees to 34 degrees, counted from this mission of Our Lady of the Sorrows to the Gila River... and from east to west from the valley of the Pimas, known as sobaipuris, to the nearby shores of the Californian sea, inhabited by the Pimas sobas.... To the south are the rest of the Ópata nations, Endeves, belonging to this province, and between them and the Sierra Madre, from east to west, lies the Pimería baja.' Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iv., vol. i., pp. 345-6. 'The low Pima towns are ... from Taraitzi to Cumuripa, Onapa, Nuri, Movas, and Oanbos to the south of Cumuripa, as well as Suaqui, San José de Pimas, Santa Rosalía, Ures, and Nacameri to the west, forming the border against the Seris.... The high Pimas occupy all the land from Cucurpe through Santa Ana Caborca to the sea, from east to west and north to south, covering everything from this mission through Dolores, Remedios, Cocospera, the presidio of Terrenate, and from there following the San Pedro or Sobaipuris River to where it meets the Xila River, and along both banks of it to the Colorado, and between the sea, or gulf of California, it is enclosed.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iii., vol. iv., pp. 553-4. 'From the Yaqui River in Sonora, north to the Gila and even beyond the Tomosatzi (Colorado) eastward beyond the mountains in the province of Tarahumara, and westward to the Sea of Cortez,' Smith, Grammar of the Pima or Névome Language, p. viii; Id., Heve Language, pp. 5-7; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 396; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. ii., p. 216. 'North of the Yaqui River, from the village of San José de Pimas to Cucurápe, located over 60 leagues further north, the low Pimas inhabit the central region of the land.' 'North of the 602 Ascensión River, deep inland from the coast, we find the high Pimas.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., pp. 419-20. 'Pimería alta and baja. The first extends from the Colorado and Gila Rivers to the city of Hermosillo and the Ures River, and the second from that boundary to the Fuerte River which separates it from Sinaloa.' Mofras, Explor., vol. i., p. 208. 'The high Pimas occupy the Magdalena and Altar regions; they border to the north with the Gila; to the east with the Apaches and the Ópatas, with the San Pedro or Sobaipuris River serving as the boundary; to the west is the Sea of Cortez, and to the south the area previously occupied by the Seris.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 347. See also: Malte-Brun, Sonora, pp. 14-15; Mill's Hist. Mex., p. 191; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 81; Hardy's Trav., p. 437; Cutts' Conq. Cal., p. 195; Stanley's Portraits, p. 58; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 296; Cremony's Apaches, pp. 89-90; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 50.

The Maricopas inhabit both sides of the Gila River, for about 36 leagues in the vicinity of its junction with the Asuncion River. Apostólicos Afanes, p. 354. 'On the northern bank of the Gila, a few miles west of that of the Pimas, in about west longitude 112°.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 102, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'Desde Stue Cabitic, se estienden à lo largo del rio (Gila) como treinta y seis leguas.' Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 849; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., pp. 404-5. 'Vom südlichen Ufer des Gila bis zum östlichen des Colorádo.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 420; Emory's Reconnoissance, pp. 131-2; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 123. 'Au sud du rio Gila, sur une étendue de près de 150 milles, en remontant depuis l'embouchure.' Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 291; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 18; Escudero, Noticias de Chihuahua, p. 228.

The Maricopas live on both sides of the Gila River, for about 36 leagues near where it meets the Asuncion River. Apostólicos Afanes, p. 354. 'On the northern bank of the Gila, a few miles west of the Pimas, around west longitude 112°.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 102, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'Desde Stue Cabitic, se estienden à lo largo del rio (Gila) como treinta y seis leguas.' Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 849; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., pp. 404-5. 'Vom südlichen Ufer des Gila bis zum östlichen des Colorádo.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 420; Emory's Reconnoissance, pp. 131-2; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 123. 'Au sud du rio Gila, sur une étendue de près de 150 milles, en remontant depuis l'embouchure.' Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 291; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 18; Escudero, Noticias de Chihuahua, p. 228.

The Pimas and Maricopas live 'on the Gila, one hundred and eighty miles from its junction with the Colorado.' Mowry's Arizona, p. 14. 'Wo der 112te Grad westlicher Länge den Gila-Strom Kreuzt, also ungefähr auf der Mitte der Strecke, die der Gila, fast vom Rio Grande del Norte bis an die Spitze des Golfs von Kalifornien, zu durchlaufen hat, liegen die Dörfer der Pimos und Coco-Maricopas.' Möllhausen, Flüchtling, tom. iv., p. 137. 'Non loin du confluent du rio Salinas, par 112° environ de longitude.' Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 289-90. 'On the Gila river, about one hundred miles above the confluence of that stream with the Colorado.' Dole, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 20. 'Claimed as their own property the entire Gila valley on both sides, from the Piñal mountains to the Tesotal.' Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 358. 'From Maricopa Wells to a short distance beyond Sacaton.' Whittier, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1868, p. 142. Limits also given in Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 232; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 45; Bailey, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, pp. 203; Poston, in Id., 1864, p. 152.

The Pimas and Maricopas live on the Gila, one hundred and eighty miles from where it meets the Colorado. Mowry's Arizona, p. 14. 'At the 112th meridian west longitude, where the Gila River crosses, roughly in the middle of the route that the Gila takes, almost from the Rio Grande del Norte to the tip of the Gulf of California, lie the villages of the Pimas and Coco-Maricopas.' Möllhausen, Flüchtling, vol. iv, p. 137. 'Not far from the confluence of the Salinas River, at about 112° longitude.' Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, vol. cxxxi, pp. 289-90. 'On the Gila River, about one hundred miles upstream from where it joins the Colorado.' Dole, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 20. 'Claimed as their own property the entire Gila valley on both sides, from the Piñal Mountains to the Tesotal.' Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 358. 'From Maricopa Wells to a short distance beyond Sacaton.' Whittier, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1868, p. 142. Limits also given in Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii, p. 232; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 45; Bailey, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, pp. 203; Poston, in Id., 1864, p. 152.

The Pápagos 'inhabit that triangular space of arid land bounded by the Santa Cruz, Gila, and Colorado rivers, and the Mexican boundary line.' Poston, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 384. 'Nördlich von diesen (Pimas altas) hausen im Osten der Sierra de Santa Clara, welche sich unter 31½° nördlicher Breite dicht am östlichen Ufer des Meerbusens von Californien erhebt, die Papágos oder Papábi-Ootam.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 210. 'Junto al rio de San Marcos: 50 leguas mas arriba habita la nacion de los 603 Papagos.' Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. iv., p. 217. 'In the country about San Xavier del Baca, a few miles from Tucson.' Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 19; Jones, in Id., p. 220; Dole, in Id., 1864, p. 21. 'Wander over the country from San Javier as far west as the Tinajas Altas.' Emory's Rept. Mex. and U. S. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 123. See also: Davidson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 133; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 81.

The Pápagos "live in that triangular area of dry land surrounded by the Santa Cruz, Gila, and Colorado rivers, and the Mexican border." Poston, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 384. "North of these (Pimas altas) dwell on the eastern side of the Sierra de Santa Clara, which rises under 31½° north latitude right along the eastern shore of the Gulf of California, the Papágos or Papábi-Ootam." Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 210. "Next to the San Marcos River: 50 leagues further upstream lives the nation of the 603 Papagos." Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. iv., p. 217. "In the area around San Xavier del Baca, a few miles from Tucson." Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 19; Jones, in Id., p. 220; Dole, in Id., 1864, p. 21. "Roam throughout the land from San Javier as far west as the Tinajas Altas." Emory's Rept. Mex. and U. S. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 123. See also: Davidson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 133; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 81.

The Sobaipuris, a nation related to the Pimas, live among the lower Pimas. 'Por una sierrezuela que hay al Oriente de este rio y sus rancherías, se dividen éstas del valle de los pimas sobaipuris, que á poca distancia tienen las suyas muchas y muy numerosas, las mas al Poniente y pocas al Oriente del rio, que naciendo de las vertientes del cerro de Terrenate, que está como treinta leguas al Norte de esta mision, corre de Sur à Norte hasta juntarse con el tantas veces nombrado de Gila y juntos corren al Poniente.' Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 349. Reference also in Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. iv., p. 218; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 210.

The Sobaipuris, a group related to the Pimas, live among the lower Pimas. "To the east of this river, there’s a small mountain range that separates their ranches from the valley of the Sobaipuri Pimas, who have many ranches, most of which are to the west and few to the east of the river. This river, which originates from the slopes of Terrenate Hill, located about thirty leagues north of this mission, flows from south to north until it joins the often-mentioned Gila River, and together they flow west." Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 349. Reference also in Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. iv., p. 218; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 210.

LOWER CALIFORNIANS.

Lower Californians.

The Lower Californian Family includes all the nations inhabiting the Peninsula of Lower California, northward to the mouth of the Colorado River.

The Lower California Family includes all the nations living in the Peninsula of Lower California, reaching up to the mouth of the Colorado River.

The Cochimís inhabit the peninsula north of the twenty-sixth degree of north latitude. 'I Cochimí ne presero la parte settentrionale da gr. 25 sino a 33, e alcune isole vicine del Mar Pacifico.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., p. 109. 'Desde el territorio de Loreto, por todo lo descubierto al Norte de la Nacion Cochimí, ó de los Cochimies.' 'La Nacion, y Lengua de los Cochimies ázia el Norte, despues de la ultima Mission de San Ignacio.' 'Los Laymones son los mismos, que los Cochimies del Norte.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., pp. 63-7. 'Los Cochimíes ocupaban la peninsula desde Loreto hasta poco mas allá de nuestra frontera. Los de las misiones de San Francisco Javier y San José Comondú se llamaban edúes; los de San Ignacio didúes.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 366; Forbes' Cal., p. 21; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., pp. 49, 99; Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 207; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., pp. 469-70. 'Between San Fernando and Moleje were the Limonies, divided (going from north) into the Cagnaguets, Adacs and Kadakamans.' 'From Santo Tomas to San Vicente they were termed Icas.' Browne's Lower Cal., p. 54; Hist. Chrétienne de la Cal., p. 163. 'Nördlich von Loréto schwärmt der zahlreiche Stamm der Cochimíes, auch Cochimas oder Colimíes genannt. Zu ihnen gehören die Laimónes und die Icas,.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 443.

The Cochimís live in the peninsula north of the twenty-sixth degree of north latitude. 'The Cochimí occupied the northern part from latitude 25 to 33, and some nearby islands in the Pacific Ocean.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., vol. i., p. 109. 'From the territory of Loreto, throughout everything discovered north of the Cochimí Nation, or the Cochimies.' 'The Nation and Language of the Cochimies to the north, after the last Mission of San Ignacio.' 'The Laymones are the same as the northern Cochimies.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., vol. i., pp. 63-7. 'The Cochimíes occupied the peninsula from Loreto to just beyond our border. Those from the missions of San Francisco Javier and San José Comondú were called edúes; those from San Ignacio were called didúes.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 366; Forbes' Cal., p. 21; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., pp. 49, 99; Pimentel, Cuadro, vol. ii., p. 207; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., pp. 469-70. 'Between San Fernando and Moleje were the Limonies, divided (going from north) into the Cagnaguets, Adacs, and Kadakamans.' 'From Santo Tomas to San Vicente they were called Icas.' Browne's Lower Cal., p. 54; Hist. Chrétienne de la Cal., p. 163. 'North of Loreto, the numerous tribe of Cochimíes, also called Cochimas or Colimíes, thrives. They include the Laimónes and the Icas.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 443.

The Guaicuris roam south of the Cochimís, as far as Magdalena Bay. 'Si stabilirono tra i gr. 23½ e 26.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., p. 109. 'Los guaicuras se subdividen en guaicuras, coras, conchos, uchitas, y aripas. Los guaicuras vivian principalmente en la costa del Pacífico, desde el puerto de San Bernabe hasta el de la Magdalena. Los coras en la costa del Golfo, desde los pericúes hasta la mision de los Dolores, comprendiendo el puerto de la Paz. Entre los guaicuras, los coras, y los pericúes estaban los uchitas ó uchities. Hasta el mismo Loreto, ó muy cerca llegaban los conchos ó monquies, á quienes los jesuitas pusieron lauretanos, 604 ... una rama de su nacion nombrada monquí-laimon ó monquíes del interior, porque vivian lejos de la costa, y se encuentran tambien nombrados por solo laimones. Los aripas al Norte de los guaicuras.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 365-6. 'Desde la Paz hasta mas arriba del Presidio Real de Loreto, es de los Monquis ... à si mismos se llaman con vocablo general Monqui, ó Monquis ... los Vehities, que pueblan las cercanías de la Bahía y Puerto de la Paz; y la de los Guaycúras, que desde la Paz se estienden en la Costa interior hasta las cercanías de Loreto. Los Monquis mismos se dividen en Liyùes, Didiùs, y otras ramas menores.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., pp. 63-7. 'Los Guaicuras se establecieron entre el paralelo de 23° 30´ y el de 26°.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 207. 'Von La Paz bis über den Presidio von Loréto dehnt der Stamm Monqui, Moqui oder Mongui sich aus, welchem die Familien Guaycùra und Uchíti oder Vehíti angehören, die jedoch von einigen Reisenden für ganz verschiedene Stämme gehalten werden.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 443; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 473; Forbes' Cal., p. 21; Browne's Lower Cal., p. 54; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 198. 'La nacion ya nombrada Guaicure, que habita el ramalde la sierra giganta, que viene costeando el puerto de la Magdalena hasta el de San Bernabé.' Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 64.

The Guaicuris roam south of the Cochimís, as far as Magdalena Bay. 'They settled between latitudes 23½ and 26.' Clavigero, History of California, vol. i., p. 109. 'The Guaicuris are divided into Guaicuris, Coras, Conchos, Uchitas, and Aripas. The Guaicuris mainly lived along the Pacific coast, from the port of San Bernabe to that of Magdalena. The Coras inhabited the Gulf coast, from the Pericúes to the Mission of Los Dolores, including the port of La Paz. Among the Guaicuris, Coras, and Pericúes were the Uchitas or Uchities. Even to Loreto or very close, the Conchos or Monquies would reach, whom the Jesuits called Lauretanos, 604 ... a branch of their nation called Monquí-laimon or Monquies of the interior, because they lived far from the coast, and they are also mentioned simply as Laimones. The Aripas lived north of the Guaicuris.' Orozco y Berra, Geography, pp. 365-6. 'From La Paz to just above the Real Presidio of Loreto, this territory belongs to the Monquis ... they refer to themselves generally as Monqui or Monquis ... the Vehities, who populate the areas around the Bay and Port of La Paz; and the Guaycúras, who extend from La Paz along the inland coast to the vicinity of Loreto. The Monquis themselves are divided into Liyùes, Didiùs, and other smaller branches.' Venegas, News of California, vol. i., pp. 63-7. 'The Guaicuras were established between the parallels of 23° 30' and 26°.' Pimentel, Table, vol. ii., p. 207. 'From La Paz to beyond the Presidio of Loreto, the Monqui, Moqui, or Mongui tribe extends, which includes the Guaicura and Uchíti or Vehíti families, although some travelers believe they are entirely different tribes.' Mühlenpfordt, Mexico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 443; Buschmann, Traces of Aztec Language, p. 473; Forbes' California, p. 21; Browne's Lower California, p. 54; Ludewig's Aborigines Languages, p. 198. 'The nation already mentioned as Guaicure, inhabiting the slopes of the giant mountain range that stretches along the port of Magdalena to that of San Bernabé.' Salmeron, Reports, in Historical Documents of Mexico, series iii., vol. iv., p. 64.

The Pericúis live in the southern portion of the Peninsula from Cape San Lucas northward to La Paz. 'Desde el Cabo de San Lucas, hasta mas acà del Puerto de la Paz de la Nacion Pericù.... A los Indios, que caen al Sùr, ò Mediodia de su territorio, llaman Edù, ó Equù, ó Edùes ... se divide en varias Nacioncillas pequeñas, de las quales la mas nombrada es la de los Coras, nombre propio de una Ranchería, que se ha comunicado despues à algunos Pueblos, y al Rio, que desagua en la Bahía de San Bernabé.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., pp. 63-7. 'Los pericúes habitan en la mision de Santiago, que tiene sujeto á San José del Cabo y en las islas de Cerralvo, el Espíritu Santo y San José.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 365. 'I Pericui ne occuparono la parte australe dal C. di S. Luca sino a gr. 24, e le isole adjacenti di Cerralvo, dello Spirito Santo, e di S. Giuseppe.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., p. 109. 'Im Süden, vom Cap San Lucas bis über den Hafen Los Pichilingues und die Mission La Paz hinaus wohnen die Perícues zu welchen die Familien Edú oder Equu und Cora gerechnet werden.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 443. See also: Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 207; Californias, Noticias, carta i., p. 86; Browne's Lower Cal., p. 45; Forbes' Cal., p. 21; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 480.

The Pericúis live in the southern part of the Peninsula from Cape San Lucas north to La Paz. 'From Cape San Lucas to beyond the Port of La Paz of the Pericú Nation... The Indians who live to the south, or at midday of their territory, are called Edù, or Equù, or Edùes... they are divided into several small nations, the most well-known being the Coras, the name of a Ranchería, which has since connected to some towns and the river that flows into the Bay of San Bernabé.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., vol. i., pp. 63-7. 'The Pericúes inhabit the mission of Santiago, which is under the jurisdiction of San José del Cabo and on the islands of Cerralvo, Espíritu Santo, and San José.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 365. 'The Pericui occupied the southern part from Cape San Lucas to about latitude 24, including the adjacent islands of Cerralvo, Espíritu Santo, and San Giuseppe.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., vol. i., p. 109. 'In the south, from Cape San Lucas to beyond the port of Los Pichilingues and the mission of La Paz, the Perícues live, including the families Edú or Equu and Cora.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 443. See also: Pimentel, Cuadro, vol. ii., p. 207; Californias, Noticias, letter i., p. 86; Browne's Lower Cal., p. 45; Forbes' Cal., p. 21; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 480.

The Northern Mexican Family is composed of the inhabitants of the States of Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and portions of Tamaulipas, Durango, and Zacatecas, south as far as 23° north latitude, divided as follows:

The Northern Mexican Family consists of the people living in the states of Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and parts of Tamaulipas, Durango, and Zacatecas, extending south to about 23° north latitude, divided as follows:

CERIS AND ÓPATAS.

CERIS AND ÓPATAS.

The Seris 'live towards the coast of Sonora, on the famous Cerro Prieto, and in its immediate neighborhood.' Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 123. 'Reside in the village near Hermosillo, occupy the island of Tiburon in the Gulf of California, north of Guaymas.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 464. 'Son las Islas nombradas S. Antonio, Taburon, S. Estevan, Bocalinas, 605 Salsipuedes, la Tortuga, la ensenada de la Concepcion, habitadas de Indios de la nacion Seris.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 490. 'Su principal abrigo es el famoso cerro Prieto, al Poniente de San José de los Pimas, doce leguas, y doce casi al Sur del Pitic; del mar como cerca de catorce leguas al Oriente, y de la boca del rio Hiaqui al Norte, treinta leguas.... Otro asilo tienen, así en su isla del Tiburon, casi como cuarenta leguas al Poniente de la hacienda del Pitic y como una legua de la costa, en el seno de Californias; como en la de San Juan Bautista, cerca de nueve leguas del Tiburon al Sud-sudueste y á mas de dos leguas de tierra.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., vol. iv., pp. 559-60. 'Los ceris ... [1779] estaban situados en la villa de Horcasitas en un pueblo llamado el Pópulo, una legua hácia el Este de dicha villa, camino para Nacameri. De allí se trasladaron en 1789 al pueblo de Ceris.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 124. 'The Céres are confined to the island of Tiburon, the coast of Tépoca, and the Pueblo of Los Céres, near Pitic.' Hardy's Trav., p. 437. 'Zwischen dem Flecken Petíc und der Küste, und diese hinauf bis zum Flusse Ascensión.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 419. The country adjacent to the Bay of San Juan Bautista was occupied by the Ceris. Browne's Apache Country, p. 247. 'Sus madrigueras las han tenido en el famoso cerro Prieto, doce leguas al Oeste de San José de los Pimas, en la cadena que se extiende hácia Guaymas, en el rincon de Márcos, en las sierras de Bocoatzi Grande, en la sierra de Picu cerca de la costa, y sobre todo en la isla del Tiburon, situada en el Golfo de Californias, á una legua de la playa.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 354; Pajaken, in Cal. Farmer, June 13, 1862. Concurrent authorities: Lachappelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 79; Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 215; Ward's Mexico, vol. i., p. 565; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 34; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 57; Mofras, Explor., tom. i., p. 214; Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 166.

The Seris live along the coast of Sonora, near the famous Cerro Prieto, and in the surrounding area. Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 123. They reside in a village near Hermosillo, occupy Tiburon Island in the Gulf of California, north of Guaymas. Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 464. 'These islands are named San Antonio, Tiburon, San Estevan, Bocalinas, Salsipuedes, the Turtle, and the cove of Concepcion, inhabited by the people of the Seris nation.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 490. 'Their main refuge is the famous Cerro Prieto, twelve leagues west of San José de los Pimas, and almost twelve leagues south of Pitic; about fourteen leagues from the sea to the east, and thirty leagues north from the mouth of the Hiaqui River.... They also have another refuge on Tiburon Island, nearly forty leagues west of the Pitic estate and about a league from the coast, in the Gulf of California; also on San Juan Bautista, about nine leagues south-southwest of Tiburon and more than two leagues inland.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iii., vol. iv., pp. 559-60. 'The Seris... [1779] were located in the village of Horcasitas in a town called El Pópulo, one league east of that village, on the way to Nacameri. From there they moved in 1789 to the town of Ceris.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 124. 'The Céres are limited to Tiburon Island, the coast of Tépoca, and the Pueblo of Los Céres, near Pitic.' Hardy's Trav., p. 437. 'Between the settlement of Petíc and the coast, and up to the Ascensión River.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 419. The area near the Bay of San Juan Bautista was occupied by the Ceris. Browne's Apache Country, p. 247. 'Their burrows have been in the famous Cerro Prieto, twelve leagues west of San José de los Pimas, in the mountain range extending towards Guaymas, in the corner of Márcos, in the Sierra de Bocoatzi Grande, in the Sierra de Picu near the coast, and especially on Tiburon Island, situated in the Gulf of California, about a league from the beach.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 354; Pajaken, in Cal. Farmer, June 13, 1862. Concurrent authorities: Lachappelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 79; Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 215; Ward's Mexico, vol. i., p. 565; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 34; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 57; Mofras, Explor., tom. i., p. 214; Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 166.

The Salineros 'hácia los confines de la Pimeria alta.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 354.

The Salineros 'to the edges of Upper Pimeria.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 354.

The Tepocas are south of the latter. 'Ordinarily live on the island of Tiburon.' Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 122. 'Los mas próximos á la isla del Tiburon.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 354; Malte-Brun, Sonora, pp. 20-1; Mofras, Explor., tom. i., p. 214.

The Tepocas are located south of the latter. 'They usually live on the island of Tiburon.' Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 122. 'The closest to the island of Tiburon.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 354; Malte-Brun, Sonora, pp. 20-1; Mofras, Explor., tom. i., p. 214.

The Guaymas and Upanguaymas live near the like-named port. 'Ocupaban el terreno en que ahora se encuentra el puerto de ese nombre, y que se redujeron al pueblo de Belen.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 354.

The Guaymas and Upanguaymas live near the port that shares their name. 'They occupied the land where the port now stands, which became the town of Belen.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 354.

The Ópatas occupy central and eastern Sonora. 'In the eastern part of the State, on the banks of the Sonora and Oposura, and in the vicinity of the town of Arispe and the mineral region of Nocasari.' Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 300. 'Leurs villages couvrent les bords des rivières de Yaqui, de Sonora et de Nacaméri, ainsi que la belle vallée d'Oposura.' Zuñiga, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1842, tom. xciii., pp. 238-9. 'Im Osten des Staats, an den Ufern der Flüsse Sonóra und Oposúra und bis gegen die Stadt Aríspe und den Minendistrict von Nacosári hinauf.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 420. 'Habita el centro del Estado de Sonora.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 403. 'Le long des rivières de San Miguel de Horcasitas, d'Arispe, de los Ures et d'Oposura.' Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1842, tom. xcv., p. 319. 'Confinan al Norte con los 606 pimas y con los apaches; al Este con la Tarahumara; al Sur con la Pimeria baja, y al Oeste con los pimas y con los séris.' 'Ocupan en el Estado de Sonora los actuales partidos de Sahuaripa, Oposura, Ures, Arizpe y parte del de Magdalena.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 338, 343-4. The Ópatas, Eudebes, and Jovas 'pueblan la mayor parte de la Sonora, desde muy adentro de la sierra, son sus terrenos hácia al Sur desde este que pusimos por lindero al Oriente, por el desierto pueblo de Natora, Aribetzi, Bacanora, Tonitzi, Soyopa, Nacori, Alamos, parte de Ures, Nacameri, Opodepe, Cucurpe hácia el Poniente; desde aquí Arispe, Chinapa, Bacoatzi, Cuquiaratzi hasta Babispe hácia el Norte, y desde esta mision la poco ha citado sierra hasta Natora, los que la terminan hácia el Oriente.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 552-3. See also: Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 174; Mofras, Explor., tom. i., p. 213; Malte-Brun, Sonora, p. 14; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 444; Hardy's Trav., p. 437; Pajaken, in Cal. Farmer, June 6, 1862; Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, tom. ii., p. 562; Ward's Mexico, vol. i., p. 597; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 139; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 117, 145. In early days 'they occupied the whole western slope of the Sierra, from the headquarters of the Sonora River to Nuri, near the Yaqui towns. They were then esteemed different tribes in different localities, and are named in the old records as Jobas, Teqüimas, Teguis, and Cogüinachies.' Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 166. 'La nacion ópata se subdivide en ópatas tegüis, avecindados en los pueblos de Opodepe, Terrapa, Cucurpe, Alamos, Batuco. En opatas tegüimas en Sinoquipe, Banamichi, Huepaca, Aconchi, Babiacora, Chinapa, Bacuachi, Cuquiarachi, Cumpas. Ópatas Cogüinachis en Toniche, Matape, Oputo, Oposura, Guasavas, Bacadeguachi, Nacori (otro), Mochopa. Los del pueblo de Santa Cruz se dice que son de nacion contla. Los Batucas, en el pueblo de Batuco corresponden tambien á los ópatas, así como los sahuaripas, los himeris y los guasabas.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 343-4, and Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 156-6.

The Ópatas live in central and eastern Sonora. "In the eastern part of the State, along the banks of the Sonora and Oposura rivers, and near the town of Arispe and the mineral area of Nocasari." Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 300. "Their villages cover the banks of the Yaqui, Sonora, and Nacaméri rivers, as well as the beautiful Oposura valley." Zuñiga, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1842, tom. xciii., pp. 238-9. "In the east of the state, on the shores of the Sonóra and Oposúra rivers, extending towards the city of Aríspe and the mining district of Nacosári." Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 420. "They inhabit the center of the State of Sonora." Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 403. "Along the rivers of San Miguel de Horcasitas, Arispe, Ures, and Oposura." Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1842, tom. xcv., p. 319. "To the north, they border the 606 Pimas and Apaches; to the east with the Tarahumara; to the south with the Pimeria Baja; and to the west with the Pimas and Seris." "In the state of Sonora, they occupy the current regions of Sahuaripa, Oposura, Ures, Arizpe, and part of Magdalena." Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 338, 343-4. The Ópatas, Eudebes, and Jovas "populate most of Sonora, from deep within the mountains, with their lands extending south from the boundary we set to the east, to the desert town of Natora, Aribetzi, Bacanora, Tonitzi, Soyopa, Nacori, Alamos, part of Ures, Nacameri, Opodepe, Cucurpe to the west; from here Arispe, Chinapa, Bacoatzi, Cuquiaratzi to Babispe to the north, and from this mission, the little mentioned mountains up to Natora, ending to the east." Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 552-3. See also: Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 174; Mofras, Explor., tom. i., p. 213; Malte-Brun, Sonora, p. 14; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 444; Hardy's Trav., p. 437; Pajaken, in Cal. Farmer, June 6, 1862; Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, tom. ii., p. 562; Ward's Mexico, vol. i., p. 597; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 139; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 117, 145. In earlier days, "they occupied the entire western slope of the Sierra, from the headwaters of the Sonora River to Nuri, near the Yaqui towns. They were then recognized as different tribes in various locations and are referred to in old records as Jobas, Teqüimas, Teguis, and Cogüinachies." Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 166. "The Ópata nation is subdivided into Ópata Tegüis, living in the towns of Opodepe, Terrapa, Cucurpe, Alamos, and Batuco. In Ópata Tegüimas in Sinoquipe, Banamichi, Huepaca, Aconchi, Babiacora, Chinapa, Bacuachi, Cuquiarachi, Cumpas. Ópatas Cogüinachis in Toniche, Matape, Oputo, Oposura, Guasavas, Bacadeguachi, Nacori (another), Mochopa. The people of Santa Cruz are said to belong to the Contla nation. The Batucas, in the village of Batuco, are also related to the Ópatas, as are those from Sahuaripa, the Himeris, and the Guasabas." Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 343-4, and Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 156-6.

To the Jovas 'pertenecen los pueblos de San José Teopari, Los Dolores, Sahuaripa, donde hay tambien ópatas, Pónida, Santo Tomas, Arivetzi, San Mateo Malzura.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 345; Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 249. Ovas, 'esta nacion está poblada á orillas del rio Papigochic, variedad de algunos pueblos y corre hasta cerca del partido de Samaripa y uno de sus pueblos llamado Teopari (que es de nacion ova su gente) y corre como se ha dicho poblada en este rio hasta cerca de la mision de Matachic.' Zapata, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 341. 'Los ovas, tribu que vive principalmente en Sonora ... en Chihuahua está poblada orillas del rio Papigochi (el Yaqui), llegando hasta cerca de Yepomera, de la mision de tarahumares de Matachic; sus rancherías se llamaron Oparrapa, Natora, Bacaniyahua ó Baipoa, Orosaqui y Xiripa.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 325.

To the Jovas belong the towns of San José Teopari, Los Dolores, Sahuaripa, where there are also Ópatas, Pónida, Santo Tomás, Arivetzi, and San Mateo Malzura. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 345; Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 249. Ovas, 'this nation is populated along the banks of the Papigochic River, with various towns and extends close to the area of Samaripa and one of its towns called Teopari (which is of the Ova nation, its people) and it runs, as mentioned, populated along this river up to near the mission of Matachic.' Zapata, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 341. 'The Ovas, a tribe that mainly lives in Sonora ... in Chihuahua is populated along the banks of the Papigochic River (the Yaqui), reaching up close to Yepomera, from the Tarahumara mission of Matachic; their rancherías are called Oparrapa, Natora, Bacaniyahua or Baipoa, Orosaqui, and Xiripa.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 325.

The Sobas 'ocuparon à Caborca, encontrándose tambien en los alrededores.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 348.

The Sobas took over Caborca, also being found in the surrounding areas. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 348.

The Potlapiguas, 'nacion gentil cerca de Babispe y de Bacerac, colocada en la frontera.' Ib.

The Potlapiguas, 'a kind nation near Babispe and Bacerac, located on the border.' Ib.

The Tepahues were 'habitadores de una península que forman dos rios ó brazos del Mayo al Oriente de los de esta nacion.' Id., p. 356. 607

The Tepahues were "inhabitants of a peninsula formed by two rivers or arms of the Mayo to the east of those belonging to this nation." Id., p. 356. 607

The Tecayaguis, Cues or Macoyahuis were 'en las vertientes del rio, antes de los tepahues ... sus restos se encuentran en el pueblo de la Concepcion de Macoyahui.' Ib.

The Tecayaguis, Cues, or Macoyahuis were 'on the slopes of the river, before the tepahues ... their remains are found in the town of Concepcion de Macoyahui.' Ib.

The Hymeris, 'nacion situada en los varios valles que forma la Sierra Madre entre Occidente y Norte del valle de Sonora.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 243.

The Hymeris, 'nation located in the various valleys formed by the Sierra Madre between the West and North of the Sonora valley.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. ii., p. 243.

The Sonoras inhabit the valley of Soñora, which 'cae a la banda del Norte, apartado de la villa (Sinaloa) ciento y treinta leguas.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 392.

The Sonoras live in the Soñora valley, which is 'located to the north, a hundred and thirty leagues away from the town (Sinaloa).' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 392.

The Eudeves, Eudebes, Hegues, Hequis, Heves, Eudevas or Dohme dwell in the villages 'Matape, Nacori, Los Alamos, Robesco, Bacanora, Batuco, Tepuspe, Cucurpe, Saracatzi, Toape, and Opodepe.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 344.

The Eudeves, Eudebes, Hegues, Hequis, Heves, Eudevas, or Dohme live in the villages of Matape, Nacori, Los Alamos, Robesco, Bacanora, Batuco, Tepuspe, Cucurpe, Saracatzi, Toape, and Opodepe. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 344.

The Sibubapas 'del pueblo de Suaqui.' Id., p. 351.

The Sibubapas 'from the town of Suaqui.' Id., p. 351.

The Nures, 'habitadores del pueblo de Nuri.' Ib. 'Habita cerca de la de los Nebomes.' Alcedo, Diccionario, vol. iii., p. 350.

The Nures, 'inhabitants of the village of Nuri.' Ib. 'Lives near that of the Nebomes.' Alcedo, Dictionary, vol. iii., p. 350.

The Hios, 'á ocho leguas al Este de Tepahue.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 351.

The Hios, 'eight leagues east of Tepahue.' Orozco y Berra, Geography, p. 351.

The Huvagueres and Tehuisos are neighbors of the Hios. Ib.

The Huvagueres and Tehuisos live next to the Hios. Ib.

The Basiroas and Teatas, 'más al Este.' Ib.

The Basiroas and Teatas, 'further to the East.' Ib.

The Tupocuyos are four leagues Northwest of Santa Magdalena. 'De Santa Magdalena en ... el rumbo al Noroeste ... á 4 leguas de distancia llegamos á la ranchería del Tupocuyos.' Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 232.

The Tupocuyos are four leagues northwest of Santa Magdalena. 'From Santa Magdalena in ... the direction to the Northwest ... at a distance of 4 leagues, we arrive at the ranch of the Tupocuyos.' Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 232.

SINALOAS AND MAYOS.

Sinaloas and Mayos.

'The Indians of the state of Cinaloa belong to different tribes: towards the south, in the country and in the Sierra, the Coras, Najarites, and Hueicolhues are to be found; to the north of Culiacan, the Cinaloas, Cochitas and Tuvares; and towards the town of El Fuerte, and farther north, we find the Mayos Indians, to which belong also the tribes Quasare, Ahome, and Ocoronis.' Sevin, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxx., p. 12; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 402.

The Indigenous people of the state of Sinaloa belong to various tribes: in the south, in the countryside and in the Sierra, you'll find the Coras, Nayaritas, and Huicholes; north of Culiacán, there are the Sinaloas, Cochitas, and Tuvares; and towards the town of El Fuerte, and further north, we find the Mayo Indians, which also includes the tribes Quasare, Ahome, and Ocoronis. Sevin, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxx., p. 12; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 402.

The Sinaloas 'tiene su assiento y poblaciones en el mismo rio de Tegueco, y Cuaque, en lo mas alto dél, y mas cercanas a las haldas de serranias de Topia; y sus pueblos comiençan seis leguas arriba del fuerte de Montesclaros.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 199, 47. 'Los mas orientales de las gentes que habitaban las riberas del que ahora llamamos rio del Fuerte.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 460. 'Avecindados en una parte de las orillas, hácia las fuentes del rio del Fuerte.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 329.

The Sinaloas have their settlement and towns along the Tegueco River and Cuaque, at its uppermost point, and are closest to the foothills of the Topia mountains; their towns begin six leagues above the Montesclaros fort. Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 199, 47. 'The most eastern people living along the banks of what we now call the Fuerte River.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. i., p. 460. 'Settled in a part of the banks, near the sources of the Fuerte River.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 329.

The Mayos occupy the banks of the rivers Mayo and Fuerte. The Mayo river 'baña todos los pueblos de indígenas llamados los Mayos.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 82. 'Die eigentlichen Mayos wohnen hauptsächlich westlich and nordwestlich von der Stadt Alamos.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 402. 'Los mayos, sobre el rio Mayo ... están distribuidos en los pueblos de Santa Cruz de Mayo, Espíritu Santo Echojoa ó Echonova, Natividad Navajoa ó Navohoua, Concepcion Cuirimpo, San Ignacio de Tesia, Santa Catalina Cayamoa ó Camoa, San Bartolomé Batacosa, Masiaca.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 356, 354; Malte-Brun, Sonora, p. 13. 'The Mayos on 608 the river Mayo inhabit the following towns: Tepágue, Conecáre, Camóa, Tésia, Navahóa, Curinghóa, Echehóa, and Santa Cruz de Mayo, a seaport. Towns of the same nation on the Rio del Fuerte: Tóro, Báca, Chóis, Omi, San Miguel, Charác, Sivilihóa, and Teguéco.' Hardy's Trav., pp. 438, 390; Ward's Mexico, vol. i., p. 583, vol. ii., p. 606; also: Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 165; Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 299.

The Mayos live along the banks of the Mayo and Fuerte rivers. The Mayo river "flows through all the towns of the indigenous people known as the Mayos." Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 82. "The actual Mayos mainly reside to the west and northwest of the town of Alamos." Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 402. "The Mayos, along the river Mayo ... are distributed in the towns of Santa Cruz de Mayo, Espíritu Santo Echojoa or Echonova, Natividad Navajoa or Navohoua, Concepcion Cuirimpo, San Ignacio de Tesia, Santa Catalina Cayamoa or Camoa, San Bartolomé Batacosa, Masiaca." Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 356, 354; Malte-Brun, Sonora, p. 13. "The Mayos on the river Mayo inhabit the following towns: Tepágue, Conecáre, Camóa, Tésia, Navahóa, Curinghóa, Echehóa, and Santa Cruz de Mayo, a seaport. Towns of the same nation on the Rio del Fuerte: Tóro, Báca, Chóis, Omi, San Miguel, Charác, Sivilihóa, and Teguéco." Hardy's Trav., pp. 438, 390; Ward's Mexico, vol. i., p. 583, vol. ii., p. 606; also: Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 165; Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 299.

The Yaquis are settled on the Rio Yaqui and between it and the Rio Mayo. On the Yaqui River at a distance of twelve leagues from the sea, 'está poblada la famosa Nacion de Hiaquis.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 284. 'Lista de los pueblos del rio Yaqui, contados desde Cocori, primer pueblo al otro lado del rio de Buenavista, al Este del Estado, camino para la ciudad de Alamos, y rio abajo hasta Belen: Cocori, Bacum, Torin, Bicam, Potam, Rahum, Huirivis.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 84. 'Zwischen den Flüssen Mayo und Yaquí.... Die Ortschaften des Stammes Yaquí (Hiaquí) sind besonders: Belén, Huadíbis, Raún, Potan, Bican, Torin, Bacún und Cocorún.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 419; Malte-Brun, Sonora, p. 13. 'Les habitations des Yaquis commencent, à partir de la rivière de ce nom, et s'étendent également sur le Rio de Mayo Fuerte et de Sinaloa, sur une étendue de plus de 140 lieues.' Zuñiga, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1842, tom. xciii., p. 239; Ternaux-Compans, in Id., tom. xcv., p. 306. 'Taraumara es la residencia de los Indios Yaquis.' 'Are still farther north (than the Mayos), and belong entirely to the state of Sonora.' Sevin, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxx., p. 12; Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., pp. 164-5; Pajaken, in Cal. Farmer, June 6, 1862; Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. v., p. 46. 'Occupent le pays situé au sud de Guaymas jusqu'au Rio del Fuerte.' Mofras, Explor., tom. i., p. 212. See further: Ferry, Scènes de la Vie Sauvage, pp. 15, 45; Ward's Mexico, vol. i., p. 582, vol. ii., p. 606; Hardy's Trav., pp. 437-8; Combier, Voy., p. 200; Mex. in 1842, pp. 67-8; Hist. Chrétienne de la Cal., p. 244.

The Yaquis are settled along the Rio Yaqui and between it and the Rio Mayo. About twelve leagues from the sea on the Yaqui River, 'the famous Nation of Hiaquis is located.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 284. 'List of the towns along the Yaqui River, starting from Cocori, the first town on the other side of the river from Buenavista, to the East of the State, heading towards the city of Alamos, and downstream to Belen: Cocori, Bacum, Torin, Bicam, Potam, Rahum, Huirivis.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 84. 'Between the Mayo and Yaqui Rivers.... The villages of the Yaqui tribe (Hiaquí) include: Belén, Huadíbis, Raún, Potan, Bican, Torin, Bacún, and Cocorún.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 419; Malte-Brun, Sonora, p. 13. 'The homes of the Yaquis start from the river named after them and also extend along the Rio de Mayo Fuerte and Sinaloa, over an area of more than 140 leagues.' Zuñiga, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1842, tom. xciii., p. 239; Ternaux-Compans, in Id., tom. xcv., p. 306. 'Taraumara is the residence of the Yaqui Indians.' 'They are further north (than the Mayos) and completely part of the state of Sonora.' Sevin, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxx., p. 12; Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., pp. 164-5; Pajaken, in Cal. Farmer, June 6, 1862; Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. v., p. 46. 'They occupy the land located south of Guaymas up to the Rio del Fuerte.' Mofras, Explor., tom. i., p. 212. See further: Ferry, Scènes de la Vie Sauvage, pp. 15, 45; Ward's Mexico, vol. i., p. 582, vol. ii., p. 606; Hardy's Trav., pp. 437-8; Combier, Voy., p. 200; Mex. in 1842, pp. 67-8; Hist. Chrétienne de la Cal., p. 244.

The Zuaques have their villages between the Mayo and Yaqui rivers. 'Los zuaques estaban adelante, á cinco leguas de los tehuecos, y sus tierras corrian por espacio de diez leguas.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 332. 'Sus pueblos ... eran tres ... el principal dellos, llamado Mochicaui.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 163; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 419.

The Zuaques have their villages located between the Mayo and Yaqui rivers. 'The Zuaques were ahead, five leagues from the Tehuecos, and their lands extended for ten leagues.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 332. 'Their towns ... were three ... the main one was called Mochicaui.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 163; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 419.

The Tehuecos are west of the Sinaloas. 'Seis leguas al Oeste del último de sus pueblos (Sinaloas) seguian los teguecos ó tehuecos.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 332. 'Los pueblos desta Nacion, que en sus principios fueron tres, començauan quatro leguas rio arriba del vltimo de los Çuaques.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 171.

The Tehuecos are located west of the Sinaloas. "Six leagues west of the last of their towns (Sinaloas) were the teguecos or tehuecos." Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 332. "The towns of this Nation, which originally were three, began four leagues upstream from the last of the Çuaques." Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 171.

The Ahomes dwell on the Rio Zuaque four leagues from the sea. 'La Nacion Ahome, y su principal pueblo.... Dista quatro leguas de la mar de Californias.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 145; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 332; Alcedo, Diccionario, vol. i., p. 33; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 522.

The Ahomes live on the Rio Zuaque, four leagues from the sea. 'La Nacion Ahome, and its main town... It is four leagues from the California coast.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 145; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 332; Alcedo, Diccionario, vol. i., p. 33; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 522.

The Vacoregues 'vivian en las playas del mar y en los médanos, ... un pueblo, orillas del rio (Fuerte), no lejos de Ahome.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 332.

The Vacoregues lived on the beaches of the sea and in the dunes, ... a town, on the banks of the river (Fuerte), not far from Ahome.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 332.

The Batucaris 'frecuentaban un lagunazo á tres leguas de Ahome.' Ib.

The Batucaris "frequented a large pond three leagues from Ahome." Ib.

The Comoporis 'existian en una península, siete leguas de Ahome.' Ib. 609

The Comoporis "existed on a peninsula, seven leagues from Ahome." Ib. 609

'En vna peninsula retirada, y en los Medanos, ó montes de arena del mar, viuian las rancherias de la gente fiera destos Comoporis.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 153.

'On a secluded peninsula, in the dunes or sandy hills by the sea, lived the small settlements of the fierce people of these Comoporis.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 153.

The Guazaves 'distante diez, y doze leguas de la villa' (Cinaloa). Id., p. 46. 'Habitadores de San Pedro Guazave y de Tamazula, orillas del rio Sinaloa.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 332.

The Guazaves "located ten to twelve leagues from the town" (Cinaloa). Id., p. 46. "Inhabitants of San Pedro Guazave and Tamazula, along the banks of the Sinaloa River." Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 332.

The Zoes 'eran Indios serranos, que tenian sus poblaciones en lo alto del mismo rio de los Cinaloas, y a las haldas de sus serranias.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 208. 'Se establecieron á las faldas de la Sierra, en las fuentes del rio del Fuerte cercanos á los sinaloas.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 333. 'Confinan con los tubares.' Zapata, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 395.

The Zoes were mountain Indians who had their settlements high up along the same river as the Cinaloas and at the foothills of their mountains. Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 208. 'They established themselves at the base of the Sierra, near the sources of the Fuerte River close to the Sinaloas.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 333. 'They border the Tubares.' Zapata, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 395.

The Huites 'Vivian en la Sierra, à siete leguas de los sinaloas.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 333.

The Huites "Live in the Sierra, seven leagues from the Sinaloas." Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 333.

The Ohueras and Cahuimetos dwell at 'San Lorenzo de Oguera ... situado á seis leguas al E. de la villa de Sinaloa y sobre el rio.' Id., p. 334.

The Ohueras and Cahuimetos live at 'San Lorenzo de Oguera ... located six leagues east of the town of Sinaloa and along the river.' Id., p. 334.

The Chicoratos and Basopas, 'en la sierra, y á siete leguas al E. de Oguera, se encuentra la Concepcion de Chicorato.... Cinco leguas al Norte tiene à San Ignacio de Chicuris, en que los habitantes son tambien basopas.' Ib.

The Chicoratos and Basopas, 'in the mountains, about seven leagues east of Oguera, is the Concepcion de Chicorato.... Five leagues to the north is San Ignacio de Chicuris, where the residents are also Basopas.' Ib.

The Chicuràs 'eran vecinos de los chicoratos.' Ib.

The Chicuràs "were neighbors of the chicoratos." Ib.

The Tubares or Tovares live in the 'pueblos de Concepcion, San Ignacio y San Miguel.' 'habitan uno de los afluentes del rio del Fuerte.' Id., pp. 323-4. 'Poblada en varias rancherias sobre los altos del rio grande de Cinaloa.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 117. 'En el distrito de Mina.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 254.

The Tubares or Tovares live in the towns of Concepcion, San Ignacio, and San Miguel. They inhabit one of the tributaries of the Fuerte River. Id., pp. 323-4. Settled in various rancherias along the highlands of the great Cinaloa River. Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 117. In the district of Mina. Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 254.

The Chinipas, Guailopos, and Maguiaquis live 'en San Andres Chinipas.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 324; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 95.

The Chinipas, Guailopos, and Maguiaquis reside in San Andres Chinipas. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 324; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 95.

The Hizos are in 'Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe de Voragios ó Taraichi.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 324.

The Hizos are in 'Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe de Voragios ó Taraichi.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 324.

The Varogios, Husorones, Cutecos and Tecàrgonis are in 'Nuestra Señora de Loreto de Voragios ó Sinoyeca y en Santa Ana.' Ib.

The Varogios, Husorones, Cutecos, and Tecàrgonis are in 'Nuestra Señora de Loreto de Voragios or Sinoyeca and in Santa Ana.' Ib.

The Tarahumares inhabit the district of Tarahumara in the state of Chihuahua. 'Provincia ... confina por el O con la de Sonora, por el E con el Nuevo México, sirviéndole de límites el rio Grande del Norte, por este rumbo no están conocidos aun sus términos, por el S O con la de Cinaloa ... toma el nombre de la Nacion de Indios así llamada, que confinaba con la de los Tepeguanes.' Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. v., p. 46; Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 363. 'In den tiefen und wilden Schluchten von Tararécua und Santa Sinforósa, jagen verschiedene Familien der Tarahumáras.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 521; Mexikanische Zustände, tom. i., p. 74. 'Bewohnen einen Theil des Berglandes im W. der Hauptstadt, wo sie namentlich in dem schönen Hochthale des Rio Papigóchic in allen Ortschaften einen Theil der Bevölkerung bilden.' Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 213. 'Inhabit the towns in Mulatos.' Hardy's Trav., p. 438. 'En la raya que divide los Reynos de la Vizcaya y de la Galicia no en los terminos limitados que hoy tiene que es Acaponeta, sino en los que antes tubo hasta cerca de Sinaloa.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 491. 'Al Oriente tienen el rio de los Conchos y al 610 Poniente la Sinaloa, Sonora y las regiones del Nuevo México, al Norte y al Austro la Nacion de los Tepehuanes. 'Se estiendan por el Norte hasta mas abajo de San Buenaventura.' 'Vivian en S. José de Bocas, cabecera de una de las misiones de los jesuitas,' in Durango. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 319-25. 'Á tres leguas de San José Temaichic está otro pueblo y mucha gente en él llamada taraumar Pachera.' Zapata, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 333; Richthofen, Mexico, p. 448. 'Les Tahues étaient probablement les mêmes que ceux que l'on désigne plus tard sous le nom de Tarahumaras.' 'Leur capitale était Téo-Colhuacan.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, preface, p. 191.

The Tarahumara people live in the Tarahumara region of Chihuahua. 'To the west, it borders Sonora, to the east, New Mexico, with the Rio Grande del Norte forming its boundary; the limits are not yet clearly defined in this direction, and to the southwest, it borders Cinaloa ... it takes its name from the Native Nation of that name, which shared borders with the Tepehuanes.' Alcedo, Dictionary, vol. v., p. 46; Pimentel, Overview, vol. i., p. 363. 'In the deep and wild canyons of Tararécua and Santa Sinforósa, various families of the Tarahumara hunt.' Mühlenpfordt, Mexico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 521; Mexican Conditions, vol. i., p. 74. 'They occupy part of the mountains west of the capital, particularly forming a portion of the population in the beautiful high valley of the Rio Papigóchic in all the towns.' Wappäus, Geog. and Stat., p. 213. 'They inhabit the towns in Mulatos.' Hardy's Travels, p. 438. 'On the line dividing the kingdoms of Vizcaya and Galicia, not in the limited terms it has today, which is Acaponeta, but in the terms it had previously until near Sinaloa.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 491. 'To the east, they have the Rio de los Conchos and to the west, Sinaloa, Sonora, and the regions of New Mexico, to the north and south the nation of the Tepehuanes. 'They extend northward just below San Buenaventura.' 'They lived in San José de Bocas, the center of one of the Jesuit missions' in Durango. Orozco y Berra, Geography, pp. 319-25. 'Three leagues from San José Temaichic is another town with many people in it called Taraumar Pachera.' Zapata, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iv., vol. iii., p. 333; Richthofen, Mexico, p. 448. 'The Tahues were probably the same people later referred to as the Tarahumara.' 'Their capital was Téo-Colhuacan.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, preface, p. 191.

The Conchos inhabit the banks of the Rio Conchos, near its confluence with the Rio del Norte. 'Endereço su camino hazia el Norte, y a dos jornadas topo mucha cantidad de Indios de los que llaman Conchos.' Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 384, 390. 'En en Real del Parral.' Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, p. 97. 'Se estiende hasta las orillas del rio grande del Norte. Por la parte del septentrion confina con los laguneros, y al Mediodia tiene algunos pueblos de los tepehuanes y valle de Santa Bárbara.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 58.

The Conchos live along the banks of the Rio Conchos, close to where it meets the Rio del Norte. "In their journey north, I encountered a large number of the Indians known as Conchos." Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 384, 390. "In the Real del Parral." Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, p. 97. "It extends up to the shores of the Rio Grande del Norte. To the north, it borders the Laguneros, and to the south, there are some towns of the Tepehuanes and the Santa Bárbara valley." Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 58.

The Passaguates live twenty-four leagues north of the Conchos. 'Andadas las veinte y quatro leguas dichas (from the Conchos), toparon otra nacion de Indios, llamados Passaguates.' Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 384, 391.

The Passaguates live twenty-four leagues north of the Conchos. 'After traveling the twenty-four leagues mentioned (from the Conchos), they encountered another nation of Indians, called Passaguates.' Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 384, 391.

The Mamites, Colorados, Arigames, Otaquitamones, Pajalames, Poaramas were in the neighborhood of the Conchos. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 325.

The Mamites, Colorados, Arigames, Otaquitamones, Pajalames, Poaramas were near the Conchos. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 325.

The Guazapares are 'a veinte leguas de distancia del pueblo y partido de Loreto al Sur, reconociendo al Oriente, y solas diez del pueblo y partido de Santa Inés, caminando derecho al Oriente, está el pueblo y partido de Santa Teresa de Guazapares, llamado en su lengua Guazayepo.' Zapata, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 389.

The Guazapares are 'twenty leagues from the town and district of Loreto to the south, recognizing the east, and just ten from the town and district of Santa Inés; heading straight east, you reach the town and district of Santa Teresa de Guazapares, known in their language as Guazayepo.' Zapata, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iv., vol. iii., p. 389.

The Temoris dwell in the 'pueblo de Santa María Magdalena de Temoris.... A cinco leguas de distancia hácia el Norte del pueblo y cabecera de Santa Teresa está el pueblo llamado Nuestra Señora del Valle Humbroso.' Id., p. 390.

The Temoris live in the 'town of Santa María Magdalena de Temoris.... Five leagues to the north of the town and the center of Santa Teresa is the town called Our Lady of the Humble Valley.' Id., p. 390.

The Tobosos are north of the Tarahumares and in the Mission of San Francisco de Coahuila, in the state of Coahuila. 'Se extendian por el Bolson de Mapimí, y se les encuentra cometiendo depredaciones así en Chihuahua y en Durango, como en las misiones de Parras, en las demas de Coahuila y en el Norte de Nuevo Leon.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 308-9, 302, 325. In Coahuila, 'Un paraje ... que llaman la Cuesta de los muertos, donde tienen habitacion los Indios Tobosos.' Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., pp. 296-7, 348-9. 'A un paraje que hoy es la mision del Santo nombre de Jesus.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, p. 519.

The Tobosos are located north of the Tarahumares and in the Mission of San Francisco de Coahuila, in the state of Coahuila. 'They extended through the Bolson de Mapimí, and they were found carrying out raids in both Chihuahua and Durango, as well as in the missions of Parras, in the others of Coahuila and in the North of Nuevo León.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 308-9, 302, 325. In Coahuila, 'A place ... called the Cuesta de los muertos, where the Toboso Indians reside.' Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, vol. ii., pp. 296-7, 348-9. 'To a place that is now the mission of Santo nombre de Jesus.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, p. 519.

The Sisimbres, Chizos, Cocoyomes, Coclamas, Tochos, Babos, and Nures live near the Tobosos. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 325. 'Valle de San Bartholome, Presidio de la Provincia de Tepeguana ... antigua residencia de los Indios Infieles Cocoyomes.' Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. i., pp. 222-3.

The Sisimbres, Chizos, Cocoyomes, Coclamas, Tochos, Babos, and Nures live near the Tobosos. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 325. 'Valle de San Bartholome, Presidio de la Provincia de Tepeguana ... ancient home of the unfaithful Indians, Cocoyomes.' Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. i., pp. 222-3.

The Tepagues are 'Cinco leguas arriba del rio de Mayo, en vn arroyo.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 253. 611

The Tepagues are 'Five leagues up the Mayo River, in a stream.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 253. 611

The Conicaris live 'distante de Chinipa diez y seis leguas.' Id., pp. 265, 254.

The Conicaris live 'sixteen leagues away from Chinipa.' Id., pp. 265, 254.

NORTH-EASTERN MEXICAN TRIBES.

Northeastern Mexican tribes.

A multitude of names of nations or tribes are mentioned by different authorities, none of which coincide one with the other. But few nations are definitely located. I therefore first give the different lists of names, and afterwards locate them as far as possible. 'Babeles, Xicocoges, Gueiquizales, Goxicas, Manos Prietas, Bocoras, Escabas, Cocobiptas, Pinanacas, Codames, Cacastes, Colorados, Cocomates, Jaímamares, Contores, Filifaes, Babiamares, Catujanes, Apes, Pachagues, Bagnames, Isipopolames, Piez de benado. Chancafes, Payaguas, Pachales, Jumes, Johamares, Bapancorapinamacas, Babosarigames, Pauzanes, Paseos, Chahuanes, Mescales, Xarames, Chachaguares, Hijames, Iedocodamos, Xijames, Cenízos, Pampapas, Gavilanes. Sean estos nombres verdaderos, ó desfigurados segun la inteligencia, caprichos, ó voluntariedad de los que se emplearon en la pacificacion del Pais, ó de los fundadores de las Doctrinas, parece mas creible que los mencionados Yndios, fuesen pequeñas parcialidades, ó ramos de alguna nacion cayo nombre genérico no ha podido Saberse.' Revillagigedo, Carta, MS. 'Pacpoles, Coaquites, Zíbolos, Canos, Pachoches, Sicxacames, Siyanguayas, Sandajuanes, Liguaces, Pacuazin, Pajalatames y Carrizos.' Padilla, cap. lxix., quoted in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 306. 'Negritos, Bocalos, Xanambres, Borrados, Guanipas, Pelones, Guisoles, Hualahuises, Alasapas, Guazamoros, Yurguimes, Mazames, Metazures, Quepanos, Coyotes, Bguanas, Zopilotes, Blancos, Amitaguas, Quimis, Ayas, Comocabras, Mezquites.' Archivo General, MSS., tom. xxxi., fol. 208, quoted in Ib. 'Paogas, Caviseras, Vasapalles, Ahomamas, Yanabopos, Daparabopos, Mamazorras, Neguales, Salineros y Baxaneros, conocidos generalmente bajo la apelacion de Laguneros.' Id., p. 305. 'Rayados y Cholomos.' Id., p. 306.

A lot of names of nations or tribes are mentioned by various sources, but none of them match up with each other. However, only a few nations can be clearly identified. So, I will first present the different lists of names, and then I will try to locate them as much as possible. 'Babeles, Xicocoges, Gueiquizales, Goxicas, Manos Prietas, Bocoras, Escabas, Cocobiptas, Pinanacas, Codames, Cacastes, Colorados, Cocomates, Jaímamares, Contores, Filifaes, Babiamares, Catujanes, Apes, Pachagues, Bagnames, Isipopolames, Piez de benado, Chancafes, Payaguas, Pachales, Jumes, Johamares, Bapancorapinamacas, Babosarigames, Pauzanes, Paseos, Chahuanes, Mescales, Xarames, Chachaguares, Hijames, Iedocodamos, Xijames, Cenízos, Pampapas, Gavilanes. Whether these names are true or distorted according to the understanding, whims, or biases of those who were involved in pacifying the country or the founders of the missions, it seems more believable that the mentioned Indians were small factions or branches of a nation whose generic name remains unknown.' Revillagigedo, Carta, MS. 'Pacpoles, Coaquites, Zíbolos, Canos, Pachoches, Sicxacames, Siyanguayas, Sandajuanes, Liguaces, Pacuazin, Pajalatames, and Carrizos.' Padilla, cap. lxix., quoted in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 306. 'Negritos, Bocalos, Xanambres, Borrados, Guanipas, Pelones, Guisoles, Hualahuises, Alasapas, Guazamoros, Yurguimes, Mazames, Metazures, Quepanos, Coyotes, Bguanas, Zopilotes, Blancos, Amitaguas, Quimis, Ayas, Comocabras, Mezquites.' Archivo General, MSS., tom. xxxi., fol. 208, quoted in Ib. 'Paogas, Caviseras, Vasapalles, Ahomamas, Yanabopos, Daparabopos, Mamazorras, Neguales, Salineros, and Baxaneros, generally known under the name of Laguneros.' Id., p. 305. 'Rayados and Cholomos.' Id., p. 306.

'Las tribus que habitaban el Valle (del rio Nazas) se nombraban Irritilas, Miopacoas, Meviras, Hoeras y Maiconeras, y los de la laguna' [Laguna grande de San Pedro or Tlahuelila]. Id., p. 305.

'The tribes that lived in the Valley (of the Nazas River) were called Irritilas, Miopacoas, Meviras, Hoeras, and Maiconeras, as well as those from the lagoon' [Laguna grande de San Pedro or Tlahuelila]. Id., p. 305.

'Pajalates, Orejones, Pacoas, Tilijayas, Alasapas, Pausanes, y otras muchas diferentes, que se hallan en las misiones del rio de San Antonio y rio grande ... como son; los Pacúaches, Mescales, Pampopas, Tácames, Chayopines, Venados, Pamaques, y toda la juventud de Pihuiques, Borrados, Sanipáos y Manos de Perro.' Id., p. 306; Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 409. 'Á media legua corta ... [de San Juan Bautista] se fundó la mision de San Bernardo ... con las naciones de Ocanes, Canuas, Catuxanes, Paxchales, Pomulumas, Pacuaches, Pastancoyas, Pastalocos y Pamasus, á que se agregaron despues los Pacuas, Papanacas, Tuancas y otras.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 303.

'Pajalates, Orejones, Pacoas, Tilijayas, Alasapas, Pausanes, and many other different groups found in the missions of the San Antonio River and the Rio Grande ... such as the Pacúaches, Mescales, Pampopas, Tácames, Chayopines, Venados, Pamaques, and all the youth from Pihuiques, Borrados, Sanipáos, and Manos de Perro.' Id., p. 306; Pimentel, Cuadro, vol. ii, p. 409. 'About half a league ... [from San Juan Bautista] the mission of San Bernardo was founded ... with the nations of Ocanes, Canuas, Catuxanes, Paxchales, Pomulumas, Pacuaches, Pastancoyas, Pastalocos, and Pamasus, to which the Pacuas, Papanacas, Tuancas, and others were later added.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 303.

The Gijames are in the mountains near the mission of El Santo Nombre de Jesus de Peyotes. Morfi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 434.

The Gijames are in the mountains close to the mission of El Santo Nombre de Jesus de Peyotes. Morfi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 434.

The Pitas and Pasalves at the Mission of 'Nuestra Señora de los Dolores de la Punta.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 303.

The Pitas and Pasalves at the Mission of 'Nuestra Señora de los Dolores de la Punta.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 303.

The Pampopas 'habitaban en el rio de las Nueces, à 22 leguas al Sur de la mision de San Juan Bautista; los Tilijaes mas abajo de los anteriores; al Sur de estos los Patacales, y los Cachopostales cerca de los Pampopas. Los Pajalaques vivian en el rio de San Antonio como à 40 leguas de la mision de San 612 Bernardo; los Pacos y los Pastancoyas à 15 leguas en el paraje nombrado el Carrizo; los Panagues à 18 leguas de la mision sobre el rio de las Nueces; Los Pauzanes sobre el rio de San Antonio, y los Paguachis à 15 leguas del mismo San Bernardo.' ... 'Con Indios de la naciones Mahuames, Pachales, Mescales, Jarames, Ohaguames y Chahuames ... con ellos y con las tribus de Pampopas, Tilofayas, Pachalocos y Tusanes situó de nuevo la mision de San Juan Bautista, junto al presidio del mismo nombre, cerca del rio Bravo.' 'A tiro de escopeta [from Santo Nombre de Jesus Peyotes] se encuentra San Francisco Vizarron de los Pausanes ... con familias de Tinapihuayas, Pihuiques y Julimeños, aunque la mayor parte fueron Pauzanes.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 303-4. 'En el valle de Santo Domingo, á orilla del rio de Sabinas ... San Juan Bautista ... lo pobló con indios Chahuanes, Pachales, Mescales y Jarames, à que se agregaron despues algunos Pampopas, Tilofayas, Pachalocos y Tusanes.' Morfi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 440-1.

The Pampopas lived by the Nut River, about 22 leagues south of the San Juan Bautista mission; the Tilijaes were further down from them; south of these were the Patacales, and the Cachopostales were near the Pampopas. The Pajalaques lived on the San Antonio River, about 40 leagues from the mission of San Bernardo; the Pacos and the Pastancoyas were 15 leagues away in a place called Carrizo; the Panagues were 18 leagues from the mission along the Nut River; the Pauzanes were on the San Antonio River, and the Paguachis were 15 leagues from the same San Bernardo. ... With Indigenous people from the Mahuames, Pachales, Mescales, Jarames, Ohaguames, and Chahuames nations ... with them and the tribes of Pampopas, Tilofayas, Pachalocos, and Tusanes, the mission of San Juan Bautista was reestablished next to the presidio of the same name, near the Rio Bravo. 'A gunshot away [from Santo Nombre de Jesus Peyotes] is San Francisco Vizarron of the Pauzanes ... with families of Tinapihuayas, Pihuiques, and Julimeños, although most were Pauzanes.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 303-4. 'In the Santo Domingo valley, by the Sabinas River ... San Juan Bautista ... was populated with Chahuanes, Pachales, Mescales, and Jarames, to which later some Pampopas, Tilofayas, Pachalocos, and Tusanes were added.' Morfi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 440-1.

The Cabesas, Contotores, Bazaurigames and others were at the mission San Buenaventura. Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 530.

The Cabesas, Contotores, Bazaurigames, and others were at the mission San Buenaventura. Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 530.

The Gabilanes and Tripas Blancas roamed over a stretch of country situated north of the Presidio of Mapimi, between the rivers San Pedro and Conchos to their confluence with the Rio Grande. Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., pp. 348-9.

The Gabilanes and Tripas Blancas traveled through an area located north of the Presidio of Mapimi, between the San Pedro and Conchos rivers, up to where they meet the Rio Grande. Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., pp. 348-9.

The Laguneros 'poblados à las margenes de la laguna que llaman Grande de san Pedro, y algunos dellos en las isletas que haze la misma laguna.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 669.

The Laguneros 'towns on the shores of the lagoon called Grande de San Pedro, and some of them on the little islands created by the lagoon itself.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 669.

Los misioneros franciscanos atrajeron de paz las tribus siguientes, con los cuales fundaron cinco misiones. San Francisco de Coahuila, un cuarto de legua al Norte de Monclova, con indios Boboles y Obayas, à los cuales se agregaron algunos Tobosos y Tlaxcaltecas conducidas de San Esteban del Saltillo. Santa Rosa de Nadadores, puesta en 1677 à cuarenta leguas al Noroeste de Coahuila, de indios Cotzales y Manosprietas, trasladada junto al rio de Nadadores para huir de la guerra de los Tobosos, y colocada al fin, en 1693, à siete leguas al Noroeste de Coahuila: se le agregaron ocho familias Tlaxcaltecas. San Bernardo de la Candela, con indios Catujanes, Tilijais y Milijaes, y cuatro familias Tlaxcaltecas. San Buenaventura de las cuatro Ciénegas, veinte leguas al Oeste de Coahuila, con indios Cabezas, Contores y Bauzarigames: la mision repuesta en 1692 con los Tocas y los Colorados. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 302.

Los misioneros franciscanos atrajeron la paz a las siguientes tribus, con las cuales fundaron cinco misiones. San Francisco de Coahuila, un cuarto de legua al norte de Monclova, con los indios Boboles y Obayas, a los cuales se unieron algunos Tobosos y Tlaxcaltecas provenientes de San Esteban del Saltillo. Santa Rosa de Nadadores, establecida en 1677 a cuarenta leguas al noroeste de Coahuila, con indios Cotzales y Manosprietas, trasladada junto al río de Nadadores para escapar de la guerra con los Tobosos, y finalmente, en 1693, situada a siete leguas al noroeste de Coahuila: se le unieron ocho familias Tlaxcaltecas. San Bernardo de la Candela, con los indios Catujanes, Tilijais y Milijaes, y cuatro familias Tlaxcaltecas. San Buenaventura de las cuatro Ciénegas, veinte leguas al oeste de Coahuila, con indios Cabezas, Contores y Bauzarigames: la misión fue restablecida en 1692 con los Tocas y los Colorados. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 302.

The Irritilas occupy 'la parte del partido de Mapimí al Este.' Id., p. 319.

The Irritilas are located 'in the eastern part of the Mapimí area.' Id., p. 319.

The Pisones and Xanambres roam 'Al Sur del valle de la Purísima y al Norte hasta Rio Blanco, confinando al Oeste con los Cuachichiles.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 298.

The Pisones and Xanambres wander 'South of the valley of Purísima and North to Rio Blanco, bordered to the West by the Cuachichiles.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 298.

Other names which cannot be located are: Cadimas, Pelones, Nazas, Pamoranos, Quedexeños, Palmitos, Pintos, Quinicuanes, Maquiapemes, Seguyones, Ayagua, Zima, Canaina, Comepescados, Aguaceros, Vocarros, Posuamas, Zalaias, Malahuecos, Pitisfiafuiles, Cuchinochis, Talaquichis, Alazapas, Pafaltoes. Id., pp. 299-300.

Other names that can't be found are: Cadimas, Pelones, Nazas, Pamoranos, Quedexeños, Palmitos, Pintos, Quinicuanes, Maquiapemes, Seguyones, Ayagua, Zima, Canaina, Comepescados, Aguaceros, Vocarros, Posuamas, Zalaias, Malahuecos, Pitisfiafuiles, Cuchinochis, Talaquichis, Alazapas, Pafaltoes. Id., pp. 299-300.

TRIBES OF TAMAULIPAS.

Tamaulipas Tribes.

The nations or tribes of Tamaulipas, although very numerous, are mostly located. 613

The nations or tribes of Tamaulipas, while quite numerous, are mostly settled in specific locations. 613

The Olives live in Horcasitas. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 293.

The Olives live in Horcasitas. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 293.

The Palagueques are at the Mission of San Francisco Xavier. Ib.

The Palagueques are at the Mission of San Francisco Xavier. Ib.

The Anacanas, 'a una legua de Altamira.' Ib.

The Anacanas, 'one league from Altamira.' Ib.

The Aretines, Panguais, and Caramiguais in the 'sierra del Chapopote, que remata en la barra del Tordo.' Ib.

The Aretines, Panguais, and Caramiguais in the 'sierra del Chapopote, that ends at the Tordo bar.' Ib.

The Mapulcanas, Cataicanas, Caramiguais, Panguais, and Zapoteros live near the Salinas, which are between the Cerro del Maiz and the sea. Ib.

The Mapulcanas, Cataicanas, Caramiguais, Panguais, and Zapoteros reside near the Salinas, located between Cerro del Maiz and the ocean. Ib.

The Caribays, Comecamotes, Ancasiguais, Tagualilos, and Pasitas are near De Soto la Marina and Santander. Ib.

The Caribays, Comecamotes, Ancasiguais, Tagualilos, and Pasitas are located close to De Soto la Marina and Santander. Ib.

The Moraleños and Panguajes live on the coast between Marina and Altamirano. Ib.

The Moraleños and Panguajes live along the coast between Marina and Altamirano. Ib.

The Martinez, 'en la Sierra de Tamaulipa vieja.' Ib.

The Martinez, 'in the Old Tamaulipas Mountains.' Ib.

The Mariguanes, Caramariguanes, Aretines, 'habitada desde el cerro de S. José á la mar.' Ib.

The Mariguanes, Caramariguanes, Aretines, 'inhabited from the hill of S. José to the sea.' Ib.

The Tumapacanes, 'en el camino para Santander.' Ib.

The Tumapacanes, 'on the road to Santander.' Ib.

The Inapanames, 'á una y media leguas de la primera villa (Santillana).' Ib.

The Inapanames, 'at one and a half leagues from the first town (Santillana).' Ib.

The Pintos and Quinicuanes dwell near San Fernando de Austria. Ib.

The Pintos and Quinicuanes live close to San Fernando de Austria. Ib.

The Tedexeños, 'en las lagunas de la barra.' Ib.

The Tedexeños, 'in the lagoons of the bar.' Ib.

The Comecrudos, 'donde el rio se vacia en sus crecientes.' Ib.

The Comecrudos, 'where the river empties during its floods.' Ib.

The Tamaulipecos and Malincheños live at the mission of S. Pedro Alcántara. Ib.

The Tamaulipecos and Malincheños reside at the mission of S. Pedro Alcántara. Ib.

The Guixolotes, Cadimas, Canaynes, and Borrados are 'al pié de la sierra de Tamaulipas, teniendo al Sur el terreno que se llama la Tamaulipa Moza.' Id., pp. 293-4.

The Guixolotes, Cadimas, Canaynes, and Borrados are located at the foot of the Sierra de Tamaulipas, with the area to the south known as Tamaulipa Moza. Id., pp. 293-4.

The Nazas, Narices, Comecrudos, and Texones are at the mission of Reynosa. Id., p. 294.

The Nazas, Narices, Comecrudos, and Texones are at the mission in Reynosa. Id., p. 294.

The Tanaquiapemes, Saulapaguemes, Auyapemes, Uscapemes, Comesacapemes, Gummesacapemes, Catanamepaques are 'rumbo al Este y sobre el rio, à seis leguas de la mision ... se internan à las tierras llegando en sus correrías únicamente hasta el mar.' Ib.

The Tanaquiapemes, Saulapaguemes, Auyapemes, Uscapemes, Comesacapemes, Gummesacapemes, Catanamepaques are "heading east and along the river, six leagues from the mission... they venture into the lands, reaching only as far as the sea." Ib.

The Carrizos, Cotomanes, and Cacalotes are at 'Camargo, situado sobre el rio da S. Juan ... al otro lado del Bravo ... los cuales por fuera del rio Grande llegan hasta Revilla.' Ib.

The Carrizos, Cotomanes, and Cacalotes are at 'Camargo, located on the river of San Juan ... across from the Bravo ... which, outside of the Rio Grande, extends to Revilla.' Ib.

The Garzas and Malaguecos live near rio Alamo. Id., p. 294.

The Garzas and Malaguecos live near the Alamo River. Id., p. 294.

No location for the following can be found: Politos, Mulatos, Pajaritos, Venados, Payzanos, Cuernos quemados. Id., pp. 295-6.

No location for the following can be found: Politos, Mulatos, Pajaritos, Venados, Payzanos, Cuernos quemados. Id., pp. 295-6.

The Tepehuanes inhabit the mountains of southern Chihuahua and the northern portions of Durango, a district commonly called the partido de Tepehuanes. 'Estiende desde la Sierra del Mezquital hasta el Parral ... hasta adelante de Topia, muy cerca de Caponeta.' Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, pp. 187-8. 'Se extiende esta region desde la altura misma de Guadiana, á poco ménos de 25 grados hasta los 27 de latitud septentrional. Sus pueblos comienzan á las veinticinco leguas de la capital de Nueva-Vizcaya, ácia el Noroeste en Santiago de Papásquiaro. Al Norte tiene á la provincia de Taraumara, al Sur la de Chiametlán y costa del seno Californio, al Oriente los grandes arenales y naciones vecinas á la laguna de S. Pedro, y al Poniente la Sierra Madre de Topía, que la divide de esta provincia y la de Sinaloa.' 614 Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 319. 'Sus pueblos, parte en llanos, y parte en sierra, a las vertientes de la de Topia, y san Andres.... Y por essa parte vezinos a las Naziones Xixime, y Acaxee, y aun a las de la tierra mas adentro de Cinaloa.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 573. For concurrent testimony see: Zapata, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 310; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., pp. 344-5; Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 43; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 323; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 318-19.

The Tepehuanes live in the mountains of southern Chihuahua and the northern parts of Durango, an area commonly referred to as the partido de Tepehuanes. 'It stretches from the Sierra del Mezquital to Parral ... up to just before Topia, very close to Caponeta.' Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, pp. 187-8. 'This region extends from the very heights of Guadiana, at just under 25 degrees to 27 degrees north latitude. Its towns begin about twenty-five leagues from the capital of Nueva-Vizcaya, toward the Northwest in Santiago de Papásquiaro. To the North, it borders the province of Taraumara, to the South the province of Chiametlán and the coast of the Californian Gulf, to the East the large sand dunes and neighboring nations near the lagoon of S. Pedro, and to the West the Sierra Madre of Topía, which separates it from this province and Sinaloa.' 614 Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. i, p. 319. 'Its villages, some in plains and some in the mountains, are at the slopes of Topia and San Andres.... And in that area, they are neighbors to the Xixime and Acaxee Nations, and even to those deeper into Cinaloa.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 573. For supporting evidence, see: Zapata, in Doc. Hist. Mex., vol. iv, vol. iii, p. 310; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, vol. ii, pp. 344-5; Pimentel, Cuadro, vol. ii, p. 43; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 323; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 318-19.

The Acaxées inhabit the valleys of the mountain regions of Topia and S. Andres in Durango and Sinaloa. 'La principal Nacion, en cuyas tierras está el Real de Topia, es la Acaxee.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 471. 'Lo limitan al Norte y al Este el Tepehuan, al Sur el Xixime y al Oeste el Sabaibo y el Tebaca.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 319, 310, 315; Zapata, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., pp. 416-17. 'San Pedro valle de Topia, el mineral de Topia, Asuncion Sianori, San Antonio Tahuahueto y los Dolores de Agua Caliente, las cuales poblaciones marcan los terrenos habitados por los Acaxees.' Tamaron, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 314.

The Acaxées live in the valleys of the mountain regions of Topia and San Andres in Durango and Sinaloa. "The main nation, in whose lands the Real de Topia is located, is the Acaxee." Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 471. "To the North and East, they are bordered by the Tepehuan, to the South by the Xixime, and to the West by the Sabaibo and the Tebaca." Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 319, 310, 315; Zapata, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., pp. 416-17. "San Pedro valley of Topia, the mineral of Topia, Asuncion Sianori, San Antonio Tahuahueto, and the Dolores de Agua Caliente, which communities mark the areas inhabited by the Acaxees." Tamaron, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 314.

The Tebacas lived among the Acaxees in the mountain districts of Topia and S. Andres. Id., p. 334.

The Tebacas lived alongside the Acaxees in the mountainous regions of Topia and S. Andres. Id., p. 334.

The Sabaibos 'habitaban en el partido de San Ignacio Otatitlan y pueblos de Piaba, Alaya y Quejupa.' Ib.

The Sabaibos "lived in the San Ignacio Otatitlan area and the towns of Piaba, Alaya, and Quejupa." Ib.

The Cácaris dwell in Cacaria. Id., p. 319.

The Cácaris live in Cacaria. Id., p. 319.

The Papudos and Tecayas were settled in the district of San Andres. Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., pp. 379-80.

The Papudos and Tecayas were established in the San Andres area. Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. i., pp. 379-80.

The Xiximes inhabited 'en el coraçon desta sierra' de San Andres. Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 531. 'Ocupan el partido de San Dimas.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 315-17.

The Xiximes lived 'in the heart of this mountain' of San Andres. Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 531. 'They occupy the area of San Dimas.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 315-17.

The Hinas 'Habitan la mayor parte en profundísimas quebradas del centro de la sierra, y muchos á las márgenes del rio de Humace, que en su embocadura llaman de Piaxtla, muy cerca de su nacimiento, como á cinco leguas de Yamoriba.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 195. 'Habitantes de las márgenes del rio de Piaztla.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 316.

The Hinas mostly live in deep canyons in the central mountains, and many along the banks of the Humace River, which is called Piaxtla at its mouth, quite close to its source, about five leagues from Yamoriba. Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. ii., p. 195. 'Inhabitants of the banks of the Piaztla River.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 316.

The Humes are in the Sierra de San Andres. 'Como nueue leguas del pueblo de Quilitlan, y en lo mas alto de toda esta sierra, caminando al Oriente.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 562. 'Nueve leguas mas adelante del lugar de Queibos ó de Santiago.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 199; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 316, 325.

The Humes are in the Sierra de San Andres. 'About nine leagues from the town of Quilitlan, and at the highest point of this entire range, heading east.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 562. 'Nine leagues further down from the place of Queibos or Santiago.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. ii., p. 199; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 316, 325.

The Zacatecos inhabit the like-named State, and particularly near the rio Nazas. 'Baxò la Sierra, que oy llaman del calabazal, y parò â las orillas de un rio, que oy llaman de Suchil.' Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, p. 26. 'Los que habitan en el rio de las Nasas son indios zacatecos.' Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 33. 'Se extendian hasta el rio Nazas. Cuencamé, Cerro Gordo, S. Juan del Rio, Nombre de Dios, quedaban comprendidos en esta demarcacion.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 319.

The Zacatecos live in the area with the same name, especially near the Nazas River. "They came down from the Sierra, which is now called the calabazal, and stopped at the banks of a river, which is now called Suchil." Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, p. 26. "The people living by the Nazas River are Zacateco Indians." Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 33. "They extended as far as the Nazas River. Cuencamé, Cerro Gordo, San Juan del Río, and Nombre de Dios all fell within this boundary." Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 319.

The Guachichiles, Cuachichiles, or Huachichiles 'corrian por Zacatecas hasta San Potosí y Coahuila.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 285. 'La villa del Saltillo está fundada sobre el terreno que en lo antiguo ocuparon los indios cuachichiles.' Id., pp. 301, 287; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 281.

The Guachichiles, Cuachichiles, or Huachichiles "traveled from Zacatecas to San Potosí and Coahuila." Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 285. "The town of Saltillo is built on the land that was anciently occupied by the Cuachichiles." Id., pp. 301, 287; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 281.

Mexican Group

NATIVE RACES of the PACIFIC STATES
MEXICAN GROUP

Native Races
of the
Pacific States
Mexican Group

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CHAPTER VI.
MEXICO'S WILD TRIBES.

Territorial Aspects—Two Main Divisions; Wild Tribes of Central Mexico, and Wild Tribes of Southern Mexico—The Coras and others in Jalisco—Descendants of the Aztecs—The Otomís and Mazahuas adjacent to the Valley of Mexico—The Pames— The Tarascos and Matlaltzincas of Michoacan—The Huaztecs and Totonacs of Vera Cruz and Tamaulipas—The Chontales, Chinantecs, Mazatecs, Cuicatecs, Chatinos, Miztecs, Zapotecs, Mijes, Huaves, Chiapanecs, Zoques, Lacandones, Choles, Mames, Tzotziles, Tzendales, Chochones, and others of Southern Mexico.

Territorial Aspects—Two Main Divisions: Indigenous Tribes of Central Mexico and Indigenous Tribes of Southern Mexico. The Coras and others in Jalisco are descendants of the Aztecs. The Otomís and Mazahuas are near the Valley of Mexico. The Pames, Tarascos, and Matlaltzincas are found in Michoacan. The Huaztecs and Totonacs are located in Vera Cruz and Tamaulipas. The Chontales, Chinantecs, Mazatecs, Cuicatecs, Chatinos, Mixtecs, Zapotecs, Mijes, Huaves, Chiapanecs, Zoques, Lacandones, Choles, Mames, Tzotziles, Tzendales, Chochones, and others are from Southern Mexico.

The term Wild Tribes of Mexico, which I employ to distinguish this from the other groupal divisions of the Native Races of the Pacific States needs some explanation. The territory embraced under this title extends from latitude 23° north, to the eighteenth parallel on the Atlantic, and the fifteenth on the Pacific; that is to the Central American line, including Yucatan and excluding Guatemala. At the time of the conquest, a large portion of this region as well as part of Central America was occupied by those nations that we call civilized, which are fully described in the second volume of this work. These several precincts of civilization may be likened to suns, shining brightly at their respective centres, and radiating into the surrounding darkness with greater or less intensity according to distance and circumstances. The bloody conquest achieved, these suns were dimmed, their light went out; part of this civilization 616 merged into that of the conquerors, and part fell back into the more distant darkness. Later many of the advanced aboriginals became more and more identified with the Spaniards; the other natives soon came to be regarded as savages, who, once pacified, spread over the seat of their nation's former grandeur, obliterating many of the traces of their peoples' former high advancement;—so that very shortly after the Spaniards became masters of the land, any description of its aborigines could but be a description of its savage nations, or of retrograded, or partially obliterated peoples of higher culture. And thus I find it, and thus must treat the subject, going over the whole territory almost as if there had been no civilization at all.

The term Indigenous Tribes of Mexico, which I use to set this apart from other group divisions of the Native Races of the Pacific States, needs some clarification. The region covered by this term stretches from latitude 23° north to the eighteenth parallel on the Atlantic and the fifteenth on the Pacific; this includes the Central American boundary, covering Yucatan and excluding Guatemala. At the time of the conquest, a significant part of this area, along with parts of Central America, was inhabited by nations we consider civilized, which are fully described in the second volume of this work. These different centers of civilization can be compared to suns, shining brightly at their cores while radiating light into the surrounding darkness with varying intensity based on distance and other factors. After the violent conquest, these suns faded, their light extinguished; some of this civilization merged with that of the conquerors, while others fell back into the deeper darkness. Eventually, many of the more advanced natives became increasingly tied to the Spaniards; other indigenous peoples soon came to be seen as savages, who, once subdued, spread across the remnants of their nation’s former greatness, erasing many signs of their people's previous high sophistication. So, shortly after the Spaniards took control of the land, any description of its original inhabitants could only depict its savage nations or the regressed or partially erased peoples of a higher culture. Hence, I find it necessary to approach the subject as if there had been no civilization at all across the entire territory.

For variety and striking contrasts the climate and scenery of central and southern Mexico is surpassed by no region of equal extent in the world. It is here that the tierra caliente, or hot border-land of either ocean, the tierra templada, or temperate belt adjacent, and the tierra fria, or cool elevated table-land assume their most definite forms. The interior table-lands have an average elevation above the sea of from 5,000 to 8,000 feet. The geological formation is on a Titanic scale; huge rocks of basalt, granite, and lava rise in fantastic shapes, intersected by deep barrancas or ravines presenting unparalleled scenes of grandeur. Prominent among the surrounding mountains tower the snow-clad crests of Orizaba and Popocatepetl,—volcanic piles whose slumbering fires appear to be taking but a temporary rest. The plateau is variegated with many lakes; the soil, almost everywhere fertile, is overspread with a multitudinous variety of nopal, maguey, and forests of evergreen, among which the graceful fir and umbrageous oak stand conspicuous. Seasons come and go and leave no mark behind; or it may be said that spring, satisfied with its abode, there takes up its perpetual rest; the temperature is ever mellow, with resplendent sunshine by day, while at night the stars shine with a brilliancy nowhere excelled. The limits of the tierra templada 617 it is impossible to define, as the term is used in a somewhat arbitrary manner by the inhabitants of different altitudes. On the lowlands along the coast known as the tierra caliente, the features of nature are changed; vegetation assumes a more luxuriant aspect; palms, parasitical plants and trees of a tropical character, take the place of the evergreens of a colder clime; the climate is not salubrious, and the heat is oppressive. On the Atlantic side furious storms, called 'northers,' spring up with a suddenness and violence unexampled in other places, often causing much destruction to both life and property.

For variety and striking contrasts, the climate and scenery of central and southern Mexico are unmatched by any region of similar size in the world. Here, the tierra caliente, or hot lowlands of either ocean, the tierra templada, or temperate zone nearby, and the tierra fría, or cool elevated plateau, take on their most distinct forms. The interior plateaus average an elevation of 5,000 to 8,000 feet above sea level. The geological formations are on a colossal scale; massive rocks of basalt, granite, and lava rise in bizarre shapes, intersected by deep ravines that present unmatched scenes of grandeur. Prominent among the surrounding mountains are the snow-capped peaks of Orizaba and Popocatepetl—volcanic formations that seem to be only temporarily quiet. The plateau features a variety of lakes; the soil is almost universally fertile and covered with numerous types of nopal, maguey, and evergreen forests, with the elegant fir and shady oak standing out. Seasons come and go without leaving a trace; one might say that spring, content with its surroundings, takes up permanent residence here; the temperature is consistently mild, with brilliant sunshine during the day, while at night the stars shine with unmatched brilliance. The boundaries of the tierra templada 617 are hard to define, as the term is used somewhat arbitrarily by the residents of different elevations. In the lowlands along the coast, known as the tierra caliente, nature's features change; vegetation takes on a more lush aspect; palms, climbing plants, and tropical trees replace the evergreens of cooler areas; the climate is not healthy, and the heat can be overwhelming. On the Atlantic side, fierce storms called 'northers' arise suddenly and with a violence that is unparalleled elsewhere, often causing significant damage to life and property.

TRIBES OF CENTRAL MEXICO.

Tribes of Central Mexico.

For the purpose of description, I separate the Wild Tribes of Mexico in two parts,—the Wild Tribes of Central Mexico, and the Wild Tribes of Southern Mexico. The first of these divisions extends from 23° north latitude to the northern boundary of the state of Oajaca, or rather to an imaginary line, taking as its base said boundary and running from the Pacific Ocean to the Gulf of Mexico, that is to say from Vera Cruz to Acapulco.

For the sake of description, I divide the Wild Tribes of Mexico into two parts: the Wild Tribes of Central Mexico and the Wild Tribes of Southern Mexico. The first division stretches from 23° north latitude to the northern border of the state of Oaxaca, or more precisely, to an imaginary line that starts at that border and runs from the Pacific Ocean to the Gulf of Mexico, meaning from Veracruz to Acapulco.

To enumerate and locate all the nations and tribes within this territory, to separate the uncivilized from the civilized, the mythical from the real, is not possible. I have therefore deferred to the end of this chapter such authorities as I have on the subject, where they will be found ranged in proper order under the head of Tribal Boundaries. Of the tribes that are known to have possessed no civilization, such as was found among the Aztecs and other cultivated nations, I will only mention the people denominated Chichimecs, under which general name were designated a multitude of tribes inhabiting the mountains north of the valley of Mexico, all of which were prominently dependent on the result of the chase for their subsistence; the ancient Otomís who mostly occupied the mountains which inclose the valley of Mexico; and the Pames in Querétaro. South of Mexico were numerous other nations who were more or less intermixed with those more civilized. Finally, I shall describe those people 618 who, since they came in contact with the whites, have retrograded in such a degree, that their manners and customs can only be given in connection with those of the Wild Tribes, and which comprise a large proportion of all the present aborigines of Mexico.[897]

To list and identify all the nations and tribes in this area, to distinguish the uncivilized from the civilized, the mythical from the real, is not possible. I've therefore placed the relevant authorities at the end of this chapter, organized under the heading Tribal Boundaries. Among the tribes known to lack the civilization seen in the Aztecs and other advanced cultures, I will only mention the people called Chichimecs, a term used for many tribes living in the mountains north of the valley of Mexico, all of whom primarily relied on hunting for their survival; the ancient Otomís who mainly lived in the mountains surrounding the valley of Mexico; and the Pames in Querétaro. South of Mexico, there were many other nations that were mixed to varying degrees with those who were more civilized. Finally, I will describe those people 618 who, since they came into contact with Europeans, have deteriorated to such an extent that their ways of life can only be described alongside those of the Wild Tribes, which make up a significant portion of the current indigenous population of Mexico. [897]

PHYSICAL FEATURES IN NORTHERN MEXICO.

PHYSICAL FEATURES IN NORTHERN MEXICO.

The natives of the valley of Mexico are represented by some authorities as tall, by others as of short stature; but from what I gather we may conclude that on the whole they are over rather than under the middle height, well made and robust. In Vera Cruz they are somewhat shorter, say from four feet six inches to five feet at most, and clumsily made, having their knees further apart than Europeans and walking with their toes turned in; the women are shorter than the men and become fully developed at a very early age. In Jalisco both sexes are tall; they are also well built, and among the women are found many forms of such perfection that they might well serve as models for sculpture. Throughout the table-lands, the men are muscular and well proportioned. Their skin is very thick and conceals the action of the muscles; they are out-kneed, turn their toes well in, and their carriage is anything but graceful.[898] Various opinions have been advanced by competent persons in regard to the features of the natives of Mexico. Baron Von Humboldt describes them as resembling the aborigines of Canada, Peru, Florida, and Brazil; having 619 elongated eyes, the corners turned towards the temples, prominent cheek-bones, large lips, and a sweet expression about the mouth, forming a strong contrast with their otherwise gloomy and severe aspect. Rossi says that their eyes are oval, and that their physiognomy resembles that of the Asiatics. According to Prescott, they bear a strong resemblance to the Egyptians, and Viollet le Duc asserts that the Malay type predominates. They have generally a very narrow forehead, an oval face, long black eyes set wide apart, large mouth with thick lips, teeth white and regular, the nose small and rather flat. The general expression of the countenance is melancholy, and exhibits a strange combination of moroseness and gentleness. Although some very handsome women are to be found among them, the majority of the race, both men and women, are ugly, and in old age, which with the women begins early, their faces are much wrinkled and their features quite harsh. They have acute senses, especially that of sight, which remains unimpaired to a very advanced age. Long, straight, black, thick, and glossy hair is common to all; their beard is thin, and most of them, especially in the capital and its vicinity, have a small moustache; but very few, if any, have hair on their legs, thighs, or arms. It is very seldom that a gray-haired native is found. All the people referred to, are remarkable for their strength and endurance, which may be judged of by the heavy burdens they carry on their backs. The inhabitants of the table-lands are of various hues; some are olive, some brown, others of a red copper color. In the Sierras some have a bluish tint as if dyed with indigo. The natives of the tierras calientes are of a darker complexion, inclining to black. There are some called Indios Pintos, whose cuticle is of a less deep color, inclining more to yellowish and marked with dark copper-colored spots.[899] 620

The people of the Valley of Mexico are described by some experts as tall and by others as short; however, it seems we can conclude that overall, they are more often above average height, being well-built and robust. In Vera Cruz, they tend to be shorter, around four feet six inches to five feet at most, and are somewhat awkwardly built, with their knees wider apart than Europeans and walking with their toes pointed inward. Women are shorter than men and tend to mature physically at a very young age. In Jalisco, both men and women are taller and well-proportioned, with many women exhibiting such perfect forms that they could serve as models for sculpture. Across the highlands, men are muscular and well-proportioned. Their skin is thick, concealing the muscles beneath; they tend to have knock knees, their toes point inward a lot, and their posture lacks grace.[898] Various opinions have been put forward by knowledgeable individuals regarding the physical features of the natives of Mexico. Baron Von Humboldt describes them as resembling the indigenous people of Canada, Peru, Florida, and Brazil, characterized by elongated eyes with corners turned towards the temples, pronounced cheekbones, large lips, and a gentle expression that contrasts with their otherwise serious and stern appearance. Rossi mentions that their eyes are oval and that their features are similar to those of Asians. Prescott notes they closely resemble Egyptians, while Viollet le Duc argues that the Malay type is dominant. Generally, they have narrow foreheads, oval faces, long black eyes set wide apart, large mouths with thick lips, white, even teeth, and small, somewhat flat noses. The overall expression of their faces is melancholic, showing a peculiar mixture of sadness and kindness. Although there are some very attractive women among them, the majority of both men and women are not particularly good-looking, and in old age— which appears early for women— their faces become heavily wrinkled and their features quite harsh. They have sharp senses, especially sight, which remains keen into old age. Long, straight, thick, and shiny black hair is common to everyone; their facial hair is sparse, and many, especially in the capital and surrounding areas, have small mustaches, but very few have hair on their legs, thighs, or arms. Gray-haired natives are rare. All these people are noted for their strength and endurance, evident from the heavy loads they carry on their backs. The inhabitants of the highlands come in various skin tones; some are olive, some brown, and others have a reddish copper hue. In the Sierras, some people have a bluish tint, as if dyed with indigo. Those from the lowland regions tend to have darker complexions, leaning towards black. There are some referred to as Indios Pintos, whose skin tone is lighter, leaning more towards yellowish with dark copper-colored spots.[899] 620

MEXICAN COSTUMES.

MEXICAN OUTFITS.

In the valley of Mexico the natives wear the ichapilli, or a sort of shirt without sleeves, made of white and blue striped cotton, which reaches to the knees and is gathered round the waist with a belt. This is frequently the only garment worn by the aborigines of the Mexican valley. In lieu of the ancient feather ornaments for the head, they now use large felt or straw hats, the rim of which is about nine inches in width; or they bind round the head a colored handkerchief. Most of the men and women go barefooted, and those who have coverings for their feet, use the cacles, or huaraches, (sandals) made of tanned leather and tied with thongs to the ankles. The dress of the women has undergone even less change than that of the men, since the time of the Spanish conquest. Many of them wear over the ichapilli a cotton or woolen cloth, bound by a belt just above the hips; this answers the purpose of a petticoat; it is woven in stripes of dark colors or embellished with figures. The ichapilli is white, with figures worked on the breast, and is longer than that worn by the men. In Puebla the women DRESS IN MICHOACAN. wear very narrow petticoats and elegant quichemels covering the breast and back and embroidered all over with silk and worsted. In the state of Vera Cruz and other parts of the tierra caliente the men's apparel consists of a short white cotton jacket or a dark-colored woolen tunic, with broad open sleeves fastened round the waist with a sash, and short blue or white breeches open at the sides near the knee; these are a Spanish innovation, but they continue to wear the square short cloak, tilma or tilmatli, with the end tied on one of the shoulders or across the breast. Sometimes a pair of shorter breeches made of goat or deer skin are worn over the cotton ones, and also a jacket of the same material. The women wear a 621 coarse cotton shift with large open sleeves, often worked about the neck in bright colored worsted, to suit the wearer's fancy; a blue woolen petticoat is gathered round the waist, very full below, and a blue or brown rebozo is used as a wrapper for the shoulders. Sometimes a muffler is used for the head and face.[900] They bestow great care on their luxuriant hair, which they arrange in two long braids that fall from the back of the head, neatly painted and interwoven with worsted of lively colors, and the ends tied at the waist-band or joined behind; others bind the braids tightly round the head, and occasionally add some wild flowers.[901] In the tierra fria, a thick dark woolen blanket with a hole in the centre through which passes the head protects the wearer during the day from the cold and rain, and serves at night for a covering and often for the bed itself. This garment has in some places taken the place of the tilmatli. Children are kept in a nude state until they are eight or ten years old, and infants are enveloped in a coarse cotton cloth, leaving the head and limbs exposed. The Huicholas of Jalisco have a peculiar dress; the men wear a short tunic made of coarse brown or blue woolen fabric, tightened at the waist with a girdle hanging down in front and behind, and very short breeches of poorly dressed goat or deer skin without hair, at the lower edges of which are strung a number of leathern thongs. Married men and women wear straw hats with high pointed crowns and broad turned-up rims; near the top is a narrow and handsomely woven band of many colors, with long tassels. Their long bushy hair is secured tightly 622 round the crown of the head with a bright woolen ribbon. Many of the men do up the hair in queues with worsted ribbons, with heavy tassels that hang below the waist.[902] De Laet, describing the natives of Jalisco early in the seventeenth century, speaks of square cloths made of cotton and maguey tied on the right or left shoulder, and small pebbles or shells strung together as necklaces. Mota Padilla, in his history of New Galicia, says that the Chichimecs at Xalostitlan, in 1530, went naked. The inhabitants of Alzatlan about that time adorned themselves with feathers. In Zacualco, the common dress of the women about the same period, particularly widows, was the huipil, made of fine cotton cloth, generally black. The natives of the province of Pánuco, for many years after the Spanish Conquest, continued to go naked; they pulled out the beard, perforated the nose and ears, and, filing their teeth to a sharp point, bored holes in them and dyed them black. The slayer of a human being used to hang a piece of the skin and hair of the slain at the waist, considering such things as very valuable ornaments. Their hair they dyed in various colors, and wore it in different forms. Their women adorned themselves profusely, and braided their hair with feathers. Sahagun, speaking of the Matlaltzincas, says that their apparel was of cloth made from the maguey; referring to the Tlahuicas, he mentions among their faults that they used to go overdressed; and of the Macoaques, he writes: that the oldest women as well as the young ones paint themselves with a varnish called tecocavitl, or with some colored stuff, and wear feathers about their arms and legs. The Tlascaltecs in 1568 wore cotton-cloth mantles painted in various fine colors. The inhabitants of Cholula, according to Cortés, dressed better than the Tlascaltecs; the better class wearing over their other clothes a garment resembling the Moorish cloak, yet somewhat different, as that of Cholula had pockets, but in the cloth, the 623 cut, and the fringe, there was much resemblance to the cloak worn in Africa. Old Spanish writers tell us that the natives of Michoacan made much use of feathers for wearing-apparel and for adorning their bodies and heads. At their later religious festivals, both sexes appear in white, the men with shirt and trowsers, having a band placed slantingly across the breast and back, tied to a belt round the waist, and on the head a small red cloth arranged like a turban, from which are pendent scarlet feathers, similar to those used by the ancient Aztec warriors. The man is also adorned with a quantity of showy beads, and three small mirrors, one of which is placed on his breast, another on his back, and the third invariably on his forehead. At his back he carries a quiver, and in his hand a bow, adorned with bright colored artificial flowers, or it may be the Aztec axe, so painted and varnished as to resemble flint. At the present time, a native woman, however poor, still wears a necklace of coral or rows of red beads. The unmarried women of Chilpanzinco used to daub their faces with a pounded yellow flower. In Durango, the natives were accustomed to rub their swarthy bodies with clay of various colors, and paint reptiles and other animals thereon.[903] 624

In the Valley of Mexico, the natives wear the ichapilli, a type of sleeveless shirt made from white and blue striped cotton that falls to the knees and is cinched at the waist with a belt. This is often the only piece of clothing worn by the indigenous people of the Mexican Valley. Instead of the traditional feather headpieces, they now wear large felt or straw hats with a rim that's about nine inches wide; or they wrap a colorful handkerchief around their heads. Most men and women go barefoot, and those who do wear shoes use cacles or huaraches (sandals) made from tanned leather, secured with thongs around the ankles. The women's clothing has changed even less than the men's since the Spanish conquest. Many women wear a cotton or wool cloth over the ichapilli, held in place with a belt just above the hips, functioning as a petticoat; it's woven in dark stripes or decorated with designs. The ichapilli is white with designs stitched on the chest and is longer than the men's version. In Puebla, women wear very tight petticoats and stylish quichemels that cover the chest and back, all beautifully embroidered with silk and wool. In Veracruz and other hot areas, men's clothing consists of a short white cotton jacket or a dark wool tunic with wide open sleeves, fastened around the waist with a sash, and short blue or white breeches that open at the sides near the knee; these were introduced by the Spanish, but they still wear the square short cloak, tilma or tilmatli, with the end tied over one shoulder or across the chest. Sometimes, shorter breeches made from goat or deer skin are worn over the cotton ones, along with a jacket of the same material. Women wear a coarse cotton shift with large open sleeves, often decorated around the neck with brightly colored wool to match their taste; a blue wool petticoat is gathered at the waist, wide below, and a blue or brown rebozo is used to wrap around their shoulders. Occasionally, they use a muffler for their head and face. They take great care of their long hair, arranging it in two long braids that hang from the back of the head, neatly decorated and woven with colorful wool, with the ends tied at the waistband or joined behind; others wrap the braids tightly around their heads and sometimes add wildflowers. In the colder tierra fria, a thick dark woolen blanket with a hole in the center for the head protects the wearer from cold and rain during the day and serves as a blanket at night, often replacing the tilmatli. Children are kept naked until they are eight or ten years old, while infants are wrapped in a coarse cotton cloth, leaving their heads and limbs exposed. The Huicholas of Jalisco have a unique style; the men wear a short tunic made from coarse brown or blue wool fabric, cinched at the waist with a girdle that hangs down in front and behind, along with very short breeches made of poorly tanned goat or deer skin, with leather thongs strung at the edges. Married men and women wear straw hats with high pointed crowns and wide turned-up brims; near the top is a narrow, beautifully woven band of multiple colors with long tassels. Their long, bushy hair is tightly secured around the crown of the head with a bright woolen ribbon. Many men tie their hair into queues with wool ribbons, with heavy tassels that hang below the waist. De Laet, describing the natives of Jalisco in the early seventeenth century, mentions square cloths made of cotton and maguey tied on one shoulder and small pebbles or shells strung as necklaces. Mota Padilla, in his history of New Galicia, notes that the Chichimecs in Xalostitlan, in 1530, were naked. Around the same time, the inhabitants of Alzatlan decorated themselves with feathers. In Zacualco, the common dress for women during that period, especially widows, was the huipil, made of fine cotton cloth, usually black. The natives of Pánuco continued to go bare long after the Spanish Conquest; they would pull out their beards, pierce their noses and ears, file their teeth to sharp points, bore holes in them, and dye them black. A person who killed another would hang a piece of skin and hair from the slain at their waist, regarding it as a valuable ornament. They dyed their hair in various colors and styled it in different ways. Their women adorned themselves lavishly and braided their hair with feathers. Sahagun, when discussing the Matlaltzincas, noted that their clothing was made from maguey fibers; regarding the Tlahuicas, he mentioned that they had a tendency to overdress; and concerning the Macoaques, he wrote that both older and younger women painted themselves with a varnish called tecocavitl, or with some colored substance, and wore feathers around their arms and legs. The Tlascaltecs in 1568 wore cotton mantles dyed in a variety of beautiful colors. According to Cortés, the inhabitants of Cholula dressed better than the Tlascaltecs, with the upper class wearing a garment over their clothes resembling a Moorish cloak, yet slightly different, with pockets, while the cloth, cut, and fringe bore a strong resemblance to the cloaks worn in Africa. Early Spanish writers tell us that the natives of Michoacan made extensive use of feathers for clothing and body adornment. At later religious festivals, both men and women dress in white, the men wearing shirts and trousers with a band angled across their chests and backs, fastened to a belt around their waists, and on their heads, a small red cloth arranged like a turban, from which hang scarlet feathers similar to those worn by ancient Aztec warriors. The men are also adorned with many decorative beads and three small mirrors—one on their chest, another on their back, and the third always on their forehead. They carry a quiver on their back and a bow in their hand, decorated with brightly colored artificial flowers or sometimes the Aztec axe, all painted and varnished to look like flint. Today, a native woman, no matter how poor, still wears a necklace of coral or strands of red beads. Unmarried women from Chilpanzinco have traditionally painted their faces with crushed yellow flowers. In Durango, the natives used to rub their dark skin with various colored clay and paint reptiles and other animals onto their bodies.

The dwellings of the Wild Tribes of Central Mexico vary with climate and locality. In the lowlands, sheds consisting of a few poles stuck in the ground, the spaces between filled with rushes, and the roof covered with palm-leaves, afforded sufficient shelter. In the colder highlands they built somewhat more substantial houses of trunks of trees, tied together with creeping plants, the walls plastered with mud or clay, the roof of split boards kept in place with stones. In treeless parts, houses were constructed of adobe or sun-dried bricks and stones, and the interior walls covered with mats; the best houses were only one story high, and the humbler habitations too low to allow a man to stand erect. The entire house constituted but one room, where all the family lived, sleeping on the bare ground. A few stones placed in the middle of the floor, served as a fireplace where food was cooked. In Vera Cruz there is a separate small hut for cooking purposes. The wild nomadic Chichimecs lived in caverns or fissures of rocks situated in secluded valleys, and the Pames contented themselves with the shade afforded by the forest-trees.[904]

The homes of the Wild Tribes of Central Mexico differ based on the climate and location. In the lowlands, simple structures made from a few poles stuck in the ground, with spaces filled in with rushes and a roof covered with palm leaves, provided enough shelter. In the colder highlands, they built sturdier houses from tree trunks, tied together with creeping plants, with walls plastered in mud or clay and roofs made of split boards secured with stones. In areas without trees, homes were made of adobe or sun-dried bricks and stones, with the interior walls covered in mats; the best houses were only one story tall, while the simpler homes were too low for a person to stand up in. Each house was just one room, where the entire family lived and slept on the bare ground. A few stones in the middle of the floor served as a fireplace for cooking food. In Vera Cruz, there is a separate small hut designated for cooking. The wild nomadic Chichimecs lived in caves or rock fissures in remote valleys, while the Pames made do with the shade from the trees in the forest.[904]

FOOD AND AGRICULTURE.

Food and Farming.

Corn, beans, tomatoes, chile, and a variety of fruits and vegetables constitute the chief subsistence of the people, and in those districts where the banana flourishes, it ranks as an important article of food. The natives of Vera Cruz and Tamaulipas gather large quantities of the pitahaya, by means of an osier basket attached to a long pole; round the brim are arranged several forks, for the purpose of detaching the fruit, which then drops into the basket. From the blossoms and buds they make a ragout, and also grind the seeds for bread. From the sea and rivers they obtain a plentiful supply of fish, and they have acquired from childhood a peculiar habit of eating earth, which is said to be injurious to their physical development. It has been 625 stated that in former days they used human flesh as food.

Corn, beans, tomatoes, chiles, and a variety of fruits and vegetables are the main staples for the people, and in regions where bananas grow well, they are also a significant food source. The locals in Vera Cruz and Tamaulipas collect a large amount of pitahaya using a basket attached to a long pole; several forks are arranged around the edge to help detach the fruit, which then falls into the basket. They make a stew from the blossoms and buds and also grind the seeds to make bread. They catch plenty of fish from the sea and rivers, and since childhood, they have developed a unique habit of eating earth, which is said to be harmful to their physical growth. It has been reported that in the past, they consumed human flesh.

The Otomís and tribes of Jalisco cultivated but little grain, and consumed that little before it ripened, trusting for a further supply of food to the natural productions of the soil and to game, such as rabbits, deer, moles, and birds, and also foxes, rats, snakes and other reptiles. Corn-cobs they ground, mixed cacao with the powder, and baked the mixture on the fire. From the lakes in the valley of Mexico they gathered flies' eggs, deposited there in large quantities by a species of flies called by the Mexicans axayacatl, that is to say, 'water-face,' and by MM. Meneville and Virlet d'Aoust corixa femorata and notonecta unifasciata. The eggs being pounded, were moulded into lumps and sold in the market-place; they were esteemed a special delicacy, and were eaten fried. These people are also accused by some authors of having eaten human flesh.[905]

The Otomís and tribes of Jalisco grew very little grain, and they consumed what little they had before it ripened, relying on the natural resources of the land and hunting for additional food, such as rabbits, deer, moles, birds, as well as foxes, rats, snakes, and other reptiles. They ground corn-cobs, mixed the powder with cacao, and baked the mixture over the fire. From the lakes in the valley of Mexico, they collected fly eggs, which were deposited in large amounts by a type of fly known to the Mexicans as axayacatl, meaning 'water-face,' and by MM. Meneville and Virlet d'Aoust as corixa femorata and notonecta unifasciata. Once pounded, the eggs were shaped into lumps and sold in the marketplace; they were considered a special delicacy and were eaten fried. Some authors also claim that these people practiced cannibalism.[905]

Other tribes, inhabiting the valley of Mexico, Puebla, Michoacan, and Querétaro, show a greater inclination to cultivate the soil, and live almost wholly on the products of their own industry. They plant corn by making a hole in the ground with a sharp-pointed stick, into which the seed is dropped and covered up. Honey is plentiful, and when a tree is found where bees are at work, they stop the entrance with clay, cut off the branch and hang it outside their huts; after a short time they remove the clay, and the bees continue their operations in their new locality, as if they had not been disturbed.[906]

Other tribes living in the Mexico Valley, Puebla, Michoacán, and Querétaro are more inclined to farm the land and rely almost entirely on their own products. They plant corn by making a hole in the ground with a sharp stick, dropping the seed in, and then covering it up. Honey is abundant, and when they find a tree with bees, they block the entrance with clay, cut off the branch, and hang it outside their huts. After a short time, they remove the clay, and the bees continue their work in their new location as if they hadn’t been disturbed.[906]

Gemelli Careri thus describes a novel method of catching ducks: "Others contrive to deceive ducks, as 626 shy as they are; for when they have us'd 'em to be frequently among calabashes left floating on the lake for that purpose, they make holes in those calabashes, so that putting their heads in them, they can see out of them, and then going up to the neck in the water, they go among the ducks and draw 'em down by the feet." For making tortillas, the corn is prepared by placing it in water, to which a little lime is added, and allowing it to soak all night, or it is put to simmer over a slow fire; the husk is then easily separated and the corn mashed or ground on the metate. From this paste the tortilla is formed by patting it between the hands into a very thin cake, which is cooked on an earthern pan placed over the fire; the tortilla is eaten with boiled beans, and a mixture of chile and lard. The ground corn is also mixed with water and strained through a sieve; of this liquor they make a gruel, to which is added a little cacao or sugar. The sediment which remains in the sieve is used to make tamales, which are a combination of chopped meat, chile, and onions, which ingredients are covered with the corn paste, and the whole enveloped in corn or plantain leaves and boiled or baked. The Mexicans are very moderate eaters, but have an insatiable passion for strong liquors.[907]

Gemelli Careri describes a unique way to catch ducks: "Some people manage to trick ducks, who are quite timid; they get the ducks used to seeing calabashes floating on the lake. They make holes in these calabashes so the ducks can poke their heads in and see out. Then, with their necks submerged in the water, they mix in among the ducks and pull them down by their feet." To make tortillas, the corn is prepped by soaking it in water with a bit of lime overnight, or by simmering it over a low flame. The husk is then easily peeled off, and the corn is mashed or ground on a metate. The resulting dough is shaped into a very thin cake by patting it between the hands and cooked on a clay pan over the fire. The tortillas are served with boiled beans and a mix of chili and lard. The ground corn is also mixed with water and strained through a sieve; this liquid is used to make a gruel to which a little cocoa or sugar is added. The leftover pulp in the sieve is used to prepare tamales, which consist of chopped meat, chili, and onions, all wrapped in corn paste and then enclosed in corn or plantain leaves before being boiled or baked. Mexicans eat moderately, but they have an unquenchable love for strong alcohol.

Laziness and filth follow us as we proceed southward in our observations; among the Mexicans, the poorer classes especially are filthy in their persons, and have a disgusting appearance, which increases with the infirmities of age. Many of them indulge freely in the use of a steam-bath called temazcalli, similar to the Russian 627 vapor-bath, but it does not appear to have the effect of cleansing their persons.[908]

Laziness and dirt follow us as we move south in our observations; among the Mexicans, especially the poorer classes, people are unclean in their appearance and look increasingly unhealthy with age. Many of them frequently use a steam bath called temazcalli, similar to a Russian vapor bath, but it doesn’t seem to actually clean them.[908]

WEAPONS AND SHIELDS.

Weapons and shields.

All these tribes use bows and arrows; the latter carried in a quiver slung at the back, a few spare ones being stuck in the belt for immediate use. A heavy club is secured to the arm by a thong, and wielded with terrible effect at close quarters. In battle, the principal warriors are armed with spears and shields. Another weapon much in use is the sling, from which they cast stones to a great distance and with considerable accuracy. The natives of the valley of Mexico kill birds with small pellets blown through a hollow tube.[909]

All these tribes use bows and arrows, with the arrows carried in a quiver slung across their backs and a few extra ones tucked into their belts for easy access. A heavy club is attached to the arm by a strap and can cause serious damage in close combat. In battle, the main warriors are equipped with spears and shields. Another commonly used weapon is the sling, which they use to throw stones over long distances with impressive accuracy. The people in the valley of Mexico hunt birds with small pellets shot through a hollow tube.[909]

The clubs, which are from three to four feet in length, are made of a species of heavy wood, some having a round knob at the end similar to a mace, others broad and flat, and armed with sharp pieces of obsidian, fastened on either side. Acosta states that with these weapons they could cut off the head of a horse at one stroke. Spears and arrows are pointed with flint or obsidian, the latter having a reed shaft with a piece of hard wood inserted into it to hold the point. Their quivers are made of deer-skin, and sometimes of seal or shark-skin. Shields are ingeniously constructed of small canes so woven together with thread that they can be folded up and carried tied under the arm. When wanted for use they are loosed, and when opened out they cover the greater part of the body.[910] 628

The clubs, which are about three to four feet long, are made from a heavy type of wood. Some have a round knob at the end like a mace, while others are broad and flat, with sharp pieces of obsidian attached on either side. Acosta mentions that with these weapons, they could decapitate a horse in a single strike. Spears and arrows are tipped with flint or obsidian, with the latter having a reed shaft and a piece of hard wood inserted to hold the point. Their quivers are made from deer skin, and sometimes from seal or shark skin. Shields are cleverly made from small canes that are woven together with thread, allowing them to be folded up and carried under the arm. When needed, they can be unfastened, and when opened, they cover most of the body.[910] 628

WAR AND TREATMENT OF CAPTIVES.

War and Treatment of Captives.

Aboriginally, as with most northern nations, warfare was the normal state of these people. The so-called Chichimecs attacked all who entered their domain, whether for hunting, collecting fruit, or fighting. War once declared between two tribes, each side endeavors to secure by alliance as many of their neighbors as possible; to which end ambassadors are despatched to the chiefs of adjacent provinces, each bearing in his hand an arrow of the make peculiar to the tribe of the stranger chief. Arriving at the village, the messenger seeks out the chief and lays the arrow at his feet; if the proposal of his master be accepted by the stranger chief, the rendezvous is named and the messenger departs. The ambassadors having returned with their report, preparations are at once made for the reception of the allies, a feast is prepared, large quantities of game and intoxicating drink are made ready, and as soon as the guests arrive the viands are placed before them. Then follow eating and drinking, concluding with drunken orgies; this finished, a council is held, and the assault planned, care being taken to secure places suitable for an ambuscade and stones for the slingers. A regular organization of forces is observed and every effort made to outflank or surround the enemy. Archers and slingers march to an attack in single file, always occupying the van, while warriors armed with clubs and lances are drawn up in the rear; the assault is commenced by the former, accompanied with furious shouts and yells. During the period of their wars against the Spaniards, they often expended much time and labor in the fortification of heights by means of tree-trunks, and large rocks, which were so arranged, one on top of another, that at a given signal they might be loosened, and let fall on their assailants. The chiefs of the Tepecanos and contiguous tribes carried no weapons during the action, but had rods 629 with which they chastised those who exhibited symptoms of cowardice, or became disorderly in the ranks.[911] The slain were scalped or their heads cut off, and prisoners were treated with the utmost barbarity, ending invariably in the death of the unfortunates; often were they scalped while yet alive, and the bloody trophy placed upon the heads of their tormentors. The heads of the slain were placed on poles and paraded through their villages in token of victory, the inhabitants meanwhile dancing round them. Young children were sometimes spared, and reared to fight in the ranks of their conquerors; and in order to brutalize their youthful minds and eradicate all feelings of affection toward their own kindred, the youthful captives were given to drink the brains and blood of their murdered parents. The Chichimecs carried with them a bone, on which, when they killed an enemy, they marked a notch, as a record of the number each had slain. Mota Padilla states that when Nuño de Guzman arrived in the valley of Coynan, in Jalisco, the chiefs came out to meet him, and, as a sign of peace and obedience, dropped on one knee; upon being raised up by the Spaniards, they placed round their necks strings of rabbits and quails, in token of respect.[912]

Originally, like many northern nations, warfare was the usual state for these people. The so-called Chichimecs attacked anyone who entered their territory, whether for hunting, gathering fruit, or fighting. Once war was declared between two tribes, each side tried to secure as many neighboring tribes as possible as allies. To do this, they sent ambassadors to the chiefs of nearby provinces, each carrying an arrow unique to the tribe of the foreign chief. Upon arriving in the village, the messenger would approach the chief and present the arrow at his feet; if the foreign chief accepted his master’s proposal, they would set a meeting time and the messenger would leave. Once the ambassadors returned with their report, preparations for welcoming the allies would begin immediately, including a feast with plenty of game and drinks. As soon as the guests arrived, the food would be served. After eating and drinking, they would celebrate with drunken revelries; this finished, a council would be held to plan the attack, making sure to choose suitable spots for an ambush and gather stones for slinging. They organized their forces systematically and made every effort to outflank or surround the enemy. Archers and slingers would lead the attack in a single line, while warriors armed with clubs and lances would take position in the back; the assault would begin with the former, accompanied by fierce shouts and cries. During their wars against the Spaniards, they often spent considerable time and effort fortifying high ground using tree trunks and large rocks, arranged in such a way that they could be loosened at a signal to fall on their attackers. The chiefs of the Tepecanos and nearby tribes did not carry weapons during battles but used sticks to discipline those who showed cowardice or became disorderly in line. The dead were scalped or beheaded, and prisoners faced extreme brutality, usually ending in death; often, they were scalped while still alive, and the bloody trophy placed on the heads of their tormentors. The heads of the slain were mounted on poles and displayed through their villages as a sign of victory, with villagers dancing around them. Sometimes young children were spared and raised to fight for their captors; in a brutal effort to eliminate any feelings of loyalty toward their own families, the captives were forced to drink the brains and blood of their murdered parents. The Chichimecs carried a bone, and after killing an enemy, they would mark a notch on it to record the number they had slain. Mota Padilla states that when Nuño de Guzman arrived in the valley of Coynan, in Jalisco, the chiefs came out to greet him and, as a sign of peace and respect, knelt down; when the Spaniards helped them up, they adorned themselves with strings of rabbits and quails around their necks to show their respect.

As the wants of the people are few and simple, so is the inventory of their implements and household furniture. Every family is supplied with the indispensable metate, an oblong stone, about twelve by eighteen inches, smooth on the surface and resting upon three legs in a slanting position; with this is used a long stone roller, 630 called the metlapilli, for rubbing down the maize, and a large earthen pan, called the comalli, on which to bake the tortillas. Their bottles, bowls, and cups are made from gourds, often prettily painted, and kept hanging round the walls; some unglazed earthenware vessels, ornamented with black figures on a dull red ground, are used for cooking, a block of wood serves for a stool and table, and lastly a few petates (Aztec, petlatl, 'palm-leaf mat'), are laid upon the ground for beds. These comprise the whole effects of a native's house. For agricultural purposes, they have wooden spades, hoes, and sharp stakes for planting corn. Their products are carried home or to market in large wicker-work frames, often five feet high by two and a half feet broad, made from split palm-leaves.[913]

As the needs of the people are few and straightforward, so is the collection of their tools and household items. Every family has the essential metate, a rectangular stone about twelve by eighteen inches, smooth on the surface and resting on three legs at an angle; a long stone roller called the metlapilli is used for grinding the maize, and a large clay pan, called the comalli, is used for baking tortillas. Their bottles, bowls, and cups are made from gourds, often beautifully painted and hung around the walls; some unglazed clay pots, decorated with black designs on a dull red background, are used for cooking, a block of wood serves as a stool and table, and finally, a few petates (Aztec, petlatl, 'palm-leaf mat') are laid on the ground for beds. This makes up the entire belongings of a native's home. For farming, they have wooden spades, hoes, and sharp stakes for planting corn. Their products are transported home or to market in large wicker baskets, often five feet high and two and a half feet wide, made from split palm leaves.

In the State of Jalisco, the natives are celebrated for the manufacture of blankets and woolen mantas; in other parts of the country they continue to weave cotton stuffs in the same manner as before the conquest, all on very primitive hand-looms. The common designs are in blue or red and white stripes, but they are sometimes neatly worked with figures, the juice from the murex or purple shell supplying the vermilion color for the patterns. The inhabitants of Tonala exhibit much taste and excellence in the production of pottery, making a great variety of toys, masks, figures, and ornaments, besides the vessels for household use. In the vicinity of Santa Cruz, the fibres of the aloe, crushed upon the metate, are employed for the manufacture of ropes, nets, bags, and flat round pelotas, used in rubbing down the body after a bath. Palm-leaf mats and dressed skins also figure largely among the articles of native industry.[914] 631

In the state of Jalisco, locals are known for making blankets and woolen shawls. In other parts of the country, people continue to weave cotton fabrics just like they did before the conquest, using very basic hand looms. The common patterns are blue or red and white stripes, but sometimes they are neatly designed with figures, using juice from the murex or purple shell to create vermilion colors for the patterns. The people of Tonala show great creativity and skill in producing pottery, creating a wide variety of toys, masks, figures, and decorative items, in addition to vessels for everyday use. Near Santa Cruz, the fibers of the aloe plant, crushed on a metate, are used to make ropes, nets, bags, and flat round pelotas, which are used for rubbing the body after a bath. Palm-leaf mats and treated animal skins are also significant products of local craftsmanship.[914] 631

In Vera Cruz, they have canoes dug out of the trunk of a mahogany or cedar tree, which are capable of holding several persons, and are worked with single paddles.[915]

In Vera Cruz, they have canoes carved from the trunk of a mahogany or cedar tree, which can hold several people, and are paddled with single paddles.[915]

TRADE AND ARTS.

Trade and Creative Arts.

A considerable trade is carried on in pottery, mats, dressed skins, and manufactures of the aloe-fibre; also fruit, feathers, vegetables, and fish. All such wares are packed in light osier baskets, which, thrown upon their backs, are carried long distances to the several markets. In the province of Vera Cruz, vanilla, jalap, and other herbs are important articles of native commerce, and all the interior tribes place a high value on salt, for which they readily exchange their products.[916]

A significant trade exists in pottery, mats, tanned hides, and products made from aloe fiber; as well as fruit, feathers, vegetables, and fish. All these goods are packed in lightweight wicker baskets, which are carried on their backs over long distances to various markets. In the province of Veracruz, vanilla, jalap, and other herbs are key items in local commerce, and all the inland tribes highly value salt, for which they eagerly trade their products.[916]

The natives display much patience and skill in ornamental work, especially carvings in stone, and in painting; although the figures, their gods bearing witness, are all of grotesque shapes and appearance. With nothing more than a rude knife, they make very ingenious figures, of wax, of the pith of trees, of wood, charcoal, clay, and bone. They are fond of music, and readily imitate any strain they hear. From time immemorial they have retained a passion for flowers, in all seasons of the year tastefully decorating therewith their dwellings and shops. The art of working in gold and silver is well known to the natives of Jalisco, who execute well-shaped specimens of cups and vases, beautifully engraved and ornamented.[917] 632

The locals show a lot of patience and skill in decorative work, especially in stone carvings and painting; although the figures, as their gods can attest, are all in strange shapes and appearances. With just a simple knife, they create very creative figures out of wax, tree pith, wood, charcoal, clay, and bone. They enjoy music and easily mimic any tune they hear. For as long as anyone can remember, they have had a love for flowers, and they tastefully decorate their homes and shops with them all year round. The art of working with gold and silver is well-known among the people of Jalisco, who produce nicely shaped cups and vases, beautifully engraved and decorated.[917] 632

The wild tribes surrounding, and in places intermixed with, the Civilized Nations of Central Mexico, as far as I can learn, do not appear to have had any systematic tribal government; at least, none of the old historians have given any account of such. Some of the tribes attach themselves to chiefs of their own choice, to whom they pay a certain tribute from the produce of their labor or hunting expeditions, while others live without any government or laws whatsoever, and only elect a chief on going to war.[918]

The wild tribes around, and sometimes mixed in with, the civilized nations of Central Mexico, from what I can gather, don’t seem to have had any organized tribal government. At least, none of the ancient historians have provided any reports on that. Some tribes choose their own chiefs and pay them a tribute from the results of their work or hunting trips, while others live entirely without any government or laws and only select a chief when going to war.[918]

MARRIAGE CUSTOMS.

WEDDING TRADITIONS.

Marriage takes place at an early age, and girls are seldom found single after they attain fourteen or fifteen years. Gomara, however, says that women in the district of Tamaulipas are not married till they reach the age of forty. The Otomís marry young, and if, when arrived at the age of puberty, a young girl has not found a mate, her parents or guardians select one for her, so that none shall remain single. Among the Guachichiles, when a young man has selected a girl, he takes her on trial for an indefinite period; if, afterwards, both parties are satisfied with each other, the ceremony of marriage is performed; should it happen, however, that the man be not pleased, he returns the girl to her parents, which proceeding does not place any obstacle in the way of her obtaining another suitor. The Chichimecs cannot marry without the consent of parents; if a young man violates this law and takes a girl without first obtaining the parental sanction, even with the intention of marrying her, the penalty is death; usually, in ancient times, the offender was shot with arrows. When one of this people marries, if the girl proves not to be a virgin, the marriage is null, and the girl is returned to her parents. When a young man desires to marry, his parents make a visit to those of the intended bride, and leave with them a bouquet of flowers bound with red 633 wool; the bride's parents then send round to the houses of their friends a bunch of mariguana, a narcotic herb, which signifies that all are to meet together at the bride's father's on the next night. The meeting is inaugurated by smoking; then they chew mariguana, during which time all preliminaries of the marriage are settled. The following day the resolutions of the conclave are made known to the young man and woman, and if the decision is favorable, the latter sends her husband a few presents, and from that time the parties consider themselves married, and the friends give themselves up to feasting and dancing.[919]

Marriage happens at a young age, and girls are rarely single after they turn fourteen or fifteen. However, Gomara mentions that women in the Tamaulipas region don’t get married until they’re around forty. The Otomís marry young, and if a girl hasn’t found a partner by the time she hits puberty, her parents or guardians choose one for her to ensure no one stays single. Among the Guachichiles, when a young man picks a girl, he takes her on a trial basis for an indefinite period; if both are happy with each other afterward, they go through the marriage ceremony. If he’s not satisfied, he returns her to her parents, which doesn’t stop her from finding another suitor. The Chichimecs need parental consent to marry; if a young man breaks this rule and takes a girl without obtaining permission, even if he means to marry her, the punishment is death, and traditionally, he would be shot with arrows. When someone from this group marries, if the girl isn’t a virgin, the marriage is considered invalid, and she’s sent back to her parents. When a young man wants to marry, his parents visit the parents of the prospective bride and leave a bouquet of flowers tied with red wool. The bride’s parents then send a bunch of mariguana, a narcotic herb, to their friends' homes, signaling that everyone is to gather at the bride’s father’s house the following night. The gathering starts with smoking, followed by chewing mariguana, during which all the marriage details are arranged. The next day, the results of the meeting are shared with the young man and woman, and if the decision is positive, the bride sends her future husband some gifts. From that point on, they consider themselves married, and everyone celebrates with feasting and dancing.

A plurality of wives was found among all the inhabitants of this region at the time of the Spanish conquest, the first wife taking precedence of those who came after her. Many had concubines who, it may be said, ranked third in the family circle. The missionary Fathers, however, soon put an end to the custom of more than one wife, whenever they had the power to do so. Herrera says that the Chichimecs indulged in one wife only, but that they had the habit of repudiating her for any slight cause, and of taking another. The women are kept under subjection by their husbands, and not only have all the indoor work to do, such as cooking, spinning, and mat-making, but they are also required to carry heavy burdens home from the market, and bring all the wood and water for household use. Infants are carried on the mother's back, wrapped in a coarse cotton cloth, leaving the head and legs free. Among the Chichimecs, when a woman goes out of her house, she places her child in a wicker basket, and there leaves it, usually suspending it from the branch of a tree. A child is suckled by the mother until another comes on and crowds it out. Mühlenpfordt relates that he saw a boy of 634 seven or eight years of age demanding suck and receiving it from his mother. A woman near her time of confinement, retires to a dark corner of the house, attended by some aged woman, who sings to her, and pretends to call the baby from afar. This midwife, however, does not in any way assist at the birth, but as soon as the child is born she goes out, meanwhile covering her face with her hands, so that she may not see. Having walked once round the house, she opens her eyes, and the name of the first object she sees is chosen as the name of the child. Among the Otomís, a young woman about to become a mother is the victim of much unnecessary suffering arising from their superstitious practices; loaded with certain amulets and charms, she must carefully avoid meeting certain individuals and animals whose look might produce evil effects—a black dog especially must be avoided. The song of a mocking-bird near the house is held to be a happy omen. At certain hours the mother was to drink water which had been collected in the mountains, and previously presented to the gods; the phases of the moon were carefully watched. She was obliged to undergo an examination from the old crone who attended her, and who performed certain ceremonies, such as burning aromatic herbs mingled with saltpetre. Sometimes, amidst her pains, the ancient attendant obliged her charge to jump about, and take powerful medicines, which frequently caused abortion or premature delivery. If the child was a boy, one of the old men took it in his arms and painted on its breast an axe or some implement of husbandry, on its forehead a feather, and on the shoulders a bow and quiver; he then invoked for it the protection of the gods. If the child proved to be a female, the same ceremony was observed, with the exception that an old woman officiated, and the figure of a flower was traced over the region of the heart, while on the palm of the right hand a spinning-wheel was pictured, and on the left a piece of wool, thus indicating the several duties of after life. According to the Apostólicos 635 Afanes, the Coras call the child after one of its uncles or aunts. In twelve months' time a feast is prepared in honor of said young, and the mother and child, together with the uncle or aunt, placed in the middle of the circle of relatives. Upon these occasions much wine is drunk, and for the first time salt is placed in the child's mouth. As soon as the child's teeth are all cut, a similar meeting takes place, and the child is then given its first meal; and again, at the age of twelve, the ancients come together, when the youth is first given wine to drink. As a rule, young people show great respect and affection for their parents; all their earnings being at once handed over to them.[920]

A lot of people in this region had multiple wives when the Spanish arrived, with the first wife being the most important. Many also had concubines who were considered third in line in the family. However, the missionary Fathers quickly ended the practice of polygamy wherever they could. Herrera notes that the Chichimecs typically had only one wife but would easily divorce her for minor reasons and marry another. Women were controlled by their husbands and were responsible for all the domestic tasks like cooking, spinning, and making mats. They also had to carry heavy loads back from the market, along with fetching all the wood and water for the household. Infants were carried on their mothers' backs, wrapped in a rough cotton cloth that left their heads and legs free. Among the Chichimecs, when a woman left her house, she would put her child in a wicker basket and leave it there, often hanging it from a tree branch. A child would be breastfed until the mother had another one, which would push the older child out. Mühlenpfordt mentions seeing a boy about seven or eight years old still nursing from his mother. A woman who was about to give birth would retreat to a dark corner of the house, accompanied by an older woman who would sing to her and pretend to call the baby from a distance. This midwife wouldn’t help during the birth, but once the baby was born, she would leave while covering her face with her hands so she wouldn’t see. After taking a walk around the house, she would open her eyes, and the first thing she saw would be the name chosen for the baby. Among the Otomís, a young woman expecting a child faced a lot of unnecessary stress because of superstitious beliefs. She would be weighed down with amulets and charms and would need to avoid certain people and animals that could bring bad luck—especially black dogs. The song of a mockingbird nearby was considered a good sign. At certain times, the mother was supposed to drink water collected in the mountains and offered to the gods; they paid close attention to the moon phases. She had to undergo a check-up by the old woman attending her, who performed rituals like burning aromatic herbs mixed with saltpetre. Sometimes, during her labor, the midwife would insist that the mother jump around and take strong medicines, which often resulted in miscarriage or premature delivery. If the baby was a boy, one of the elderly men would hold it and paint an axe or farming tool on its chest, a feather on its forehead, and a bow and quiver on its shoulders, then call for the gods' protection. If the child was a girl, the same ceremony was done, but an older woman would perform it, drawing a flower over the heart area and a spinning wheel on the right palm and a piece of wool on the left, reflecting her future responsibilities. According to the *Apostólicos Afanes*, the Coras named the child after one of its uncles or aunts. After a year, a feast would be held for the child, with the mother and child, along with the relative, placed at the center of the family circle. During these events, a lot of wine would be consumed, and it would be the first time salt was given to the child. Once all the child's teeth came in, another similar gathering would be held for their first meal; again, when they turned twelve, the elders would gather to give the youth wine for the first time. Generally, young people showed great respect and affection for their parents, giving them all their earnings.

In early times, immorality and prostitution existed among these nations to an unparalleled extent. Gomara says that in the province of Tamaulipas there were public brothels, where men enacted the part of women, and where every night were assembled as many as a thousand, more or less, of these worse than beastly beings, according to the size of the village. It is certain that incest and every species of fornication was commonly practiced, especially in the districts of Vera Cruz, Tamaulipas, and Querétaro.[921]

In ancient times, immorality and prostitution were rampant in these nations like never before. Gomara mentions that in the province of Tamaulipas, there were public brothels where men played the role of women, and every night, as many as a thousand of these depraved individuals gathered, depending on the size of the village. It's clear that incest and all forms of fornication were widely accepted, particularly in the areas of Vera Cruz, Tamaulipas, and Querétaro.[921]

CHILDREN AND AMUSEMENTS.

Kids and entertainment.

Their amusements are stamped with the general melancholy of their character. Dancing, accompanied with music and singing, is their favorite pastime, but it is seldom indulged in without the accompanying vice of intoxication. When the Totonacs join in their national dances, they attach a kind of rattle called aiacachtli to a band round the head, that produces a peculiar sound during the performance. Among some tribes women are not permitted to join in the dances. 636 They make various kinds of drinks and intoxicating liquors. One is made from the fruit of the nopal or prickly pear, which is first peeled and pressed; the juice is then passed through straw sieves, and placed by a fire or in the sun, where in about an hour it ferments. Another drink, called chicha, is made from raw sugar-cane, which is mashed with a wooden mallet and passed through a pressing-machine. Their principal and national drink is pulque, made from the agave americana, and is thus prepared: When the plant is about to bloom, the heart or stalk is cut out, leaving a hole in the center, which is covered with the outer leaves. Every twenty-four hours, or in the hotter climates twice a day, the cavity fills with the sap from the plant, which is taken out and fermented by the addition of some already-fermented pulque, and the process is continued until the plant ceases to yield a further supply. The liquor obtained is at first of a thick white color, and is at all times very intoxicating.[922]

Their entertainment reflects the overall sadness of their character. Dancing, along with music and singing, is their favorite activity, but it's rarely done without the added problem of drunkenness. When the Totonacs participate in their traditional dances, they attach a type of rattle called aiacachtli to a band around their heads, which creates a distinctive sound during the performance. In some tribes, women are not allowed to participate in the dances. 636 They create various kinds of drinks and alcoholic beverages. One is made from the fruit of the nopal or prickly pear, which is first peeled and pressed; the juice is then strained through straw sieves and placed by a fire or in the sun, where it ferments in about an hour. Another drink, called chicha, is made from raw sugar cane, which is crushed with a wooden mallet and processed through a pressing machine. Their main national drink is pulque, made from the agave americana, and it’s prepared as follows: When the plant is about to flower, the heart or stalk is removed, leaving a cavity in the center that is covered with the outer leaves. Every twenty-four hours, or twice a day in hotter climates, the cavity fills with sap from the plant, which is collected and fermented by adding some previously fermented pulque, continuing this process until the plant stops producing more. The resulting liquor is initially a thick white color and is always quite intoxicating.[922]

MAKING AN ALLIANCE.

Forming a partnership.

Father Joseph Arlegui, in his Chrónica de la Provincia de Zacatecas, which province then comprised a much larger extent of territory than the present state of Zacatecas, describes a singular ceremony nowhere else mentioned. It is employed when one nation wishes to form a close connection, friendship, alliance, family or blood relationship, so to say (tratan de hacerse parientes), with another nation; and the process is as follows: From the tribe with which the alliance is desired, a man is seized, and a feast or drunken carousal commenced. Meanwhile the victim destined to form the connecting link between the two bands, and whose blood is to cement their friendship, is kept without food for twenty-four hours. Into him is then poured of their execrable beverages until he is filled, 637 and his senses are deadened, when he is stretched before a fire, built in a wide open place, where all the people may have access to him. Having warmed well his body, and rubbed his ears, each aspirant to the new friendship, armed with a sharp awl-shaped instrument, made of deer's bone, proceeds to pierce the ears of the prostrate wretch, each in turn forcing his sharpened bone through some new place, which causes the blood to spurt afresh with every incision. With the blood so drawn, the several members of the tribe anoint themselves, and the ceremony is done. On the spot where the relative of a Cora is killed in a fight, a piece of cloth is dipped in blood, and kept as a remembrance, until his death be avenged by killing the slayer, or one of the males of his family. When meeting each other on a journey, they make use of many complimentary salutations, and a kind of freemasonry appears to exist among them. Major Brantz Mayer mentions a tribe at Cuernavaca that, in the event of a white man arriving at their village, immediately seize and place him under guard for the night in a large hut; he and his animals are carefully provided for until the following day, when he is despatched from the village under an escort, to wait upon him until far beyond the limits of the settlement. The custom, at the present day, of hiding money in the ground is universal; nothing would induce a native to entrust his savings with another. The inhabitants of Querétaro spend much of their time basking in the sun, and if the sun does not yield sufficient warmth, they scoop out a hole in the ground, burn in it branches and leaves of the maguey, and when properly heated, lay themselves down in the place, and cover themselves with a mat or the loose earth.[923] 638

Father Joseph Arlegui, in his Chronicle of the Province of Zacatecas, which back then included a much larger territory than the present state of Zacatecas, describes a unique ceremony that isn't mentioned anywhere else. This ceremony is used when one nation wants to build a close connection, friendship, alliance, or family bond with another nation; the process works as follows: From the tribe with which they want to ally, a man is taken, and a feast or drunken celebration begins. Meanwhile, the person set to be the link between the two groups, whose blood will symbolize their friendship, is kept without food for twenty-four hours. Then, they fill him with their abhorrent drinks until he is intoxicated, and his senses are numbed. He is laid before a fire, set up in a wide open area for everyone to see. Once his body is warmed and his ears are rubbed, each person seeking this new friendship uses a sharp awl-like tool made from deer bone to pierce the man's ears, with each person taking turns and causing fresh blood to flow with each poke. The blood collected is then used by the tribe members to anoint themselves, completing the ceremony. At the spot where a Cora relative is killed in battle, a piece of cloth is soaked in blood and kept as a keepsake until the relative’s death is avenged by killing the perpetrator or one of the males in his family. When they meet on a journey, they exchange many friendly greetings, indicating a sort of mutual respect among them. Major Brantz Mayer talks about a tribe in Cuernavaca that, when a white man arrives in their village, immediately seizes him and puts him under guard for the night in a large hut; both he and his animals are well cared for until the next day when he is escorted out of the village, with an escort to guide him far beyond the settlement boundaries. Today, the practice of burying money is common; no native would ever trust another person with their savings. The people of Querétaro spend a lot of time soaking up the sun, and if it doesn’t provide enough warmth, they dig a hole in the ground, burn branches and leaves from the maguey plant in it, and when it’s heated up, they lie down in the hole and cover themselves with a mat or the loose earth. 637 638

The Mexicans are not subject to many diseases. Small-pox, brought into the country at the time of the conquest, typhoid fever, and syphilis are those which cause the greatest destruction of life; the two former are aggravated by the filthy condition of the villages. Yellow fever, or black vomit, very rarely attacks the aborigines. The measles is a prevalent disease. Death is likewise the result of severe wounds, fractures, or bruises, most of which end in mortification, owing to neglect, or to the barbarous remedies applied to combat them. The Huastecs of Vera Cruz suffer from certain worms that breed in their lips, and highly esteem salt for the curative properties they believe it to possess against this disorder. At the village of Comalá, in the state of Colima, a considerable number of the children are born deaf and dumb, idiots, or deformed; besides which, when they reach a mature age, if we may believe the early chroniclers, the goitres are more or less developed on them, notwithstanding Humboldt's assertion that the aborigines never suffer from this disorder. There is another disease, cutaneous in its character, which is quite prevalent in many parts of the country, and is supposed to be contracted under the influence of a warm, humid, and unhealthy climate, and may be described as follows: Without pain the skin assumes a variety of colors, the spots produced being white, red, brownish, or blue. The Pintos, as south-western coast-dwellers are called, the chief victims to this disorder, experience no physical pain, except when they go into a cold climate; then they feel twitchings in the places where the skin has changed color. The disease is declared to be contagious: and from all accounts no remedy for it has been as yet discovered. Formerly, an epidemic called the matlalzahuatl visited the country at long intervals and caused terrible havoc. All the Spanish writers who speak of it call it the peste, and suppose it to be the same scourge that destroyed nearly the whole population 639 of the Toltec empire in the eleventh century. Others believe it to have borne a greater similarity to yellow fever. The disease, whatever it is, made its appearance in 1545, 1576, and 1736, since which date I find no mention of it, destroying each time an immense number of people; but upon no occasion did it attack the pure whites or the mestizos. Its greatest havoc was in the interior, on the central plateau, and in the coldest and most arid regions, the lowlands of the coast being nearly, if not entirely, free from its effects.[924]

The Mexican population doesn't suffer from many diseases. Smallpox, which was introduced during the conquest, typhoid fever, and syphilis are the main contributors to loss of life; the first two are worsened by the unsanitary living conditions in the villages. Yellow fever, also known as black vomit, rarely affects the indigenous people. Measles is quite common. Severe wounds, fractures, or bruises can also lead to death, often due to neglect or because of barbaric treatments used to address them. The Huastecs from Vera Cruz deal with certain worms that infest their lips and highly value salt for its supposed healing properties against this condition. In the village of Comalá in Colima, a notable number of children are born deaf, mute, mentally disabled, or with deformities; in addition, if early chroniclers can be believed, many of them develop goiters by adulthood, despite Humboldt’s claim that indigenous people never suffer from this condition. Another skin disease, which is quite widespread in many areas, is believed to be caused by a warm, humid, and unhealthy climate. It manifests as the skin taking on various colors without pain, resulting in spots that are white, red, brownish, or blue. The Pintos, who live on the southwestern coast, are the primary victims of this ailment and feel no physical discomfort unless they're in a cold climate, at which point they experience twitching in the areas affected by color change. This disease is said to be contagious, and no remedy has yet been found. In the past, an epidemic known as matlalzahuatl struck the region at long intervals and caused significant devastation. All Spanish writers mention it as peste and believe it to be the same plague that nearly wiped out the entire Toltec empire in the eleventh century. Others think it resembled yellow fever more closely. This disease first appeared in 1545, then again in 1576, and later in 1736, each time resulting in a massive loss of life; however, it never seemed to affect pure whites or mestizos. Its worst impact was seen in the interior, on the central plateau, and in the coldest and driest regions, while the coastal lowlands were largely, if not completely, spared from its effects.

MEDICAL TREATMENT.

Medical care.

When small-pox was first introduced, the natives resorted to bathing as a cure, and a very large number succumbed to the disease. An old Spanish author, writing in 1580, states that the natives of the kingdom of New Spain had an extensive knowledge of medicinal herbs; that they seldom resorted to bleeding or compound purgatives, for they had many simple cathartic herbs. They were in the habit of making pills with the India-rubber gum mixed with other substances, which they swallowed, and rubbed themselves withal, to increase their agility and suppleness of body. Cold water baths are commonly resorted to when attacked with fever, and they cannot be prevailed upon to abandon the practice. The temazcalli or sweat-bath, is also very much used for cases of severe illness. The bath-house stands close to a spring of fresh water, and is built and heated not unlike a European bake-oven. When up to the required temperature the fire is taken out, and water thrown in; the patient is then thrust into it naked, feet foremost and head near the aperture, and laid on a mat that covers the hot stones. The hole that affords him air for breathing is about eighteen inches 640 square. When sufficiently steamed, and the body well beaten with rushes, a cold water bath and a brisk rubbing complete the operation.[925]

When smallpox was first introduced, the natives turned to bathing as a remedy, and a significant number fell victim to the disease. An old Spanish author, writing in 1580, notes that the indigenous people of the kingdom of New Spain had a deep understanding of medicinal herbs; they rarely used bleeding or complex purgatives because they had many simple laxative herbs. They commonly made pills from India rubber gum mixed with other substances, which they swallowed and also rubbed on themselves to improve their agility and flexibility. Cold water baths are commonly used when they have a fever, and they won’t give up this practice. The temazcalli or sweat-bath is also widely used for severe illnesses. The bathhouse is located near a fresh water spring and is constructed and heated similarly to a European bake-oven. Once it reaches the necessary temperature, the fire is removed, and water is thrown in; the patient is then placed inside naked, feet first with their head near the opening, and laid on a mat covering the hot stones. The opening for breathing is about eighteen inches square. Once they are sufficiently steamed and their body is thoroughly beaten with rushes, a cold water bath and a vigorous rubbing complete the treatment. 640

In Michoacan, the natives believe that the leaves of a plant called cozolmecatl or olcacaran applied to a sore part of the body will foretell the result of the disorder; for if the leaves adhere to the spot, it is a sure sign that the sufferer will get well, but if they fall off, the contrary will happen. When prostrated with disease, the nearest relatives and friends surround the patient's couch and hold a confab upon the nature of his ailment and the application of the remedy. Old sorceresses and charlatans put in practice their spells; fumigations and meltings of saltpetre abound; and by some jugglery, out of the crystallized saltpetre is brought a monstrous ant, a horrible worm, or some other object, which, as they allege, is the cause of the disorder. As the disease progresses, the friends of the sufferer severally recommend and apply, according to the judgment each may have formed of the matter, oil of scorpions or of worms, water supposed to produce miraculous effects on fevers, or like applications, and these empirical remedies, most of which are entirely useless, and others extremely barbarous, are applied together without weight or measure.[926]

In Michoacan, the locals believe that the leaves of a plant called cozolmecatl or olcacaran placed on a sore spot on the body can predict the outcome of an illness; if the leaves stick to the area, it's a clear sign that the person will recover, but if they fall off, the opposite is true. When someone is seriously ill, relatives and friends gather around the patient's bed to discuss the nature of their condition and potential treatments. Old healers and tricksters perform their rituals; there's a lot of fumigation and melted saltpeter involved, and through some sleight of hand, a huge ant, a disgusting worm, or another object is supposedly produced from the crystallized saltpeter, which they claim is the source of the illness. As the person's condition worsens, their friends each suggest and apply different remedies based on their own opinions, like scorpion or worm oil, water believed to have miraculous effects on fevers, or similar treatments. These makeshift remedies, most of which are completely ineffective and some shockingly cruel, are applied without any real care or measurement.[926]

BURIAL AND CHARACTER.

Burial and character.

In common with other peoples, it is usual with these nations to place several kinds of edibles in the grave with the deceased. Among the Coras, when one died, the corpse was dressed and wrapped in a mantle; if a man, with bow and arrows, and if a woman, with her distaff, etc., and in this manner the body was buried in a cave previously selected by the deceased. All his worldly goods were placed at the door of his 641 former house, so that he might come and take them without crossing the threshold, as they believed the dead returned to see about property. If the deceased had cattle, his friends and relatives every now and then placed some meat upon sticks about the fields, for fear he might come for the cattle he formerly owned. Five days after death a hired wizard essayed to conjure away the shade of the departed property-holder. These spirit-scarers went smoking their pipes all over the dead man's house, and shook zapote-branches in the corners, till they pretended to have found the fancied shadow, which they hurled headlong to its final resting-place. Upon the second of November most of the natives of the Mexican valley bring offerings to their dead relatives and friends, consisting of edibles, live animals, and flowers, which are laid on or about the graves. The anniversary or commemoration of the dead among the ancient Aztecs occurred almost upon the same day.[927]

Like other cultures, these nations usually place various foods in the grave with the deceased. Among the Coras, when someone died, the body was dressed and wrapped in a cloak; if it was a man, he was buried with a bow and arrows, and if it was a woman, with her distaff, etc. The body was buried in a cave that the deceased had chosen beforehand. All of their belongings were placed at the entrance of their old house, so they could come and take them without stepping inside, as it was believed the dead returned to check on their possessions. If the deceased had cattle, their friends and family would periodically leave some meat on sticks in the fields, fearing the deceased might come for the cattle they once owned. Five days after death, a hired shaman would try to drive away the spirit of the departed. These spirit-chasers walked around the dead person's house smoking their pipes and shaking zapote branches in the corners until they claimed to have found the imagined shadow, which they then threw away to its final resting place. On November 2nd, most of the people in the Mexican valley bring gifts to their deceased relatives and friends, including food, live animals, and flowers, which are placed on or around the graves. The anniversary or commemoration of the dead among the ancient Aztecs took place almost on the same day.

The thick-skinned, thoughtful and reserved aboriginals of central Mexico are most enigmatical in their character. Their peculiar cast of features, their natural reserve, and the thickness of their skin, make it extremely difficult to ascertain by the expression of the face what their real thoughts are. The general characteristics of this people may be summed up as follows: peaceable, gentle and submissive to their superiors, grave even to melancholy, and yet fond of striking exhibitions and noisy revelry; improvident but charitable, sincerely pious, but wallowing in ignorance and superstitions; quick of perception, and possessed of great facility for acquiring knowledge, especially of the arts, very imitative, but with little originality, unambitious, 642 unwilling to learn, and indifferent to the comforts of life. Irascibility is by no means foreign to their nature, but it seems to lie dormant until awakened by intoxication or some powerful impulse, when the innate cruelty flames forth, and they pass suddenly from a state of perfect calmness to one of unrestrained fierceness. Courage and cowardice are so blended in their character that it is no easy matter to determine which is the predominant trait. A fact worthy of notice is that upon many occasions they have proved themselves capable of facing danger with the greatest resolution, and yet they will tremble at the angry frown of a white man. Laziness, and a marked inclination to cheating and stealing are among the other bad qualities attributed to them; but there is abundant evidence to show, that although naturally averse to industry, they work hard from morning till night, in mining, agriculture, and other occupations, and in their inefficient way accomplish no little labor. Murder and highway robbery are crimes not generally committed by the pure aboriginal, who steals rarely anything but food to appease his hunger or that of his family. A Mexican author says, the Indian cuts down a tree to pick its fruit, destroys an oak of ten years growth for a week's firewood; in other words, he produces little, consumes little, and destroys much. Another Mexican writer affirms that the Indian is active, industrious, handy in agricultural labor, a diligent servant, a trusty postman, humble, hospitable to his guests, and shows a sincere gratitude to his benefactors.[928] 643

The thick-skinned, thoughtful, and reserved indigenous people of central Mexico are quite mysterious in their character. Their distinctive features, natural reserve, and thick skin make it very hard to read their true thoughts just by looking at their faces. The general traits of this community can be summed up like this: peaceful, gentle, and submissive to their leaders; serious, even to the point of melancholy, yet they enjoy lively displays and loud celebrations; careless but charitable; genuinely religious, yet steeped in ignorance and superstition; quick to notice things, with a great ability to learn, especially when it comes to arts; very imitative, yet not very original; lacking ambition, unwilling to learn, and indifferent to life's comforts. They do have a tendency toward irritability, but it seems to stay dormant until stirred by alcohol or a strong impulse, at which point their innate cruelty can erupt, causing them to go from calm to fierce in an instant. Courage and cowardice are mixed together in such a way that it’s hard to tell which one stands out more. Notably, there are many occasions when they have shown great bravery in facing danger, yet they may cower at the angry glare of a white man. Laziness and a tendency toward cheating and stealing are other negative traits often attributed to them. However, there is plenty of evidence showing that, while they might naturally shy away from hard work, they labor diligently from dawn till dusk in mining, agriculture, and other jobs, achieving a significant amount of work in their own way. Murder and highway robbery are not common among pure indigenous individuals, who typically steal only food to satisfy their hunger or that of their families. A Mexican author notes that the Indian will cut down a tree to gather its fruit, destroy a ten-year-old oak for a week's worth of firewood; in other words, they create little, consume little, and destroy a lot. Another Mexican writer states that the Indian is active, industrious, skilled in agriculture, a diligent worker, a reliable messenger, humble, hospitable to guests, and shows sincere gratitude to those who help him. 642 643

CHARACTER IN NORTHERN MEXICO.

Character in Northern Mexico.

The Pames, Otomís, Pintos, and other nations north of the Mexican valley were, at the time of the conquest, a barbarous people, fierce and warlike, covetous even of trifles and fond of display. The Michoacaques or Tarascos are warlike and brave, and for many years after the conquest showed themselves exceedingly hostile to the whites, whom they attacked, plundered, and frequently murdered, when traveling through their country. In 1751 they were already quiet, and gave evidences of being intelligent and devoted to work. The men in the vicinity of the city of Vera Cruz are careless, lazy, and fickle; much given to gambling and drunkenness; but the women are virtuous, frugal, cleanly, and extremely industrious. The natives of Jalapa, judging by their countenance, are less intelligent, and lack the sweetness of character that distinguishes the inhabitants of the higher plateau; they are, however, peaceable and inoffensive. The wild tribes of the north are rude, revengeful, dull, irreligious, lazy, and given to robbery, plunder, and murder. Such are the characteristics attributed to them under the name of Chichimecs by old Spanish authors and others. Indeed, the only creditable traits they were allowed to possess, were, in certain parts, courage and an independent spirit. Of the nations of Jalisco, both ancient and modern writers bear testimony to their bravery. They are also sagacious and somewhat industrious, but opposed to hard labor (as what savage is not), and not easily kept under restraint. Those who dwell on Lake Chapala are quiet and mild, devoted to agricultural pursuits. They indeed proved themselves high-spirited and efficient in defending their rights, when long oppression had exhausted their forbearance. The Coras were hardy and warlike, averse to any intercourse with the whites and to the Christian religion, but by the efforts of the missionaries, and the heavy 644 blows of the Spanish soldiers, they were brought under subjection, and became tractable.[929]

The Pames, Otomís, Pintos, and other groups north of the Mexican valley were, at the time of the conquest, a fierce and warlike people, greedy even for small items and fond of showing off. The Michoacaques, or Tarascos, were brave and, for many years after the conquest, were very hostile to the whites, attacking, robbing, and often murdering them as they passed through their territory. By 1751, they had become more peaceful and demonstrated that they were intelligent and hard-working. The men around Vera Cruz are careless, lazy, and inconsistent; they gamble and drink a lot, but the women are virtuous, frugal, clean, and extremely hardworking. The natives of Jalapa, judging by their appearance, seem less intelligent and lack the warmth of character found in those from the central plateau; however, they are peaceful and harmless. The wild tribes of the north are described as rude, vengeful, dull, irreligious, lazy, and inclined to theft, plunder, and murder. These traits were attributed to them by older Spanish writers who referred to them as Chichimecs. The only commendable qualities they were credited with were, in some areas, bravery and an independent spirit. Both ancient and modern writers have recognized the bravery of the nations of Jalisco. They are perceptive and somewhat industrious, though resistant to hard labor (as most savage tribes are) and not easily kept in check. Those living around Lake Chapala are peaceful and mild, dedicated to farming. They showed themselves spirited and effective in defending their rights when long oppression tested their patience. The Coras were tough and warlike, resistant to interaction with whites and to Christianity, but through the efforts of missionaries and the strong force of Spanish soldiers, they were subdued and became manageable.

THE NATIONS OF SOUTHERN MEXICO.

The countries of Southern Mexico.

The Southern Mexicans, under which name I group the people inhabiting the present states of Oajaca, Guerrero, Chiapas, the southern portion of Vera Cruz, Tabasco, and Yucatan, constitute the second and last division of this chapter. Much of this territory is situated within the tierras calientes, or hot lands, wherein every variety of tropical vegetation abounds in luxuriant profusion. The heat, especially along the coast, to the unacclimated is most oppressive. The great chain of the cordillera in its transit across the Tehuantepec isthmus, approaches nearer to the Pacific seaboard than to the Atlantic, and dropping from the elevated table-land of central Mexico, seeks a lower altitude, and breaks into cross-ridges that traverse the country in an east and west direction. Upon the northern side of the isthmus are plains of considerable extent, of rich alluvial soil, through which several rivers, after draining the mountain districts, discharge into the Mexican gulf. These streams, in their course through the table-lands, are bordered by rich lands of greater or lesser extent. On the southern side, nature puts on a bolder aspect and a narrower belt of lowlands is traversed by several rivers, which discharge the drainage of the southern slope into the Pacific Ocean, and into the lagoons that border the ocean. One of the most important features of Yucatan is the absence of any important river. The coast, which is of great extent, has in general a bleak and arid appearance, and is little broken except on the north-west, 645 where it is indented by the laguna de Terminos, and on the eastern side by the bays of Ascension, Espíritu Santo, and Chetumel. The central part of the Yucatan peninsula is occupied by a low ridge of mountains, of barren aspect. A short distance from the coast the general appearance of the country improves, being well-wooded, and containing many fertile tracts.

The Southern Mexicans, a term I use to refer to the people living in the current states of Oajaca, Guerrero, Chiapas, the southern part of Vera Cruz, Tabasco, and Yucatan, make up the second and final section of this chapter. A lot of this land is located in the tierras calientes, or hot lands, where a wide variety of tropical plants thrive abundantly. The heat, especially near the coast, is incredibly oppressive for those who aren't used to it. The vast mountain range, as it crosses the Tehuantepec isthmus, comes closer to the Pacific coast than to the Atlantic and descends from the high plateau of central Mexico, seeking lower ground, breaking into cross-ridges that run east to west across the terrain. On the northern side of the isthmus are extensive plains with rich alluvial soil, which several rivers flow through after draining the mountainous areas, emptying into the Gulf of Mexico. Along their journey through the highlands, these rivers are lined with fertile land, varying in size. On the southern side, nature takes on a more dramatic appearance, with a narrower stretch of lowlands crossed by several rivers that carry rainwater from the southern slopes into the Pacific Ocean and into the lagoons along the coast. One notable aspect of Yucatan is the lack of any significant river. The coastline, which is extensive, generally looks bleak and dry, only interrupted in the northwest by the laguna de Terminos, and on the eastern side by the bays of Ascension, Espíritu Santo, and Chetumel. The central area of the Yucatan peninsula features a low ridge of mountains that appears barren. A short distance inland from the coast, the landscape improves, becoming more wooded and home to many fertile areas.

Many of the nations occupying this region at the time of the conquest may be called cultivated, or at least, progressive, and consequently belong to the civilized nations described in the second volume of this work; others falling back into a state of wildness after the central civilization was extinguished, makes it extremely difficult to draw any line separating civilization from savagism. Nevertheless we will examine them as best we may; and if it be found that what we learn of them refers more to the present time than has been the case with nations hitherto treated, the cause will be obvious.

Many of the countries in this region during the time of conquest can be called developed, or at least, advanced, and therefore belong to the civilized nations described in the second volume of this work; others regressed into a state of savagery after the central civilization was lost, making it very hard to draw a line between civilization and barbarism. Still, we will examine them as best as we can; and if what we learn about them relates more to the present than what has been said about other nations, the reason will be clear.

The Zapotecs, who were in former times a very powerful nation, still occupy a great portion of Oajaca, surrounded by the ruins of their ancient palaces and cities. The whole western part of the state is taken up by the Miztecs. Tributary to the above before the conquest, were the Mijes and other smaller tribes now residing in the mountain districts in the centre of the isthmus. The Huaves, who are said to have come by sea from the south, and to have landed near the present city of Tehuantepec, spread out over the lowlands and around the lagoons on the south-western coast of Oajaca. In the province of Goazacoalco, and in Tabasco, are the Ahualulcos, and Chontales, who occupy a large portion of the latter state. South of them in Chiapas are the Choles, Tzendales, Zotziles, Alames, and Quelenes, and in the extreme south-eastern end of the same state, and extending into Central America, some tribes of the Lacandones are located. The extensive peninsula of Yucatan, the ancient name of which was Mayapan, formed the independent and powerful kingdom of the Mayas, who held undisputed possession of the country until, after a heroic 646 resistance, they were finally compelled to yield to the superior discipline and weapons of the Spanish invaders.[930]

The Zapotecs, once a very powerful nation, still occupy a large part of Oaxaca, surrounded by the ruins of their ancient palaces and cities. The entire western region of the state is occupied by the Miztecs. Before the conquest, the Mijes and other smaller tribes that now live in the mountainous areas in the center of the isthmus were tributary to them. The Huaves, said to have arrived by sea from the south and landed near what is now the city of Tehuantepec, spread across the lowlands and around the lagoons on the southwestern coast of Oaxaca. In the province of Goazacoalco and in Tabasco, there are the Ahualulcos and Chontales, who occupy a significant portion of Tabasco. Further south in Chiapas are the Choles, Tzendales, Zotziles, Alames, and Quelenes, and at the extreme southeastern tip of the same state, extending into Central America, some tribes of the Lacandones are located. The vast peninsula of Yucatán, once known as Mayapan, was the independent and powerful kingdom of the Mayas, who held undisputed control of the region until, after a heroic 646 resistance, they were ultimately forced to surrender to the superior discipline and weaponry of the Spanish invaders.[930]

PHYSIQUE IN OAJACA AND YUCATAN.

BODY IN OAXACA AND YUCATÁN.

The Zapotecs proper are well-formed and strong; the features of the men are of a peculiar cast and not pleasing; the women, however, are delicately formed, and graceful with handsome features. Another tribe of the same nation, the Zapotecs of Tehuantepec, are rather under the medium height, with a pleasing oval face and present a fine personal appearance. Not a few of them have light-colored hair, and a somewhat fair complexion. Their senses, especially that of sight, are acute, and the constitution sound and robust, notwithstanding their habits of intoxication. The females have regular and handsome features, and though of small stature and bizarre in their carriage, are truly graceful and seductive. Dark lustrous eyes, long eye-lashes, well defined eye-brows, luxuriant and glossy jet-black hair, play havoc with the men. Those of Acayucan village are particularly noted for their beauty. But not all are thus; instance the Chatinos who are remarkably ugly. The natives of Oajaca are generally large and well-formed; those of Sierra are of a light-yellow complexion, and their women are tolerably white with mild features. Some branches of the Miztecs and Mazatecs carry upon their shoulders very large loads. Father Burgoa writing of the Miztecs, of Yangüistlan, in the year 1541, speaks of their beautiful complexion and fine forms. The Mijes are of good height, strongly built, hardy, and active; they wear a beard, and altogether their aspect is repulsive. The Zoques are very much like the Mijes, their features are as prominent and unprepossessing; but they are probably more athletic. The Chontales are 647 tall and very robust. In the village of Tequisistlan, Oajaca, shortly after the Spanish conquest, they were all reported as of a gigantic stature. The Huaves present a different appearance from any of the other natives of the isthmus of Tehuantepec. They are generally well-made, and of strong constitutions. The natives of Tabasco who dwell in the country bordering on the river of that name, are of medium height, and with well-developed limbs. Both men and women have round flat faces, low foreheads, small eyes, flattish noses, thick lips, small but quite full mouths, white teeth, and tawny complexions. The Ahualulcos are rather under the middle height, but of great physical strength. They have a low narrow forehead, salient cheek-bones, full lips, white teeth, small beard, and coarse hair. Their features are aquiline, and the expression of their countenance is melancholy, one of gentleness blended with sternness. They strongly resemble the descendants of the Aztecs of Mexico. The women are more delicately made, and some beautiful ones are seen among them. They move quickly and with much natural grace.[931]

The Zapotecs themselves are well-built and strong; the men have a unique appearance that isn’t particularly attractive, while the women are elegantly shaped and have beautiful features. Another group from the same area, the Zapotecs of Tehuantepec, are generally shorter, with pleasing oval faces and an appealing look. Many of them sport lighter hair and have somewhat fair skin. Their senses, especially eyesight, are sharp, and they are robust and healthy, despite their habits of drinking. The women have regular and attractive features, and although they are short and have a quirky way of moving, they are genuinely graceful and alluring. Dark, shiny eyes, long eyelashes, well-defined eyebrows, and luxurious, glossy black hair captivate the men. Those from Acayucan are especially known for their beauty. However, not everyone is attractive; the Chatinos, for instance, are particularly unattractive. The natives of Oajaca are generally large and well-formed; those from the Sierra region have a light-yellow skin tone, and their women are relatively fair with gentle features. Some groups of the Miztecs and Mazatecs carry very heavy loads on their shoulders. Father Burgoa, writing about the Miztecs of Yangüistlan in 1541, noted their beautiful skin and great physiques. The Mijes are of good height, strong, tough, and agile; they grow beards, and overall, their appearance is off-putting. The Zoques closely resemble the Mijes, with equally pronounced and unappealing features, though they may be more athletic. The Chontales are tall and very solidly built. In the village of Tequisistlan, Oajaca, shortly after the Spanish conquest, they were all described as having a giant stature. The Huaves look different from all the other natives of the isthmus of Tehuantepec. They are typically well-formed and robust. The Tabasco natives living by the river of the same name are of average height with well-developed bodies. Both men and women have round, flat faces, low foreheads, small eyes, flat noses, thick lips, small but full mouths, white teeth, and tawny skin. The Ahualulcos are slightly shorter than average but very physically strong. They have low, narrow foreheads, prominent cheekbones, full lips, white teeth, small beards, and coarse hair. Their features are aquiline, and their expressions convey a mix of gentleness and seriousness. They closely resemble the descendants of the Aztecs of Mexico. The women tend to be more delicately built, and some strikingly beautiful ones can be found among them. They move swiftly and with a natural grace.

The descendants of the Mayas are of medium size, with good limbs, large faces and mouth, the upper lip slightly arched, and a marked tendency to stoutness; the nose is somewhat flat, eyes sleepy-looking and hair black and glossy, which rarely turns gray; complexion of a copper color, and in some instances yellowish. Naturally strong, the Maya or Yucatec can carry heavy loads long distances, and perform a great deal of hard labor without showing signs of fatigue. An old Spanish 648 writer mentions that they were generally bow-legged, and many of them squint-eyed. The same author says they had good faces, were not very dark, did not wear a beard, and were long-lived. The women are plump, and generally speaking not ugly.[932]

The descendants of the Mayas are of average height, with robust limbs, large faces, and wide mouths. Their upper lips are slightly curved, and they tend to be stocky. They have somewhat flat noses, sleepy-looking eyes, and black, shiny hair that rarely turns gray. Their skin tone is copper-colored, with some having a yellowish tint. Naturally strong, the Maya or Yucatec people can carry heavy loads over long distances and work hard without showing signs of tiredness. An old Spanish648 writer noted that they were generally bow-legged and many had squinting eyes. This same author mentioned that they had pleasant faces, weren't very dark, didn't grow beards, and lived long lives. The women are curvy and, overall, not unattractive.

DRESS IN OAJACA AND YUCATAN.

Dressing in Oaxaca and Yucatán.

Very scanty was the dress of the dwellers on Tehuantepec isthmus. In Oajaca and Chiapas, the men wore a piece of deer or other skin fastened round the waist, and hanging down in front, and the women wore aprons of maguey-fibre. Montanus in describing the Mijes says they were quite naked, but that some wore round the waist a white deer-skin dressed with human hearts. The Lacandones, when going to war, wore on their shoulders the skin of a tiger, lion, or deer. The Quelenes wrapped round their head a colored cloth, in the manner of a turban, or garland of flowers. At present, the usual dress of the Zapotecs is a pair of wide Mexican drawers, and short jacket of cotton, with a broad-brimmed hat, made of felt or straw—yet the Huaves and many of the poorer class, still wear nothing but a breech-cloth. The costume of the women is simple, and not without elegance. That of the Miztecs, Zapotecs, and others dwelling in the city of Tehuantepec is a skirt made of cotton,—sometimes of wool—that reaches nearly to the ankles, prettily and often elaborately worked in various designs and colors. The upper part of the body is covered with a kind of chemisette, with short sleeves called the huipil, of fine texture, and adorned with lace and gold or silk threads. On the head is a white cotton covering, made like a narrow sack or sleeve, which is drawn on and hangs down over the back. In Tabasco, the dress of the men differs little from that of the people of Tehuantepec; the Tabascan women wear a cotton petticoat or a few yards of calico wrapped round the waist, and reaching below the knees. Over the petticoat 649 they wear a frock with sleeves to the wrist, leaving the bosom and neck exposed. Children and boys go naked; indeed, whenever clothing to any extent is found in this region, we may be sure that the foreign trader is at the bottom of it.[933]

The clothing of the people living on the Tehuantepec isthmus was very minimal. In Oaxaca and Chiapas, the men wore a piece of deer or other animal skin tied around their waist and hanging down in front, while the women wore aprons made of maguey fiber. Montanus described the Mijes as mostly naked, although some wore a white deer skin dressed with human hearts around their waist. The Lacandones, when going to war, draped the skin of a tiger, lion, or deer over their shoulders. The Quelenes wrapped a colorful cloth around their heads like a turban or a garland of flowers. Nowadays, the typical attire of the Zapotecs consists of wide Mexican pants and a short cotton jacket, along with a broad-brimmed hat made of felt or straw—though the Huaves and many in the poorer classes still wear just a breechcloth. The women's clothing is simple yet elegant. The Miztecs, Zapotecs, and others living in the city of Tehuantepec wear skirts made of cotton—sometimes wool—that reach nearly to their ankles, often beautifully decorated with various designs and colors. The upper body is covered with a type of chemisette with short sleeves, called the huipil, made of fine fabric and embellished with lace and gold or silk threads. On their heads, they wear a white cotton covering shaped like a narrow sack or sleeve, which is pulled on and hangs down the back. In Tabasco, men's clothing is quite similar to that of the people from Tehuantepec; Tabascan women wear a cotton petticoat or a few yards of calico wrapped around their waist that falls below the knees. Over the petticoat, they wear a dress with sleeves down to the wrists, leaving their chests and necks bare. Children and boys are often naked; indeed, whenever clothing is found in any quantity in this area, it's usually because a foreign trader is involved. 649

Both sexes usually wear the hair long, parting it in the middle, and either permit it to hang in loose tresses over the shoulders, or, binding it with gay colored ribbons, loop it up on the back of the head, where it is fastened with a large comb. On festive occasions they interweave flowers with the hair, and also mingle with it a species of shining beetle, called cucullo, which emits a phosphorescent light, and produces a very pretty effect. Among the Zoques who reside at San Miguel and Santa María Chimalapa, the males shave the crown of the head, a custom of possible monkish origin peculiar to themselves. Feather tufts and skins of green birds were formerly much used for ornaments; they had also necklaces made of pieces of gold joined together, and amber beads. Nose and ears were pierced, and pieces of stone or amber or gold rings or a bit of carved wood inserted. Montanus describes a kind of snake called ibobaca, which he says the inhabitants of Chiapas wore round the neck.[934] They also painted and stained the face. When Fernandez de Córdova explored the northern coast of Yucatan, he found the people clad in cotton garments, and at the present day this forms the principal material from which their clothing is made. Men now wear a cotton shirt or blouse, usually without sleeves, and wide drawers; round the waist is tied a 650 white or colored sash; for protection from the sun, a straw hat is worn, or perhaps a piece of colored calico, and their sandals are made from deer-skin. Instead of drawers, they used to wear a broad cotton band passed round the loins, the ends of which were arranged to hang one in front and the other behind; a cloak or mantle of cotton called zugen was thrown over the shoulders. Colonel Galindo mentions that they used the bark of the India-rubber tree for making garments, and Cogolludo says that when the Spaniards arrived at Aké, in the year 1527, the army of natives were in a state of nudity, with only their privy parts covered, and the whole body besmeared with clay of different colors. The women display considerable taste in the style of their garments; over a petticoat, which reaches to their ankles, and prettily bordered at the bottom, they have a dress with sleeves down to the elbow; the skirt is open at the sides, and does not fall as low as the petticoat, so that the border of the latter may be seen, the bosom of the dress is open, and on each side of the breast and round the neck it is embroidered with coarse silk, as in Tehuantepec; the huipil (Aztec, vipilli) is also worn. In country places women wear the petticoat alone, using the overskirt or huipil only on special occasions. When out of doors, they cover the head and part of the face with a piece of cotton cloth.[935] All permit the hair to attain to its full length; the men plait theirs and wind it round the head, leaving a short end to hang down behind, while that of the women hangs in dark masses over their shoulders, or is neatly bound up behind and decorated with flowers or feathers. Herrera states that it was customary to scorch the faces of young children to prevent the growth 651 of their beards, and the men allowed the hair to grow down over the eyebrows, making their heads and foreheads flat on purpose. They pierced nose and ears, ornamenting them with rings set with pearls and bits of amber, and wore collars and bracelets of gold. Some among them filed their teeth. They painted the face and all exposed parts of the body in many colors, using white or yellow with black and red, covering themselves from the waist upward with a variety of designs and figures. When going to battle paint was much used, in order to render their appearance more formidable; men tattooed on the chest, and the women mixed liquid amber with their pigments, which, when rubbed over the body, emitted a perfume.[936]

Both men and women typically wear their hair long, parting it down the middle, and they either let it fall loosely over their shoulders or tie it up in the back with colorful ribbons, securing it with a large comb. For celebrations, they weave flowers into their hair and add a type of shiny beetle called cucullo, which glows with a phosphorescent light, creating a beautiful look. In the Zoque communities in San Miguel and Santa María Chimalapa, the men shave the tops of their heads, a custom possibly influenced by monastic traditions unique to them. Feather tufts and skins from green birds used to be popular for decorations; they also wore necklaces made of gold pieces and amber beads. Their noses and ears were pierced, and they inserted stones, amber, gold rings, or carved wooden pieces. Montanus describes a snake called ibobaca, which the people of Chiapas wore around their necks. They also painted and colored their faces. When Fernandez de Córdova explored the northern coast of Yucatan, he found the locals dressed in cotton clothing, which is still the main fabric they use today. Men now wear a cotton shirt or blouse, usually sleeveless, paired with loose-fitting pants. They tie a white or colored sash around their waist for added style, wearing a straw hat or a piece of colorful cloth for sun protection, and their sandals are made of deer skin. Instead of pants, they used to wear a wide cotton band wrapped around their loins, with the ends hanging in front and behind; they draped a cotton cloak called zugen over their shoulders. Colonel Galindo mentions that they made clothing from the bark of the rubber tree, and Cogolludo states that when the Spaniards arrived at Aké in 1527, the native army was mostly naked, with only their private parts covered and their bodies smeared with clay in various colors. Women show great taste in their clothing styles; they wear an ankle-length petticoat, elegantly bordered at the bottom, with a dress that has elbow-length sleeves. The skirt has openings on the sides and doesn’t go down as far as the petticoat, allowing its border to show, and the bodice is open and embroidered with coarse silk around the chest and neck, much like in Tehuantepec; they also wear the huipil (Aztec, vipilli). In rural areas, women often wear just the petticoat, donning the overskirt or huipil only for special occasions. When they go outside, they cover their heads and part of their faces with a piece of cotton cloth. Everyone lets their hair grow long; men braid their hair and wrap it around their heads, leaving a short section hanging down in the back, while women’s hair cascades over their shoulders in dark waves or is neatly tied up and adorned with flowers or feathers. Herrera notes that it was common to scorch young children's faces to prevent beard growth, and men allowed their hair to grow down over their eyebrows, intentionally flattening their heads and foreheads. They pierced their noses and ears, decorating them with pearl set rings and amber, and wore collars and bracelets made of gold. Some even filed their teeth. They painted their faces and all bare skin in vibrant colors, using white or yellow alongside black and red, covering their upper bodies with diverse designs. During battles, they used paint to enhance their intimidating appearance; men often tattooed their chests, and women mixed liquid amber with their pigments, which released a pleasant fragrance when applied to their skin.

ZAPOTEC BUILDINGS.

Zapotec Structures.

The better class of Zapotecs of the present day build their houses in a substantial manner of adobes; the common people construct a more simple dwelling with branches arranged in a double row, and the space between filled in with earth; they also make them of wattled cane-work plastered with clay. Such dwellings are cool and proof against the frequent earthquakes that occur in their territory. Roofs are thatched with palmetto-leaves without opening, nor are there any windows in the walls. The interior is divided into several compartments, according to size and necessity.[937] The Mijes thatch their houses with bundles of coarse straw. The Chinantecs, Chochos, and Chontales originally built no houses, but sought out the most shady forests, where they dwelt, or they located themselves in ravines and 652 rocky parts, living in caverns or holes under the rocks; the Tzendales of Chiapas had many towns and painted their houses; the Ahualulcos lived together in communities, and had commodious, well-built houses of interwoven cane, plastered on the inside with mud, the roof thatched with palmetto.[938]

The more affluent Zapotecs today build their homes with sturdy adobe bricks, while the common folks create simpler structures using branches arranged in two rows, filling the space in between with earth. They also make houses from woven cane covered with clay. These homes are cool and resistant to the frequent earthquakes that happen in their area. The roofs are thatched with palmetto leaves, with no openings or windows in the walls. The inside is divided into several sections based on size and need. [937] The Mijes use bundles of coarse straw for thatching their homes. The Chinantecs, Chochos, and Chontales originally didn’t build houses but found shelter in the shadiest forests or settled in ravines and rocky areas, living in caves or holes in the rocks. The Tzendales of Chiapas had many towns and painted their homes. The Ahualulcos lived in communities and had spacious, well-constructed houses made of interwoven cane, with the interior plastered with mud and roofs thatched with palmetto. [938]

PREPARATION OF FOOD.

Food Preparation.

From the earliest times of which we have any record, the natives of Oajaca and the isthmus of Tehuantepec cultivated corn and vegetables, and likewise followed the chase; those who dwelt on the borders of the sea or lakes applied themselves to fishing. The Zapotecs now raise wheat, and build mills. It is asserted by an old Spanish chronicler that this nation exceeded all others in eating and drinking. As early as 1690, they gathered crops of maguey, maize, Spanish peas, chile, potatoes, and pumpkins, and bred swine and poultry. Of late they cultivate rice, sugar-cane, and other tropical productions, as also do the inhabitants of Tehuantepec. Primitive agriculture has undergone but little alteration; deer are caught by means of traps and nets. The Miztecs, Mijes, and Cuicatecs have from the earliest times been cultivators of the soil. The Mijes make a coarse or impure sugar from sugar-cane; their corn-fields are often many miles distant from their dwellings. The Huaves, the greater portion of whom are on the borders of the lagoons on the isthmus of Tehuantepec, live mostly on the proceeds of their fisheries, although they raise a small supply of grain and fruit. Their fishing is almost exclusively done with sweep-nets in shallow waters, and during one month of the year they catch large schools of shrimps in traps. The Zoques produce the small quantity of corn that they need, some achote, many very fine oranges, and tobacco. They are fond of iguanas and their eggs, and of parrots, killing the latter with stones. The Chontales of Tabasco and Tehuantepec use maize 653 and cocoa as food. They eat flesh only upon great religious festivals, marriages, or other celebrations, but are fond of fish. In olden times they were cannibals, and Antonio de Herrera, the chief chronicler of the Indies, accused also the natives of Chiapas of being eaters of human flesh. Since the conquest the natives have lived mostly on corn and other vegetable productions, cultivated by themselves. A large portion of the Mayas and of the other aborigines of Yucatan are to-day engaged in the cultivation of the soil, they also breed such domestic animals as they need for themselves. They are very simple and frugal in their eating.[939] All the natives of this section of the Mexican republic grind their maize in the same manner; after first soaking it in lye or in lime and water, it is bruised on the metate, or rubbing-stone, being wet occasionally, until it becomes a soft paste. With this they make their tortillas and other compounds, both to eat and drink. To make tortillas the maize paste is shaped into thin cakes with the palms of the hands and cooked upon a flat clay pan. The totoposte is a smaller cake used for journeys in lieu of the tortillas. The difference between them is in the manner of preparation; the totopostes are cooked one side only and laid near the fire which makes them crisp, and require to be moistened in order to render them eatable. Tamales are a favorite dish and are made of pork, game, or poultry. The meat is cut up in small pieces and washed; a small quantity of the maize paste seasoned with cinnamon, saffron, cloves, pimento, tomatoes, coarse pepper, salt, red coloring matter, and some lard added to it, is placed on the fire in a pan and as soon as it has acquired the consistency of a thick gruel, it is removed, mixed with the meat, some 654 more lard and salt added, and the mass kneaded for a few moments. It is then divided into small portions, which are enveloped in a thin paste of maize. The tamales thus prepared are covered with a banana-leaf or corn-husk and placed in a pot or pan over which large leaves are laid. They are allowed to boil from one hour and a half to two hours. The posole is a nourishing drink made of sour maize paste mixed with water; sometimes they add a little honey to it. They also prepare a drink by parching corn and grinding it to powder on the metate, and mixing it with water and a little achote. This last drink they prefer to the posole, for long journeys.[940]

From the earliest times we have records of, the natives of Oaxaca and the isthmus of Tehuantepec farmed corn and vegetables and also hunted. Those who lived near the sea or lakes focused on fishing. The Zapotecs currently grow wheat and operate mills. An old Spanish chronicler claimed that this nation was the biggest consumer of food and drink compared to others. As early as 1690, they harvested crops of maguey, maize, Spanish peas, chile, potatoes, and pumpkins, and raised pigs and poultry. Recently, they also grow rice, sugarcane, and other tropical products, like the inhabitants of Tehuantepec. Traditional farming practices have changed little; deer are caught using traps and nets. The Miztecs, Mijes, and Cuicatecs have been farming since ancient times. The Mijes produce a raw or impure sugar from sugarcane; their cornfields are often several miles away from where they live. The Huaves, most of whom reside along the lagoons on the isthmus of Tehuantepec, primarily rely on their fishing for food, though they do grow a small amount of grain and fruit. They mainly fish using sweep nets in shallow waters and catch large quantities of shrimp in traps during one month of the year. The Zoques grow just enough corn for their needs, some achote, many fine oranges, and tobacco. They enjoy iguanas and their eggs, as well as parrots, which they catch with stones. The Chontales of Tabasco and Tehuantepec consume maize and cocoa as staples. They only eat meat during significant religious festivals, weddings, or other celebrations, but enjoy fish. In the past, they were cannibals, and Antonio de Herrera, the main chronicler of the Indies, claimed that the natives of Chiapas also practiced cannibalism. Since the conquest, the locals mainly eat corn and other vegetables they grow themselves. Many of the Mayas and other indigenous people of Yucatan are currently engaged in agriculture and also raise livestock for their own needs. They have simple and modest diets. All the natives of this part of the Mexican republic grind their maize in the same way; after soaking it in lye or lime and water, it is crushed on the metate, or grinding stone, occasionally wetting it until it turns into a soft paste. With this, they make tortillas and other dishes, both for eating and drinking. To make tortillas, the maize paste is shaped into thin cakes using their palms and cooked on a flat clay pan. The totoposte is a smaller cake that serves as a travel substitute for tortillas. The difference between them lies in how they are prepared; totopostes are cooked on one side only and placed near the fire to make them crispy, requiring some moisture to make them edible. Tamales are a popular dish made with pork, game, or poultry. The meat is chopped into small pieces and washed; a small amount of maize paste is seasoned with cinnamon, saffron, cloves, allspice, tomatoes, coarse pepper, salt, red coloring, and some lard, placed in a pan over the fire. Once it becomes thick, it’s removed, mixed with the meat, some additional lard, and salt, and kneaded for a few moments. It is then divided into small portions wrapped in thin maize paste. The prepared tamales are covered with a banana leaf or corn husk and placed in a pot or pan, with large leaves laid on top. They then boil for about one and a half to two hours. The posole is a nourishing drink made from sour maize paste mixed with water, sometimes with a bit of honey added. They also make a drink by toasting corn, grinding it to powder on the metate, mixing it with water and a little achote. They prefer this drink over posole for long journeys.

The natives of Tehuantepec and especially those who reside in the Goazacoalco district are neat and clean in regard to their personal habits. They observe the custom of bathing daily. In their ablutions they make use of a plant called chintule the root of which they mix with water, thereby imparting to their bodies a strong aromatic odor. The same plant is used when they wash their clothes, the scent from which remains on them for some time. A pleasing feature in the appearance of these people is the spotless whiteness of their cotton dresses and the care they bestow on their luxuriant hair.

The people of Tehuantepec, especially those living in the Goazacoalco district, are tidy and clean when it comes to their personal habits. They follow the practice of bathing every day. In their cleansing rituals, they use a plant called chintule, whose root they mix with water, giving their bodies a strong, pleasant scent. They use the same plant when washing their clothes, which retains the fragrance for a while. A striking aspect of these people is the pristine whiteness of their cotton clothes and the attention they give to their thick, beautiful hair.

The other tribes who inhabit this isthmus as well as those of Chiapas are not so clean in their persons, and as a consequence are much infested with vermin which the women have a disgusting habit of eating when picked from the heads of their children. The Mayas make frequent use of cold water, but this practice appears to be more for pleasure than for cleansing purposes, as neither in their persons nor in their dwellings do they present an appearance of cleanliness.[941] 655

The other tribes living on this isthmus, as well as those in Chiapas, aren’t very clean, and as a result, they’re often infested with pests, which the women have a nasty habit of eating when picked from their children’s heads. The Mayas often use cold water, but it seems more for enjoyment than for hygiene, as neither they nor their homes look particularly clean.[941] 655

WEAPONS AND WAR.

Weapons and War.

The weapons of the Southern Mexicans were in most respects similar to those used by the Central Mexicans, namely, bows and arrows, macanas, and lances, the latter of great length and very strong. In Tabasco they carried turtle-shell shields highly polished so as to reflect the sun; they also had flint stones for lances and arrow-points, but sometimes weapon-points were made from strong thorns and fish-bones. The hard wooden sword of the Maya was a heavy and formidable weapon, and required the use of both hands to wield it; the edge was grooved for the purpose of inserting the sharp flint with which it was armed. Slings were commonly used by all these nations. In addition to shields the Mayas had for defensive armor garments of thickly quilted cotton called escaupiles, which covered the body down to the lower part of the thigh, and were considered impervious to arrows. The flint knife of former days has now been replaced by the machete which serves the purpose of both cutlass and chopping-knife, and without it no native ever goes into the woods.[942]

The weapons of the Southern Mexicans were largely similar to those used by the Central Mexicans, specifically bows and arrows, macanas, and long, strong lances. In Tabasco, they carried highly polished turtle-shell shields that reflected the sun. They also used flint stones for lances and arrowheads, but sometimes weapon points were made from sturdy thorns and fish bones. The Maya's hard wooden sword was a heavy and intimidating weapon that required both hands to use; the edge was grooved to hold the sharp flint it was fitted with. Slings were commonly used by all these groups. In addition to shields, the Mayas wore defensive armor made of thickly quilted cotton called escaupiles, which covered the body down to the thighs and were thought to be arrowproof. The flint knife of earlier times has now been replaced by the machete, which functions as both a cutlass and a chopping knife, and no native goes into the woods without it.[942]

When the Spaniards first arrived at Tabasco, they encountered a people well-skilled in the art of war, with a fair knowledge of military tactics, who defended their country with much bravery; their towns and villages were well fortified with intrenchments or palisades, and strong towers and forts were built on such places as presented the most favorable position for resisting attacks. 656 To their forts they retired when invaded by a superior force, and from the walls they hurled large rocks with damaging effect against their foes. Cortés found erected on the bank of the Tabasco River, in front of one of their towns, a strong wooden stockade, with loopholes through which to discharge arrows; and subsequently, during his march through their country, they frequently set fire to their villages, with the object of harassing his troops. When advancing to battle they maintained a regular formation, and they are described as having met Francisco Montejo in good order, drawn up in three columns, the centre under the command of their chief, accompanied by their chief priest. The combatants rushed forward to the attack with loud shouts, cheered on by the blowing of horns and beating of small drums called tunkules. Prisoners taken in battle were sacrificed to their gods.[943]

When the Spaniards first arrived in Tabasco, they came across a people skilled in warfare, with a solid understanding of military tactics, who defended their land bravely. Their towns and villages were well protected with trenches or wooden fences, and strong towers and forts were built in locations that offered the best chances of resisting attacks. 656 They retreated to their forts when faced with a larger force and hurled heavy rocks from the walls to cause damage to their enemies. Cortés found a strong wooden stockade on the bank of the Tabasco River, in front of one of their towns, with openings for shooting arrows. Later, during his march through their territory, they often burned their villages to disrupt his troops. When preparing for battle, they maintained a disciplined formation, and they are said to have met Francisco Montejo in good order, arranged in three columns, with the center led by their chief along with their chief priest. The fighters charged into battle with loud shouts, encouraged by the sound of horns and small drums called tunkules. Prisoners taken in battle were sacrificed to their gods.

The furniture of their houses is of the plainest description, and limited to their absolute wants. Their tables or benches are made of a few rough boards, and a mat called petate, spread on the floor, serves for a bed, while a coarse woolen blanket is used for covering; some few have small cane bedsteads. The natives of Tabasco and Yucatan more commonly have a network hamaca or hammock, suspended from two posts or trees. Their cooking-utensils consist of the metate, pots made of earthenware, and gourds. The universal machete carried by man and boy serves many purposes, such as chopping firewood, killing animals, eating, and building houses. Burgoa describes nets of a peculiar make used by the Zapotecs for catching game; in the knots of the net were fixed the claws of lions, tigers, bears, and other 657 wild beasts of prey, and at intervals were fastened a certain number of small stones; the object of such construction being probably to wound or disable the animal when caught.[944]

The furniture in their homes is very simple and only what they absolutely need. Their tables or benches are made from a few rough boards, and a mat called petate, laid on the floor, serves as a bed, with a coarse woolen blanket for covering; some people have small cane bed frames. The locals in Tabasco and Yucatan often use a network hamaca or hammock, hung between two posts or trees. Their cooking tools include the metate, clay pots, and gourds. The universal machete, carried by men and boys, is used for many tasks, including chopping firewood, butchering animals, eating, and building homes. Burgoa notes that the Zapotecs use uniquely designed nets for catching game; in the knots of the nets, they attach the claws of lions, tigers, bears, and other predatory animals, as well as a number of small stones at intervals; this setup likely aims to injure or incapacitate the animal when entangled.657

OAJACAN MANUFACTURES.

Oajacan Manufacturing.

The Zapotecs, Miztecs, Mayas, and others, since the conquest, have long been justly celebrated for the manufacture of cotton stuffs, a fact that is all the more surprising when we consider the very imperfect implements they possessed with which to perform the work. Burgoa speaks of the excellence and rich quality of their manufactures in cotton, silk, and gold thread, in 1670, and Thomas Gage, writing about the same time, says "it is rare to see what works those Indian women will make in silk, such as might serve for patterns and samplers to many Schoolmistresses in England." All the spinning and weaving is done by the women; the cotton clothes they make are often interwoven with beautiful patterns or figures of birds and animals, sometimes with gold and silk thread. A species of the agave americana is extensively cultivated through the country, from the fibres of which the natives spin a very strong thread that is used chiefly for making hammocks; the fibre is bleached and then dyed in different rich tints. The materials they have for dyeing are so good that the colors never fade. The Zapotecs have also an intimate knowledge of the process of tanning skins, which they use for several domestic purposes.[945] 658

The Zapotecs, Mixtecs, Mayans, and others have been justly celebrated for their cotton production since the conquest, which is even more surprising given the primitive tools they used for the work. Burgoa highlighted the exceptional quality of their cotton, silk, and gold-thread products in 1670, and Thomas Gage, writing around the same time, noted, "it's rare to see the kinds of works those Indigenous women can create in silk, which could serve as patterns and samples for many schoolmistresses in England." All spinning and weaving are done by women; the cotton garments they create often feature intricate patterns or images of birds and animals, sometimes enhanced with gold and silk threads. A type of agave americana is widely cultivated across the region, and the fibers are spun into a very strong thread primarily used for making hammocks; the fibers are bleached and dyed in various rich colors. The dyeing materials they use are so effective that the colors never fade. The Zapotecs also possess a deep understanding of the skin tanning process, which they utilize for various domestic purposes.[945] 658

Notwithstanding their proximity to the sea-coast, and although their country is in many parts intersected by rivers and lagoons, they have a surprisingly slight knowledge of navigation, few having any vessels with which to venture into deep water. The inhabitants of Tabasco, the Yucatan coast, and Cozumel island possess some canoes made from the single trunk of a mahogany-tree, which they navigate with small lateen sails and paddles. The Huaves and others are in complete ignorance of the management of any description of boats.[946]

Despite being close to the coastline, and although their land is often crossed by rivers and lagoons, they have surprisingly little knowledge of navigation, with few people having any boats to venture into deep waters. The people of Tabasco, the Yucatan coast, and Cozumel island have some canoes made from single mahogany tree trunks, which they navigate using small lateen sails and paddles. The Huaves and others know nothing about handling any type of boat.[946]

The Zoques make from the ixtle and pita thread and superior hammocks, in which they have quite a trade. In the neighborhood of Santa María they grow excellent oranges, and sell them throughout all the neighboring towns. The Zapotecs have, many of them, a considerable commerce in fruits, vegetables, and seeds. In the city of Tehuantepec the business of buying and selling is conducted exclusively by women in the market-place. The Ahualulcos are chiefly employed in cutting planks and beams, with which they supply many places on this isthmus; they also trade to some extent in seeds and cotton cloths. Different kinds of earthenware vessels for domestic purposes are made by the natives of Chiapas, and by them exchanged for salt, hatchets, and glass ornaments. The Mayas have an extensive business in logwood, which, besides maize and poultry, they transport to several places along the coast. Mr Stephens describes a small community of the Maya nation, numbering about a hundred men with their families, living at a place called Schawill, who hold and work their lands in common. The 659 products of the soil are shared equally by all, and the food for the whole settlement is prepared at one hut. Each family contributes its quota of provisions, which, when cooked, are carried off smoking hot to their several dwellings. Many of the natives of Tabasco earn a livelihood by keeping bee-hives; the bees are captured wild in the woods, and domesticated. The Huaves breed cattle and tan hides; cheese and tasajo, or jerked meat, are prepared and exported by them and other tribes on the isthmus of Tehuantepec. At the present day cochineal is cultivated to a considerable extent, and forms an important article of commerce among the inhabitants. A rather remarkable propensity to the possession of large numbers of mules is peculiar to the Mijes; such property in no way benefits them, as they make no use of them as beasts of burden; indeed, their owners seem to prefer carrying the loads on their own backs.[947]

The Zoques create hammocks from ixtle and pita thread, which they trade extensively. In the Santa María area, they grow top-quality oranges and sell them throughout nearby towns. Many Zapotecs engage in significant trade of fruits, vegetables, and seeds. In Tehuantepec, all buying and selling in the marketplace is done by women. The Ahualulcos mainly cut planks and beams, supplying many places on the isthmus, and they also trade in seeds and cotton fabrics. The natives of Chiapas make various earthenware vessels for household use, which they trade for salt, hatchets, and glass ornaments. The Mayas have a large business in logwood, as well as maize and poultry, transporting these goods to several coastal locations. Mr. Stephens describes a small community of the Maya nation, about a hundred men and their families, living in a place called Schawill, where they collectively hold and farm their land. The products of the land are shared equally, and meals for the entire community are prepared at one hut. Each family contributes its share of food, which is then taken piping hot to their homes. Many Tabasco natives make a living by keeping beehives; they catch bees from the wild and domesticate them. The Huaves raise cattle and tan hides, producing cheese and tasajo, or jerked meat, which they export along with other tribes on the isthmus of Tehuantepec. Nowadays, cochineal is cultivated widely and is an important trade item among the residents. The Mijes have a notable tendency to own many mules; however, this doesn't benefit them since they don't use them as pack animals, and the owners appear to prefer carrying their loads themselves.

ZAPOTEC GOVERNMENT.

Zapotec government.

Formerly the Zapotecs were governed by a king, under whom were caciques or governors who ruled over certain districts. Their rank and power descended by inheritance, but they were obliged to pay tribute to the king, from whom they held their authority in fief. At the time of the conquest the most powerful among them was the Lord of Cuicatlan; for the service of his household, ten servants were furnished daily, and he was treated with the greatest respect and homage. In later years a cacique was elected annually by the people, and under him officers were appointed for the different villages. Once a week these sub-officers assembled to consult with and receive instructions from the cacique on matters relating to the laws and regulations of their districts. In the towns of the Miztecs a municipal form of government was established. Certain officials, elected annually, appointed the work which was to be done by the people, and every morning at sunrise the town-criers 660 from the tops of the highest houses called the inhabitants to their allotted tasks. It was also the duty of the town-criers to inflict the punishment imposed on all who from laziness or other neglect failed to perform their share of work. A somewhat similar system appears to have prevailed in Chiapas, where the people lived under a species of republican government.[948] The Mayas were at one time governed by a king who reigned supreme over the whole of Yucatan. Internal dissensions and wars, however, caused their country to be divided up into several provinces, which were ruled over by lords or petty kings, who held complete sway, each in his own territory, owing allegiance to none, and recognizing no authority outside of their own jurisdiction. These lords appointed captains of towns, who had to perform their duties subject to their lord's approval. Disputes arising, the captains named umpires to determine differences, whose decisions were final. These people had also a code of criminal laws, and when capital punishment was ordered, public executioners carried the sentence into effect. The crime of adultery in the man was punishable by death, but the injured party could claim the right to have the adulterer delivered to him, and he could kill or pardon him at pleasure; disgrace was the punishment of the woman. The rape of a virgin was punished by stoning the man to death.[949] 661

Once, the Zapotecs were ruled by a king, who had caciques or governors overseeing specific districts. Their status and power were inherited, but they had to pay tribute to the king, from whom they obtained their authority in fief. At the time of the conquest, the most influential among them was the Lord of Cuicatlan; he received ten servants daily to serve his household and was treated with great respect and honor. Later on, a cacique was elected each year by the people, and under his leadership, officers were appointed for different villages. Every week, these sub-officers would gather to discuss and receive guidance from the cacique on issues related to the laws and regulations of their regions. In Miztec towns, a municipal government was established. Certain officials, elected annually, delegated tasks to the people, and each morning at sunrise, town criers from the tallest houses called residents to their assigned duties. It was also the responsibility of the town criers to enforce punishment on anyone who failed to complete their work due to laziness or neglect. A similar system seemed to exist in Chiapas, where the people lived under a form of republican government. The Mayans were once ruled by a king who held complete power over all of Yucatan. However, internal conflicts and wars fragmented their territory into several provinces, each governed by local lords or minor kings who had total control within their own lands, owed no allegiance to anyone, and recognized no authority beyond their domain. These lords assigned captains of towns, who had to perform their roles with their lord's consent. In case of disputes, the captains appointed umpires to settle disagreements, and their decisions were final. They also had a set of criminal laws, and when capital punishment was decreed, public executioners carried out the sentence. The penalty for a man committing adultery was death, but the wronged party had the right to demand the adulterer be surrendered to him, allowing him to decide whether to kill or forgive him; the woman faced disgrace as punishment. Rape of a virgin was punished by stoning the man to death.

SLAVERY AND MARRIAGE.

Slavery and marriage.

Slavery existed among the tribes of Goazacoalco and Tabasco. Doña Marina was one of twenty female slaves who were presented to Cortés by the cacique of the latter place; and when her mother, who lived in the province of Goazacoalco, gave her away to some traveling merchants, she, to conceal the act, pretended that the corpse of one of her slaves who died at that time was that of her own daughter.[950]

Slavery was present among the tribes of Goazacoalco and Tabasco. Doña Marina was one of twenty female slaves offered to Cortés by the chief of Tabasco; and when her mother, who lived in Goazacoalco, gave her to some passing merchants, she tried to hide what she had done by pretending that the body of one of her slaves who died at the time was actually her own daughter.[950]

WEDDINGS AND FATHERS-IN-LAW.

Weddings and father-in-laws.

Among the Zapotecs and other nations who inhabit the isthmus of Tehuantepec, marriages are contracted at a very early age; it happens not unfrequently that a youth of fourteen marries a girl of eleven or twelve. Polygamy is not permissible, and gentleness, affection, and frugality characterize the marital relations. Certain superstitious ceremonies formerly attended the birth of children, which, to a modified extent, exist at the present day. When a woman was about to be confined, the relatives assembled in the hut, and commenced to draw on the floor figures of different animals, rubbing each one out as soon as it was completed. This operation continued till the moment of birth, and the figure that then remained sketched upon the ground was called the child's tona or second self. When the child grew old enough, he procured the animal that represented him and took care of it, as it was believed that health and existence were bound up with that of the animals, in fact, that the death of both would occur simultaneously. Soon after the child was born, the parents, accompanied by friends and relatives, carried it to the nearest water, where it was immersed, while at the same time they invoked the inhabitants of the water to extend their protection to the child; in like manner they afterwards prayed for the favor of the animals of the land. It is a noticeable trait, much to the credit of the parents, that their children render to them as well as to all aged people the greatest respect and obedience. That the women are strictly moral cannot 662 be asserted. Voluptuous, with minds untrained, and their number being greatly in excess of the men, it is not surprising that travelers have noted an absence of chastity among these women; yet few cases of conjugal infidelity occur, and chastity is highly esteemed. Illegitimate children are not common, partly the result, perhaps, of early marriages.[951] Among the Quelenes, when a contract of marriage was made, the friends and relatives collected at the assembly-house common to every village. The bride and bridegroom were then introduced by the parents, and in the presence of the cacique and priest confessed all the sins of which they were guilty. The bridegroom was obliged to state whether he had had connection with the bride or with other women, and she, on her part, made a full confession of all her shortcomings; this ended, the parents produced the presents, which consisted of wearing-apparel and jewelry, in which they proceeded to array them; they were then lifted up and placed upon the shoulders of two old men and women, who carried them to their future home, where they laid them on a bed, locked them in, and there left them securely married.[952] Among the Mayas early marriage was a duty imposed by the Spanish Fathers, and if a boy or girl at the age of twelve or fourteen had not chosen a mate, the priest selected one of equal rank or 663 fortune and obliged them to marry. The usual presents were dresses; and a banquet was prepared, of which all present partook. During the feast the parents of the parties addressed them in speeches applicable to the occasion, and afterwards the house was perfumed by the priest, who then blessed the company and the ceremony ended. Previous to the wedding-day the parents fasted during three days. The young man built a house in front of that of his father-in-law, in which he lived with his wife during the first years of his servitude, for he was obliged to work for his father-in-law four or five years. If he failed to perform faithful service, his father-in-law dismissed him, and gave his daughter to another. Widowers were exempt from this servitude, and could choose whom they pleased for a wife without the interference of relatives. It was forbidden a man to marry a woman of the same name as his father. They married but one wife, though the lords were permitted to make concubines of their slaves. Mr Stephens, in his description of the inhabitants of the village of Schawill, says: "Every member must marry within the rancho, and no such thing as a marriage out of it had ever occurred. They said it was impossible; it could not happen. They were in the habit of going to the villages to attend the festivals; and when we suggested a supposable case of a young man or woman falling in love with some village Indian, they said it might happen; there was no law against it; but none could marry out of the rancho. This was a thing so little apprehended, that the punishment for it was not defined in their penal code; but being questioned, after some consultations, they said that the offender, whether man or woman would be expelled. We remarked that in their small community constant intermarriages must make them all relatives, which they said was the case since the reduction of their numbers by the cholera. They were in fact all kinsfolk, but it was allowable for kinsfolk to marry, except in the relationship of brothers and sisters." 664

Among the Zapotecs and other groups living on the isthmus of Tehuantepec, people get married at a very young age; it's not uncommon for a boy of fourteen to marry a girl of eleven or twelve. Polygamy is not allowed, and marriages are characterized by kindness, affection, and modest living. Certain superstitious ceremonies once accompanied childbirth, and some of these practices still exist today. When a woman was about to give birth, her relatives would gather in the hut and start drawing different animal figures on the floor, erasing each one as soon as it was finished. This continued until the moment of birth, and the figure that remained on the ground was called the child's tona or second self. As the child grew, they would get the animal that represented them and look after it, as it was believed that their health and existence were linked to that of the animal; indeed, the deaths of both would occur at the same time. Soon after the child was born, the parents, along with friends and family, would take the baby to the nearest water source, where it was immersed while they called on the water's spirits for protection; similarly, they later prayed for the favor of the land's animals. A notable trait, which reflects well on the parents, is that their children show great respect and obedience to them and to all elderly people. It cannot be said that women are strictly moral. Sensual and with uneducated minds, and with many more women than men, it is not surprising that travelers have observed a lack of chastity among these women; however, infidelity in marriage is rare, and chastity is highly valued. Illegitimate children are uncommon, possibly due to the prevalence of early marriages. Among the Quelenes, when a marriage agreement was made, friends and relatives gathered at the community assembly house in each village. The bride and groom were introduced by their parents, and in front of the cacique and priest, they confessed all their past sins. The groom had to admit if he had been with the bride or with other women, and she, in turn, confessed any shortcomings; once this was done, the parents gave them presents of clothing and jewelry, which they put on them. They were then lifted up and placed on the shoulders of two elderly men and women, who carried them to their new home, where they were laid on a bed, locked in, and left securely married. Among the Mayas, early marriage was a duty imposed by the Spanish Fathers, and if a boy or girl hadn’t chosen a partner by the age of twelve or fourteen, the priest would pick one of equal status or fortune and force them to marry. The usual presents were clothes, and a banquet was prepared for everyone present. During the feast, the parents spoke to the couple with words suitable for the occasion, and afterward, the priest would bless the house with perfume, ending the ceremony. Before the wedding day, the parents would fast for three days. The young man would build a house in front of his father-in-law’s, where he would live with his wife during the first years of his servitude, as he was required to work for his father-in-law for four or five years. If he didn’t fulfill his duties, his father-in-law could dismiss him and give his daughter to someone else. Widowers were exempt from this service and could choose any wife they wanted without interference from relatives. A man was not allowed to marry a woman with the same name as his father. They were only permitted to have one wife, although lords were allowed to take concubines from their slaves. Mr. Stephens, in his account of the inhabitants of the village of Schawill, states, "Every member must marry within the rancho, and no such thing as a marriage outside of it has ever happened. They say it is impossible; it cannot occur. They often visit other villages for festivals, and when we suggested a hypothetical scenario of a young man or woman falling in love with someone from another village, they said it might happen; there’s no law against it; but no one can marry outside of the rancho. This is so little considered that the punishment for it is not specified in their penal code; but after some discussion, they concluded that the offender, whether man or woman, would be expelled. We noted that in their small community, constant intermarriages must make them all relatives, which they confirmed, especially since the cholera had reduced their numbers. They were, in fact, all related, but it was acceptable for relatives to marry, except for siblings."

In divisions of property women could not inherit; in default of direct male heirs the estate went to the brothers or nearest male relatives. When the heir was a minor, one of his male relatives was appointed guardian, until the days of his minority should have passed, when the property was delivered up to him. The Southern Mexicans were particular to keep a strict chronology of their lineage. Young children underwent a kind of baptismal ceremony. The Mayas believed that ablution washed away all evil; and previous to the ceremony the parents fasted three days, and they were particular to select for it what they considered a lucky day. The age at which the rite was performed was between three and twelve years, and no one could marry until he had been baptized. Habits of industry as well as respect for parents and aged people was strongly impressed upon the minds of the children.[953]

In property divisions, women couldn’t inherit; if there were no direct male heirs, the estate went to the brothers or closest male relatives. When the heir was a minor, one of his male relatives was appointed as guardian until he reached adulthood, at which point the property was handed over to him. The Southern Mexicans were careful to keep an accurate record of their lineage. Young children went through a baptismal ceremony. The Mayas believed that washing cleansed all evil; before the ceremony, the parents would fast for three days, and they were careful to choose what they thought was an auspicious day. The rite was performed when children were between three and twelve years old, and no one could marry until they had been baptized. The values of hard work and respect for parents and elders were strongly instilled in the children.

The Southern Mexicans are fond of singing and dancing, though there is not much variety either in their melancholy music or monotonous dances. Their favorite instrument is the marimba, composed of pieces of hard wood of different lengths stretched across a hollowed-out canoe-shaped case. The pieces of wood or keys are played upon with two short sticks, one held in each hand. The sound produced is soft and pleasing, and not unlike that of a piano. Another instrument is the tunkul or drum, made of a hollow log with sheep-skin stretched over the end; it is struck with the fingers of the right hand, the performer holding it under his left arm. Their movements during their dances are slow and graceful. The men are addicted to intoxication at their feasts, the liquor in common use among them being mescal and aguardiente, a colorless spirit made from the sugar-cane. Many of the natives have a small still in their houses.[954] 665

The Southern Mexicans really enjoy singing and dancing, although there’s not much variety in their sad music or repetitive dances. Their favorite instrument is the marimba, which is made of pieces of hard wood of different lengths laid across a hollowed-out canoe-shaped box. The wooden pieces or keys are played with two short sticks, one in each hand. The sound is soft and pleasant, similar to a piano. Another instrument is the tunkul or drum, which is made from a hollow log with sheep-skin stretched over one end; it is hit with the fingers of the right hand while the performer holds it under their left arm. Their dance movements are slow and graceful. The men often get intoxicated during their celebrations, using mescal and aguardiente, a clear spirit made from sugar-cane, as their common drinks. Many of the locals have a small still in their homes.[954] 665

CUSTOMS IN OAJACA.

Oaxaca Customs.

The Zapotecs are exceedingly polite to one another in their common salutations, calling each other brother, and to the descendants of their ancient caciques or lords the utmost reverence is paid. It is related by a Mexican writer that in a village not distant from the city of Oajaca, whenever an aged man, the son of one of their ancient lords was seen by the natives out walking, with a majesty that well became his fine form, position, and age, they uncovered their heads, kissed his hands, which he held out to them, with much tenderness, calling him daade (father), and remained uncovered until he was lost to sight. They are a theocratic people, much addicted to their ancient religious belief and customs. Those who live in the vicinity of Mitla entertain a peculiar superstition; they will run to the farthest villages and pick up even the smallest stones that formed a part of the mosaic work of that famous ruin, believing that such stones will in their hands turn into gold. Some of them hold the belief that anyone who discovers a buried or hidden treasure has no right to appropriate to his own use any portion of it, and that if he does, death will strike him down within the year, in punishment of the sacrilege committed against the spirit of the person who hid or buried the treasure. One of the first priests that lived among the Zapotecs says that after they had entered the pale of the church, they still clung to their old religious practices, and made offerings of aromatic gums, and living animals; and that when the occasion demanded a greater solemnity, the officiating priest drew blood from the under part of his tongue, and from the back part of his ears, with which he sprinkled some thick coarse straw, held as sacred and used at the sacrifices. To warm themselves, the Chochos, or Chuchones, of Oajaca used, in cold weather, 666 towards the evening, to burn logs and dry leaves close to the entrance of their caves, and blow the smoke into their dwellings, which being quite full, all the family, old and young, males and females, rushed in naked and closed the entrance. The natives of Goazacoalco and other places practiced some of the Jewish rites, including a kind of circumcision, which custom they claimed to have derived from their forefathers; hence have arisen innumerable analogies to prove the Jewish origin of these peoples. The Huaves still preserve ancient customs at their feasts. It is a remarkable fact that although nearly all these people are fishermen, very few of them can swim. The Mijes have a habit of speaking in very loud tones; this is attributed by some to their haughty spirit, and by others to their manner of life in the most rugged portion of the mountains. When bound upon a journey, if they have no other load to carry, they fill their tonates, or nets, with stones. This is generally done by them on the return home from the market-place of Tehuantepec. These loads rest upon their backs, and hang by a band from their foreheads. In ancient times, when they were in search of a new country to settle in, they subjected the places they had devastated to the fire proof. This was done by putting a firebrand over night into a hole, and if it was found extinguished in the morning, they considered that the Sun desired his children (that is themselves) to continue their journey. They are much given, even at the present time, to idolatrous practices, and will make sacrifices in their churches, if permitted, of birds as offerings to the false gods they worshiped before their partial conversion to Christianity. The natives attribute eclipses of the moon to an attempt by the sun to destroy their satellite, and to prevent the catastrophe make a frightful uproar, employing therefor everything they can get hold of.[955] 667

The Zapotecs are very polite to each other in their greetings, addressing one another as brother, and they show the utmost respect to the descendants of their ancient lords. A Mexican writer recounts that in a village near the city of Oajaca, whenever an elderly man, the son of one of their former lords, was seen walking by, the locals would uncover their heads, kiss his outstretched hands with great affection, call him daade (father), and remain uncovered until he was out of sight. They are a theocratic people, deeply devoted to their ancient religious beliefs and customs. Those living near Mitla have a unique superstition; they will travel to distant villages to gather even the tiniest stones from the mosaic of that famous ruin, believing these stones will turn to gold in their hands. Some believe that anyone who finds buried or hidden treasure has no right to keep any of it for themselves, and if they do, they will face death within a year as punishment for disrespecting the spirit of the person who hid the treasure. One of the first priests among the Zapotecs reported that even after converting to the church, they still upheld many of their old rituals, offering aromatic resins and live animals; when greater solemnity was required, the priest would draw blood from underneath his tongue and from the back of his ears to sprinkle on thick, coarse straw considered sacred and used in sacrifices. To stay warm, the Chochos, or Chuchones, in Oajaca would burn logs and dry leaves near the entrance of their caves in cold weather towards evening and blow the smoke into their homes, causing the whole family, young and old, male and female, to rush in naked and shut the entrance. The natives of Goazacoalco and other areas practiced some Jewish customs, including a type of circumcision, which they claimed was passed down from their ancestors, leading to numerous comparisons suggesting a Jewish origin for these groups. The Huaves still maintain ancient traditions during their feasts. Remarkably, despite being predominantly fishermen, very few of them can swim. The Mijes tend to speak very loudly; this is thought to stem from their proud nature or their way of life in the rugged mountains. When traveling, if they aren’t carrying anything else, they fill their tonates, or nets, with stones, usually done when returning home from the marketplace in Tehuantepec. These loads rest on their backs and are secured by a band around their foreheads. In ancient times, while searching for a new place to settle, they would set fire to the areas they had ravaged. They would put a firebrand in a hole overnight, and if it was extinguished by morning, they believed the Sun wanted them to continue their journey. Even now, they are often engaged in idolatrous practices and will make sacrifices in their churches, if allowed, offering birds to the false gods they worshiped prior to their partial conversion to Christianity. The locals attribute lunar eclipses to the Sun's attempt to destroy their satellite, and to prevent this disaster, they make a loud noise using anything they can find. [955]

DISEASES AND MEDICAL TREATMENT.

Diseases and medical treatment.

The diseases most prevalent among the Southern Mexicans are fevers, measles, and severe colds. All these people possess an excellent knowledge of medicinal herbs, and make use of them in cases of pains and sickness. They still practice some of their mysterious ceremonies, and are inclined to attribute all complaints to the evil influence of bewitchments. Father Baeza, in the Registro Yucateco, says they consulted a crystal or transparent stone called zalzun, by which they pretended to divine the origin and cause of any sickness. When suffering with fever or other disorders, the disease is often much aggravated and death caused by injudicious bathing in the rivers. In ancient times tobacco was much used as a specific against pains arising from colds, rheumatism, and asthma; the natives found that it soothed the nerves and acted as a narcotic. They also practiced bleeding with a sharp flint or fish-bone. The Zapotecs attempted cures by means of a blow-pipe, at the same time invoking the assistance of the gods.[956]

The most common illnesses among Southern Mexicans are fevers, measles, and severe colds. These people have a great understanding of medicinal herbs and use them for pain and sickness. They still engage in some of their mysterious ceremonies and tend to blame all ailments on the negative effects of witchcraft. Father Baeza, in the Registro Yucateco, mentions that they consulted a crystal or clear stone called zalzun, which they used to supposedly uncover the origin and cause of any illness. When experiencing fever or other ailments, the situation can often worsen and lead to death due to improper bathing in rivers. In ancient times, tobacco was widely used as a remedy for pain from colds, rheumatism, and asthma; the natives discovered it calmed the nerves and acted as a sedative. They also practiced bleeding with a sharp flint or fish-bone. The Zapotecs tried to heal through a blow-pipe while invoking the help of the gods.[956]

When a death occurs the body is wrapped in a cotton cloth, leaving the head and face uncovered, and in this condition is placed in a grave. Very few of the ancient funeral usages remain at the present day, though some traces of superstitious ceremonies may still be observed among them; such as placing food in the grave, or at different spots in its immediate vicinity. Sometimes a funeral is conducted with a certain degree of pomp, and the corpse carried to its last resting-place followed by 668 horn-blowers, and tunkul-drummers. As in the case of the central Mexicans, a memorial day is observed, when much respect is shown for the memory of the dead, at which times fruits, bread, and cakes are placed upon the graves.[957]

When someone dies, the body is wrapped in a cotton cloth, leaving the head and face exposed, and it's placed in a grave in that condition. Very few of the ancient funeral practices are still around today, although some signs of superstitious rituals can still be seen; for example, placing food in the grave or at nearby spots. Sometimes funerals are held with a degree of grandeur, with the body taken to its final resting place accompanied by horn players and drumbeaters. Similar to the central Mexicans, a memorial day is observed, showing a lot of respect for the deceased, during which fruits, bread, and cakes are placed on the graves.

CHARACTER OF SOUTHERN MEXICANS.

CHARACTER OF SOUTHERN MEXICANS.

The character of the inhabitants of the Tehuantepec isthmus and Yucatan is at the present day one of docility and mildness. With a few exceptions they are kind-hearted, confiding, and generous, and some few of them evince a high degree of intelligence, although the majority are ignorant, superstitious, of loose morality as we esteem it, yet apparently unconscious of wrong. Cayetano Moro says they are far superior to the average American Indian. The Zapotecs are a bold and independent people, exhibit many intellectual qualities, and are of an impatient disposition, though cheerful, gentle, and inoffensive; they make good soldiers; they are fanatical and superstitious like their neighbors. The women are full of vivacity, of temperate and industrious habits, their manners are characterized by shyness rather than modesty, and they are full of intrigue. To this nation the Mijes present a complete contrast; of all the tribes who inhabit the isthmus, they are the most brutal, degraded, and idolatrous; they are grossly stupid, yet stubborn and ferocious. The Chontales and Choles are barbarous, fierce, and quarrelsome, and greatly addicted to witchcraft. The Cajonos and Nexitzas, of Oajaca, are of a covetous and malicious nature, dishonest in their dealings, and much inclined to thieving. The Zoques are more rational in their behavior; although they are ignorant and intemperate in their habits, they are naturally kind and obliging, as well as patient and enduring. The Huaves are deficient in intelligence, arrogant and inhospitable to strangers, and of a reticent and perverse disposition. The Miztecs are 669 grave and steady; they exhibit many traits of ingenuity, are industrious, hospitable, and affable in their manners, and retain an ardent love for liberty.[958] The Mayas exhibit many distinguished characteristics. Although of limited intelligence, and more governed by their senses than their reason, their good qualities predominate. Formerly they were fierce and warlike, but these characteristics have given place to timidity, and they now appear patient, generous, and humane; they are frugal and satisfied with little, being remarkably free from avarice. Herrera describes them as fierce and warlike, much given to drunkenness and other sins, but generous and hospitable. Doctor Young, in his History of Mexico, says: "They are not so intelligent or energetic, though far more virtuous and humane than their brethren of the north." The women are industrious, have pleasing manners, and are inclined to shyness. To sum it all up, I may say that the besetting vice of these nations is intemperance, but the habit of drinking to excess is found to be much more common among the mountain tribes than among the inhabitants of the lowlands. Quarrels among themselves seldom occur, and there is abundant evidence to show that many of them possess excellent natural qualifications both for common labor, and artistic industry; and that there is no cause to prevent their becoming, under favorable circumstances, useful citizens.[959] 670

The people of the Tehuantepec isthmus and Yucatan today are generally known for their gentleness and mild temperament. With a few exceptions, they are kind-hearted, trusting, and generous. Some show a remarkable level of intelligence, although most are uninformed, superstitious, and have a flexible moral compass as we define it, yet seem unaware of wrongdoing. Cayetano Moro claims they are much better than the average American Indian. The Zapotecs are a brave and independent group, displaying many intellectual traits; they can be impatient but are also cheerful, gentle, and harmless. They make good soldiers and share the same fanaticism and superstitions as their neighbors. The women are lively, industrious, and have a blend of shyness rather than modesty, often engaging in intrigue. In stark contrast, the Mijes are the most brutal, degraded, and idolatrous of all the tribes in the isthmus; they are extremely ignorant but also stubborn and fierce. The Chontales and Choles are barbaric, aggressive, and prone to quarrels, with a strong inclination toward witchcraft. The Cajonos and Nexitzas from Oaxaca are greedy, malicious, and dishonest, often resorting to theft. The Zoques are more rational; despite being uneducated and excessive in their habits, they are inherently kind and helpful, as well as patient and resilient. The Huaves lack intelligence, are arrogant and unwelcoming to outsiders, and have a secretive and contrary nature. The Miztecs are serious and stable. They show many signs of cleverness, are hardworking, hospitable, and friendly, and they have a strong passion for freedom. The Mayas have many prominent traits. While their intelligence is limited, and they tend to be more influenced by their senses than reason, their positive traits stand out. In the past, they were fierce and warlike, but these traits have evolved into a more timid demeanor; they now appear patient, generous, and humane. They live simply and are content with little, showing remarkable freedom from greed. Herrera describes them as fierce and warlike, prone to drunkenness and other vices, yet generous and welcoming. Doctor Young, in his History of Mexico, states: "They are not as intelligent or vigorous, but far more virtuous and humane than their northern brethren." The women are diligent, have charming manners, and often display shyness. In summary, the main vice of these nations is excessive drinking, although this habit is much more prevalent among the mountain tribes than those in the lowlands. Quarrels among them are rare, and there is plenty of evidence that many possess excellent natural abilities for both manual labor and artistic work, indicating that, under the right conditions, they could become valuable citizens.

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

Under the name Wild Tribes of Mexico, I include all the people inhabiting the Mexican Territory from ocean to ocean, between latitude 23° north and the Central American boundary line south, including Yucatan and Tehuantepec. The southernmost point of this division touches the fifteenth degree of north latitude. A subdivision of this group is made and the parts are called the Central Mexicans, and the Southern Mexicans, respectively. In the former I include the nations north of an imaginary line, drawn from the port of Acapulco, on the Pacific coast, to Vera Cruz, on the Gulf of Mexico, and in the latter all those south of this line.

Under the title Indigenous Groups of Mexico, I refer to all the people living in the Mexican Territory from coast to coast, between latitude 23° north and the border with Central America to the south, including Yucatan and Tehuantepec. The southernmost point of this division reaches the fifteenth degree of north latitude. This group is divided into two parts, called the Central Mexicans and the Southern Mexicans, respectively. The former includes the nations north of an imaginary line drawn from the port of Acapulco on the Pacific coast to Vera Cruz on the Gulf of Mexico, while the latter consists of those south of this line.

Going to the fountain-head of Mexican history, I find mentioned certain names, of which it is now impossible to determine whether they are different names applied to the same people or different peoples, or whether they are mythical and apply to no really existing nations. Still less is it possible to give these strange names any definite location; instance the Toltecs and the Chichimecs, and indeed almost all early designations, very common names used to denote very uncommon people. Sahagun is the only one of the oldest writers who mentions the name of Toltecs, which in later years was used by Ixtlilxochitl and Boturini, and after them bandied about more freely by modern writers. After the conquest, the name Chichimecs was applied to all uncivilized and unsettled people north of the valley of Mexico, extending to the farthest discovered region. Of still other nations nothing further can be said than that they occupied the cities to which their name was applied; such were the Mexicans, or Aztecs, the Tlascaltecs, the Cholultecs, and many others. Some general remarks respecting the location of the principal civilized nations, will be found in vol. ii., chap. ii., of this work; and all obtainable details concerning the many tribes that cannot be definitely located here are given in volume v.

Going to the source of Mexican history, I see references to certain names, for which it’s now impossible to tell if they refer to the same people under different names, to different peoples, or if they are mythical and don’t apply to any real nations. It’s even harder to pinpoint these strange names to specific locations; take the Toltecs and the Chichimecs, and indeed almost all early names, common terms used to describe very uncommon people. Sahagun is the only one of the earliest writers who mentions the Toltecs, a name later used by Ixtlilxochitl and Boturini, and then freely tossed around by modern writers. After the conquest, the name Chichimecs was used for all uncivilized and unsettled people north of the Valley of Mexico, extending to the farthest discovered area. For many other nations, all we can say is that they lived in the cities to which their name was attached; these include the Mexicans, or Aztecs, the Tlascaltecs, the Cholultecs, and many others. Some general observations about the locations of the main civilized nations can be found in vol. ii., chap. ii., of this work; and all the available details about the many tribes that can't be specifically located here are provided in volume v.

OLMECS AND XICALANCAS.

Olmecs and Xicalancas.

The Quinames or Giants are mentioned as the first inhabitants of Mexico. 'Los Quinametin, gigantes que vivian en esta rinconada, que se dice ahora Nueva España.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 322; Id., Hist. Chichimeca, in Id., p. 205. 'Los que hasta ahora se sabe, aver morado estas Estendidas, y Ampliadisimas Tierras, y Regiones, de la Nueva España, fueron vnas Gentes mui crecidas de Cuerpo, que llamaron despues otros, Qainametin.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 34. 'Les Quinamés, la plus ancienne des races connues de ces contrées, étaient encore en possession de quelques localités de peu d'importance près des villes de Huitzilapan, de Cuetlaxcohuapan et de Totomihuacan.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 196. 'Sa domination s'étendait sur les provinces intérieures du Mexique et du Guatémala, et, à l'époque du 671 débarquement des Olmèques et des Xicalancas, les histoires nous la montrent encore en possession du plateau aztèque et des contrées voisines du fleuve Tabasco.' Id., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1858, tom. clviii., p. 258. 'Vivian hácia las riberas del rio Atoyac, entre la ciudad de Tlaxcala y la de la Puebla de los Angeles.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 28, 143-4.

The Quinames or Giants are noted as the first inhabitants of Mexico. 'The Quinametin, giants who lived in this corner, now called New Spain.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 322; Id., Hist. Chichimeca, in Id., p. 205. 'The ones that have been known to inhabit these vast and expansive lands and regions of New Spain were a people very large in size, whom others later referred to as Qainametin.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 34. 'The Quinamés, the oldest known race of these regions, still held some minor locations near the towns of Huitzilapan, Cuetlaxcohuapan, and Totomihuacan.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 196. 'Their dominion extended over the interior provinces of Mexico and Guatemala, and at the time of the arrival of the Olmecs and the Xicalancas, history shows them still in possession of the Aztec plateau and the surrounding areas of the Tabasco river.' Id., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1858, tom. clviii., p. 258. 'They lived along the banks of the Atoyac river, between the city of Tlaxcala and the city of Puebla de los Angeles.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 28, 143-4.

The Olmecs and Xicalancas were 'los que poseian este Nuevo Mundo, en esta tercera edad.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chichimeca, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 205. 'Olmecas, Vixtoti, y Mixtecas. Estos tales así llamados, están ácia el nacimiento del sol, y llámanles tambien tenime, porque hablan lengua bárbara, y dicen que son Tultecas.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 136. 'Estos poblaron, donde aora està Edificada, y Poblada la Ciudad de los Angeles, y en Totomihuacan.... Los Xicalancas, fueron tambien Poblando, ácia Cuathazualco (que es ácia la Costa del Norte) y adelante en la misma Costa, está oi dia vn Pueblo, que se dice Xicalanco.... Otro Pueblo ai del mismo Nombre, en la Provincia de Maxcaltzinco, cerca del Puerto de la Vera-Cruz, que parece averlo tambien Poblado los Xicalancas.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 32. 'Atravesando los Puertos del Bolcan, y Sierra-Nevada, y otros rodeandolos por la parte de el Mediodia, hasta que venieron à salir à vn Lugar, que de presente se llama Tochmilco. De alli, pasaron á Atlixco, Calpan, y Huexotzinco, hasta llegar al parage, y Tierras de la Provincia de Tlaxcallan; y haciendo asiento en el principio, y entrada de la dicha Tierra, hicieron su Fundacion en el Pueblo, que aora se llama Nuestra Señora de la Natividad (y en Lengua Mexicana Yancuictlalpan.) De alli, pasaron à otro Poblado, el referido, llamado Huapalcalco, junto à vna Hermita, que llaman de Santa Cruz, al qual llaman los Naturales, Texoloc, Mizco, y Xiloxuchitla, donde aora es la Hermita de San Vicente, y el Cerro de la Xochitecatl, y Tenayacac, donde estàn otras dos Hermitas, à poco trecho vna de otra, que las llaman de San Miguél, y de San Francisco, enmedio de las quales, pasa el Rio, que viene de la Sierra Nevada de Huexotzinco. Y aqui en este Sitio, hicieron los Hulmecas, su Principal asiento, y Poblaçon.' Id., p. 257; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 145-6; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 7. 'Vlmecatlh poblo tambien muchos lugares en aquella parte, a do agora esta la ciudad de los Angeles. Y nombro los Totomiuacan, Vicilapan, Cuetlaxcoapan, y otros assi. Xicalancatlh anduuo mas tierra, llego a la mar del norte, y en la costa hizo muchos pueblos. Pero a los dos mas principales llamo de su mesmo nombre. El vn Xicalanco esta en la prouincia de Maxcalcinco, que es cerca de la Vera Cruz, y el otro Xicalanco esta cerca de Tauasco.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 299. 'Hácia Atlisco y Itzucan los xicalancas: y en el territorio de la Puebla, Chollolan y Tlaxcallan los ulmecas, cuya primitiva y principal poblacion dicen haber sido la ciudad de Chollolan.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 153; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 110-11, 196; Id., Popol Vuh, introd., p. xxx.; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 119; Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. iii., p. 374.

The Olmecs and Xicalancas were “those who inhabited this New World in this third age.” Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chichimeca, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 205. “Olmecas, Vixtoti, and Mixtecas. These people, thus named, are towards the place where the sun rises, and they are also called tenime, because they speak a barbaric language, and they claim to be Tultecas.” Sahagun, Hist. Gen., vol. iii., book x., p. 136. “They populated the area where the City of Angels is currently built and populated, and in Totomihuacan.... The Xicalancas also settled towards Cuathazualco (which is towards the North Coast), and further along the same Coast, there is currently a town called Xicalanco.... Another town of the same name exists in the Province of Maxcaltzinco, near the port of Vera Cruz, which also seems to have been populated by the Xicalancas.” Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., vol. i., p. 32. “Crossing the Ports of the Volcan and Sierra Nevada, and surrounding them from the southern side, until they came out to a place currently called Tochmilco. From there, they went to Atlixco, Calpan, and Huexotzinco, until they reached the lands and area of the Province of Tlaxcallan; and establishing themselves at the beginning and entry point of that land, they founded their settlement in the town now called Nuestra Señora de la Natividad (and in the Mexica language Yancuictlalpan). From there, they moved to another populated area, referred to as Huapalcalco, next to a chapel called Santa Cruz, which the natives call Texoloc, Mizco, and Xiloxuchitla, where the chapel of San Vicente is now located, and the hill of Xochitecatl, and Tenayacac, where there are two more chapels close to one another, named after San Miguel and San Francisco, between which flows the river that comes from the Sierra Nevada of Huexotzinco. And here in this site, the Olmecs established their main settlement and population.” Id., p. 257; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 145-6; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., vol. i., p. 7. “The Olmecs also populated many places in that area, where the city of Los Angeles is now located. They named Totomiuacan, Vicilapan, Cuetlaxcoapan, and others like that. The Xicalancas traveled further inland, reaching the northern sea, and established many towns along the coast. But they named their two main towns after themselves. One Xicalanco is in the province of Maxcalcinco, near Vera Cruz, and the other Xicalanco is near Tauasco.” Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 299. “Towards Atlisco and Itzucan were the Xicalancas; and in the territory of Puebla, Chollolan and Tlaxcallan are where the Olmecs say was their original and main settlement, the city of Chollolan.” Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., vol. i., p. 153; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., vol. i., pp. 110-11, 196; Id., Popol Vuh, introd., p. xxx.; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 119; Alcedo, Diccionario, vol. iii., p. 374.

The Coras constitute the north-westernmost nation of the Central Mexicans, inhabiting the district of 'Nayarit ó reino de Nuevo Toledo.... Al Oeste tiene los pueblos de la antigua provincia de Acaponeta; al Este los de Colotlan, 672 y al Sur quieren algunos que se extienda hasta las orillas del rio Grande ó Tololotlan ... el Nayarit se extiende entre los 21° 20´ y 23° de lat., y entre los 5° y 6° de long. occidental de México.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 279. 'En la Sierra del Nayarit.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 71. 'Los indios que viven en el centro de la sierra, llamados muutzizti.... Los llamados teakuaeitzizti viven en las faldas de la sierra que mira al Poniente ... los coras que viven á la orilla del rio Nayarit ó de Jesus María, conocidos por Ateakari.' Id., p. 83.

The Coras are the northwesternmost nation of the Central Mexicans, living in the district of 'Nayarit or the kingdom of Nuevo Toledo.... To the West, they are bordered by the towns of the former province of Acaponeta; to the East, by those of Colotlan, 672 and to the South, some believe it extends down to the banks of the Rio Grande or Tololotlan... Nayarit stretches between 21° 20’ and 23° latitude and between 5° and 6° western longitude of Mexico.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 279. 'In the Sierra del Nayarit.' Pimentel, Cuadro, vol. ii, p. 71. 'The indigenous people living in the center of the mountain range, called muutzizti.... The ones known as teakuaeitzizti live on the slopes of the mountain facing West... the coras who live along the banks of the river Nayarit or Jesus María, known as Ateakari.' Id., p. 83.

The Tecoxines 'tenian su principal asiento en el valle de Cactlan ... y se extendian à la Magdalena, Analco, Hoxtotipaquillo y barrancas de Mochitiltic.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 279.

The Tecoxines were primarily located in the Cactlan valley ... and extended to Magdalena, Analco, Hoxtotipaquillo, and the Mochitiltic canyons. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 279.

The Cocotlanes were at the missions of 'Apozolco y en Comatlan.' Id., p. 280.

The Cocotlanes were at the missions of 'Apozolco and Comatlan.' Id., p. 280.

The Maraveres reside in Tlajomulco. Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. ii., p. 242.

The Maraveres live in Tlajomulco. Alcedo, Diccionario, vol. ii., p. 242.

The Thorames and Tzayaquecas dwell near the town of Zentipac. 'Dos leguas apartado del mar, la nacion Thorama ... diez leguas de Zentipac habia otros Indios de Nacion Tzayaqueca.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 62. 'La gran poblacion y Valle de Tzenticpac, cuyo pueblo principal está situado punto á la mar del Sur, dos leguas antes á orillas del rio grande, y que la gente de esta provincia era de la nacion Totorame.' Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 197.

The Thorames and Tzayaquecas live near the town of Zentipac. "Two leagues away from the sea, the Thorama nation... ten leagues from Zentipac there were other Indians from the Tzayaqueca nation." Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 62. "The large population and Valley of Tzenticpac, whose main village is located south, two leagues before the banks of the Rio Grande, and that the people of this province were from the Totorame nation." Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 197.

The Corarus 'habitaban ... hacia la parte del Norte, diez leguas del dicho pueblo de Tzenticpac.' Ib.

The Corarus 'lived ... to the north, ten leagues from the mentioned town of Tzenticpac.' Ib.

The Guicholas 'are settled in the village of San Sebastian, which lies eighteen leagues to the westward of Bolaños.' Lyon's Journal, vol. i., p. 322; Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1828, tom. xl., p. 239. 'En Santa Catarina, S. Sebastian, S. Andres Coamiat, Soledad y Tezompan, pertenecientes á Colotlan.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 282.

The Guicholas are settled in the village of San Sebastian, which is located eighteen leagues to the west of Bolaños. Lyon's Journal, vol. i., p. 322; Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1828, tom. xl., p. 239. 'In Santa Catarina, S. Sebastian, S. Andres Coamiat, Soledad, and Tezompan, which belong to Colotlan.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 282.

The Coronados 'son los del pueblo de Tuito al Sur del valle de Banderas.' Id., p. 278.

The Coronados 'are from the town of Tuito south of the Banderas valley.' Id., p. 278.

The Tiaxomultecs 'habitaban en Tlajomulco.' 'Estos tecuexes ... llaman à los indios cocas de toda la provincia de Tonalan, que no eran de su lengua, tlaxomultecas.' Id., p. 278.

The Tiaxomultecs 'lived in Tlajomulco.' 'These tecuexes ... are referred to as the cocas natives from all over the Tonalan province, who did not speak their language, tlaxomultecas.' Id., p. 278.

The Cocas and Tecuexes 'eran los de la provincia de Tonalan.... Los tecuexes pasaban del otro lado de Tololotlan hasta ocupar parte de Zacatecas, derramándose por los pueblos de Tecpatitlan, Teocaltiche, Mitic, Jalostotitlan, Mesticatan, Yagualica, Tlacotlan, Teocaltitlan, Ixtlahuacan, Cuautla, Ocotic y Acatic.' Id., pp. 278-9.

The Cocas and Tecuexes were from the province of Tonalan.... The Tecuexes spread across the other side of Tololotlan and extended into parts of Zacatecas, flowing through the towns of Tecpatitlan, Teocaltiche, Mitic, Jalostotitlan, Mesticatan, Yagualica, Tlacotlan, Teocaltitlan, Ixtlahuacan, Cuautla, Ocotic, and Acatic. Id., pp. 278-9.

The Mazapiles are 'al N. E. de la zacateca.' Hervas, in Id., p. 11.

The Mazapiles are 'northeast of Zacatecas.' Hervas, in Id., p. 11.

The Cazcanes 'habitan hasta la comarca de Zacatecas.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. xiii.; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 281. 'Ocupaba el terreno desde el rio Grande, confinando con los tecuexes y los tepecanos.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 284, 49.

The Cazcanes "live up to the region of Zacatecas." Herrera, Hist. Gen., vol. iv, book ix, chapter xiii; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 281. "They occupied the land from the Rio Grande, bordering the Tecuexes and the Tepecanos." Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 284, 49.

The Mecos live in the pueblo Soledad de las Canoas, in the State of Querétaro. Alcedo, Dicc., tom. iv., p. 567.

The Mecos live in the town of Soledad de las Canoas, in the state of Querétaro. Alcedo, Dicc., tom. iv., p. 567.

The Pames inhabit the state of Querétaro, 'treinta leguas distante de la expresada Ciudad de Querétaro, y se estiende á cien leguas de largo, y treinta de ancho, en cuyas breñas vivian los Indios de la Nacion Pame.' Paiou, 673 Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 23. 'En la mision de Cerro Prieto del Estado de México, se extiende principalmente por los pueblos de San Luis Potosí, y tambien se le encuentra en Querétaro y en Guanajuato.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 48, 256, 262, 264. 'En San Luis de la Paz, territorio de la Sierra Gorda ... en la ciudad del Maiz, Departamento de San Luis Potosí ... en la Purísima Concepcion de Arnedo, en la Sierra Gorda.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 265.

The Pames live in the state of Querétaro, "thirty leagues away from the mentioned City of Querétaro, and it stretches a hundred leagues long and thirty wide, in whose thickets lived the Indians of the Pame Nation." Paiou, 673 Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 23. "In the mission of Cerro Prieto in the State of Mexico, it mainly extends through the towns of San Luis Potosí, and it can also be found in Querétaro and Guanajuato." Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 48, 256, 262, 264. "In San Luis de la Paz, in the Sierra Gorda territory... in the city of Maiz, Department of San Luis Potosí... in the Purísima Concepcion de Arnedo, in the Sierra Gorda." Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 265.

THE OTOMÍS.

The Otomí.

The Otomís are one of the most widely dispersed nations of Mexico. 'Todo lo alto de las montañas, ó la mayor parte, á la redonda de México, están llenas de ellos. La cabeza de su señorío creo que es Xilotepec, que es una gran provincia, y las provincias de Tollan y Otompa casi todas son de ellos, sin contar que en lo bueno de la Nueva España hay muchas poblaciones de estos Otomíes, de los quales proceden los Chichimecas.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 9. The above is copied by Torquemada, in his Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 32. 'Estos Teochichimecas son los que aora se llaman Otomies.... Tlaixpan, es de los que hablan esta Lengua Otomi.' Id., p. 261. 'La grandisima Provincia, ò Reino de los Otomies, que coge à Tepexic, Tula, Xilotepec, Cabeça de este Reyno, Chiapa, Xiquipilco, Atocpan, y Queretaro, en cuio medio de estos Pueblos referidos, ai otro inumerables, porque lo eran sus Gentes.' Id., p. 287. 'Xilotepeque provincia Otomiis habitata.' Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 234. 'La Provincia degli Otomiti cominciava nella parte settentrionale della Valle Messicana, e si continuava per quelle montagne verso tramontana sino a novanta miglia dalla Capitale. Sopra tutti i luoghi abitati, che v'erano ben molti, s'innalzava l'antica e celebre Città di Tollan [oggidì Tula] e quella di Xilotepec.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 31. In ancient times they 'occuparono un tratto di terra di più di trecento miglia dalle montagne d'Izmiquilpan verso Maestro, confinando verso Levante, e verso Ponente con altre Nazioni parimente selvaggie.' Later: 'fondarono nel paese d'Anahuac, ed anche nella stessa Valle di Messico infiniti luoghi; la maggior parte d'essi, e spezialmente i più grandi, come quelli di Xilotopec e di Huitzapan nelle vicinanze del paese, che innanzi occupavano: altri sparsi fra i Matlatzinchi, ed i Tlascallesi, ed in altre Provincie del Regno.' Id., p. 148. 'Los indios de este pais (Querétaro) eran por la mayor parte otomites.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 163; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 77. 'Sous le nom d'Othomis, on comprenait généralement les restes des nations primitives, répandus dans les hautes vallées qui bornent l'Anahuac à l'occident.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 56. 'Les traditions les plus anciennes du Mexique nous montrent les Othomis en possession des montagnes et de la vallée d'Anahuac, ainsi que des vastes contrées qui s'étendent au delà, dans le Michoacan, jusqu'aux frontières de Xalizco et de Tonalàn; ils étaient également les maîtres du plateau de Tlaxcallan.' Id., tom. i., p. 160. 'Ils occupaient la plus grande partie de la vallée d'Anahuac, avec ses contours jusqu'aux environs de Cholullan, ainsi que les provinces que s'étendent au nord entre la Michoacan et Tuilantzinco.' Id., p. 196. 'Otompan, aujourd'hui Otumba, fut leur capitale.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, introd., pp. xxx., cx. Querétaro 'fue siempre domicilio de los esforzados Othomites.... Tienen 674 poblado todo lo alto de las Montañas, que circundan á Mexico, siendo cabecera de toda la Provincia Othomí Xilotepec, que la hacen numerosa los Pueblos de Tepexic, Tula, Huichiapan, Xiquilpo, Atocpan, el Mexquital, S. Juan del Rio, y Queretaro.' Espinosa, Chrón. Apostólica, pp. 1-2. The Otomí language 'se le encuentra derramado por el Estado de México, entra en San Luis Potosí, abraza todo Querétaro y la mayor parte de Guanajuato, limitándose al O. por los pueblos de los tarascos; reaparece confundido con el tepehua cerca del totonaco, y salpicado aquí y allá se tropieza con él en Puebla y en Veracruz.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 17, 216-7, 240, 255-6, 261-4, 272. 'En todo el Estado de Querétaro y en una parte de los de San Luis, Guanajuato, Michoacan, México, Puebla, Veracruz y Tlaxcala.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 117. Concurrent authorities: Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 138; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 323; Ward's Mexico, vol. ii., p. 345; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 477; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 36, 188, 196-7; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., p. 193; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 2; Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, tom. iv., p. 513. 'Habitait les bords du golfe du Mexique, depuis la province de Panuco jusqu'au Nueces.' Domenech, Jour., p. 16.

The Otomís are one of the most widespread groups in Mexico. 'All the high mountains, or most of them, surrounding Mexico are filled with them. The capital of their territory, I believe, is Xilotepec, which is a large province, and the provinces of Tollan and Otompa are mostly inhabited by them, not to mention that in the prosperous areas of New Spain, there are many communities of these Otomí people, from whom the Chichimecas descend.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., vol. i., p. 9. The above is quoted by Torquemada, in his Monarq. Ind., vol. i., p. 32. 'These Teochichimecas are what we now call Otomíes.... Tlaixpan is among those who speak this Otomi language.' Id., p. 261. 'The vast Province, or Kingdom of the Otomíes, includes Tepexic, Tula, Xilotepec, the capital of this kingdom, Chiapa, Xiquipilco, Atocpan, and Queretaro, and among these towns mentioned, there are countless others, because of the number of their people.' Id., p. 287. 'Xilotepeque is a province inhabited by Otomíes.' Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 234. 'The Province of the Otomíes began in the northern part of the Mexican Valley and continued through those mountains towards the north for ninety miles from the capital. Above all the inhabited places, which were quite a few, stood the ancient and renowned City of Tollan [now Tula] and that of Xilotepec.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, vol. i., p. 31. In ancient times they 'occupied a stretch of land over three hundred miles from the Izmiquilpan mountains towards Maestro, bordering to the east and west with other equally wild nations.' Later: 'they founded countless towns in the country of Anahuac, and even in the Valley of Mexico itself; most of these, especially the largest ones, like Xilotopec and Huitzapan, were in the vicinity of the land they previously occupied: others scattered among the Matlatzinchi, Tlascallesi, and in other Provinces of the Kingdom.' Id., p. 148. 'The people of this land (Querétaro) were mostly Otomíes.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. ii., p. 163; Humboldt, Essai Pol., vol. i., p. 77. 'Under the name of Otomíes, one generally includes the remnants of the primitive nations, spread across the high valleys that border Anahuac to the west.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., vol. iii., p. 56. 'The oldest traditions of Mexico show us the Otomíes in possession of the mountains and the valley of Anahuac, as well as the vast regions that extend beyond into Michoacan, up to the borders of Xalizco and Tonalàn; they were also the masters of the Tlaxcallan plateau.' Id., vol. i., p. 160. 'They occupied most of the valley of Anahuac, with its boundaries extending to the vicinity of Cholullan, as well as the provinces that extend to the north between Michoacan and Tuilantzinco.' Id., p. 196. 'Otompan, now Otumba, was their capital.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, introd., pp. xxx., cx. Querétaro 'was always the home of the brave Otomíes.... They have populated all the heights of the mountains that surround Mexico, with Xilotepec being the center of the entire Otomi Province, made populous by the towns of Tepexic, Tula, Huichiapan, Xiquilpo, Atocpan, Mexquital, S. Juan del Rio, and Queretaro.' Espinosa, Chrón. Apostólica, pp. 1-2. The Otomí language 'can be found spread throughout the State of Mexico, it enters San Luis Potosí, covers all of Querétaro, and most of Guanajuato, bordered to the west by the towns of the Tarascos; it reappears mixed with Tepehua near Totonaco, and is scattered here and there, bumping into it in Puebla and Veracruz.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 17, 216-7, 240, 255-6, 261-4, 272. 'Throughout the entire State of Querétaro and in parts of San Luis, Guanajuato, Michoacan, Mexico, Puebla, Veracruz, and Tlaxcala.' Pimentel, Cuadro, vol. i., p. 117. Concurrent authorities: Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 138; Delaporte, Reisen, vol. x., p. 323; Ward's Mexico, vol. ii., p. 345; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 477; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 36, 188, 196-7; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, vol. v., p. 193; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 2; Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 513. 'Inhabiting the shores of the Gulf of Mexico, from the province of Panuco to the Nueces.' Domenech, Jour., p. 16.

The Mazahuas 'furono tempo fa parte della Nazione Otomita.... I principali luoghi da loro abitati erano sulle montagne occidentali della Valle Messicana, e componevano la Provincia di Mazahuacan, appartenente alla Corona di Tacuba.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 149-50; copied in Heredia y Sarmiento, Sermon de Guadalupe, p. 83. 'Mazahua, Mazahui, Matzahua, Matlazahua Mozahui, en Mexico y en Michoacan. En tiempos del imperio azteca esta tribu pertenecia al reino de Tlacopan; sus pueblos marcaban los límites entre su señorío y Michoacan.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 256. 'Parece que solo quedan algunos restos de la nacion mazahua en el distrito Ixtlahuaca, perteneciente al Departamento de México.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 193. 'Au nord ils étendaient leurs villages jusqu'à peu de distance de l'ancien Tollan.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 56.

The Mazahuas were once part of the Otomi Nation.... The main areas they inhabited were in the western mountains of the Mexican Valley, making up the Province of Mazahuacan, which belonged to the Crown of Tacuba. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, vol. i., pp. 149-50; copied in Heredia y Sarmiento, Sermon de Guadalupe, p. 83. 'Mazahua, Mazahui, Matzahua, Matlazahua Mozahui, in Mexico and Michoacan. During the time of the Aztec empire, this tribe belonged to the kingdom of Tlacopan; their towns marked the borders between their territory and Michoacan.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 256. 'It seems that only some remnants of the Mazahua nation remain in the Ixtlahuaca district, which belongs to the Mexico Department.' Pimentel, Cuadro, vol. ii., p. 193. 'To the north, their villages extended not far from the ancient Tollan.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., vol. iii., p. 56.

The Huastecs, Huaxtecs, Guastecs, or Cuextecas inhabit portions of the states of Vera Cruz and Tamaulipas. 'A los mismos llamaban Panteca ó Panoteca, que quiere decir hombres del lugar pasadero, los cuales fueron así llamados, y son los que viven en la provincia de Panuco, que propiamente se llaman Pantlan, ó Panotlan.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 132. 'El Huaxtecapan se extendió de Veracruz á San Luis Potosí, y corria á lo largo de la costa del Golfo, hácia el Norte, prolongándose probablemente muy adentro de Tamaulipas, por lugares en donde ahora no se encuentra ni vestigio suyo.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 206, 19. 'Cuando llegaron los españoles, el lugar que ocupaban era la frontera Norte del reino de Texcoco, y parte de la del mexicano.... Hoy se conoce su pais con el nombre de la Huaxteca: comprende la parte Norte del Estado de Veracruz y una fraccion lindante del de San Luis, confinando, al Oriente, con el Golfo de México, desde la barra de Tuxpan hasta Tampico.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 5. Further mention in Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. v., p. 298; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. i., p. 46; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 226; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 35-6; Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 316; Villa-Señor, Theatro, tom. i., p. 122. 675

The Huastecs, Huaxtecs, Guastecs, or Cuextecas live in parts of the states of Vera Cruz and Tamaulipas. They were called Panteca or Panoteca, meaning "people of the pass," and they are the ones living in the province of Panuco, which is actually called Pantlan, or Panotlan. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., vol. iii., book x., p. 132. "The Huaxtecapan extended from Veracruz to San Luis Potosí and ran along the Gulf coast to the North, likely stretching deep into Tamaulipas in areas where there is now no trace of them." Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 206, 19. "When the Spaniards arrived, the area they occupied was the northern border of the kingdom of Texcoco, and part of the Mexican border.... Today, their land is known as Huaxteca: it includes the northern part of the State of Veracruz and a nearby portion of San Luis, bordered on the East by the Gulf of Mexico, from the mouth of Tuxpan to Tampico." Pimentel, Cuadro, vol. i., p. 5. Further reference in Chaves, Report, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series ii., vol. v., p. 298; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. i., p. 46; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 226; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 35-6; Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 316; Villa-Señor, Theatro, vol. i., p. 122. 675

TOTONACS AND NAHUATLACS.

Totonacs and Nahuatlacs.

The Totonacs occupy the country east of the valley of Mexico down to the sea-coast, and particularly the state of Veracruz and a portion of Puebla. 'Estos Totonaques estan poblados á la parte del norte, y se dice ser guastemas.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 131-4. 'Totonachi. Questa grande Provincia, ch'era per quella parte l'ultima dell' imperio, si stendeva per ben centocinquanta miglia, cominciando dalla frontiera di Zacatlan ... e terminando nel Golfo Messicano. Oltre alla capitale Mizquihuacan, quindici miglia a Levante da Zacatlan, v'era la bella Città di Cempoallan sulla costa del Golfo.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 34. 'Raccontavano dunque, que essendosi eglino da principio per qualche tempo stabiliti su le rive del lago tezcucano, quindi si portarono a popolare quelle montagne, che da loro presero il nome di Totonacapan.' Id., tom. iv., p. 51. 'En Puebla y en Veracruz. Los totonacos ocupan la parte Norte del Departamento, formando un solo grupo con sus vecinos de Veracruz; terminan sobre la costa del golfo, en toda la zona que se extiende entre los rios de Chachalacas y de Cazones ó S. Márcos.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 214, 216. 'Están estendidos, y derramados por las Sierras, que le caen, al Norte, à esta Ciudad de Mexico.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 278; Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 223. 'In the districts of Zacatlan, State of Puebla, and in the State of Vera Cruz.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 190; Villa-Señor, Theatro, tom. i., p. 312; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 208; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 4.

The Totonacs live in the area east of the Valley of Mexico reaching down to the coast, mainly in the state of Veracruz and part of Puebla. 'These Totonacs are inhabited in the northern part, and they are said to be guastemas.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., vol. iii., book x., pp. 131-4. 'Totonachi. This large province, which was the last part of the empire in that region, stretched over 150 miles, starting from the border of Zacatlan ... and ending at the Gulf of Mexico. Besides the capital Mizquihuacan, fifteen miles east of Zacatlan, there was the beautiful city of Cempoallan on the Gulf coast.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, vol. i., p. 34. 'They reported that they initially settled on the shores of Lake Tezcoco, then moved to populate those mountains, which they named Totonacapan.' Id., vol. iv., p. 51. 'In Puebla and Veracruz. The Totonacs occupy the northern part of the department, forming a single group with their neighbors in Veracruz; they end at the Gulf coast, in the entire area that stretches between the rivers Chachalacas and Cazones or San Marcos.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 214, 216. 'They are spread out across the mountains that lie to the north of this City of Mexico.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., vol. i., p. 278; Pimentel, Cuadro, vol. i., p. 223. 'In the districts of Zacatlan, State of Puebla, and in the State of Veracruz.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 190; Villa-Señor, Theatro, vol. i., p. 312; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. i., p. 208; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 4.

The Meztitlanecs inhabited the region north of Tezcuco, between the Sierra Madre and the territory occupied by the Huastecs. 'Al Norte de Tetzcoco existia el señorío independiente de Meztitlan, que hoy corresponde al Estado de México.... Obedecian á Meztitlan, cabecera principal, las provincias de Molango, Malila, Tlanchinolticpac, Ilamatlan, Atlihuetzian, Suchicoatlan, Tianguiztengo, Guazalingo, Yagualica. El señorío, pues, se extendia por toda la sierra, hasta el limite con los huaxtecos: en Yahualica estaba la guarnicion contra ellos, por ser la frontera, comenzando desde allí las llanuras de Huaxtecapan. Xelitla era el punto mas avanzado al Oeste y confinaba con los bárbaros chichimecas: el término al Sur era Zacualtipan y al Norte tenia á los chichimecas.' Chavez, Relacion de Meztitlan, quoted in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 246.

The Meztitlanecs lived in the area north of Tezcuco, between the Sierra Madre and the land occupied by the Huastecs. 'To the north of Tetzcoco, there existed the independent lordship of Meztitlan, which corresponds today to the State of Mexico.... The provinces that reported to Meztitlan, the main city, included Molango, Malila, Tlanchinolticpac, Ilamatlan, Atlihuetzian, Suchicoatlan, Tianguiztengo, Guazalingo, and Yagualica. The lordship thus extended throughout the mountain range, up to the boundary with the Huastecs: in Yahualica was the garrison against them, being the border, and from there began the plains of Huaxtecapan. Xelitla was the most advanced point to the west and bordered the wild Chichimecs: the southern limit was Zacualtipan and to the north it had the Chichimecs.' Chavez, Relacion de Meztitlan, quoted in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 246.

The Nahuatlacs 'se diuiden en siete linajes.... Los primeros fueron los Suchimilcos, que quiere dezir, gente de sementeras de flores. Estos poblaron a la orilla de la gran laguna de Mexico hazia el Mediodia, y fundaron vna ciudad de su nombre, y otros muchos lugares. Mucho despues llegaron los del segundo linage llamados Chalcas, que significa gente de las bocas, y tambien fundaron otra ciudad de su nombre, partiendo terminos con los Suchimílcos. Los terceros fueron los Tepanecas, que quiere dezir, gente de la Puente. Y tambien poblaron en la orilla de la laguna al Occidente.... La cabeça de su provincia la llamaron Azcapuzàlco.... Tras estos vinieron, los que poblaron a Tezcùco, que son los de Cùlhua, que quiere dezir, gente corua.... Y assi quedò la laguna cercada de estas quatro naciones, poblando estos al Oriente, y los Tepanècas al Norte.... Despues llegaron los Tlatluìcas, que significa gente de la sierra.... Y como hallaron ocupados todos los llanos en contorno de la laguna hasta las sierras, passaron de la otra parte de 676 la sierra.... Y a la cabeça de su prouincia llamaron Quahunahuàc ... que corrompidamente nuestro vulgo llama Quernauaca, y aquella prouincia es, la que oy se dize el Marquesado. Los de la sexta generacion, que son los Tlascaltècas, que quiere dezir gente de pan, passaron la serrania hazia el Oriente atrauessando la sierra neuada, donde està el famoso bolcan entre Mexico y la ciudad de los Angeles ... la cabeça de su prouincia llamaron de su nombre Tlascàla.... La septima cueua, o linage, que es la nacion Mexicana, la qual como las otras, salio de las prouincias de Aztlan, y Teuculhuàcan.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 454-8. Repeated in Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. x. Also in Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 151-2, and in Heredia y Sarmiento, Sermon de Guadalupe, p. 85; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 91-2.

The Nahuatlacs are divided into seven lineages.... The first were the Suchimilcos, which means people of the flower fields. They settled by the edge of the great lake of Mexico towards the South and founded a city of their name, along with many other places. Much later, the second lineage called the Chalcas, meaning people of the mouths, arrived and also founded another city of their name, sharing borders with the Suchimilcos. The third were the Tepanecas, which means people of the bridge. They also populated the western shore of the lake.... They named the head of their province Azcapuzàlco.... After them came those who settled in Tezcùco, known as the Cùlhua, meaning people of the corua.... And so the lake was surrounded by these four nations, with these on the East and the Tepanecas on the North.... Later, the Tlatluìcas arrived, which means people of the mountain.... And as they found all the plains around the lake occupied up to the mountains, they crossed to the other side of 676 the mountain.... They named the head of their province Quahunahuàc ... which our common folks corruptly call Quernauaca, and that province is what is now called the Marquesado. The sixth generation, the Tlascaltècas, meaning people of the bread, crossed the mountain range towards the East, traversing the snowy mountains where the famous volcano is located between Mexico and the city of the Angels ... they named the head of their province Tlascàla.... The seventh cueua, or lineage, is the Mexican nation, which, like the others, emerged from the provinces of Aztlan and Teuculhuàcan.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 454-8. Repeated in Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. x. Also in Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 151-2, and in Heredia y Sarmiento, Sermon de Guadalupe, p. 85; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 91-2.

The Acolhuas inhabited the kingdom of Acolhuacan. 'Su capital era Tetzcoco, á la orilla del lago de su nombre.... La extension del reino era: desde el mar del N. á la del Sur, con todo lo que se comprende á la banda del Poniente hasta el puerto de la Veracruz, salvo la cuidad de Tlachcala y Huexotzinco.' Pomar, Relacion de Texcoco, quoted in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 240-2. 'Juan B. Pomar fija los límites del reino con toda la exageracion que puede infundir el orgullo de raza. Por nuestra parte, hemos leido con cuidado las relaciones que á la monarquía corresponden, y hemos estudiado en el plano los lugares á que se refieren, y ni de las unas ní de los otros llegamos á sacar jamas que los reyes de Aculhuacan mandaran sobre las tribus avecindadas en la costa del Pacífico, no ya á la misma altura de México, sino aun á menores latitudes.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 242-4. See further: Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 11; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 341.

The Acolhuas lived in the kingdom of Acolhuacan. Its capital was Tetzcoco, located on the shore of the lake of the same name.... The extent of the kingdom was: from the northern sea to the southern one, covering everything westward to the port of Veracruz, except for the cities of Tlachcala and Huexotzinco. Pomar, Relacion de Texcoco, quoted in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 240-2. 'Juan B. Pomar defines the borders of the kingdom with all the exaggeration that racial pride can inspire. For our part, we have carefully read the accounts pertaining to the monarchy and studied the maps of the places they reference, and from neither of them do we ever conclude that the kings of Acolhuacan ruled over the tribes resident on the Pacific coast, not even at the same latitude as Mexico, let alone at lower latitudes.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 242-4. See further: Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 11; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 341.

The Ocuiltecs 'viven en el distrito de Toluca, en tierras y terminos suyos.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 130.

The Ocuiltecs "live in the Toluca district, on their own land and territories." Sahagun, Hist. Gen., vol. iii., book x., p. 130.

The Macaoaquez 'viven en una comarca de Toluca, y están poblados en el pueblo de Xocotitlan. Ib.

The Macaoaquez live in an area of Toluca and are settled in the town of Xocotitlan. Ib.

The Tarascos dwell chiefly in the state of Michoacan. 'La provincia de estos, es la madre de los pescados, que es Michoacan: llámase tambien Quaochpanme.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 137. Repeated in Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 148. Their territory is bounded: 'Au nord-est, le royaume de Tonalan et le territoire maritime de Colima eu sont séparés par le rio Pantla et le fleuve Coahuayana, auquel s'unit cette rivière, dix lieues avant d'aller tomber dans la mer Pacifique, dont le rivage continue ensuite à borner le Michoacan, au sud-ouest, jusqu'à Zacatollan. Là les courbes capricieuses du Mexcala lui constituent d'autres limites, à l'est et au sud, puis, à l'est encore, les riches provinces de Cohuixco et de Matlatzinco.... Plus au nord, c'étaient les Mazahuas, dont les fertiles vallées, ainsi que celles des Matlatzincas, s'étendent dans les régions les plus froides de la Cordillère; enfin le cour majestueux du Tololotlan et les rives pittoresques du lac Chapala formaient une barrière naturelle entre les Tarasques et les nombreuses populations othomies et chichimèques des états de Guanaxuato et de Queretaro.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 53, 56. 'El tarasco se habla en el Estado de Michoacan, exceptuando la parte Sur-Oeste que linda con el Pacífico donde se habla el mexicano, 677 una pequeña parte al Nor-Este, donde se acostumbra el othomí ó el mazahua, y otra parte donde se usa el matlatzinca. Tambien se habla en el Estado de Guanajuato, en la parte que linda con Michoacan y Guadalajara, limitada al Oriente por una línea que puede comenzar en Acámbaro, seguir á Irapuato y terminar en San Felipe, es decir, en los límites con San Luis Potosí.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 271. 'En Michoacan, Guerrero, Guanajuato y Jalisco.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 58, 238, 264, 271-2, 281. Concurrent authorities: Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 4; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 182; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 460; Ward's Mexico, vol. ii., p. 675

The Tarascos primarily live in the state of Michoacan. "The province of these people is the cradle of fish, which is Michoacan: it is also called Quaochpanme." Sahagun, Hist. Gen., vol. iii, book x, p. 137. Repeated in Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, vol. i, p. 148. Their territory is defined: "To the northeast, the kingdom of Tonalan and the coastal area of Colima are separated by the Pantla River and the Coahuayana River, which joins this river ten leagues before it flows into the Pacific Ocean, whose shoreline continues to border Michoacan to the southwest, up to Zacatollan. There, the winding curves of the Mexcala create additional boundaries to the east and south, and further east, the fertile provinces of Cohuixco and Matlatzinco.... Further north were the Mazahuas, whose fertile valleys, along with those of the Matlatzincas, extend into the colder regions of the Cordillera; finally, the majestic flow of the Tololotlan and the picturesque shores of Lake Chapala formed a natural barrier between the Tarasques and the numerous Otomi and Chichimec populations of the states of Guanajuato and Queretaro." Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., vol. iii, pp. 53, 56. "The Tarasco language is spoken in the State of Michoacan, except for the southwestern part that borders the Pacific where Nahuatl is spoken, 677 a small portion in the northeast, where Otomi or Mazahua is customary, and another area where Matlatzinca is used. It is also spoken in the State of Guanajuato, in the part that borders Michoacan and Guadalajara, limited to the east by a line that may start at Acámbaro, continue to Irapuato, and end at San Felipe, that is, at the borders with San Luis Potosí." Pimentel, Cuadro, vol. i, p. 271. "In Michoacan, Guerrero, Guanajuato, and Jalisco." Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 58, 238, 264, 271-2, 281. Concurrent authorities: Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i, p. 4; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 182; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 460; Ward's Mexico, vol. ii, p. 675.

MATLALTZINCAS AND TLAPANECS.

MATLALTZINCAS AND TLAPANECS.

The Matlaltzincas, Pirindas, or Tolucas inhabited the valley of Toluca, situated between the valley of Mexico and Michoacan. 'La Provincia dei Matlatzinchi comprendeva, oltre la valle di Tolocan, tutto quello spazio, che v'è infino a Tlaximaloyan (oggi Taximaroa) frontiera del regno di Michuacan.... Nelle montagne circonvicine v'erano gli stati di Xalatlauhco, di Tzompahuacan, e di Malinalco; in non molta lontananza verso Levante dalla valle quello d'Ocuillan, e verso Ponente quelli di Tozantla, e di Zoltepec.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 31-2, 150. 'Antiguamente en el valle de Toluca; pero hoy solo se usa en Charo, lugar perteneciente al Estado de Michoacan.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 499. 'In the district of that name, sixty miles south-west of Mexico.' Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., tom. i., p. 4. Also in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 56.

The Matlaltzincas, Pirindas, or Tolucas lived in the Toluca valley, located between the Valley of Mexico and Michoacan. 'The Province of Matlatzinchi included, besides the Tolucan valley, all the land that extends to Tlaximaloyan (now Taximaroa), the border of the Michoacan kingdom.... In the surrounding mountains were the states of Xalatlauhco, Tzompahuacan, and Malinalco; not far to the east of the valley was Ocuillan, and to the west were Tozantla and Zoltepec.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 31-2, 150. 'Previously in the Toluca valley; but today it is only used in Charo, a place belonging to the State of Michoacan.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 499. 'In the district of that name, sixty miles southwest of Mexico.' Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., tom. i., p. 4. Also in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 56.

The Chumbias inhabit the pueblos Ciutla, Axalo, Ihuitlan, Vitalata, Guaguayutla and Coyuquilla in the State of Guerrero. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 227.

The Chumbias live in the towns of Ciutla, Axalo, Ihuitlan, Vitalata, Guaguayutla, and Coyuquilla in the State of Guerrero. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 227.

The Tlapanecs, Coviscas, Yopes, Yopis, Jopes, Yopimes, Tenimes, Pinomes, Chinquimes, Chochontes, Pinotl-Chochons, Chochos, Chuchones, Popolocas, Tecos, Tecoxines, or Popolucas are one and the same people, who by different writers are described under one or the other of these names. 'Estos Coviscas y Tlapanecas, son unos ... y están poblados en Tepecuacuilco y Tlachmalacac, y en la provincia de Chilapan.' 'Estos Yopimes y Tlapanecas, son de los de la comarca de Yopitzinco, llámenles Yopes ... son los que llaman propiamente tenimes, pinome, chinquime, chochonti.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 135; quoted also in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 235-6, 217, 196. 'La provincia de los Yopes lindaba al Oeste con los Cuitlateques, al Sur con el Pacífico, al Este con los Mixtecos y al Norte con los Cohuixcas: la division por esta parte la representaria una linea de Este à Oeste, al Sur de Xocolmani y de Amatlan, y comprendiera à los actuales tlapanecos.' Montufar, in Id., pp. 235-6. 'Confinava colla costa dei Cohuixchi quella dei Jopi, e con questa quella dei Mixtechi, conosciuta ai nostri tempi col nome di Xicayan.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 34; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 4. 'Tecamachalco era su poblacion principal, y se derramaban al Sur hasta tocar con los mixtecos. Durante el siglo XVI se encontraban aún popolocos en Tlacotepec y en San Salvador (unidos con los otomíes), pueblo sujeto á Quecholac.... Por la parte de Tehuacan, el límite de esta tribu se hallaba en Coxcatlan.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 217-18. The Chochos dwell in sixteen pueblos in the department of Huajuapan in the state of Oajaca. Id., p. 196. 678

The Tlapanecs, Coviscas, Yopes, Yopis, Jopes, Yopimes, Tenimes, Pinomes, Chinquimes, Chochontes, Pinotl-Chochons, Chochos, Chuchones, Popolocas, Tecos, Tecoxines, or Popolucas are all the same people, described by different writers under these various names. 'These Coviscas and Tlapanecs are a ... and are located in Tepecuacuilco and Tlachmalacac, and in the province of Chilapan.' 'These Yopimes and Tlapanecs come from the area of Yopitzinco, call them Yopes ... they are what are properly called tenimes, pinome, chinquime, chochonti.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., vol. iii, book x, p. 135; also quoted in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 235-6, 217, 196. 'The province of the Yopes bordered the Cuitlateques to the west, the Pacific to the south, the Mixtecos to the east, and the Cohuixcas to the north: the division in this area would be represented by a line running from east to west, south of Xocolmani and Amatlan, and would include the current Tlapanecos.' Montufar, in Id., pp. 235-6. 'The Jopi lands bordered the coast of the Cohuixchi, and next to them were the lands of the Mixtechi, known in our time as Xicayan.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, vol. i, p. 34; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i, p. 4. 'Tecamachalco was their main settlement, and they spread south until reaching the Mixtecos. During the 16th century, popolocos were still found in Tlacotepec and San Salvador (associated with the otomíes), a town subject to Quecholac.... In the Tehuacan area, the boundary of this tribe was at Coxcatlan.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 217-18. The Chochos live in sixteen towns in the Huajuapan department in the state of Oaxaca. Id., p. 196. 678

The Cohuixcas dwelt in the province of the same name, which 'confinava a Settentrione coi Matlatzinchi, e coi Tlahuichi, a Ponente coi Cuitlatechi, a Levante coi Jopi e coi Mixtechi, ed a Mezzogiornio si stendeva infino al Mar Pacifico per quella parte, dove presentemente vi sono il porto e la Città d'Acapulco.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 32. 'La provincia comenzaba en Zacualpa, límite con los matlaltzincas, y que, por último, los confines de esa porcion antigua del imperio Mexicano, eran al Norte los matlaltzinques; los tlahuiques, al Este los mixtecos y los tlapanecos, al Sur los yopes, y al Oeste los cuitlateques.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 227-32. Their country lies 'between Tesitzlan and Chilapan.' Ker's Travels, p. 233.

The Cohuixcas lived in the province with the same name, which was bordered to the north by the Matlatzinchi and the Tlahuichi, to the west by the Cuitlatechi, to the east by the Jopi and the Mixtechi, and to the south, it extended all the way to the Pacific Ocean, where the port and the city of Acapulco are located today. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, vol. i., p. 32. 'The province began at Zacualpa, the border with the Matlatzincas, and ultimately, the boundaries of this ancient part of the Mexican empire were to the north with the Matlatzinques, to the east with the Mixtecos and the Tlapanecos, to the south with the Yopes, and to the west with the Cuitlateques.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 227-32. Their territory is 'between Tesitzlan and Chilapan.' Ker's Travels, p. 233.

The Cuitlatecs inhabit the country between the Cohuixcas and the Pacific Coast. 'I Cuitlatechi abitavano un paese, che si stendeva più di dugento miglia da Maestro a Scirocco dal regno di Michuacan infino al mar Pacifico. La loro capitale era la grande e popolosa città di Mexcaltepec sulla costa, della quale appena sussistono le rovine.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 32. 'En Ajuchitlan, San Cristóbal y Poliutla en la municipalidad de Ajuchitlan, distrito del mismo nombre, y en Atoyac, distrito y municipalidad de Tecpan. La provincia de los cuitlateques ó cuitlatecos, sujeta en lo antiguo á los emperadores de México, quedaba comprendida entre las de Zacatula y de los cohuixques.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 233-4.

The Cuitlatecs live in the area between the Cohuixcas and the Pacific Coast. 'The Cuitlatecs inhabited a land that stretched over two hundred miles from Maestro to Scirocco, from the kingdom of Michuacan to the Pacific Ocean. Their capital was the large and densely populated city of Mexcaltepec on the coast, of which only ruins remain.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, vol. i., p. 32. 'In Ajuchitlan, San Cristóbal, and Poliutla in the municipality of Ajuchitlan, district of the same name, and in Atoyac, district and municipality of Tecpan. The province of the Cuitlatecs, previously under the rule of the emperors of Mexico, was situated between those of Zacatula and the Coahuixques.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 233-4.

Proceeding southward, among the Southern Mexicans, we first encounter the Miztecs, whose province, Miztecapan, was in the present states of Oajaca and Guerrero. 'La Mixtecapan, o sia Provincia dei Mixtechi si stendeva da Acatlan, luogo lontano cento venti miglia dalla corte verso Scirocco, infino al Mar Pacifico, e conteneva più Città e villaggi ben popolati, e di considerabile commercio.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 32. 'Le Mixtecapan comprenait les régions occidentales de l'état d'Oaxaca, depuis la frontière septentrionale d'Acatlan, qui le séparait des principautés des Tlahuicas et de Mazatlan, jusque sur le rivage de l'océan Pacifique. Elles se divisaient en haute et basse Mixtèque, l'une et l'autre également fertiles, la première resserrèe entre les montagnes qui lui donnaient son nom; la seconde, occupant les riches territoires des bords de la mer, ayant pour capitale la ville de Tututepec (à l'embouchure du rio Verde).' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 4. 'Les Mixtèques donnaient eux-mêmes à leur pays le nom de Gnudzavui-Gnuhu, Terre de pluie, pour le haute Mixtèque, et Gnuundaa, Côte de la mer, à la basse.' Id., pp. 5-6. 'En la antigua provincia de este nombre, situada sobre la costa del mar Pacifico, que comprende actualmente, hácia el Norte, una fraccion del Estado de Puebla; hácia el Este, una del de Oajaca, y al Oeste, parte del Estado de Guerrero. Divídese la Mixteca en alta y baja, estando la primera en la serranía, y la segunda en las llanuras contiguas á la costa.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 37. 'Westlich der Zapotécos, bei San Francisco Huizo im Norden und bei Santa Cruz Miztepéc im Süden des grossen Thales von Oajáca beginnen die Mistéken, welche den ganzen westlichen Theil des Staats einnehmen, und südlich bis an die Küste des Austral-Oceans bei Jamiltepéc und Tututepéc hinabreichen.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. 142, 187, 192-6, 198-9, 201-2. Also in Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 163. 679

Proceeding south, among the Southern Mexico people, we first come across the Miztecs, whose province, Miztecapan, is located in what are now the states of Oaxaca and Guerrero. 'La Mixtecapan, or the Province of the Mixtecs, stretched from Acatlan, which is a hundred and twenty miles from the court towards the southeast, all the way to the Pacific Ocean, and contained several well-populated towns and villages with significant trade.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, vol. i., p. 32. 'The Mixtecapan included the western regions of the state of Oaxaca, from the northern border of Acatlan, which separated it from the principalities of the Tlahuicas and Mazatlan, down to the Pacific Ocean coast. It was divided into high and low Mixtec, both equally fertile, with the first being nestled between the mountains that gave it its name; the second occupying the rich territories along the coast, with its capital in the city of Tututepec (at the mouth of the Verde River).' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., vol. iii., p. 4. 'The Mixtecs themselves called their land Gnudzavui-Gnuhu, Land of Rain, for the high Mixtec, and Gnuundaa, Coast of the Sea, for the low.' Id., pp. 5-6. 'In the ancient province of this name, located on the Pacific coast, which currently includes, to the north, a section of the State of Puebla; to the east, a part of Oaxaca, and to the west, a section of the State of Guerrero. The Mixteca is divided into high and low, with the former in the mountains and the latter in the plains adjacent to the coast.' Pimentel, Cuadro, vol. i., p. 37. 'To the west of the Zapotecs, starting at San Francisco Huizo in the north and Santa Cruz Miztepéc in the south of the large valley of Oaxaca, the Mistéken begin, occupying the entire western part of the state and stretching south to the coast of the Southern Ocean at Jamiltepéc and Tututepéc.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. i., pp. 142, 187, 192-6, 198-9, 201-2. Also in Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 163. 679

ZAPOTECS AND MIJES.

Zapotecs and Mixes.

The Zapotecs occupy the large valley of Oajaca. 'Fue la Zapotecapan Señora, y tan apoderada de las demas de su Orizonte, que ambiciosos sus Reyes, rompieron los terminos de su mando, y se entraron ferozes, y valientes, por Chontales, Mijes, y tierras maritimas de ambos mares del Sur, y del Norte ... y venciendo, hasta Señorear los fertiles llanos de Teguantepeque, y corriendo hasta Xoconusco.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt. ii., fol. 196, tom. ii., fol. 362. 'Hasta Tepeiac, Techamachalco, Quecholac y Teohuacan, que por aquí dicen que hicieron sus poblaciones los zapotecas.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 153. 'A Levante de' Mixtechi erano i Zapotechi, cosí chiamati dalla loro capitale Teotzapotlan. Nel loro distretto era la Valle di Huaxyacac, dagli Spagnuoli detta Oaxaca o Guaxaca.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 32. 'En una parte del Estado de Oajaca, limitada al Sur por el Pacífico, exceptuando una pequeña fraccion de terreno ocupada por los chontales.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 319. See also: Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 177-87; Murguía y Galardi, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. vii., pp. 245-6. 'The Zapotecs constitute the greater part of the population of the southern division of the Isthmus (of Tehuantepec).' Barnard's Tehuantepec, p. 226. 'Inhabit the Pacific plains and the elevated table-lands from Tarifa to Petapa.' Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec, pp. 125, 133-4; Garay's Tehuantepec, p. 59; Fossey, Mexique, pp. 338, 470. 'Zapotécos, welche die Mitte des Staates, das grosse Thal von Oajáca bewohnen, sich im Osten über die Gebirge von Huixázo, Iztlán und Tanétze und die Thäler Los Cajónos ausbreiten, und im Süden, im Partido Quíechápa (Depart. Tehuantepéc) mit den Mijes, im Partido von Pochútla (Depart. Ejútla) aber mit den Chontáles, Nachbaren jener, gränzen.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. 141, 170, 173-6, 183-6, 189, 191, 199, 212-13; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 162. 'Les Zapotèques appelaient leur pays Lachea.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 38; Macgregor's Progress of America, p. 848.

The Zapotecs inhabit the large valley of Oaxaca. 'It was the Zapotecan Lady, so powerful among others in her region, that her ambitious kings broke the limits of her rule, fiercely and boldly entering the lands of the Chontales, Mijes, and coastal areas of both the Southern and Northern seas... conquering even the fertile plains of Teguantepeque and advancing all the way to Xoconusco.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., vol. i, part ii, fol. 196, vol. ii, fol. 362. 'Up to Tepeiac, Techamachalco, Quecholac, and Teohuacan, which are said to have been inhabited by the Zapotecs.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., vol. i, p. 153. 'To the east of Mixtech, there were the Zapotecs, named after their capital Teotzapotlan. In their district was the Valley of Huaxyacac, known to the Spaniards as Oaxaca or Guaxaca.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, vol. i, p. 32. 'In a part of the State of Oaxaca, bordered to the south by the Pacific, except for a small portion of land occupied by the Chontales.' Pimentel, Cuadro, vol. i, p. 319. See also: Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 177-87; Murguía y Galardi, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, vol. vii, pp. 245-6. 'The Zapotecs make up a large part of the southern population division of the Isthmus (of Tehuantepec).' Barnard's Tehuantepec, p. 226. 'They inhabit the Pacific plains and the high tablelands from Tarifa to Petapa.' Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec, pp. 125, 133-4; Garay's Tehuantepec, p. 59; Fossey, Mexique, pp. 338, 470. 'Zapotécos, who inhabit the middle of the state, the large valley of Oaxaca, spread east over the mountains of Huixázo, Iztlán, and Tanétze and the Los Cajónos valleys, and in the south, in the Quíechápa district (Depart. Tehuantepéc) are neighboring the Mijes, while in Pochútla district (Depart. Ejútla) they border the Chontales.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii, part i, pp. 141, 170, 173-6, 183-6, 189, 191, 199, 212-13; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 162. 'The Zapotecs called their land Lachea.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., vol. iii, p. 38; Macgregor's Progress of America, p. 848.

The Mijes dwell in the mountains of southern Oajaca and in a small portion of Tehuantepec. 'Antérieurement à la ruine de l'empire toltèque ... les Mijes occupaient tout le territoire de l'isthme de Tehuantepec, d'une mer à l'autre.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Voy. Tehuantepec, pp. 138-9. 'Toute cette région, comprenant, à l'est, les cimes de la Sierra de Macuilapa que domine le village actuel de Zanatepec et les montagnes qui s'étendent, du côté opposé, vers Lachixila, baignées par la rivière de Tehuantepec, au sud, et, au nord, par celle de la Villa-Alta, jusqu'aux savanes, oú roulent les affluents de l'Alvarado et du Guazacoalco, appartenait à la même nation des Mixi ou Mijes ... les Mijes vaincus demeurèrent soumis dès lors aux rois de la Mixtèque et du Zapotecapan, à l'exception d'un petit nombre qui, jusqu'à l'époque espagnole, continuérent dans leur résistance dans les cantons austères qui environnent le Cempoaltepec. Ce qui reste de cette nation sur l'isthme de Tehuantepec est disséminé actuellement en divers villages de la montagne. Entre les plus importants est celui de Guichicovi que j'avais laissé à ma droite en venant de la plaine de Xochiapa au Barrio.' Id., pp. 105-7. 'Les Mixi avaient possédé anciennement la plus grande partie des royaumes de Tehuantepec, de Soconusco et du Zapotecapan; peut-être même les rivages de Tututepec leur devaient-ils leur première civilisation.' Id., Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 34-5. 'En algunos lugares del Departamento de Oajaca 680 como Juquila, Quezaltepec y Atilan.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 173. 'Les Indiens mijes habitent une contrée montagneuse, au sud-ouest du Goatzacoalco et au nord-ouest de Tehuantepec.... De la chaîne des monts Mijes descend la rivière de Sarrabia, qui traverse la belle plaine de Boca-del-Monte.' Fossey, Mexique, p. 49. 'The Mijes, once a powerful tribe, inhabit the mountains to the west, in the central division of the Isthmus, and are now confined to the town of San Juan Guichicovi.' Barnard's Tehuantepec, p. 224; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 225; Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 547. 'The Mijes constituted formerly a powerful nation, and they still occupy the land from the Sierra, north of Tehuantepec, to the district of Chiapas. In the Isthmus they only inhabit the village of Guichicovi, and a small portion of the Sierra, which is never visited.' Garay's Tehuantepec, p. 60. Also Macgregor's Progress of America, p. 849; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 176-7.

The Mijes live in the mountains of southern Oaxaca and a small part of Tehuantepec. "Before the fall of the Toltec empire... the Mijes occupied the entire territory of the isthmus of Tehuantepec, from one sea to another." Brasseur de Bourbourg, Voy. Tehuantepec, pp. 138-9. "This entire region, which includes, to the east, the peaks of the Sierra de Macuilapa overlooking the current village of Zanatepec and the mountains that stretch, on the opposite side, toward Lachixila, bordered by the Tehuantepec river to the south, and to the north, by the Villa-Alta river, up to the savannas, where the tributaries of the Alvarado and Guazacoalco flow, belonged to the same nation of Mixi or Mijes... the defeated Mijes remained subject from then on to the kings of Mixtec and Zapotec, except for a small number who resisted in the austere regions around Cempoaltepec until the Spanish era. The remnants of this nation on the isthmus of Tehuantepec are now scattered across various mountain villages. Among the most significant is Guichicovi, which I had on my right while coming from the plains of Xochiapa to the Barrio." Id., pp. 105-7. "The Mixi once possessed most of the kingdoms of Tehuantepec, Soconusco, and Zapotecapan; perhaps even the shores of Tututepec were where they first developed their civilization." Id., Hist. Nat. Civ., vol. iii., pp. 34-5. "In some areas of Oaxaca Department 680 like Juquila, Quezaltepec, and Atilan." Pimentel, Cuadro, vol. ii., p. 173. "The Mijes live in a mountainous region, southwest of Goatzacoalco and northwest of Tehuantepec.... The Sarrabia river flows down from the Mijes mountain range, crossing the beautiful Boca-del-Monte plain." Fossey, Mexico, p. 49. "The Mijes, once a formidable tribe, inhabit the mountains to the west, in the central portion of the Isthmus, and are now limited to the town of San Juan Guichicovi." Barnard's Tehuantepec, p. 224; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 225; Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 547. "The Mijes used to be a powerful nation, and they still occupy the land from the Sierra, north of Tehuantepec, to the district of Chiapas. In the Isthmus, they only inhabit the village of Guichicovi, and a small portion of the Sierra, which is rarely visited." Garay's Tehuantepec, p. 60. Also Macgregor's Progress of America, p. 849; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 176-7.

The Huaves, Huavi, Huabi, Huabes, Guavi, Wabi, etc., live on the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. 'Les Wabi avaient été, dans les siècles passés, possesseurs de la province de Tehuantepec.... Ils avaient été les maîtres du riche territoire de Soconusco (autrefois Xoconochco ... espèce de nopal), et avaient étendu leurs conquêtes jusqu'au sein même des montagnes, où ils avaient fondé ou accru la ville de Xalapa la Grande (Xalapa-del-Marques).' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 3. 'The Huaves are in all little more than three thousand, and occupy the four villages of the coast called San Mateo, Santa Maria, San Dionisio, and San Francisco.' Garay's Tehuantepec, p. 59. 'Scattered over the sandy peninsulas formed by the lakes and the Pacific. At present they occupy the four villages of San Mateo, Santa Maria, San Dionisio, and San Francisco.' Barnard's Tehuantepec, p. 227. 'San Francisco Istaltepec is the last village, inhabited by the descendants of a tribe called Huaves.' Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 546. 'Habitent les villages du bord de la mer au sud de Guichicovi.' Fossey, Mexique, p. 467. Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec, p. 126; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. i., p. 141. 'Se extienden en Tehuantepec, desde las playas del Pacífico hasta la cordillera interior.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 173-6.

The Huaves, Huavi, Huabi, Huabes, Guavi, Wabi, etc., live on the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. 'The Wabi had, in past centuries, been the owners of the province of Tehuantepec.... They had been the masters of the rich territory of Soconusco (formerly Xoconochco ... a type of nopal), and had expanded their conquests deep into the mountains, where they founded or grew the city of Xalapa la Grande (Xalapa-del-Marques).' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., vol. iii., p. 3. 'The Huaves are just over three thousand in number and occupy the four coastal villages called San Mateo, Santa Maria, San Dionisio, and San Francisco.' Garay's Tehuantepec, p. 59. 'Scattered across the sandy peninsulas formed by the lakes and the Pacific. Currently, they occupy the four villages of San Mateo, Santa Maria, San Dionisio, and San Francisco.' Barnard's Tehuantepec, p. 227. 'San Francisco Istaltepec is the last village, home to the descendants of a tribe called Huaves.' Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 546. 'They inhabit the seaside villages south of Guichicovi.' Fossey, Mexique, p. 467. Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec, p. 126; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. i., p. 141. 'They extend in Tehuantepec from the Pacific beaches to the interior mountain range.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 173-6.

The Beni-Xonos 'composaient une province nombreuse, occupant en partie les routes qui conduisaient au Mexique et aux montagnes des Mixi.... Leur ville principale, depuis la conquête, s'appelait San-Francisco, à 15 l. N. O. de la cité d'Oaxaca.' 'Habitant sur les confins des Mixi et des Zapotêques.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 42-3. 'Les Beni-Xono sont appelés aussi Nexicha et Cajones.' Ib.

The Beni-Xonos made up a large province that partly occupied the routes leading to Mexico and the Mixi mountains... Their main city, since the conquest, was called San Francisco, located 15 leagues northwest of the city of Oaxaca. 'Living on the borders of the Mixi and Zapotecs.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., vol. iii, pp. 42-3. 'The Beni-Xonos are also referred to as Nexicha and Cajones.' Ib.

The Mazatecs live in the state of Oajaca, near the Puebla boundary. 'A Tramontana dei Mixtechi v'era la Provincia di Mazatlan, e a Tramontana, e a Levante dei Zapotechi quella di Chinantla colle loro capitali dello stesso nome, onde furono i loro abitanti Mazatechi e Chinantechi appellati.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 33. 'In den Partidos Teutitlán und Teutíla, Departement Teutitlán del Camíno.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. 141, 206, 210. 'En el Departamento de Teotitlan, formando una pequeña fraccion en el límite con el Estado de Veracruz.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 188. 681

The Mazatecs live in the state of Oaxaca, near the Puebla border. 'To the north of the Mixtecs was the Province of Mazatlan, and to the north and east of the Zapotecs was that of Chinantla, with their capitals of the same name, from which their inhabitants were called Mazatechi and Chinantechi.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, vol. i., p. 33. 'In the districts of Teutitlán and Teutíla, Teutitlán del Camino Department.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. i., pp. 141, 206, 210. 'In the Department of Teotitlan, forming a small fraction on the border with the State of Veracruz.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 188. 681

TRIBES OF OAJACA AND CHIAPAS.

Tribes of Oaxaca and Chiapas.

The Cuicatecs dwell 'en una pequeña fraccion del Departamento de Oajaca.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 259. 'In den Partidos Teutitlán und Teutíla, Departement Teutitlán del Camíno.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. i., p. 141; repeated in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 188-9; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 163.

The Cuicatecs live 'in a small part of the Department of Oajaca.' Pimentel, Cuadro, vol. ii., p. 259. 'In the districts of Teutitlán and Teutíla, Department of Teutitlán del Camíno.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. i., p. 141; repeated in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 188-9; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 163.

The Pabucos live in the 'pueblo de Elotepec, Departamento del Centro.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 197; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. i., p. 187.

The Pabucos live in the town of Elotepec, Central Department. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 197; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii, pt. i, p. 187.

The Soltecs are in the pueblo de Sola. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 197.

The Soltecs are in the village of Sola. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 197.

The Pintos are a people inhabiting small portions of Guerrero and Tehuantepec. 'A l'ouest, sur le versant des Cordillères, une grande partie de la côte baignée par le Pacifique, habitée par les Indiens Pintos.' Kératry, in Revue des Deux Mondes, Sept. 15, 1866, p. 453. 'On trouve déjà dans la plaine de Tehuantepec quelques échantillons de cette race toute particulière au Mexique, appelée pinto, qui appartient principalement à l'état de Guerrero.' Charnay, Ruines Américaines, p. 502.

The Pintos are a group of people living in small areas of Guerrero and Tehuantepec. 'To the west, on the slopes of the mountain ranges, a large part of the coastline along the Pacific, is inhabited by the Pintos.' Kératry, in Revue des Deux Mondes, Sept. 15, 1866, p. 453. 'In the plains of Tehuantepec, you can already find some examples of this unique group in Mexico, called pinto, which mainly comes from the state of Guerrero.' Charnay, Ruines Américaines, p. 502.

The Chiapanecs inhabit the interior of the state of Chiapas. 'Dans l'intérieur des provinces bordant les rives du Chiapan, à sa sortie des gouffres d'où il s'élance, en descendant du plateau de Zacatlan.' (Guatemalan name for Chiapas,) and they extended over the whole province, later on. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 87. 'À l'ouest de ce plateau, entre les Zotziles ou Quélènes du sud et les Zoqui du nord, habitaient les Chiapanèques.' Id., Popol Vuh, introd., pp. 157, 199. Also in Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 325; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 39. 'En Acala, distrito del Centro, y en la villa de Chiapa y en Suchiapa, distrito del Oeste.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 172. 'Le principali Città dei Chiapanechi erano Teochiapan, (chiamata dagli Spagnuoli Chiapa de Indios), Tochtla, Chamolla, e Tzinacantla.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 33.

The Chiapanecs live in the interior of the state of Chiapas. "In the interior of the provinces along the banks of the Chiapan, where it flows out from the ravines from which it leaps, descending from the Zacatlan plateau." (Guatemalan name for Chiapas,) and they spread throughout the entire province later on. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., vol. ii., p. 87. "To the west of this plateau, between the Zotziles or Quélènes of the south and the Zoqui of the north, lived the Chiapanecs." Id., Popol Vuh, introd., pp. 157, 199. Also in Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 325; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 39. "In Acala, central district, in the town of Chiapa and in Suchiapa, western district." Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 172. "The main cities of the Chiapanecs were Teochiapan (called by the Spaniards Chiapa de Indios), Tochtla, Chamolla, and Tzinacantla." Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, vol. i., p. 33.

The Tzendales are in Chiapas. 'De l'Etat de Chiapas.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. 364. 'The province called Zeldales lyeth behind this of the Zoques, from the North Sea within the continent, running up towards Chiapa and reaches in some parts near to the borders of Comitlan, north-westward.' Gage's New Survey, p. 236. Also in Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 193; Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 235; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 169; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xi.; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 325.

The Tzendales are located in Chiapas. 'From the State of Chiapas.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. 364. 'The area known as Zeldales lies behind that of the Zoques, from the North Sea within the continent, extending up towards Chiapa and reaching in some areas close to the borders of Comitlan, northwestward.' Gage's New Survey, p. 236. Also in Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 193; Pimentel, Cuadro, vol. ii., p. 235; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 169; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xi.; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 325.

The Zotziles inhabit a small district in Chiapas. 'La ciudad de Tzinacantlan, que en mexicano significa "lugar de murciélagos," fué la capital de los quelenes, y despues de los tzotziles quienes la llamaban Zotzilhá, que significa lo mismo; de zotzil, murciélago.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 245. Tzinacantan (Quiche Zotzilha) 'doit avoir été le berceau de la nation zotzil, l'une des nombreuses populations du Chiapas.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 88.

The Zotziles live in a small area in Chiapas. 'The city of Tzinacantlan, which in Nahuatl means "place of bats," was the capital of the quelenes, and later of the tzotziles who called it Zotzilhá, which means the same thing; from zotzil, bat.' Pimentel, Cuadro, vol. ii., p. 245. Tzinacantan (Quiche Zotzilha) 'must have been the birthplace of the Zotzil nation, one of the many groups in Chiapas.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., vol. ii., p. 88.

The Chatinos live in the 'Departamentos del Centro y de Jamiltepee.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 189; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. 196-9.

The Chatinos live in the 'Departments of Centro and Jamiltepee.' Orozco y Berra, Geography, p. 189; Mühlenpfordt, Mexico, vol. ii., pt. i., pp. 196-9.

The Chinantecs, or Tenez, are in the 'Departamento de Teotitlan.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 187; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. i., p. 214. 'In the partidos of Quiechapa, Jalalog, and Chuapan.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 40. 682

The Chinantecs, or Tenez, are located in the 'Departamento de Teotitlan.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 187; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. i., p. 214. 'In the districts of Quiechapa, Jalalog, and Chuapan.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 40. 682

The Ahualulcos inhabit San Francisco de Ocuapa which 'es la Cabeza de Partido de los Indios Ahualulcos.' Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. iii., p. 366.

The Ahualulcos live in San Francisco de Ocuapa, which is 'the Head of the Party of the Ahualulcos Indians.' Alcedo, Diccionario, vol. iii., p. 366.

The Quelenes occupied a district in Chiapas near the Guatemala boundary line. 'La nation des Quelènes, dont la capitale était Comitan, occupait la frontière guatémalienne.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 4. 'Au temps de la conquête, la ville principale des Quelènes était Copanahuaztlan.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, introd., p. 157. 'Établies entre le haut plateau de Ghovel ou de Ciudad-Real et les montagnes de Soconusco au midi.' Ib.; and Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 271.

The Quelenes inhabited a region in Chiapas close to the border with Guatemala. 'The nation of Quelènes, whose capital was Comitan, occupied the Guatemalan border.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., vol. iii., p. 4. 'During the time of the conquest, the main city of the Quelènes was Copanahuaztlan.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, intro., p. 157. 'Located between the high plateau of Ghovel or Ciudad-Real and the mountains of Soconusco to the south.' Ib.; and Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 271.

The Zoques are scattered over portions of Tabasco, Chiapas, Oajaca, and Tehuantepec. 'Se encuentran derramados en Chiapas, Tabasco y Oaxaca; tienen al Norte el mexicano y el chontal, al Este el tzendal, el tzotzil y el chiapaneco, al Sur el mexicano, y al Oeste el huave, el zapoteco y el mixe.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 170. 'Occupy the mountain towns of Santa Maria and San Miguel, and number altogether about two thousand souls.' Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec, p. 126. 'Les Zotziles et les Zoqui, confinant, au sud-est, avec les Mixi montagnards, au nord avec les Nonohualcas, et les Xicalancas, qui habitaient les territoires fertiles de Tabasco.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 5. 'Quorum præcipuum Tecpatlan.' Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 325. 'The Soques, who came originally from Chiapas, inhabit in the Isthmus only the villages of San Miguel and Santa María Chimalapa.' Garay's Tehuantepec, p. 60. 'La mayor de ellas está situada á tres leguas de Tacotalpa, aguas arriba del rio de la Sierra. Ocupa un pequeño valle causado por el descenso de varios cerros y colinas que la circuyen.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., pp. 236-8; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. 181-2; Macgregor's Progress of America, pp. 849-50. 'The Zoques inhabit the mountainous region to the east, from the valley of the Chiapa on the south, to the Rio del Corte on the north. Originally occupying a small province lying on the confines of Tabasco, they were subjugated by the expedition to Chiapas under Luis Marin. At present they are confined to the villages of San Miguel and Santa Maria Chimalapa.' Barnard's Tehuantepec, p. 225. 'Near the Arroyo de Otates, on the road from Tarifa to Santa Maria, stands a new settlement, composed of a few shanties, inhabited by Zoques, which is called Tierra Blanca.' Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 546.

The Zoques are spread across parts of Tabasco, Chiapas, Oajaca, and Tehuantepec. 'They are found scattered in Chiapas, Tabasco, and Oaxaca; to the north are the Mexican and Chontal, to the east the Tzendal, Tzotzil, and Chiapaneco, to the south the Mexican, and to the west the Huave, Zapotec, and Mixe.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 170. 'They live in the mountain towns of Santa Maria and San Miguel, totaling about two thousand people.' Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec, p. 126. 'The Zotziles and the Zoqui, bordering to the southeast with the Mixe mountain people, to the north with the Nonohualcas, and the Xicalancas, who lived in the fertile lands of Tabasco.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 5. 'Their principal place is Tecpatlan.' Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 325. 'The Soques, originally from Chiapas, currently inhabit only the villages of San Miguel and Santa María Chimalapa on the Isthmus.' Garay's Tehuantepec, p. 60. 'The largest of these is located three leagues from Tacotalpa, upstream from the Sierra river. It occupies a small valley formed by the descent of several mountains and hills surrounding it.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., pp. 236-8; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. 181-2; Macgregor's Progress of America, pp. 849-50. 'The Zoques inhabit the mountainous region to the east, from the Chiapa valley in the south to the Rio del Corte in the north. They originally occupied a small province that lay on the borders of Tabasco but were conquered by the expedition to Chiapas led by Luis Marin. They are now limited to the villages of San Miguel and Santa Maria Chimalapa.' Barnard's Tehuantepec, p. 225. 'Near the Arroyo de Otates, on the road from Tarifa to Santa Maria, there is a new settlement made up of a few shanties inhabited by Zoques, called Tierra Blanca.' Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 546.

The Choles, Manches, and Mopanes are scattered through small portions of Chiapas and Vera Paz in Guatemala. '23 leagues from Cahbón, in the midst of inaccessible mountains and morasses, dwell the Chóls and Manchés.' Escobar, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., pp. 94-5. Residen en la 'Provincia del Manché.' Alcedo, Dicc., tom. iii., p. 452. Also in Boyle's Ride, vol. i., preface, p. 14; Dunlop's Cent. Amer., p. 196; Gavarrete, in Panamá Star and Herald, Dec. 19, 1867. 'Los Choles forman una tribu establecida desde tiempos remotos en Guatemala; dividos en dos fracciones ... la una se encuentra al Este de Chiapas, y la otra muy retirada en la Verapaz.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 167. 'Tenia por el Sur la Provincia del Chòl: Por la Parte del Oriente, y de el Norte, de igual modo, las Naciones de los Itzaex Petenes: Y por el Poniente, las de los Lacandones, y Xoquinoès.' Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, pp. 278-9. 'The nation of 683 the Chol Indians is settled in a country about 25 or 30 leagues distant from Cahabon, the last village in Verapaz, and far removed from the Manchés.' Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 275.

The Choles, Manches, and Mopanes are found scattered across small areas of Chiapas and Vera Paz in Guatemala. '23 leagues from Cahbón, in the middle of hard-to-reach mountains and swamps, live the Chóls and Manchés.' Escobar, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., pp. 94-5. They reside in the 'Province of Manché.' Alcedo, Dicc., tom. iii., p. 452. Also in Boyle's Ride, vol. i., preface, p. 14; Dunlop's Cent. Amer., p. 196; Gavarrete, in Panamá Star and Herald, Dec. 19, 1867. 'The Choles constitute a tribe that has been established in Guatemala since ancient times; they are divided into two factions ... one is located in the East of Chiapas, and the other is much further away in Verapaz.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 167. 'To the South was the Province of Chòl: To the East and North, similarly, were the nations of the Itzaex Petenes: And to the West, those of the Lacandones and Xoquinoès.' Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, pp. 278-9. 'The Chol Indians live in a region about 25 or 30 leagues from Cahabon, the last village in Verapaz, and far from the Manchés.' Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 275.

MAYAS AND ITZAS.

Maya and Itza.

The Mayas inhabit the peninsula of Yucatan. 'Avant la conquête des Espagnols, les Mayas occupaient toute la presque'île d'Yucatan, y compris les districts de Peten, le Honduras anglais, et la partie orientale de Tabasco.... La seule portion de pure race restant de cette grande nation, se réduit à quelques tribus èparses, habitant principalement les bords des rivières Usumasinta, San Pedro et Pacaitun; la totalitè de leur territoire fait, politiquement parlant, partie du Peten.' Galindo, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1834, tom. lxiii., pp. 148-9, and in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., tom. iii., p. 59. 'En todo el Estado de Yucatan, Isla del Cármen, pueblo de Montecristo en Tabasco, y del Palenque en Chiapas.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 3; Crowe's Cent. America, pp. 46-7; Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 453; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 208; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 142-3.

The Mayas live in the Yucatan peninsula. 'Before the Spanish conquest, the Mayas inhabited the entire Yucatan peninsula, including the districts of Peten, British Honduras, and the eastern part of Tabasco.... The only purebred remnants of this great nation are reduced to a few scattered tribes, primarily living along the banks of the Usumasinta, San Pedro, and Pacaitun rivers; politically speaking, all their territory is part of Peten.' Galindo, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1834, tom. lxiii., pp. 148-9, and in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., tom. iii., p. 59. 'Throughout the State of Yucatan, Isla del Cármen, the town of Montecristo in Tabasco, and Palenque in Chiapas.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 3; Crowe's Cent. America, pp. 46-7; Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 453; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 208; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 142-3.

The Itzas occupy a like-named district in the centre of Yucatan. 'Los que poblaron a Chicheniza, se llaman los Yzaes.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii. 'Tienen por la parte del Mediodia, la Provincia de la Vera-Paz, y Reyno de Guatimala; por el Norte, las Provincias de Yucatán; por la parte del Oriente, el Mar; por la de el Occidente, la Provincia de Chiapa; y al Sueste, la Tierra, y Provincia de Honduras.' Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 489.

The Itzas inhabit a district of the same name in the center of Yucatan. 'Those who settled in Chichen Itza are called the Yzaes.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii. 'To the South, they have the Province of Vera-Paz and the Kingdom of Guatemala; to the North, the Provinces of Yucatan; to the East, the Sea; to the West, the Province of Chiapas; and to the Southeast, the Land and Province of Honduras.' Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 489.

Central American Group

NATIVE RACES of the PACIFIC STATES
CENTRAL AMERICAN GROUP

NATIVE RACES of the PACIFIC STATES
CENTRAL AMERICAN GROUP

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CHAPTER VII.
Indigenous Tribes of Central America.

Physical Geography and Climate—Three Groupal Divisions; First, the nations of Yucatan, Guatemala, Salvador, Western Honduras, and Nicaragua; Second, The Mosquitos of Honduras; Third, the nations of Costa Rica and the Isthmus of Panamá—The Popolucas, Pipiles, and Chontales—The Descendants of the Maya-Quiché Races—The Natives of Nicaragua—The Mosquitos, Poyas, Ramas, Lencas, Towkas, Woolwas, and Xicaques of Honduras—The Guatusos of the Rio Frio—The Caimanes, Bayamos, Dorachos, Goajiros, Mandingos, Savanerics, Sayrones, Viscitas, and others living in Costa Rica and on the Isthmus.

Physical Geography and Climate—Three Main Divisions: First, the countries of Yucatan, Guatemala, El Salvador, Western Honduras, and Nicaragua; Second, the Mosquitos region of Honduras; Third, the countries of Costa Rica and the Isthmus of Panama—The Popolucas, Pipiles, and Chontales—The Descendants of the Maya-Quiché Peoples—The Natives of Nicaragua—The Mosquitos, Poyas, Ramas, Lencas, Towkas, Woolwas, and Xicaques from Honduras—The Guatusos of the Rio Frio—The Caimanes, Bayamos, Dorachos, Goajiros, Mandingos, Savanerics, Sayrones, Viscitas, and others residing in Costa Rica and on the Isthmus.

Of the Wild Tribes of Central America, which territorial group completes the line of our Pacific States seaboard, I make three divisions following modern geographical boundaries, namely, the aborigines of Guatemala, Salvador, and Nicaragua, which I call Guatemalans; the people of the Mosquito Coast and Honduras, Mosquitos; and the nations of Costa Rica and the isthmus of Darien, or Panamá, Isthmians.

Of the Indigenous Tribes of Central America, which territorial group completes the line of our Pacific States coastline, I’ve made three divisions based on current geographical boundaries: the indigenous people of Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua, which I call Guatemalans; the inhabitants of the Mosquito Coast and Honduras, Mosquitos; and the communities of Costa Rica and the Isthmus of Darien, or Panama, Isthmians.

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY OF CENTRAL AMERICA.

Geography of Central America.

The territory occupied by this group of nations lies between the eighteenth and the seventh parallels of north latitude, that is to say, between the northern boundary of the Central American states, and the river Atrato, which stream nearly severs the Isthmus from the South American continent. This continental tract is a narrow, irregular, indented coast-country of volcanic character, in which Guatemala and Honduras alone present any 685 considerable breadth. The two cordilleras, running through Mexico and meeting on the isthmus of Tehuantepec, continue their course through Guatemala, where they form a broken table-land studded with elevations, of less height than the plateaux of Mexico. After sinking considerably at the isthmus formed by the gulf of Honduras, this mountain range takes a fresh start and offers a formidable barrier along the Pacific coast, which sends a number of transverse ranges into the interior of Honduras, and gives rise to countless rivers, chiefly emptying into the Atlantic. The chain passes at a diminished altitude through Nicaragua, where it forms a large basin, which holds the lakes of Nicaragua and Managua; but on reaching Costa Rica it again becomes a bold, rugged range, capped by the volcano of Cartago. Seemingly exhausted by its wild contortions, it dwindles into a series of low ridges on entering Veragua, and passes in this form through the isthmus of Panamá, until it unites with the South American Andes. The scenery of this region is extremely varied, uniting that of most countries of the globe; lakes, rivers, plains, valleys, and bays abound in all forms and sizes. The north-east trade winds blow the greater part of the year, and, meeting the high ranges, deposit their superabundant moisture upon the eastern side, which is damp, overgrown with rank vegetation, filled with marshes, and unhealthful. The summer here, is hot and fever-breeding. Relieved of their moisture, and cooled by the mountains, the trade winds continue their course through the gaps left here and there, and tend materially to refresh the atmosphere of the Pacific slope for a part of the year; while the south-west winds, blowing from May to October, for a few hours at a time, bring short rains to temper what would otherwise be the hot season on this coast. Dew falls everywhere, except in the more elevated regions, and keeps vegetation fresh. Palms, plantains, mahogany, and dye-woods abound in the hot district; maize flourishes best in the temperate parts, while cedars, pines, and hardier growths find a home in the tierra fria. The animal kingdom is best 686 represented on the Atlantic side, for here the puma, the tiger-cat, and the deer, startled only by the climbing opossum or the chattering monkey, find a more secure retreat. Birds of brilliant plumage fill the forests with their songs, while the buzz of insects everywhere is heard as they swarm over sweltering alligators, lizards, and snakes. The manifold productions, and varied features of the country have had, no doubt, a great influence in shaping the destiny of the inhabitants. The fine climate, good soil, and scarcity of game on the Pacific side must have contributed to the allurements of a settled life and assisted in the progress of nations who had for centuries before the conquest lived in the enjoyment of a high culture. It is hard to say what might have been the present condition of a people so happily situated, but the advent of the white race, bent only upon the acquirement of present riches by means of oppression, checked the advancement of a civilization which struck even the invaders with admiration. Crossing to the Atlantic side we find an over-abundant vegetation, whose dark recesses serve as a fitting shelter for the wild beast. Here man, imbibing the wildness of his surroundings, and oppressed by a feverish climate, seems content to remain in a savage state depending upon natural fruits, the chase, and fishing for his subsistence. Of a roaming disposition, he objects to the restraint imposed by government and forms. The natives of Costa Rica and the isthmus of Darien escaped the civilizing influence of foreign intercourse,—thanks to their geographical isolation,—and remain on about the same level of culture as in their primitive days.

The area occupied by this group of countries is located between the eighteenth and seventh parallels of north latitude, meaning it stretches from the northern edge of the Central American states to the Atrato River, which almost separates the Isthmus from the South American continent. This land is a narrow, irregular, and jagged coastal region of volcanic origin, where only Guatemala and Honduras show any significant width. The two mountain ranges that run through Mexico and converge at the isthmus of Tehuantepec continue through Guatemala, forming a fragmented plateau dotted with lower elevations than those found in Mexico. After dropping significantly at the isthmus caused by the Gulf of Honduras, this mountain range takes another turn and becomes a strong barrier along the Pacific coast, sending several smaller ranges into the interior of Honduras and creating numerous rivers that mainly flow into the Atlantic. The chain reduces in height as it moves through Nicaragua, where it forms a large basin containing the lakes of Nicaragua and Managua; however, upon reaching Costa Rica, it transforms back into a bold, rugged range capped by the Cartago volcano. Seemingly worn out by its turbulent path, it reduces to a series of low ridges as it enters Veragua and continues in this form through the isthmus of Panamá, eventually connecting with the South American Andes. The scenery in this area is incredibly varied, showcasing landscapes found in many parts of the world; lakes, rivers, plains, valleys, and bays come in all shapes and sizes. The northeast trade winds blow for most of the year, and when they hit the high ranges, they deposit their excess moisture on the eastern side, which is damp, dense with vegetation, filled with swamps, and unhealthy. Summers here are hot and prone to fever. After shedding their moisture and cooling down in the mountains, the trade winds flow through openings and significantly refresh the atmosphere on the Pacific slope for part of the year; meanwhile, the southwest winds, blowing from May to October for short periods, bring brief rains to ease what would otherwise be an extremely hot season on the coast. Dew falls everywhere except in the higher areas, keeping vegetation fresh. In the warmer regions, palms, plantains, mahogany, and dye-woods are plentiful; maize grows best in the temperate areas, while cedars, pines, and tougher plants thrive in the tierra fría. The animal kingdom is most abundant on the Atlantic side, where pumas, jaguarundi, and deer, startled only by climbing opossums or chattering monkeys, find safer habitats. Brightly colored birds fill the forests with their songs, while the buzz of insects can be heard as they swarm over resting alligators, lizards, and snakes. The diverse resources and features of the country have undoubtedly had a significant impact on the fates of its inhabitants. The pleasant climate, fertile soil, and the limited availability of game on the Pacific side likely contributed to the appeal of a settled life, aiding the progress of nations that had enjoyed a rich culture for centuries before the conquest. It's hard to say what the current state of such a well-situated people would be, but the arrival of the white race, focused solely on gaining wealth through oppression, halted the advancement of a civilization that even impressed the invaders. On the Atlantic side, we encounter an overwhelming amount of vegetation, with its dark spaces providing an ideal shelter for wild animals. Here, people, influenced by their untamed surroundings and burdened by a sapping climate, seem content to live in a primitive state, relying on natural fruits, hunting, and fishing for survival. With a nomadic tendency, they resist the control imposed by governments and structures. The natives of Costa Rica and the isthmus of Darien avoided the civilizing effects of foreign contact—thanks to their geographical isolation—and remain at about the same cultural level as in their early days.

CENTRAL AMERICAN NATIONS.

Central American countries.

Under the name of Guatemalans, I include the natives of Guatemala, Salvador, and Nicaragua. I have already pointed out the favorable features of the region inhabited by them. The only sultry portion of Guatemala is a narrow strip along the Pacific; it is occupied by a few planters and fishermen, who find most of their requirements supplied by the palms that grow here in the greatest luxuriance. The chief part of the population is 687 concentrated round the various lakes and rivers of the table-land above, where maize, indigo, cochineal, and sugar-cane are staple products. In the altos, the banana is displaced by hardier fruits sheltered under the lofty cedar, and here we find a thrifty and less humble people who pay some attention to manufactures. Salvador presents less abrupt variation in its features. Although outside of the higher range of mountains, it still possesses a considerable elevation running through its entire length, which breaks out at frequent intervals into volcanic peaks, and gives rise to an abundant and well-spread water system. Such favorable conditions have not failed to gather a population which is not only the most numerous comparatively, but also the most industrious in Central America. Northern Nicaragua is a continuation of Salvador in its features and inhabitants; but the central and southern parts are low and have more the character of the Guatemalan coast, the climate being hot, yet not unhealthful. Its Atlantic coast region, however, partakes of the generally unfavorable condition described above.

Under the term Guatemalans, I include the native people of Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua. I've already highlighted the positive aspects of the region where they live. The only humid area in Guatemala is a narrow stretch along the Pacific, which is home to a few farmers and fishermen who find most of their needs met by the palms that grow here abundantly. The majority of the population is concentrated around the various lakes and rivers of the highlands, where corn, indigo, cochineal, and sugar cane are the main products. In the highlands, bananas are replaced by hardier fruits that thrive under tall cedar trees, and here we find a resourceful and less modest population that engages in some manufacturing. El Salvador has a smoother landscape. While it’s outside the higher mountain range, it still features significant elevation throughout, frequently breaking into volcanic peaks and supporting a rich and well-distributed water system. These favorable conditions have attracted a population that is not only the largest comparatively but also the most hardworking in Central America. Northern Nicaragua continues the landscape and demographics of El Salvador, but the central and southern regions are flatter and resemble the Guatemalan coast, with a hot but not unhealthy climate. However, its Atlantic coast region shares the generally unfavorable conditions mentioned earlier.

The Spanish rulers naturally exercised a great influence upon the natives, and their ancient civilization was lost in the stream of Caucasian progress, a stream which, in this region, itself flowed but slowly in later times. Oppressed and despised, a sullen indifference has settled upon the race, and caused it to neglect even its traditions. The greater portion still endeavor to keep up tribal distinctions and certain customs; certain tribes of lesser culture, as the cognate Manches and Lacandones, retired before the Spaniards to the north and north-east, where they still live in a certain isolation and independence. The name Lacandones has been applied to a number of tribes, of which the eastern are described to be quite harmless as compared with the western. The Quichés, a people living in the altos, have also surrounded themselves with a certain reserve, and are truer to their ancient customs than the Zutugils, Cakchiquels, and many others related by language 688 to the Quichés surrounding them. The Pipiles, meaning children, according to Molina, are the chief people in Salvador, where their villages are scattered over a large extent of territory. In Nicaragua we find several distinct peoples. The aboriginal inhabitants seem to have been the different peoples known as Chorotegans, who occupy the country lying between the bay of Fonseca and lake Nicaragua. The Chontales (strangers, or barbarians) live to the north-east of the lakes, and assimilate more to the barbarous tribes of the Mosquito country adjoining them. The Cholutecs inhabit the north from the gulf of Fonseca towards Honduras. The Orotiñans occupy the country south of the lake of Nicaragua and around the gulf of Nicoya. Further information about the location of the different nations and tribes of this family will be found at the end of this chapter.[960]

The Spanish rulers had a significant impact on the natives, leading to the gradual loss of their ancient civilization amidst the wave of Caucasian progress, which itself slowed down in this region later on. Oppressed and looked down upon, the people have developed a certain indifference that has made them neglect their own traditions. Many still try to maintain tribal distinctions and specific customs; lesser-known tribes like the related Manches and Lacandones retreated to the north and northeast before the Spaniards, where they continue to live in a degree of isolation and independence. The name Lacandones refers to several tribes, with those in the east described as relatively harmless compared to those in the west. The Quichés, who reside in the highlands, also maintain a level of reserve and are more loyal to their ancient customs than the Zutugils, Cakchiquels, and many others who speak similar languages and surround the Quichés. The Pipiles, meaning children according to Molina, are the main group in Salvador, where their villages are spread across a large area. In Nicaragua, we encounter several distinct peoples. The original inhabitants appear to be the various groups known as Chorotegans, who live between the Bay of Fonseca and Lake Nicaragua. The Chontales (meaning strangers or barbarians) reside to the northeast of the lakes and have more in common with the more primitive tribes of the neighboring Mosquito country. The Cholutecs live in the northern region from the Gulf of Fonseca towards Honduras. The Orotiñans inhabit the land south of Lake Nicaragua and around the Gulf of Nicoya. More information about the location of the different nations and tribes of this family can be found at the end of this chapter.[960]

PHYSIQUE AND DRESS.

BODY AND FASHION.

The Guatemalans, that is to say the aborigines of Guatemala, Salvador, and Nicaragua, are rather below the middle size, square and tough, with a finely developed physique. Their hue is yellow-brown, in some parts coppery, varying in shade according to locality, but lighter than that of the standard American type. The full round face has a mild expression; the forehead is low and retiring, the cheek-bones protruding, chin and nose short, the latter thick and flat, lips full, eyes black and small, turned upwards at the temples, with a stoical, 689 distrustful look. The cranium is slightly conical; hair long, smooth, and black, fine but strong, retaining its color well as old age approaches, though sometimes turning white. Although the beard is scanty, natives may be seen who have quite a respectable moustache. The limbs are muscular, the calf of the leg being especially large; hands and feet small; a high instep, which, no doubt, partly accounts for their great endurance in walking. The women are not devoid of good looks, especially in Nicaragua, where, in some districts, they are said to be stronger and better formed than the men. The custom of carrying pitchers of water upon the head, gives to the women an erect carriage and a firm step. The constitution of the males is good, and, as a rule, they reach a ripe old age; the females are less long-lived. Deformed persons are extremely rare. Guatemala, with its varied geographical aspects, presents striking differences in physique; the highlanders being lighter in complexion, and finer in form and features than the inhabitants of the lowlands.[961]

The Guatemalans, meaning the indigenous people of Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua, are generally shorter than average, sturdy, and physically robust. Their skin tone ranges from yellow-brown to coppery, with variations based on local regions, but it tends to be lighter than the typical American complexion. They have full, round faces that appear gentle; their foreheads are low, cheekbones prominent, and both their chins and noses are short, with the noses being thick and flat. Their lips are full, and their small, black eyes are angled upwards at the temples, giving them a stoic and wary expression. The shape of their skulls is slightly conical; their hair is long, smooth, and black—fine yet strong, holding its color well into old age, though it can sometimes turn white. While facial hair is sparse, some men can be seen sporting respectable mustaches. Their limbs are muscular, particularly their calves, while their hands and feet are small, and they have high arches, which likely contributes to their impressive endurance in walking. The women can be quite attractive, especially in Nicaragua, where in certain areas they are noted to be stronger and better built than the men. The practice of balancing pitchers of water on their heads gives the women an upright posture and a steady gait. Generally, men have a strong constitution and tend to live long lives, while women do not have the same longevity. Deformities are extremely uncommon. Guatemala’s diverse geography leads to significant differences in physical appearance, with people in the highlands often having lighter skin and more delicate features compared to those in the lowlands.[961]

GUATEMALAN DRESS AND ORNAMENTS.

Guatemalan clothing and accessories.

Intercourse with Spaniards seems to have produced little change in the dress of the Guatemalans, which is pretty much the same as that of the Mexicans. The poorer class wear a waist-cloth of white cotton, or of pita, which is a kind of white hemp, or a long shirt of the same material, with short sleeves, partly open at the sides, the ends of which are passed between the legs, and fastened at the waist; a strip of cotton round the 690 head, surmounted by a dark-colored hat of straw or palm-leaves, with a very wide brim, completes the attire. This cotton cap or turban is an indispensable article of dress to the highlander, who passes suddenly from the cold air of the hilly country, to the burning plains below. Sumptuary regulations here obtain, as aboriginally the lower classes were not allowed to wear anything better than pita clothing, cotton being reserved for the nobles. The primitive dress of the nobility is a colored waist-cloth, and a mantle ornamented and embroidered with figures of birds, tigers, and other designs, and, although they have adopted much of the Spanish dress, the rich and fanciful stitchings on the shirt, still distinguish them from their inferiors. On feast-days, and when traveling, a kind of blanket, commonly known as serape, manga, or poncho, is added to the ordinary dress. The serape, which differs in style according to locality, is closer in texture than the ordinary blanket and colored, checked, figured, or fringed, to suit the taste. It has an opening in the centre, through which the head is passed, and hanging in loose folds over the body it forms a very picturesque attire. Some fasten it with a knot on one shoulder, leaving it to fall over the side from the other. The serape also serves for rain-coat and wrapper, and, at night, it is wound round the head and body, serving for bed as well as covering, the other portion of the dress being made into a pillow. The carriers of Guatemala use a rain-proof palm-leaf called suyacal. Shepherds are distinguished by a black and white checked apron, somewhat resembling the Scotch kilt. The hair, which, before the conquest of Guatemala, was worn long, and hung in braids down the back, is now cut short, except in the remote mountain districts, where long loose hair is still the fashion. In Salvador and Nicaragua, on the other hand, the front part of the hair used to be shaved off, the brave often appearing perfectly bald. Most natives go bare-footed, except when traveling; they then put on sandals, which consist of a piece of hide fastened by thongs. The women, when at home, content themselves 691 with a waist-cloth, generally blue-checked, secured by a twisted knot; but, on going abroad, they put on the huipil, which is a piece of white cotton, having an opening in the middle for the head, and covering the breast and back, as far as the waist. Some huipils are sewed together at the sides and have short sleeves. On this part of their dress the women—who, for that matter, attend to the manufacture and dyeing of all the clothing—expend their best efforts. They embroider, or dye, the neck and shoulders with various designs, whose outlines and coloring often do great credit to their taste. In Guatemala, the colors and designs are distinct for different villages, so that it may at once be seen to which tribe the wearer belongs. The hair is plaited into one or two braids, interlaced with bright-colored ribbons, and usually wreathed turban-fashion round the head. The Quichés, whose red turban-dress is more pronounced than others, sometimes vary it by adding yellow bands and tassels to the braids, which are permitted to hang down to the heels. Thomas Gage, who lived in Guatemala from about 1627 to 1638, relates that on gala-days the fair natives were arrayed in cotton veils reaching to the ground. The ancient custom of painting, and of piercing the ears and lip, to hold pendants, is now restricted to the remote hill country, and ornaments are limited to a few strings of beads, shells, and metal for the arms and neck, with an occasional pair of ear-rings; the women add flowers and garlands to their head-dress, especially on feast-days. Some mountain tribes of Guatemala wear red feathers in their cotton turbans—the nobles and chiefs using green ones—and paint the body black: the paint being, no doubt, intended for a protection against mosquitos. The apron worn by the women is made of bark, which, after being soaked and beaten, assumes the appearance of chamois leather. The Lacandones also wore cotton sacks adorned with tassels, and the women had bracelets of cords with tassels. In Nicaragua, tattooing seems to have been practiced, for Oviedo says that the natives cut their faces and arms 692 with flint knives, and rubbed a black powder obtained from pine gum into the scars. Children wear no other dress than that provided by nature: here and there, however, the girls are furnished with a strip of cotton for the waist.[962]

Interacting with Spaniards hasn’t really changed how Guatemalans dress, which is pretty similar to the clothing of Mexicans. The poorer people wear a white cotton waistcloth or a waistcloth made from pita, which is a type of white hemp. They also wear a long shirt made from the same material, featuring short sleeves and partially open sides, with the ends passed between the legs and tied at the waist. Completing the outfit is a strip of cotton wrapped around the head, topped with a wide-brimmed dark straw or palm-leaf hat. This cotton cap or turban is essential for those living in the highlands, as they often transition from the cool mountain air to the hot lowlands. There are rules about attire since historically, the lower classes were only allowed to wear pita, while cotton was reserved for the nobles. Nobility typically wears a colored waistcloth and a decorated mantle embroidered with images of birds, tigers, and other designs. Even though they’ve adopted some Spanish clothing, the intricate stitching on their shirts sets them apart from the lower classes. On festive days and during travel, they add a blanket often referred to as serape, manga, or poncho to their regular clothes. The serape, which varies in style based on the region, is woven more tightly than a regular blanket and comes in colors, patterns, or fringes to match personal taste. It has a hole in the center for the head, draping elegantly over the body for a striking appearance. Some people secure it with a knot on one shoulder, allowing it to drape down on the other side. The serape also acts as a rain coat and wrap, and at night, it can be wrapped around the head and body for warmth, with part of the clothing used as a pillow. Carriers in Guatemala use a waterproof palm leaf called suyacal. Shepherds wear a black and white checked apron similar to the Scottish kilt. Before the conquest of Guatemala, people wore their hair long, braided down their backs, but now most men cut their hair short, except in remote mountainous areas where long hair is still the style. In Salvador and Nicaragua, however, men often shaved the front of their heads, with some appearing completely bald. Most locals go barefoot except when traveling; then they wear sandals made of hide secured with thongs. At home, women typically wear a blue-checked waistcloth tied in a twisted knot, but when going out, they put on a huipil, which is a piece of white cotton with a head opening that covers the chest and back down to the waist. Some huipils are sewn at the sides and have short sleeves. Women, who handle the manufacture and dyeing of clothing, put great effort into their huipils, embroidering or dyeing the neck and shoulder areas with intricate designs that showcase their taste. In Guatemala, different villages have distinct colors and patterns, making it easy to identify the wearer’s tribe. Women typically braid their hair into one or two sections, often interwoven with vibrant ribbons and styled in a turban-like fashion around their heads. The Quichés stand out with their striking red turbans, sometimes enhanced with yellow bands and tassels, allowing their braids to flow down to their heels. Thomas Gage, who lived in Guatemala from about 1627 to 1638, noted that on festive occasions, the beautiful locals would wear cotton veils that reached the ground. The old customs of painting the body and piercing ears and lips for pendants have largely faded, now mostly confined to remote mountain regions, with jewelry limited to a few beaded strings, shells, and metal for the arms and neck, along with the occasional earrings. Women often add flowers and garlands to their hairstyles, especially during celebrations. Some mountain tribes in Guatemala wear red feathers in their cotton turbans, while nobles and chiefs might wear green ones, and they often paint their bodies black, likely as protection against mosquitoes. The apron worn by women is made from bark, soaked and beaten to resemble chamois leather. The Lacandones also wore cotton sacks trimmed with tassels, while their women sported cord bracelets with tassels. In Nicaragua, tattooing appears to have been common, as Oviedo reported that natives would cut their faces and arms with flint knives and rub charcoal from pine gum into the wounds. Children typically wear nothing except what nature provides, although some girls are given a strip of cotton to wear around their waist.

GUATEMALAN DWELLINGS.

Guatemalan homes.

The conquerors have left numerous records of large cities with splendid palaces and temples of stone, but these exist now only in their ruins. The masses had, doubtless, no better houses than those we see at present. Their huts are made of wooden posts and rafters supporting a thatched roof of straw or palm-leaves, the side being stockaded with cane, bamboo, or rush, so as to allow a free passage to the air. Generally they have but one room; two or three stones in the centre of the hut compose the fireplace, and the only egress for the smoke is through the door. The room is scantily furnished with a few mats, a hammock, and some earthenware. Their villages are generally situated upon rising ground, and, owing to the houses being so scattered, they often extend over a league, which gives some foundation to the statements of the conquerors reporting the existence of towns of enormous size. The better kind of villages have regular streets, a thing not to be seen in the ordinary hamlets; and the houses, which are often of adobes (sun-burnt bricks), or of cane plastered over, containing two or three rooms and a loft, are surrounded by neatly kept gardens, enclosed within hedges. 693 When a Guatemalan wishes to build a hut, or repair one, he notifies the chief, who summons the tribe to bring straw and other needful materials, and the work is finished in a few hours; after which the owner supplies the company with chocolate. Some of the Vera Paz tribes are of a roaming disposition. They will take great trouble in clearing and preparing a piece of ground for sowing, and, after one or two harvests, will leave for another locality. Their dwellings, which are often grouped in hamlets, are therefore of a more temporary character, the walls being of maize-stalks and sugar-cane, surmounted by a slight palm-leaf roof. During an expedition into the country of the Lacandones, the Spaniards found a town of over one hundred houses, better constructed than the villages on the Guatemalan plateau. In the centre of the place stood three large buildings, one a temple, and the other two assembly houses, for men and women respectively. All were enclosed with fences excellently varnished. The Nicaraguan villages seem to be the neatest; the houses are chiefly of plaited cane or bamboo frame-work, raised a few feet from the ground, and standing in the midst of well-arranged flowers and shrubbery. Dollfus describes a simple but ingenious method used by the Guatemalans to cross deep rivers. A stout cable of aloe-fibres is passed over the stream, and fixed to the banks at a sufficient height from the surface of the water. To this rope bridge, called garucha, is attached a running strap, which the traveler passes round his body, and is pulled across by men stationed on the opposite side.[963] 694

The conquerors left behind many records of large cities with impressive stone palaces and temples, but now these places exist only as ruins. The common people likely had no better homes than what we see today. Their huts are made from wooden posts and rafters supporting a thatched roof of straw or palm leaves, with the sides fenced in with cane, bamboo, or rush, allowing for airflow. Typically, they have just one room; two or three stones in the center serve as the fireplace, and the only way for the smoke to escape is through the door. The room is sparsely furnished with a few mats, a hammock, and some earthenware. Their villages are usually on elevated ground, and because the houses are so spread out, they can stretch over a mile, which supports the conquerors’ claims of there being large towns. The better villages have organized streets, unlike the typical small hamlets; the houses, often made of sun-dried bricks or plastered cane, usually have two or three rooms plus a loft, and they are surrounded by well-kept gardens enclosed by hedges. 693 When a Guatemalan wants to build or repair a hut, he informs the chief, who then calls on the community to bring straw and other necessary materials, and the work gets done in just a few hours; afterward, the owner treats everyone to chocolate. Some of the Vera Paz tribes are nomadic. They put considerable effort into clearing and preparing a plot of land for planting, and after one or two harvests, they move on to another site. Their homes, often clustered in small groups, are designed for temporary use, with walls made of maize stalks and sugar cane, topped with a simple palm-leaf roof. During an expedition into the Lacandon territory, the Spaniards discovered a town with over a hundred houses, which were better constructed than those in the Guatemalan highlands. In the center of the town stood three large buildings: one a temple and the other two assembly halls for men and women. All were enclosed with attractively varnished fences. Nicaraguan villages appear to be the tidiest; the houses are mainly woven cane or bamboo frameworks, raised a few feet off the ground, and surrounded by well-arranged flowers and shrubs. Dollfus describes a simple but clever method used by the Guatemalans to cross deep rivers. A strong cable made from aloe fibers is strung across the water and anchored to the banks above water level. To this rope bridge, called garucha, a running strap is attached, which the traveler loops around their body and is pulled across by people on the other side. 694

These natives are essentially agricultural, but, like all who inhabit the warm zone, desire to live with the least possible labor. Most of them are content with a small patch of ground round their huts, on which they cultivate, in the same manner as did their forefathers, the little maize, beans, and the banana and plantain trees necessary for their subsistence. There are, however, a number of small farmers, who raise cochineal, cacao, indigo, and cotton, thereby adding to their own and their country's prosperity. In the more thinly settled districts, hunting enables them to increase the variety of their food with the flesh of wild hogs, deer, and other game, which are generally brought down with stone-headed arrows. When hunting the wild hog, they stretch a strong net, with large meshes, in some part of the woods, and drive the animals towards it. These rush headlong into the meshes, and are entangled, enabling their pursuers to dispatch them with ease.

These natives primarily engage in agriculture, but like others in warm climates, they prefer to work as little as possible. Most are satisfied with a small area around their huts where they grow maize, beans, and the banana and plantain trees necessary for their survival, just as their ancestors did. However, there are some small farmers who cultivate cochineal, cacao, indigo, and cotton, contributing to their own prosperity as well as that of their country. In less populated areas, hunting helps them diversify their diet with wild hogs, deer, and other game, usually taken down with stone-tipped arrows. When hunting wild hogs, they set up a strong net with large openings in the woods and drive the animals toward it. The hogs rush into the net and get caught, allowing the hunters to easily finish them off.

FOOD OF THE GUATEMALANS.

Guatemalan Cuisine.

Beans, and tortillas of maize, with the inevitable chile for seasoning, and plantains or bananas are their chief food. To these may be added meat in small quantities, fish, eggs, honey, turtle, fowl, and a variety of fruit and roots. Salt is obtained by boiling the soil gathered on the sea-shore. Maize is prepared in several ways. When young and tender, the ears are boiled, and eaten with salt and pepper; or a portion of them are pressed, and the remainder boiled with the juice thus extracted. When ripe, the fruit is soaked and then dried between the hands, previous to being crushed to flour between two stones. It is usually made into tortillas, which are eaten hot, with a strong sprinkling of pepper and occasionally a slight addition of fat. Tamales is the name for balls of cooked maize mixed with beef and chile, and rolled in leaves. A favorite dish is a dumpling made of maize and frijoles. The frijoles, or beans, of which a stock is always kept, are boiled a short time with chile; they 695 are then mixed with maize, and again put into the pot until thoroughly cooked, when they are eaten with a sauce made of salt, chile, and water. There are a number of fluid and solid preparations made chiefly from maize, and known as atole, to which name various prefixes are added to denote the other ingredients used. Meat, which is usually kept jerked, is a feast-day food. Gage describes the jerking process as follows: Fresh meat is cut into long strips, salted, and hung between posts to dry in the sun for a week. The strips are then smoked for another week, rolled up in bundles, which become quite hard, and are called tassajo or cesina. Another mode of preparing meat is described by the same author: When a deer has been shot, the body is left until decay and maggots render it appetizing; it is then brought home and parboiled with a certain herb until the flesh becomes sweet and white. The joint is afterwards again boiled, and eaten with chile. The Lacandones preserve meat as follows: A large hole is made in the ground, and lined with stones. After the hole has been heated, the meat is thrown in, and the top covered with leaves and earth, upon which a fire is kept burning. The meat takes four hours to cook, and can be preserved for eight or ten days. Cacao forms an important article of food, both as a drink and as bread. The kernel is picked when ripe, dried on a mat, and roasted in an earthen pan, previous to being ground to flour. Formerly, cacao was reserved for the higher classes, and even now the poor endeavor to economize it by adding sapuyal, the kernel of the sapote. They observe no regularity in their meals, but eat and drink at pleasure. When traveling, some roasted maize paste called totoposte, crumbled in boiling water with an addition of salt and pepper, and a cup of warm water, suffice for a repast. Fire is obtained in the usual primitive manner, by rubbing two sticks together.[964] 696

Beans and corn tortillas, seasoned with the inevitable chili, along with plantains or bananas, are their main foods. They also include small amounts of meat, fish, eggs, honey, turtle, poultry, and various fruits and roots. Salt is sourced by boiling soil gathered from the seashore. Corn is prepared in several ways. When young and tender, the ears are boiled and eaten with salt and pepper, or some are pressed while the rest are boiled with the extracted juice. When it’s ripe, the corn is soaked then dried by hand before being crushed to flour between two stones. It's usually made into tortillas, which are enjoyed hot with a generous sprinkle of pepper and sometimes a little bit of fat. Tamales are balls of cooked corn mixed with beef and chili, wrapped in leaves. A popular dish is a dumpling made from corn and beans. The beans, or frijoles, which they always keep on hand, are briefly boiled with chili and then mixed with corn, before being placed back in the pot until fully cooked, served with a sauce made from salt, chili, and water. There are many liquid and solid dishes mainly made from corn, known as atole, with different prefixes added to indicate other ingredients used. Meat, usually preserved by drying, is reserved for special occasions. Gage describes the drying process as follows: Fresh meat is cut into long strips, salted, and hung between posts to dry in the sun for a week. The strips are then smoked for another week, rolled into hard bundles known as tassajo or cesina. Another method for preparing meat mentioned by the same author is this: When a deer is shot, its body is left until it decays and becomes appetizing from maggots; then it is taken home, parboiled with a certain herb until the meat turns sweet and white. The piece is boiled again and eaten with chili. The Lacandones preserve meat in the following way: A large hole is dug in the ground and lined with stones. Once heated, the meat is placed inside, covered with leaves and dirt, and a fire is maintained on top. The meat cooks for four hours and can be kept for eight to ten days. Cacao is an important food item, both as a drink and as a bread. The kernels are picked when ripe, dried on a mat, then roasted in a clay pan before being ground into flour. In the past, cacao was reserved for the elite, and even now, the poor try to stretch it by adding sapuyal, the kernel of the sapote. They don’t have set meal times but eat and drink whenever they like. While traveling, some roasted corn paste called totoposte, crumbled into boiling water with added salt and pepper, along with a cup of warm water, is enough for a meal. They obtain fire in the usual primitive way, by rubbing two sticks together. 696

Most authorities agree that they are clean in their habits, and that frequent bathing is the rule, yet it is hinted that leprosy is caused partially by uncleanliness.[965]

Most experts agree that they are clean in their habits and that frequent bathing is the norm, yet it is suggested that leprosy is partially caused by uncleanliness.[965]

WAR, WEAPONS, AND IMPLEMENTS.

War, weapons, and tools.

Since the Spaniards assumed control of the country, weapons, as applied to war, have fallen into disuse, and it is only in the mountain districts that we meet the hunter armed with bow and spear, and slung over his shoulder a quiver full of reed arrows, pointed with stone. In Salvador and Nicaragua, the natives are still very expert in the use of the sling, game often being brought down by it.[966]

Since the Spaniards took over the country, weapons for warfare have become outdated, and it's mainly in the mountainous areas that we encounter hunters equipped with bows and spears, carrying a quiver filled with reed arrows tipped with stone over their shoulders. In El Salvador and Nicaragua, the locals are still quite skilled with the sling, often successfully using it to hunt game. [966]

I find no record of any wars among the aborigines since the conquest, and the only information relating to their war customs, gathered from the account of skirmishes which the Spaniards have had with some of the tribes in eastern Guatemala, is, that the natives kept in the back-ground, hidden by rocks or trees, waiting for the enemy to approach. As soon as the soldiers came close enough, a cloud of arrows came whizzing among them, and the warriors appeared, shouting with all their might. The Lacandones occasionally retaliate upon the planters on their borders for ill-treatment received at their hands. A number of warriors set out at night with faggots of dry sticks and grass, which are lighted as they approach the plantation, and thrown into the enemy's camp; during the confusion that ensues, the proposed 697 reprisal is made. One writer gives a brief description of the ceremonies preceding and following their expeditions. In front of the temple are burning braziers filled with odoriferous resin; round this the warriors assemble in full dress, their arms being placed behind them. A smaller brazier of incense blazes in front of each warrior, before which he prostrates himself, imploring the aid of the Great Spirit in his enterprise. On their return, they again assemble, disguised in the heads of various animals, and go through a war dance before the chief and his council. Sentinels are always pacing the summit of the hills, and give notice to one another, by trumpet blast, of the approach of any stranger. If it is an enemy, they speedily form ambuscades to entrap him.[967]

I can’t find any record of wars among the indigenous people since the conquest. The only information about their war customs comes from accounts of skirmishes the Spaniards had with some tribes in eastern Guatemala. The natives would stay hidden behind rocks or trees, waiting for the enemy to get close. Once the soldiers approached, a flurry of arrows would come flying at them, and the warriors would shout at the top of their lungs. The Lacandones sometimes retaliate against the planters near their borders for mistreatment they’ve experienced. A group of warriors would head out at night with bundles of dry sticks and grass, which they light as they near the plantation and throw into the enemy’s camp. Amid the ensuing chaos, they carry out their planned attack. One writer provides a brief overview of the ceremonies before and after their missions. In front of the temple, there are burning braziers filled with fragrant resin; the warriors gather around this in full attire, with their weapons behind them. Each warrior has a smaller brazier of incense burning in front of him, and he kneels down to ask for the Great Spirit's help in his mission. Upon their return, they gather again, disguised in the heads of different animals, and perform a war dance in front of the chief and his council. Sentinels continually patrol the hilltops and signal to one another with trumpets when a stranger approaches. If it’s an enemy, they quickly set up ambushes to trap him. 697

I have already referred to the bare interior of their dwellings: a few mats, a hammock, and some earthenware being the only apology for furniture. The mats are plaited of bark or other fibres, and serve, among other purposes, as a bed for the children, the grown persons generally sleeping in hammocks attached to the rafters. Scattered over the floor may be seen the earthen jar which the women so gracefully balance on their head when bringing it full of water from the well; the earthen pot for boiling plantains, with its folded banana-leaf cover; cups made from clay, calabash, cocoa-nut, or wacal shells, with their stands, often polished and bearing the marks of native sculpture; the metate for grinding the family flour; the comal, a clay plate upon which the tortilla is baked. A banana-leaf serves for a plate, and a fir-stick does the duty of a candle. Their hunting or bag nets are made of pita or bark-fibres. The steel machete and the knife have entirely displaced their ancient silex tools, of which some relics may still be found among the Lacandones. Valenzuela mentions that in the meeting-house of this tribe, the conquerors found two hundred hanging seats.[968] 698

I’ve already mentioned the sparse interiors of their homes: just a few mats, a hammock, and some clay pots being the only semblance of furniture. The mats are woven from bark or other fibers and serve various purposes, including as beds for the children, while adults typically sleep in hammocks hung from the rafters. Spread across the floor, you can see the clay jar that women skillfully balance on their heads when carrying it full of water from the well; the clay pot for boiling plantains, covered with a folded banana leaf; cups made from clay, calabash, coconut, or wacal shells, often polished and etched with native designs; the metate used for grinding family flour; and the comal, a clay plate for baking tortillas. A banana leaf acts as a plate, and a fir stick serves as a candle. Their hunting or gathering nets are made from pita or bark fibers. Steel machetes and knives have completely replaced their old flint tools, although some relics can still be found among the Lacandones. Valenzuela notes that in the meeting house of this tribe, the conquerors discovered two hundred hanging seats.[968] 698

These natives still excel in the manufacture of pottery, and produce, without the aid of tools, specimens that are as remarkable for their fanciful forms, as for their elegance and coloring. Water-jars are made sufficiently porous to allow the water to percolate and keep the contents cool; other earthenware is glazed by rubbing the heated vessel with a resinous gum. Nor are they behind-hand in the art of weaving, for most of the fabrics used in the country are of native make. The aboriginal spinning machine is not yet wholly displaced, and consists, according to Squier, of a thin spindle of wood, fifteen or sixteen inches in length, which is passed through a wheel of hard, heavy wood, six inches in diameter, and resembles a gigantic top. When used, it is placed in a hollowed piece of wood, to prevent it from toppling over. A thread is attached to the spindle just above the wheel, and it is then twirled rapidly between the thumb and forefinger. The momentum of the wheel keeps it in motion for half a minute, and meantime the thread is drawn out by the operator from the pile of prepared cotton in her lap. Their mode of weaving is the same as that of the Mexicans, and the fabrics are not only durable, but tastefully designed and colored to suit the quality and price. The dyes used are, indigo for blue, cochineal for red, and indigo mixed with lemon juice for black. The Nicaraguans obtain a highly prized purple by pressing the valve of a shell-fish found on the sea-shore. Baily says that they take the material to the seaside, and, after procuring a quantity of fresh coloring matter, dip each thread singly into it, and lay it aside to dry. From the aloe, and pita, or silk-grass, which are very strong and can easily be bleached, they 699 obtain a very fine thread, suitable for the finest weaving. Reeds and bark give material for coarser stuff, such as ropes and nets. Mats and hammocks, which are made from any of the last-mentioned fibres, are often interwoven with gray colors and rich designs. Some idea may be formed of the patient industry of the native when we learn that he will work for months upon one of the highly prized hats made from the fibre of the half-formed carludovica palmata leaf. They drill holes in stones, for pipes and other objects, by twirling a stick rapidly between the hands in some sand and water placed upon the stone.[969]

These locals are still skilled at making pottery, creating pieces that are just as notable for their creative shapes as they are for their elegance and color, all without using tools. They craft water-jars that are porous enough to let water seep through, keeping the contents cool; they glaze other ceramics by rubbing the heated vessel with a resinous gum. They're also not lagging behind in weaving, as most of the fabrics used in the region are handmade. The traditional spinning machine is still in use, consisting of a thin wooden spindle around fifteen or sixteen inches long, which goes through a heavy wooden wheel about six inches in diameter, resembling a giant top. When in use, the spindle is placed in a hollowed-out piece of wood to prevent it from falling over. A thread is attached to the spindle just above the wheel, and then it is rapidly spun between the thumb and forefinger. The momentum from the wheel keeps it spinning for about half a minute, during which the thread is pulled from a pile of prepared cotton in the operator’s lap. Their weaving technique is similar to that of the Mexicans, and the fabrics are not only durable but are also thoughtfully designed and colored to match their quality and price. The dyes they use include indigo for blue, cochineal for red, and a mix of indigo and lemon juice for black. The Nicaraguans create a highly sought-after purple dye by pressing the valve of a shellfish found on the beach. According to Baily, they take the material to the shore, gather fresh coloring matter, dip each thread individually into it, and then set it aside to dry. From the aloe and pita, or silk-grass, which are strong and easily bleached, they obtain very fine threads suitable for delicate weaving. Reeds and bark provide materials for coarser items like ropes and nets. Mats and hammocks made from these fibers are often woven with gray colors and intricate designs. One can get a sense of the painstaking work the locals put in when considering that someone might spend months crafting one of the cherished hats made from the fiber of the young carludovica palmata leaf. They drill holes in stones for pipes and other items by quickly twirling a stick between their hands in some sand and water placed on the stone.

GUATEMALAN CANOES.

Guatemalan Canoes.

Canoes are the usual 'dug-outs,' made from a single cedar or mahogany log, cedar being liked for its lightness, mahogany for its durability. They are frequent enough on the coast, and even the north-eastern Guatemalans used to muster fleets of several hundred canoes on their lakes and rivers, using them for trade as well as war. Pim, when at Greytown, particularly observed the hollowed-out boats, some upwards of fifty feet in length, and straight as an arrow. He says that they are very skillfully handled, and may be seen off the harbor in any weather. The paddles, which are used both for steering and propelling, are of light mahogany, four feet long, with very broad blades, and a cross at the handle.[970]

Canoes are typically 'dug-outs,' crafted from a single cedar or mahogany log, with cedar appreciated for its lightness and mahogany for its strength. They're quite common along the coast, and even the northeastern Guatemalans once maintained fleets of several hundred canoes on their lakes and rivers, using them for both trade and warfare. Pim, during his time in Greytown, particularly noted the hollowed-out boats, some over fifty feet long and as straight as an arrow. He mentions that they are expertly maneuvered and can be seen off the harbor in any weather. The paddles, which are used for both steering and propulsion, are made of lightweight mahogany, four feet long, with very wide blades and a cross grip at the handle.[970]

Their wealth, which, since the conquest, mostly consists of household goods, is the product of their farms and industry mentioned under food, implements, and manufactures. The coast tribes, in Salvador, have a source of wealth not yet referred to—balsam—and they are very jealous of their knowledge of obtaining it. The process, 700 as described by Dollfus, is to make several deep incisions in the trunk of the balsam-tree, and stuff the holes with cotton rags. When these have absorbed sufficient balm, they are placed in jars of water, and submitted to a moderate heat. The heat separates the substance from the rags, and the balsam rises to the surface to be skimmed and placed in well-closed jars for shipment. These people possess no written records to establish ownership to their property, but hold it by ancient rights transmitted from father to son, which are transferable. The right of first discovery, as applied to fruit-trees and the like, is respected, and can be transmitted. Goods and lands are equally divided among the sons. There is a general interchange of products on a small scale, and as soon as the farm yield is ready, or a sufficient quantity of hammocks, mats, hats, and cups have been prepared, the native will start on a short trading-tour, with the load on his back—for they use no other mode of transport. The ancient custom of holding frequent markets in all towns of any importance has not quite disappeared, for Masaya, among other places, continues to keep a daily tianguez. Cacao-beans, which were formerly the chief currency, are still used for that purpose to a certain extent, and make up a large item in their wealth. The Lacandones at one time drove a brisk trade on the rio de la Pasion, employing several hundred canoes, but this has now greatly diminished, and they seem to grow less and less inclined to intercourse. Hardcastle relates that two shy mountain tribes of Guatemala "exchange dogs and a species of very sharp red pepper, by leaving them on the top of the mountain, and going to the spot in turn."[971]

Their wealth, which since the conquest mainly comes from household items, is derived from their farms and industries related to food, tools, and manufacturing. The coastal tribes in Salvador have a source of wealth not yet mentioned—balsam—and they are very protective of their knowledge of how to obtain it. The process, 700 as described by Dollfus, involves making several deep cuts in the trunk of the balsam tree and stuffing the openings with cotton rags. Once these rags have absorbed enough balm, they are placed in jars of water and subjected to moderate heat. The heat extracts the substance from the rags, allowing the balsam to float to the surface, where it can be skimmed off and stored in tightly sealed jars for shipping. These people don't have any written records to prove ownership of their property but hold it through ancient rights passed down from father to son, which can be transferred. The right of first discovery, concerning fruit trees and similar items, is respected and can be passed on. Goods and land are equally divided among the sons. There is a general exchange of products on a small scale, and as soon as the farm's harvest is ready, or a sufficient number of hammocks, mats, hats, and cups have been made, the native will set out on a short trading trip with their load on their back—since they use no other method of transport. The old tradition of holding frequent markets in important towns is not entirely gone; for example, Masaya still hosts a daily tianguez. Cacao beans, which were once the main currency, are still used somewhat for that purpose and make up a significant part of their wealth. The Lacandones once engaged in a lively trade on the río de la Pasion, using several hundred canoes, but this has now greatly decreased, and they seem less inclined to interact with others. Hardcastle notes that two reclusive mountain tribes in Guatemala "exchange dogs and a type of very sharp red pepper by leaving them atop the mountain and taking turns going to the spot."

ART AND GOVERNMENT.

Art and Government.

The native's aptitude for art is well illustrated by the various products of his industry, decorated as they are 701 with fanciful designs, carvings, and coloring. The calabash cups are widely circulated, and the artistic carving of leaves, curious lines, and figures of all descriptions, in relief, with which the outside is ornamented, has been much admired. No less esteemed are the small Guatemalan earthen figures, painted in natural colors, representing the various trades and occupations of the people, which may be said to rival European productions of the same character. The ornaments on their pottery bear some resemblance to the Etruscan. They are equally advanced in painting, for many of the altar-pieces in Central America are from the native brush, and their dishes are often richly colored in various designs. Original lyric poetry seems to flourish among them, and is not wanting in grace, although the rendering of it may not be exactly operatic. The subject generally refers to victorious encounters with monsters, but contains also sarcasms on government and society.[972]

The native's talent for art is clearly shown in the various creations he produces, which are decorated with imaginative designs, carvings, and colors. The calabash cups are widely popular, and the intricate carvings of leaves, strange lines, and figures of all kinds that adorn the outside are highly praised. Equally valued are the small Guatemalan clay figures, painted in natural colors, depicting different trades and occupations of the people, which can compete with European works of the same type. The decorations on their pottery bear some resemblance to Etruscan designs. They are also advanced in painting, as many of the altar pieces in Central America come from native artists, and their dishes often feature vibrant colors and various designs. Original lyric poetry seems to thrive among them and is filled with grace, even if the performance might not be quite operatic. The themes usually involve victorious battles with monsters, but they also include critiques of government and society.

A reverential respect for authority is innate with these people, and the chief, usually a descendant of the ancient caciques, who is also the head of the municipal government introduced among them by the Spaniards, receives the homage paid him with imperturbable gravity. These chiefs form a proud and powerful noblesse, who rule with an iron hand over their submissive followers. Although governed to all appearance by the code of the country, they have their own laws based on custom and common sense, which are applied to civil as well as criminal cases. Among the Lacandones, the chief is elected by a council of old men, when death, misconduct, or the superior abilities of some one else call for such a step. Pontelli adds that the new chief is invested with lion-skins and a collar of human teeth to represent his 702 victories; a crown of feathers or a lion-skin is his usual distinctive head-dress. The wife of the chief is required to possess some rare qualities. These people are very strict in executing the law; the offender is brought before the old men, and if the crime is serious his relatives have often to share in his punishment. The people of Salvador, according to Dollfus, have frequent reunions in their council-house at night. The hall is then lighted up by a large fire, and the people sit with uncovered heads, listening respectfully to the observations and decisions of the ahuales—men over forty years of age, who have occupied public positions, or distinguished themselves in some way. Gage makes a curious statement concerning the rio Lempa that may be based upon some ancient law. Any man who committed a heinous crime on the one side of the river, and succeeded in escaping to the other, was allowed to go unmolested, provided he did not return.[973]

A deep respect for authority is natural for these people, and the chief, usually a descendant of the ancient chieftains and the head of the local government established by the Spaniards, receives their respect with calm seriousness. These chiefs make up a proud and powerful noble class that rules firmly over their obedient followers. While they appear to be governed by the country's laws, they actually have their own rules based on tradition and common sense, which apply to both civil and criminal matters. Among the Lacandones, the chief is chosen by a council of elders when someone dies, misbehaves, or if a more capable candidate emerges. Pontelli notes that the new chief is adorned with lion skins and a necklace of human teeth to symbolize his victories; he typically wears a crown of feathers or a lion-skin as his distinctive headwear. The chief's wife is expected to have some exceptional qualities. This community is very strict about enforcing the law; offenders are brought before the elders, and if the crime is serious, their relatives often share in the punishment. According to Dollfus, the people of Salvador frequently gather in their council house at night. The hall is lit by a large fire, and the people sit with their heads uncovered, listening respectfully to the comments and decisions of the ahuales—men over forty who have held public office or distinguished themselves in some way. Gage makes a notable claim about the Rio Lempa that might stem from an ancient law: Any man who committed a serious crime on one side of the river and managed to escape to the other was allowed to go free, as long as he did not return.

MARRIAGE AND CHILDBIRTH.

Marriage and childbirth.

Marriages take place at an early age, often before puberty, and usually within the tribe. When the boy, in Guatemala and Salvador, has attained the age of nine, his parents begin to look around for a bride for him, the mother having a good deal to say in this matter. Presents are made to the parents of the girl chosen, and she is transferred to the house of her future father-in-law, where she is treated as a daughter, and assists in the household duties, until she is old enough to marry. It sometimes happens that she has by this time become distasteful to the affianced husband, and is returned to her parents. The presents given for her are then demanded back, a refusal naturally follows, and feuds result, lasting for generations. Gage states that when the parties to the betrothal are of different tribes, the chiefs are notified, and meet in solemn conclave to consult about the expediency of the alliance. The consultations often 703 extend over a period of several months, during which the parents of the boy supply the council with refreshments, and make presents to the girl's family for her purchase. If the council disagree, the presents are returned, and the matter drops. When the youth has reached his sixteenth or eighteenth year, and the maid her fourteenth, they are considered able to take care of themselves; a house is accordingly built, and the father gives his son a start in life. The cacique and relations are summoned to witness the marriage ceremony, now performed by the priest, after which the pair are carried upon the shoulders of their friends to the new house, placed in a room, and shut in. The bride brings no dowry, but presents are made by the friends of the families. Several tribes in Guatemala are strictly opposed to marriages outside of the tribe, and destroy the progeny left by a stranger. The Lacandones still practice polygamy, each wife having a separate house and field for her support. In Nicaragua, where women are more independent, and fewer of the ancient marriage customs have been retained than elsewhere, the ceremony is often quickly disposed of, the husband and wife returning to their avocations immediately after. The life of the woman is one of drudgery; household duties, weaving, and the care of children keeping her constantly busy, while the husband is occupied in dolce far niente; yet their married life is not unhappy. Although the female dresses scantily and is not over shy when bathing, she is by no means immodest or unchaste, but bears rather a better character than women of the superior race. Childbirth is not attended with any difficulties, for it sometimes happens that the woman, after being delivered on the road, will wash the child and herself in the nearest stream, and proceed on her journey, as if nothing had occurred. The Quichés, among others, still call in the sorcerer to take the horoscope of the new-born, and to appeal to the gods in its behalf. He also gives the infant the name of some animal, which becomes its guardian spirit for life. Belly states that more boys 704 are born to the natives, while the whites have more girls. The mother invariably nurses the child herself until its third year, and, when at work, carries it on her back in a cloth passed round her body; the movements of the mother in washing or kneading tending to rock the infant to sleep. Otherwise the child is little cared for, and has to lie on the bare ground, or, at most, with a mat under it. As the boy grows older the father will take him into the field and forest, suiting the work to his strength, and instructing him in the use of tools, while the mother takes charge of the girl, teaching her to cook, spin, and weave. Respect for parents and older people is inculcated, and children never presume to speak before a grown person unless first addressed. They remain under the parents' roof until married, and frequently after, several generations often living together in one house under the rule of the eldest. The native is fond of home, for here he escapes from the contempt of the other races, and reigns supreme over a family which is taught to respect him: patriotism has been replaced by love of home among this oppressed people.[974]

Marriages happen at a young age, often before puberty, and usually within the tribe. In Guatemala and El Salvador, when a boy turns nine, his parents start looking for a bride for him, with the mother having a significant role in the decision. Gifts are given to the parents of the chosen girl, and she is moved to her future father-in-law's house, where she acts like a daughter and helps with household chores until she is old enough to marry. Sometimes, by that time, she may no longer appeal to her fiancé, and she is sent back to her parents. The gifts given to her are then demanded back, leading to refusals and long-lasting feuds. Gage mentions that when the engaged parties are from different tribes, their chiefs are informed and meet in a serious gathering to discuss whether the alliance is wise. These discussions can last several months, during which the boy's parents provide refreshments and give gifts to the girl's family as a form of payment. If the chiefs disagree, the gifts are returned, and the situation ends there. When the boy reaches sixteen or eighteen and the girl is fourteen, they are considered able to care for themselves; a house is built for them, and the father gives his son a fresh start in life. The village chief and relatives are called to witness the wedding ceremony conducted by a priest, after which the couple is carried on their friends' shoulders to their new home, placed in a room, and closed in. The bride doesn’t bring a dowry, but friends from both families give gifts. Several tribes in Guatemala strongly oppose marriages outside their tribe and will eliminate the offspring of outsiders. The Lacandones still practice polygamy, with each wife having her own house and field for support. In Nicaragua, where women are more independent and fewer ancient marriage customs persist, the ceremony often happens quickly, and the husband and wife return to their daily activities right after. The life of the woman is filled with hard work; household chores, weaving, and caring for children keep her constantly busy, while the husband tends to leisure. Yet their married life is generally not unhappy. Although the women dress lightly and are not overly shy when bathing, they are by no means immodest or unchaste and often have a better reputation than women of higher social standings. Childbirth rarely involves complications; sometimes a woman might give birth on the road, wash herself and the baby in the nearest stream, and continue her journey as if nothing happened. The Quichés and others still call a sorcerer to read the horoscope of the newborn and to ask the gods for its protection. He also names the infant after an animal, which serves as its guardian spirit for life. Belly notes that more boys are born to the natives, while the whites have more girls. The mother typically nurses her child until it’s three years old and carries it on her back with a cloth while she works; her movements while washing or kneading help rock the infant to sleep. Otherwise, the child receives little attention and has to lie on the bare ground or at most on a mat. As the boy grows older, the father takes him into the field and forest, matching the work to his strength and teaching him how to use tools, while the mother teaches the girl how to cook, spin, and weave. Respect for parents and elders is emphasized, and children never speak in front of an adult unless first spoken to. They stay under their parents' roof until they marry, often continuing to live with them after, with multiple generations living together in one house under the guidance of the eldest. The native enjoys home life because here they avoid the disdain of other races and have authority over a family that respects them; love of home has replaced patriotism among this oppressed community.

GUATEMALAN MUSIC.

Guatemalan Music.

Their amusements are less common and varied than among the whites, and are generally reserved for special occasions, when they are indulged in to excess. Still, they have orderly gatherings round the hearth, at which wondrous and amusing stories form the chief part of the entertainment. Songs follow in natural order, and are loudly applauded by the listeners, who join in repeating the last words of the verse. The subject, as given by some local poet, or transmitted from an ancient bard, is pleasing enough, but the rendering is in a plaintive, disagreeable 705 monotone. Their instrumental music is an improvement on the vocal, in some respects, and practice has enabled the player to execute pieces from memory with precision and accord. The marimba, a favorite instrument, consists of a series of vertical tubes of different length but equal diameter, fastened together in a line by bark fibre, and held firm between two pieces of wood. The tubes have a lateral opening at the base covered with a membrane, and the upper end is closed by a small, movable elastic plate, upon which the performer strikes with light drumsticks. The play of the plates causes a compression of air in the tube, and a consequent vibration of the membrane, which produces a sound differing in character according to the length of the tube. All the parts are of wood, the tube being, however, occasionally of terra-cotta, or replaced by calabash-shells. The marimba of usual size is over a yard in length, and consists of twenty-two tubes ranging from four to sixteen inches in length, forming three complete octaves. The pitch is regulated by a coating of wax on the key-plates. Some drumsticks are forked to strike two plates at once. Occasionally, several persons join in executing an air upon the instrument, or two marimbas are played in perfect accord with some song. Their usual drum is called tepanabaz, described by Gage as a smooth hollow trunk with two or three clefts on the upper side and holes at the ends. It is beaten with two sticks, and produces a dull heavy sound. Other drums covered with wild goat skin, tortoise-shells, pipes, small bells, and rattles, are chiefly used at dances. The Lacandones possess a kind of mandolin, a double-necked, truncated cone, with one string, made to pass four times over the bridge; also a clarionet-like instrument named chirimiya; their drum is called tepanahuaste. A dance is generally a grand affair with the native, combining as it does dress with dramatic and saltatory exhibitions. At the tocontin dance, in Guatemala, from twenty to forty persons dressed in white clothes richly embroidered, and bedecked with gaudy bands, colored feathers in 706 gilt frames fastened on the back, fanciful helmets topped with feathers, and feathers, again, on their legs, in form of wings. The conductor stands in the centre beating time on the tepanabaz, while the dancers circle round him, one following the other, sometimes straight, sometimes turning half-way, at other times fully round, and bending the body to the ground, all the time shouting the fame of some hero. This continues for several hours, and is often repeated in one house after another. In another dance they disguise themselves with skins of different animals, acting up to the character assumed, and running in and out of the circle formed round the musicians, striking, shrieking, and hotly pursuing some particular performer. There are also several dances like those of the Mexicans, in which men dress in women's clothes and other disguises. The Nicaraguan dances vary but little from the above. Several hundred people will gather in some well-cleared spot, their arms and legs ornamented with strings of shells, their heads with feathers, and with fans in their hands. The leader, walking backwards, commences some movements to be imitated by the dancers, who follow in threes and fours, turning round, intermingling, and again uniting. The musicians beat drums and sing songs to which the leader responds, the dancers taking up the refrain in their turn, and shaking their calabash rattles. After a while they pass round each other and perform the most curious antics and grimaces, crying, laughing, posturing, acting lame, blind, and so on. Drinking is inseparable from these reunions, and they do not usually break up until all have attained the climax of their wishes—becoming helplessly drunk. The principal drinks are, atole made from maize, but which assumes different prefixes, according to the additional ingredients used, as istatole, jocoatole, etc.; pulque, chiefly used in the highlands; and, not least, chicha, made from maize and various fruits and roots, fermented with honey or sugar-cane juice. Gage states that tobacco-leaves and toads were added to increase the flavor. The Nicaraguans make their favorite 707 drink from a wild red cherry. It takes several weeks to prepare these liquors, but by the generous aid of friends the stock is often consumed at one carousal.[975]

Their entertainment options are less varied than those of white people and are usually saved for special occasions, when they indulge in them excessively. Still, they have organized gatherings around the hearth where amazing and entertaining stories make up the bulk of the entertainment. Songs follow naturally and are enthusiastically applauded by the audience, who join in repeating the last words of the verse. The topics, brought by local poets or passed down from ancient bards, are enjoyable enough, but the delivery is often a sad and unpleasant monotone. Their instrumental music is generally better than their vocal performances, and players have practiced enough to perform pieces from memory with accuracy and harmony. The *marimba*, a popular instrument, consists of a series of vertical tubes of different lengths but the same diameter, fastened in a row with bark fiber, and secured between two pieces of wood. The tubes have an opening at the base covered with a membrane, while the upper end is closed with a small, movable elastic plate that the performer strikes with light drumsticks. The vibration of the plates compresses air inside the tubes, creating a sound that varies depending on the length of the tube. All parts are made of wood, though sometimes the tube is made of terra-cotta or replaced with gourd shells. A typical marimba is over a yard long and has twenty-two tubes ranging from four to sixteen inches in length, making up three complete octaves. The pitch is adjusted by a layer of wax on the key-plates. Some drumsticks are forked to hit two plates at once. Occasionally, several people play together on the instrument, or two marimbas are played in perfect harmony with a song. Their main drum is called *tepanabaz*, described by Gage as a smooth hollow trunk with two or three cuts on the top and holes at both ends. It is struck with two sticks and produces a dull, heavy sound. Other drums covered with wild goat skin, tortoise shells, pipes, small bells, and rattles are mostly used during dances. The Lacandones have a type of mandolin — a double-necked, truncated cone with a single string that loops around the bridge four times — along with a clarinet-like instrument called *chirimiya*. Their drum is referred to as *tepanahuaste*. Typically, a dance is a grand event for the natives, combining dress with dramatic and dance performances. At the *tocontin* dance in Guatemala, twenty to forty people wear white clothes richly embroidered and adorned with colorful bands, colored feathers in gilt frames attached to their backs, fancy helmets topped with feathers, and feathers on their legs designed to resemble wings. The conductor stands in the center keeping time on the tepanabaz while the dancers move in a circle around him, sometimes marching straight, sometimes turning halfway or fully around, bending low to the ground, all the while shouting the name of some hero. This continues for several hours and is often repeated in one house after another. In another dance, they disguise themselves with animal skins, acting out the character they've taken on, running in and out of the circle around the musicians, striking, shouting, and chasing a specific performer. There are also several dances similar to those of the Mexicans, where men dress in women's clothing and other disguises. The Nicaraguan dances are quite similar to those mentioned above. Hundreds of people may gather in a well-clear area, adorning their arms and legs with strings of shells, their heads with feathers, and holding fans in their hands. The leader, walking backward, initiates movements for the dancers to mimic, who follow in groups of threes and fours, turning, mingling, and coming together again. The musicians beat drums and sing songs to which the leader responds, with the dancers echoing the refrain and shaking their calabash rattles. After a while, they pass around each other and perform curious antics and exaggerated expressions, crying, laughing, posing, pretending to be lame or blind, and so on. Drinking is an integral part of these gatherings, and they usually don’t break up until everyone has reached the height of their desires—getting thoroughly drunk. The main drinks include atole made from maize, which takes on different names based on the additional ingredients used, such as *istatole*, *jocoatole*, etc.; pulque, primarily consumed in the highlands; and notably, *chicha*, made from maize and various fruits and roots, fermented with honey or sugar-cane juice. Gage notes that tobacco leaves and toads were added to enhance the flavor. Nicaraguans make their favorite drink from wild red cherries. It takes several weeks to prepare these beverages, but with generous contributions from friends, the supply is often consumed in one night of revelry.

CUSTOMS IN GUATEMALA AND NICARAGUA.

CUSTOMS IN GUATEMALA AND NICARAGUA.

Ignorant and oppressed as they are, superstition is naturally strong among them, the evil eye, ominous import of animals and the like being firmly believed in. Nicaraguans gave as a reason for speaking in whispers at night, that loud talking attracts mosquitos. The Quichés, of Istlávacan, among others, believe in certain evil and certain good days, and arrange their undertakings accordingly. When meeting a stranger, they present the forehead to be touched, thinking that a beneficial power is imparted to them by this means. They still adhere to their sorcerers, who are called in upon all important occasions, to predict the future, exorcise evil spirits and the like, with the aid of various decoctions and incantations. The Chontales have diviners who, with the aid of drugs, taken after a fast, fall into a trance, during which they prophesy. They form a sort of guild, and live alone in the mountains with a few pupils, who support them in return for the instruction received. Although idolatry proper is abolished, some ancient practices still live, blended with their Christian worship, and it is said that tribes inhabiting the remote mountain regions still keep up their old rites in secret. Dollfus is apparently inclined to believe that the songs he heard the natives chant every morning and evening may be the relic of some ancient religious ceremony. The Itzas hold deer sacred, and these animals were consequently quite familiar with man, before the conquerors subdued the country. The Lacandones are said to have been the last who publicly worshiped in their 708 temple, and whose priests sacrificed animals to idols. By the side of the temple stood two other large buildings used as meeting-houses, one for men, the other for women. Dogs and tame parrots formed part of their domestic establishment. The native is very taciturn before strangers, but on paying a visit to friends he will deliver long harangues full of repetition. It is almost impossible to obtain a direct answer from him to any question. Another peculiarity with many is to hoard money at the expense of bodily comfort. It is buried in some secret place, and the owner dies without even caring to inform his kin of the whereabouts of his treasures. The favorite occupation of the people is to act as porters, and Guatemala certainly possesses the most excellent carriers, who are trained for the business from an early age. They usually go in files, headed by a chief, all armed with long staffs and water-proof palm-leaf mats, and travel from twenty to thirty miles a day, for days in succession, without suffering any inconvenience. The weight varies from one hundred to two hundred and fifty pounds, according to road and distance, and is carried on the back, supported by straps passed over the forehead and shoulders. They are very moderate in eating, and never drink cold water if they can avoid it; when tired, they stretch themselves at full length on the ground, and are speedily refreshed. Women are also accustomed to carry burdens, and may frequently be seen taking several filled pitchers to market in nets suspended from their forehead and shoulders. Water they usually bring in jars balanced on the head.[976]

Ignorant and oppressed as they are, superstition is naturally strong among them, with beliefs in the evil eye, ominous signs from animals, and similar things. Nicaraguans explain that they speak in whispers at night because loud talking attracts mosquitoes. The Quichés of Istlávacan and others believe in certain good and bad days, and they plan their activities around this. When they meet a stranger, they present their forehead to be touched, thinking it will transfer beneficial energy to them. They still rely on their sorcerers, who are called upon for important events to predict the future, exorcise evil spirits, and more, using various herbal concoctions and chants. The Chontales have diviners who take drugs after fasting to enter a trance and prophesy. They form a kind of guild and live alone in the mountains with a few students who support them in exchange for guidance. Although proper idolatry has been abolished, some ancient customs persist, blended with their Christian practices, and it’s said that tribes in remote mountain areas continue their old rites in secret. Dollfus seems to believe that the songs he heard the locals singing every morning and evening might be remnants of some ancient religious ritual. The Itzas consider deer sacred, so these animals were quite accustomed to humans before the conquerors took over the land. The Lacandones are said to have been the last to openly worship in their temple, where their priests sacrificed animals to idols. Next to the temple were two large meeting houses, one for men and one for women. Dogs and tame parrots were part of their household. The natives are usually quiet around strangers, but when visiting friends, they deliver long speeches full of repetition. It’s nearly impossible to get a straightforward answer from them to any question. Another oddity among many is their tendency to hoard money at the cost of personal comfort. They bury their money in some secret place, leaving their heirs unaware of where to find their hidden treasures. The most popular job among the people is to work as porters, and Guatemala certainly has some of the best carriers trained from a young age. They typically travel in groups, led by a chief, all armed with long staffs and waterproof palm-leaf mats, covering twenty to thirty miles a day for days without much trouble. The weight they carry varies from one hundred to two hundred fifty pounds, depending on the terrain and distance, and is supported by straps over their foreheads and shoulders. They eat moderately and usually avoid cold water when possible; when they get tired, they lie flat on the ground and quickly feel refreshed. Women also carry loads and can often be seen taking several filled pitchers to market in nets suspended from their foreheads and shoulders. Water is typically brought in jars balanced on their heads.

MEDICAL PRACTICE.

Healthcare practice.

The ruling diseases are small-pox, which makes yearly havoc; dysentery, which is also not uncommon in the 709 highlands during the summer; and leprosy, manifested by wounds and eruptions, and caused by filth, immoral habits, and bad food. In some parts of Nicaragua, the latter disease breaks out in horny excrescences, similar in appearance to the tips of cow-horns. Rheumatism and chest diseases are rare, in spite of their rough life. Superstitious practices and empirical recipes transmitted from their ancestors are the remedies resorted to. Hot bathing is the favorite treatment. They are skillful at blood-letting, making very small punctures, and applying a pinch of salt to them after the operation is ended. Cauterizing wounds to prevent inflammation is not uncommon, and does not affect the patient much. The principal remedy of the Chorotegans consists of a decoction from various herbs injected by means of a tube. Some tribes of the highlands call in sorcerers to knead and suck the suffering part. After performing a variety of antics and grimaces, the wise man produces a black substance from the mouth, which he announces as the cause of the sickness; the friends of the patient take this matter and trample it to pieces amidst noisy demonstrations.[977]

The main illnesses are smallpox, which causes yearly devastation; dysentery, which is common in the highlands during summer; and leprosy, which shows up as sores and rashes and is caused by poor hygiene, unhealthy habits, and bad food. In some areas of Nicaragua, leprosy appears as rough growths resembling cow horns. Rheumatism and chest illnesses are rare, despite their tough lifestyle. They rely on superstitious practices and home remedies passed down from their ancestors. Hot baths are a popular treatment. They are skilled at bloodletting, making tiny punctures, and applying a pinch of salt afterward. Cauterizing wounds to avoid inflammation is also common and doesn't greatly disturb the patient. The main treatment for the Chorotegans involves a herbal decoction injected through a tube. Some highland tribes call in healers to massage and suck on the painful area. After performing various tricks and grimaces, the healer spits out a black substance, claiming it's the source of the illness; the patient's friends then stomp on this substance with loud gestures.

Their dead are washed, and dressed in a fresh suit; friends then assemble to express their regard and sorrow by burning copal and performing a wild dance round the corpse, which is buried with all its belongings, as well as food for sustenance on the long journey. The Itzas, inhabiting the islands in the lake Peten, are said to have thrown their dead into the lake, for want of room.[978]

Their deceased are cleaned and dressed in a new outfit; friends then gather to show their love and grief by burning incense and doing a lively dance around the body, which is buried with all its possessions, along with food for the long journey ahead. The Itzas, living in the islands of Lake Peten, are said to have thrown their dead into the lake due to lack of space. [978]

The character of the Guatemalans exhibits a number of excellent traits. They have always been a gentle 710 race, and easily led by kindness, but centuries of oppression have thrown over them a timid, brooding spirit. Far from warlike, they have nevertheless proved themselves efficient soldiers during the late civil wars. Their honesty and faithfulness to a trust or engagement is universally admitted, and every traveler bears witness to their hospitality and obliging disposition. Although taciturn before strangers, whom they naturally distrust, they are quite voluble and merry among themselves, especially the women; their mirth, however, wants the ring of true happiness. Looking at the darker side, it is found that drunkenness stands preëminent, and if the native is not oftener drunk, it is because the means for carousing are wanting. Surrounded by a bountiful nature, he is naturally lazy and improvident, whole days being passed in dreamy inaction, without a symptom of ennui. He is obstinate, and clings to ancient customs, yet he will not dispute with you, but tacitly forms his own opinion. Taught to be humble, he does not possess much manliness, has a certain cunning, will weep at trifles, and is apt to be vindictive, especially if his jealousy is aroused. The highlanders form an exception to these general characteristics in many respects. The purer air of the mountain has infused in them a certain independent energy, and industry. Nor are the women to be classed as lazy, for their position is rather that of slaves than of wives, yet they are vivacious and not devoid of coquetry, but of undisputed modesty. Many of the remoter tribes are brave, and the Manches, for instance, behaved lately in so spirited a manner as to compel the government to treat with them. The Itzas are said to have been warlike and cruel, but their neighbors the Lacandones are not so ferocious as supposed. The Quichés bear a high character for industry, and intelligence, while those of Rabinal excel in truthfulness, honesty, and morality. The Vera Paz tribes are less active and industrious than those of the plateau; this applies especially to the eastern nations who are also more stupid than the western. 711 The Salvador people are noted for their phlegmatic temperament, and the provoked stranger who seeks to hurry them, is merely laughed at; otherwise they, as well as the Nicaraguans, are more docile and industrious than the Guatemalans, but also more superstitious. Scherzer thinks that they have all the inclination for becoming robbers, but want the energy. The Aztec remnants in Nicaragua are particularly patient and thrifty, but extremely shy and brooding. The Chontales, on the other hand, are said to have been a savage and debased race, while the Cholutecs were brave and cruel but subject to petticoat rule. Opinions concerning the intelligence of the natives and their prospect of advancement are varied, some affirming that they are dull and spiritless, incapable of making any progress, while others assign them a high character and intelligence, which, properly directed, would give them a prominent position.[979]

The character of Guatemalans shows many admirable traits. They have always been a gentle people, easily guided by kindness, but centuries of oppression have left them with a timid, brooding spirit. While they’re not warlike, they have proven to be effective soldiers during recent civil wars. Their honesty and loyalty to commitments are widely recognized, and every traveler attests to their hospitality and helpful nature. Although they tend to be reserved around strangers, whom they instinctively mistrust, they are quite talkative and cheerful among themselves, especially the women; however, their joy often lacks true happiness. On the downside, drunkenness is prevalent, and if natives are not more often intoxicated, it's because they lack the means to indulge. Blessed with a rich natural environment, they tend to be lazy and careless, spending whole days in a dreamy stupor without any signs of boredom. They are stubborn and hold on to old customs, yet they won’t argue with you but quietly form their own opinions. Taught to be humble, they don't exhibit much assertiveness, have a certain cleverness, are prone to tears over trivial matters, and can be vengeful, especially when provoked by jealousy. The highlanders differ from these general traits in many ways. The fresher mountain air has given them a degree of independence and drive. The women shouldn't be labeled as lazy; their situation is more like that of slaves than wives, yet they are lively and not without flirtatiousness, tempered by a strong sense of modesty. Many of the more isolated tribes are brave, and the Manches, for example, recently acted so boldly that they forced the government to negotiate with them. The Itzas were known for being warlike and cruel, but their neighbors, the Lacandones, are milder than commonly thought. The Quichés are highly regarded for their work ethic and intelligence, while those from Rabinal excel in honesty and morality. The Vera Paz tribes are less active and industrious than those from the plateau, especially the eastern groups, who are also considered less intelligent than the western. The Salvadorans are known for their calm temperament, and any stranger trying to rush them is simply laughed off; otherwise, they, like the Nicaraguans, are more compliant and hardworking than Guatemalans, though also more superstitious. Scherzer believes they have all the inclinations to become thieves, but lack the drive. The Aztec descendants in Nicaragua are notably patient and thrifty, but are extremely shy and brooding. Conversely, the Chontales are said to have been a savage and degraded race, while the Cholutecs were brave and cruel but ruled by women. Opinions about the intelligence of the natives and their potential for advancement vary, with some claiming they are dull and spiritless, incapable of progress, while others attribute to them a high level of character and intelligence, which, if properly directed, could lead to a significant position.

THE MOSQUITOS.

THE MOSQUITOS.

The Mosquitos, the second division of the Central American group, are at the present day composed in part of an incongruous mixture of Carib colonists and negro importations, and in part of a pure native element. Owing to the independent spirit of the tribes along the central chain of mountains, which successfully resisted 712 the attempts of Spaniards to penetrate the territory, and to the unhealthy climate of the coast, this country, with the exception of the northern part of Honduras, has as yet escaped subjection to the white race. The country, aside from the sea-shore, possesses many attractive features. The transverse ranges, radiating from the principal chain, form a series of terraces which gradually lessen in elevation, until they disappear in a low coast region. Between them innumerable rivers, fed by the moisture-laden sea-winds, now rushing boisterously from heavily wooded heights, now sluggishly wending their way through luxuriant prairie-land, flow through a region of most pleasing variety, and at last empty into vast lagoons bordering the ocean. The aborigines still form the greater part of the population, and are composed of a large number of tribes which, while practicing agriculture to a limited extent, subsist chiefly on natural fruits and on the products of the chase. Excepting the small tribes of the eastern Mosquito country, Mr Squier, who has given much patient research to their languages, includes the natives of this sub-division among MOSQUITO NATIONS. the Lenca family, at the head of which stand the Guajiqueros in western Honduras, essentially an agricultural people. East of these are the Xicaques, and Poyas, names given to a collection of closely related tribes, some of which have been brought under the subjugating influences of the missionary Fathers, while others still keep their ancient customs intact. The Secos on Black River are included by some writers with the Poyas. South and west of these are the Moscos, and in the western part of the Mosquito coast, the Woolwas, who still cherish a tradition of their emigration from the north-west. East of the latter live the Towkas and Cookras, who extend to Blewfields, and speak dialects varying little from the Woolwa tongue, but stand lower in the scale of humanity. Bell states that the Towkas are merely a branch of the Smoos, who have many points in common with the Poyas, though differing from them in language. Among other aborigines may be mentioned 713 the Albatuinas, Tahuas, Panamekas, Jaras, Taos, Gaulas, Itziles, Motucas, and the Ramas on the Blewfields lagoon; of several others the names are either lost or unknown. Following the coast southward we meet the Caribs, a strong, hardy, but crude race at present, of varied negro admixture, chiefly descended from the turbulent natives of San Vicente island, whom the English transported in 1796 to the island of Roatan, whence they were brought over to Honduras. The Caribs, who have within a few decades spread from a small colony over the whole northern coast, driving other nations into the interior and southward, appear to be superseding the aborigines, now fast disappearing under the annihilating effect of drink and disease. South of the Caribs round cape Gracias á Dios are the Sambos, or Mosquitos proper, said to have sprung from the union of native women with negro slaves wrecked on the coast during the seventeenth century. Owing to their geographical position they were brought in contact with the buccaneers, and placed in a position to gain ascendancy over other tribes from the Poyas southward, but were at the same time inoculated with the degrading vices and disorders which are now so rapidly bringing about their extinction. Elated by their position as masters of the coast, they assumed the proud title of Waiknas, or men, in which conceit they have been imitated by the subjected tribes, which are gradually adopting the Sambo tongue. Adjacent to them are the Toonglas, a not very numerous offshoot of Smoos and Sambos.[980] 714

The Mosquitoes, the second division of the Central American group, currently consist of a mismatched mix of Carib settlers and African descendants, alongside a pure indigenous element. Due to the independent nature of the tribes along the central mountain range, which successfully resisted Spanish attempts to invade their land, and the unhealthy climate of the coast, this region, except for the northern part of Honduras, has managed to avoid domination by white settlers. The country, aside from the coastline, has many appealing features. The transverse mountain ranges, branching off from the main chain, create a series of terraces that gradually lower until they reach a flat coastal area. Between these terraces, countless rivers, nourished by the moisture-laden sea winds—sometimes rushing vigorously from dense forests, other times slowly making their way through lush grasslands—flow through a landscape of great variety, ultimately emptying into vast lagoons by the ocean. The indigenous people still make up the majority of the population and consist of a large number of tribes that, while practicing agriculture to some extent, primarily survive on wild fruits and the products of hunting. Except for the small tribes in the eastern Mosquito region, Mr. Squier, who has extensively researched their languages, includes the natives of this sub-division among the Mosquito Countries. the Lenca family, with the Guajiqueros in western Honduras at its forefront, are fundamentally an agricultural people. To the east are the Xicaques and Poyas, which refer to a group of closely related tribes; some have been influenced by missionary efforts, while others still maintain their ancient customs. The Secos along Black River are sometimes categorized with the Poyas. South and west of these are the Moscos, and in the western section of the Mosquito coast, the Woolwas, who still hold a tradition of their migration from the northwest. East of them reside the Towkas and Cookras, extending to Blewfields, and they speak dialects that are quite similar to the Woolwa language but are considered to be lower on the social ladder. Bell notes that the Towkas are merely a branch of the Smoos, who share many characteristics with the Poyas, though their language differs. Among other indigenous groups are the Albatuinas, Tahuas, Panamekas, Jaras, Taos, Gaulas, Itziles, Motucas, and the Ramas around the Blewfields lagoon; the names of several others have been either lost or remain unknown. Heading south along the coast, we encounter the Caribs, a robust but rough race with a blend of African ancestry, primarily descended from the unruly natives of San Vicente island, whom the English transported in 1796 to Roatan, from where they were brought to Honduras. The Caribs, who have expanded from a small colony to occupy the entire northern coast in just a few decades, are driving other nations into the interior and southward, appearing to replace the indigenous populations, who are rapidly declining due to the destructive effects of alcoholism and disease. South of the Caribs, around Cape Gracias á Dios, are the Sambos, or Mosquitos proper, believed to have originated from the unions between native women and African slaves who were shipwrecked on the coast in the seventeenth century. Due to their geographic location, they came into contact with buccaneers, which positioned them to gain dominance over other tribes from the Poyas southward, but they simultaneously adopted the degrading vices and chaos that are now hastening their extinction. Proud of their dominance along the coast, they declared themselves Waiknas, or men, a title mimicked by the subjugated tribes, who are gradually adopting the Sambo language. Neighboring them are the Toonglas, a not very numerous offshoot of the Smoos and Sambos. [980] 714

Race-mixtures in certain localities have almost obliterated aboriginal types, which are portrayed as of medium stature, regular form, and varying in color from light brown to dark coppery. The people about cape Gracias á Dios are represented by the first voyagers to have been nearly as dark as negroes. The face is rather flat and oval, the head smaller than among Europeans; forehead high and cheek-bones not very prominent; hair long, straight, coarse, and black; beard scanty; nose very small, thin, and usually aquiline among the coast people, but larger and broader toward the interior. The iris of the eye is generally black, but often verges toward brown; mouth broad, with thin lips and regular teeth. The women present a full bust and abdomen; they are called pretty, but early marriages soon make them old. It is suspected that infant murder has something to do with the rarity of deformed people. The Towkas and Ramas present the finest pure-blooded type, the former being very fair, while the latter are large, athletic, and stern-looking. The Poyas are copper-colored, short, but muscular, broad-faced, with large forehead, bent nose, and small, mild eyes. The Toonglas are duskier; the Smoos approach the fair Towkas in hue, though they have a flatter head, accompanied by a stolid look. The darkest of all are the Woolwas, whose color seems a mixture of yellow ochre and India ink. Proceeding to Honduras, we meet the Caribs, whose varied admixture of negro blood separates them into yellow and black Caribs. The former are distinguished by a somewhat ruddy hue, with a hooked nose; while his duskier brother is taller, hardier, and longer-lived; with a nose inclining to aquiline. Children are prettier as they approach the negro type. The hair varies in curl and gloss according to purity of blood. The Mosquitos proper are more uniform in appearance, and buccaneers have no doubt assisted 715 in bringing out many of the characteristics that have obtained for the Sambo race the leading position on the coast. They are all well-built, raw-boned, nimble, and of a dull, dark, copper color. The face is oval, with a coarse, lustful expression, the hair rough, wavy, and black, eyes bright and remarkably strong; women pretty, with large eyes, and small feet and ankles.[981]

Race mixtures in certain areas have nearly erased the original types, which are described as being of average height, regular shape, and varying in color from light brown to dark copper. The people around Cape Gracias a Dios were portrayed by early explorers as being nearly as dark as black people. They have relatively flat, oval faces and smaller heads compared to Europeans; high foreheads and not very prominent cheekbones; long, straight, coarse black hair; thin beards; and small, narrow noses that tend to be aquiline among the coastal people but are larger and broader inland. Their eyes are generally black, often leaning toward brown; they have broad mouths with thin lips and regular teeth. Women have full busts and bellies; they are considered pretty, but early marriages make them age quickly. It is suspected that infant mortality contributes to the rarity of deformed individuals. The Towkas and Ramas represent the finest pure-blooded type, with the former being very fair and the latter large, athletic, and stern-looking. The Poyas are copper-colored, short but muscular, broad-faced with large foreheads, bent noses, and small, gentle eyes. The Toonglas are darker; the Smoos have a shade closer to the fair Towkas, but their heads are flatter and they have a more expressionless look. The darkest of all are the Woolwas, whose skin color resembles a mix of yellow ochre and India ink. Moving on to Honduras, we encounter the Caribs, whose racial mix includes negro blood, dividing them into yellow and black Caribs. The former have a somewhat ruddy complexion and hooked noses; the latter are taller, hardier, and more long-lived, with noses leaning toward aquiline shapes. Children tend to be more attractive as they resemble the negro type. Hair varies in curl and shine based on blood purity. The Mosquitos have a more uniform appearance, and buccaneers have certainly helped shape many of the traits that have given the Sambo race its prominent spot on the coast. They are all well-built, raw-boned, agile, and have a dull, dark copper hue. Their faces are oval, with coarse, lustful expressions; hair is rough, wavy, and black; eyes are bright and strikingly strong; women are pretty, with large eyes and small feet and ankles.

MOSQUITO PHYSIQUE AND DRESS.

MOSQUITO BODY AND APPEARANCE.

A piece of cloth fastened at the waist in a twist or by a cord, and reaching to the knee, constitutes the native male costume in these parts, that of the women being somewhat shorter. This cloth is either of cotton, sometimes woven with down, or of fibres from the inner bark of the caoutchouc tree, beaten on stones till they become soft, and is often large enough to serve for a covering at night. Some are quite fanciful in color and design, and formerly they were painted. Those of the Woolwas are usually six feet long by three broad, striped blue and yellow; they are passed between the legs and fastened at the waist by a thong. The Xicaques, on the contrary, wear the cloth serape-fashion, by passing the head through a slit in the centre, and tying the folds round the waist. Even this scanty covering is often reduced to the smallest apron, and is dispensed with altogether in some parts, for modern travelers speak of natives in a naked state. Women occasionally wear a small square cloth, having an opening for the head, one part of which covers the breast, the other the back. In some parts chiefs are distinguished by a cotton cap, 716 and a long sleeveless robe, open in front and often nicely ornamented; in other places men of rank wear turbans decorated with plumes and feathers, and dress in skins of eagles, tigers, and other animals; these are also used by the common people on festive occasions. The Smoos' head-dress is especially pretty, with its embroidery and feather-work. Ordinarily the long loose hair is deemed sufficient to protect the head, and is kept sleek and shining by palm-oil, which they say furthers its growth. The women have longer hair than the men, and often dress it in ringlets, seldom in a knot or wreath. The people of northern Honduras wear a lock hanging over the forehead; some highland chieftains, on the contrary, shave the front of the head, but allow the back hair to grow long, while the Poyas part theirs in the middle, keeping it in position with a band. That of the religious men reaches to the waist, and generally falls in braids behind. In mourning, both sides of the head are shaved, a bushy comb being left along the middle. Formerly all hair except that on the head, even eyebrows and lashes, was pulled out, because it was thought fit for animals only to have hair on the body. All go barefooted, and it is only where the native has to travel over a rough road that he puts on alparagats, or sandals of bark, wood, or skin, which are fastened by thongs round the foot. Whatever is wanting in actual dress, however, is made up by paint and ornaments, of which both sexes are equally fond. The face and upper part of the body are either uniformly daubed over or tattooed with rays, fanciful lines, and designs representing animals and the like, chiefly in red and black. Taste is not wanting in this adornment, for the tint is often delicate, and the black circles round the eyes indicate that they understand effect, increasing as they do the lustre of the orbs. Esquemelin states that when visitors were expected, the men combed the hair, and smeared the face with an ointment of oil and black powder, the women using a red admixture. Tattooing figures on the body by cauterization, as seen by Columbus on the Mosquito 717 Coast, is still practiced in certain parts of the interior. Aboriginal Mosquitos also perforated ears, lips, and cheeks, to hold pendants of fish-bones and green stones; the holes in the ears being as large as eggs. The natives of Corn island not only carried large pieces of wood in the ears, but gradually enlarged the hole in the lower lip; at fifteen years of age the wood was removed and a tortoise-shell inserted. Women wore a tight bandage round the ankle to increase the size of their calves. Strings of tastefully arranged beads, bones, shells, and stones, and gaily colored bandages, were worn round the neck and wrist; the women adorning the legs and ankles in a similar manner, and also using feathers and flowers. Certain interior tribes, as the Smoos, esteem a round MOSQUITO HEAD-FLATTENING. forehead as a reproach, and hence the head is flattened, the effect of which would be more noticeable, were it not for the thick bushy hair. This head-flattening fashion here appears for the first time since we left the Columbian group; we shall see it once again further south, and that is all. The process here is essentially similar to that of the Columbians. When the infant is a month old, it is tied to a board, and a flat piece of wood, kept firm by bands, is placed upon the forehead. The child remains in this painful position for several months, the pressure increasing as the head grows.[982]

A piece of cloth tied around the waist in a twist or with a cord, reaching down to the knee, is the traditional male outfit in this area, while women's clothing is slightly shorter. This cloth is made either of cotton, sometimes woven with down, or from fibers of the inner bark of the caoutchouc tree, which are beaten on stones until they become soft. It's often large enough to use as a cover at night. Some pieces are quite colorful and decorative, and in the past, they were painted. The Woolwas typically wear cloth that is about six feet long and three feet wide, striped blue and yellow; they pass it between their legs and secure it at the waist with a thong. In contrast, the Xicaques wear the cloth like a serape by putting their head through a slit in the center and tying the folds around their waist. Sometimes this minimal covering is reduced to just a small apron, or it may even be completely discarded in some areas, as modern travelers have noted seeing natives without clothing. Women occasionally wear a small square cloth with a hole for the head, where one side covers the chest and the other covers the back. In some regions, chiefs are recognized by their cotton caps and long sleeveless robes that are open in front and often adorned; elsewhere, men of status wear turbans decorated with plumes and feathers and dress in the skins of eagles, tigers, and other animals, which are also worn by everyday people during festivals. The Smoos' headgear is particularly attractive, featuring embroidery and featherwork. Typically, long loose hair is considered adequate protection for the head and is kept smooth and shiny using palm oil, which is said to promote hair growth. Women usually have longer hair than men and often style it in ringlets, rarely putting it in a knot or wreath. People in northern Honduras wear a lock of hair hanging over their forehead; some highland chiefs, on the other hand, shave the front of their heads while allowing the back hair to grow long. The Poyas part their hair down the middle, holding it in place with a band. Religious men let their hair grow to the waist, usually braided in the back. During mourning, both sides of the head are shaved, leaving a bushy strip down the center. In the past, all body hair except on the head, including eyebrows and lashes, was removed, as it was thought only animals should have hair on their bodies. Most go barefoot, only using alpargatas—sandals made from bark, wood, or skin held on with thongs—when traveling on rough terrain. Whatever is lacking in clothing is compensated for with paint and ornaments, which both men and women enjoy. The face and upper body are often painted or tattooed with rays, whimsical lines, and designs of animals, primarily in red and black. This decoration shows a sense of style, as the colors are often delicate, and the black rings around the eyes enhance their appearance. Esquemelin notes that when visitors were expected, men would comb their hair and apply an oil and black powder ointment to their faces, while women would use a red mixture. Tattooing with cauterization, as Columbus observed on the Mosquito Coast, is still practiced in some interior areas. Indigenous Mosquitos also pierced their ears, lips, and cheeks to hold fish-bone and green stone pendants, with ear holes as large as eggs. The natives of Corn Island not only wore large pieces of wood in their ears but also gradually stretched the hole in their lower lips; at fifteen, they would replace the wood with a tortoise shell. Women wore tight bands around their ankles to enlarge their calves. Strings of tastefully arranged beads, bones, shells, and stones, along with brightly colored bands, adorned their necks and wrists; women similarly decorated their legs and ankles, using feathers and flowers as well. Some interior tribes, like the Smoos, see a flat forehead as a mark of shame, leading to the practice of head-flattening, which might be more noticeable if not for their thick, bushy hair. This head-flattening custom appears here for the first time since we left the Colombian group and will appear once more further south. The method here is quite similar to that used by the Colombians. When an infant is a month old, it is strapped to a board, and a flat piece of wood, secured with bands, is placed on the forehead. The child remains in this uncomfortable position for several months, with pressure increasing as the head grows.

Towns there are none, except in certain parts; seldom do more than four or five houses stand in a group; the locality being changed at intervals for sanitary or superstitious purposes. A few upright posts planted in parallel lines, or in a circle, and occasionally interwoven with cane or leaves, support what may be called the hut 718 proper, which is a sharply sloping, well-thatched palm-leaf roof with projecting eaves, reaching to within three or four feet of the ground. There is usually but one apartment, the floor of which is often coated with clay, and raised a little to avoid dampness. In the center is the fireplace, surrounded by household ware and cackling hens, and all round may be seen hammocks and nets suspended from the bamboo rafters. Some sleep on a frame-work of bamboo placed upon posts. The better class of houses contain partitions for the several families occupying it, and stand in fields enclosed by stalk fences. A village with many of the interior tribes consists of one large building, often one hundred feet long by thirty feet wide. The front and end of these structures are open, but the back is partitioned off into small closets with the bark of the cabbage-palms, each serving as a bedroom for a married couple, or for unmarried women. A platform immediately under the roof is used as a sleeping-place for the boys, and an apartment at the end of the hut is set apart for women about to be confined. Some of the Guajiquero villages contain over a hundred substantial huts of mud, or of cane plastered over and whitewashed. The Toonglas and Cookras, erect temporary sheds near the streams, during the summer, but seek more secure huts in the winter. Carib dwellings are the neatest of all; some are of cane, others of frame-work filled with mud. Cockburn relates that, during his journey through Honduras, he came across a bridge made of a net-work of cane, which was suspended between trees so that the centre hung forty feet above the surface of the stream. He found it very old and shaky, and concluded that it belonged to the remote past.[983]

There are no towns there, except in certain areas; usually, there are only four or five houses clustered together, as the location changes from time to time for health or superstitious reasons. A few upright posts are set up in parallel lines or in a circle, sometimes woven with cane or leaves, supporting what can be called a hut. The hut has a sharply sloping, well-thatched roof made of palm leaves with eaves extending down to about three or four feet off the ground. There’s usually just one room, with a floor that’s often covered in clay and slightly raised to prevent dampness. In the center is a fireplace, surrounded by household items and clucking hens, with hammocks and nets hanging from the bamboo rafters all around. Some people sleep on bamboo frameworks raised on posts. The nicer houses have partitions for the different families living there and are set in fields surrounded by stalk fences. A village of many of the interior tribes often consists of one large building, typically around a hundred feet long and thirty feet wide. The front and ends of these structures are open, but the back is divided into small sections made from the bark of cabbage palms, each serving as a bedroom for married couples or for single women. There’s a platform just below the roof used as a sleeping area for the boys, and a space at the end of the hut is reserved for women who are about to give birth. Some Guajiquero villages have over a hundred solid huts made of mud or cane that's plastered and whitewashed. The Toonglas and Cookras put up temporary sheds near the rivers in the summer but look for more solid huts in the winter. Carib houses are the tidiest of all; some are made from cane, while others are frameworks filled with mud. Cockburn mentions that during his travels through Honduras, he discovered a bridge made of a network of cane, suspended between trees with the center hanging forty feet above the stream. He noted that it was very old and shaky, concluding that it must date back to ancient times.718

FOOD IN HONDURAS.

Honduran Cuisine.

Redundant nature here leaves man so little to do, as scarcely to afford an opportunity for development. 719 The people of northern Honduras, according to Herrera, cleared the ground with stone axes, and turned the sod by main strength with a forked pole or with sharp wooden spades, and by this means secured two or three yields every year; but the present occupants scarcely take so much trouble. On marrying, the men prepare a small field for a few beds of yams, beans, cassava, and squash, some pepper, and pine-apples, besides twenty to thirty plantain and cocoa-nut trees, leaving their wives to give it such further care as may be required. Where maize is cultivated it is either sown two or three grains in holes two feet apart, or broadcast over freshly cleared woodland a little before the rainy season. The Poyas are the only people who cultivate respectable farms. Fishing is the favorite occupation of the coast tribes, and their dexterity with the spear and harpoon is quite remarkable. The proper time for catching the larger species of fish, such as the tarpom and palpa, is at night, when a fleet of pitpans, each with a pitch-pine torch in the bow, may be seen on the lagoon intermingling in picturesque confusion. One or two paddlers propel the boat, another holds the torch, while the harpooneer stands at the bow with a waisko-dusa, or staff, having a loosely fitting, barbed harpoon at one end, and a piece of light wood at the other. A short line attached to the harpoon, passes along the staff, and is rolled round this float for convenience. The glare of the torch attracts the fish and enables the bowman to spy his prey, which is immediately transfixed by the harpoon. Away it darts, but the float retards its progress, and points out its whereabouts to the boatmen, who again seize the line, and drag it to the shore. Occasionally the tarpom is taken in strong nets, the meshes of which require to be six inches square in order to entangle it. Manatees or sea-cows are caught in the early morning, and to get within striking distance of the wary animal, it is necessary to deck the canoe with bushes and leaves, giving it the appearance of a floating tree. The line attached to the harpoon is in this case payed out from the canoe, which 720 is often trailed by the manatee in a lively manner. It generally takes several harpoons as well as lances to kill it. Smaller harpoons, without barb, with merely quadrangular points an inch and a half long and nearly as wide, are used for catching turtles so that the shell may not be damaged. As the canoe approaches, the turtle slides under the water; the bowman signalizes the oarsman how to steer, and when the turtle rises to breathe, it is speared, dragged into the canoes, and placed on its back. Some fishermen will jump into the water after the animal, and bring it up in their hands, but this feat is attended with danger, from bites and sharp coral. The hawk-bill turtle is set free after the shell has been stripped of its scales, but the green species is eaten, and its eggs, which are esteemed a dainty, are sought for in the sand by poking suspected places with a stick. Smaller fish are speared with the sinnock, a long pole with a fixed point. The river people take less pleasure in fishing, and resort thereto only as driven by necessity. Weirs of branches and clay are constructed, with a small outlet in the middle, where men are stationed to catch the passing fish with nets and spears. The Poyas employ a still surer method. The water is beaten with sticks for some distance above the weir, so as to drive the fish together; a quantity of juice extracted from a wild vine called pequine, which has a stupefying effect, is thrown into the water, and the men have merely to select the best looking, the smaller ones being allowed to float away and recover in the unadulterated waters below. The preserving of fish is the work of women, who cut them in slices,—sometimes rubbing them with salt,—and place the pieces on a framework of cane over the fire to be smoke-dried; after which they are exposed to the sun for a day or two. Part of the fish is cooked, or baked in oil, and eaten at MOSQUITO COOKERY. once. If we except the Smoos and Xicaques, who follow game with true precision and patience, the usual mode of hunting is as primitive as weir-fishing. A number of men assemble and set fire to the grass, which 721 drives the terrified animals into a corner, where they are shot or struck down, or the game is entrapped in holes partly filled with water. The wild hog, the tapir, and deer supply most of the meat, which is cured in the same way as fish: some cutting the meat in strips, and curing it on the buccan, or grate of sticks, while others prefer the barbecue method which is to smoke-dry the whole animal. Certain old writers state that human flesh was eaten, but this is discredited by others, who think that the error arose from seeing the natives feast on monkeys, which, skinned, have much the appearance of humans. The statement of their eating raw fish may also be wrong, for the natives of the present day are very careful about thoroughly cooking their food, and even avoid fruit not fully ripened. A well-known article of food is the Carib bread, a sort of white hard biscuit made from cassava or mandioc roots, which are skinned, washed, and grated on a board set with sharp stones. The pulp is rinsed in water to extract the poisonous juice, and when it is sufficiently whitened by this means, the water is carefully pressed out, and the substance set to dry in the sun. The sifted flour is made into large round thin cakes, which, after being exposed to the sun for a while, are slowly baked over the fire. The Poyas make large rolls, which are wrapped in leaves and baked in the ashes. These soon become sour, and are then eaten with a relish. Others grind cassava or maize on the metate, and bake tortillas. A gruel is also made of the flour, and eaten with salt and chile, or syrup. One of their dainties is bisbire, the name given to plantains kept in leaves till putrid, and eaten boiled. Scalding hot cacao mixed with chile is the favorite stimulant, of which large quantities are imbibed, until the perspiration starts from every pore. Cacao-fruit is also eaten roasted. Notwithstanding the richness of the soil and the variety of its productions, the natives are accused of resorting to insects for food, and of eating their own vermin. The coast people have the greater selection, but trust mostly to 722 fishing, while the interior tribes after natural products depend upon the chase. The Cookras subsist chiefly on the cabbage-palm. Sambo girls have a peculiar fancy for eating charcoal and sand, believing that their charms are improved thereby. No regularity is observed in eating, but food is taken at any hour, and with voracity; nor will they take the trouble to procure more, until the whole stock is consumed, and hunger drives them from their hammocks. The Poyas and Guajiqueros seem to be the only tribes who have any idea of providing for the future; the latter laying up a common reserve.[984]

Redundant nature here leaves people with so little to do that there’s hardly any chance for growth. 719 The people of northern Honduras, according to Herrera, cleared the land with stone axes and turned the soil using a forked pole or sharp wooden spades, managing to get two or three crops every year; but nowadays, the current residents hardly put in as much effort. When men get married, they prepare a small field for a few beds of yams, beans, cassava, and squash, along with some peppers and pineapples, plus twenty to thirty plantain and coconut trees, leaving their wives to take care of it as needed. Where corn is planted, it's either sown two or three seeds in holes spaced two feet apart, or scattered across freshly cleared woodland just before the rainy season. The Poyas are the only people who manage decent farms. Fishing is the preferred activity for coastal tribes, and their skill with the spear and harpoon is quite impressive. The best time to catch larger fish, like tarpon and palpa, is at night, when you can see a fleet of pitpans, each with a pitch-pine torch at the front, moving about in a beautiful jumble on the lagoon. One or two people paddle the boat while one holds the torch, and another stands at the front with a waisko-dusa, or staff, that has a loosely fitting, barbed harpoon on one end and a piece of light wood on the other. A short line connected to the harpoon runs along the staff and is rolled around this float for convenience. The bright light from the torch attracts the fish, allowing the bowman to spot his target, which is immediately struck by the harpoon. It tries to swim away, but the float slows it down and indicates its location to the boatmen, who then grab the line and pull it to shore. Occasionally, tarpon are caught in strong nets, which need to have six-inch square meshes to trap them. Manatees or sea cows are caught early in the morning, and to approach these cautious creatures, the canoe is covered with bushes and leaves to make it look like a floating tree. The line linked to the harpoon is let out from the canoe, which is often dragged along by the manatee. It usually takes several harpoons and lances to bring it down. Smaller harpoons without barbs, just rectangular tips an inch and a half long and almost as wide, are used to catch turtles without damaging their shells. As the canoe approaches, the turtle dives underwater; the person at the front signals the paddler on how to steer, and when the turtle comes up to breathe, it is speared, pulled into the canoes, and turned on its back. Some fishermen will dive into the water after the turtle and bring it back by hand, but this is risky due to bites and sharp coral. The hawksbill turtle is released after its shell has been stripped of scales, while the green turtle is eaten, and its eggs, considered a delicacy, are searched for in the sand by poking suspected areas with a stick. Smaller fish are caught with the sinnock, a long pole with a fixed point. People living by the rivers enjoy fishing less and only do so out of necessity. They build weirs using branches and clay, with a small opening in the center where men wait to catch the passing fish with nets and spears. The Poyas have a much more reliable method. They strike the water with sticks for some distance upstream to herd the fish together; then they throw in juice from a wild vine called pequine, which has a stunning effect. The men only have to pick out the best ones while letting the smaller ones float away to recover in the clean waters below. Women take care of preserving fish, slicing them—sometimes rubbing salt on them—and placing the pieces on a cane rack over the fire to smoke-dry; after that, they leave them out in the sun for a day or two. Some of the fish is cooked or fried in oil and eaten immediately. MOSQUITO RECIPES. Except for the Smoos and Xicaques, who hunt with precision and patience, the usual hunting method is as simple as weir fishing. A group of men gathers and sets fire to the grass, which drives frightened animals into a corner where they are shot or struck down, or the animals are trapped in holes partly filled with water. Wild hogs, tapirs, and deer provide most of the meat, which is cured like fish: some cut the meat into strips and cure it on the buccan, or stick grate, while others prefer to smoke-dry the whole animal. Some old writers claim that human flesh was eaten, but others dispute this, thinking the confusion arose from seeing the natives feast on monkeys, whose skin can look a lot like human skin. The claim that they ate raw fish may also be incorrect, as the natives today are careful to thoroughly cook their food and even avoid not fully ripe fruit. A well-known food item is Carib bread, a type of hard white biscuit made from cassava or manioc roots, which are skinned, washed, and grated on a board with sharp stones. The pulp is rinsed in water to remove the poisonous juice, and when it’s sufficiently whitened, the water is pressed out, and the pulp is dried in the sun. The sifted flour is made into large, thin round cakes, which are exposed to the sun for a bit before being baked slowly over the fire. The Poyas make large rolls wrapped in leaves and baked in ashes. These quickly turn sour and are then enjoyed with relish. Others grind cassava or maize on the metate and bake tortillas. They also prepare a gruel from the flour, which is eaten with salt and chili or syrup. One of their delicacies is bisbire, plantains kept in leaves until they decompose, and eaten boiled. Scalding hot cacao mixed with chili is the favorite stimulant, which is consumed in large amounts until the sweat pours from every pore. The cacao fruit is also eaten roasted. Despite the land's fertility and variety of crops, the natives are accused of eating insects and their own parasites. The coastal residents have more options but mainly rely on fishing, while the interior tribes depend more on hunting. The Cookras mostly eat the cabbage palm. Sambo girls particularly enjoy eating charcoal and sand, believing it enhances their beauty. There’s no regular eating schedule, as food is consumed whenever and with great eagerness; they won’t bother to gather more until everything is gone and hunger forces them out of their hammocks. The Poyas and Guajiqueros seem to be the only tribes with any sense of planning for the future, with the latter building a common reserve. [984]

Frequent bathing is the rule, yet the Sambos, who have a better opportunity for this, perhaps, than other tribes, are described as dirty in their surroundings, and, when warmed by motion, emit a disagreeable odor, arising from the use of ointments and powders. The Poyas, Xicaques, Secos, and especially the Caribs are, on the contrary, very cleanly in their habits.[985]

Frequent bathing is the norm, yet the Sambos, who probably have better access to this than other tribes, are noted for being dirty in their environment and, when heated from activity, give off an unpleasant smell due to the use of ointments and powders. In contrast, the Poyas, Xicaques, Secos, and especially the Caribs are very clean in their habits.[985]

MOSQUITO WEAPONS AND WAR.

Mosquitoes as Weapons in War.

The bow and arrow figures as the chief weapon of the Mosquitos, the former being usually of iron-wood, spanned with twisted mahoe-bark, and often six feet in length; the latter of reed or wood, hardened in fire, and pointed with hard wood, flint, fish-bones, or teeth. They not only handle the bow well, but some are expert in the art of defense. To attain this dexterity, children are taught to turn aside, with a stick, the blunt darts thrown at them, and in time they become sufficiently expert to ward off arrows in the same manner. They also fight with cane lances about nine feet long, with oblong diamond points, javelins, clubs, and heavy sharp-pointed swords made of a poisonous wood, a splinter from which causes first madness and then 723 death. The milky juice of the manzanilla-tree is used to poison arrows and darts. Blowpipes, whose light arrows surely and silently bring down birds at a hundred feet and over, are in great favor with the youth. Armor is made of plaited reeds covered with tiger-skins, and ornamented with feathers; besides which, the northern Mosquitos employ a breastplate of twisted cotton, like that of the Mexicans. Mosquito women are said to be as good archers as the men.[986]

The bow and arrow are the main weapons of the Mosquitos. The bow is typically made from ironwood, strung with twisted mahoe bark, and can be about six feet long. The arrows are crafted from reed or wood, hardened in fire, and tipped with hard wood, flint, fish bones, or teeth. They not only handle the bow skillfully, but some are also experts in defense. To develop this skill, children learn to deflect blunt darts thrown at them with a stick, and over time, they become skilled enough to fend off arrows in the same way. They also fight with cane lances that are about nine feet long, featuring oblong diamond points, as well as javelins, clubs, and heavy, sharp swords made from a poisonous wood that induces madness followed by death if splintered. The milky sap of the manzanilla tree is used to poison arrows and darts. Blowpipes, which shoot light arrows that can silently take down birds from over a hundred feet away, are especially popular with the youth. Armor is made from woven reeds covered in tiger skins and decorated with feathers; additionally, northern Mosquitos use breastplates made from twisted cotton, similar to those of the Mexicans. It is said that Mosquito women are just as skilled at archery as the men. 723

Aboriginal wars were continually waged in Honduras without any other object than to avenge the death of an ancestor, or to retaliate on those who had carried away friends into slavery. Neighboring tribes, however, agreed to a truce at certain times, to allow the interchange of goods. Previous to starting on an expedition, turkeys, dogs, and even human beings were sacrificed to influence the gods; blood was drawn from tongue and ears, and dreams carefully noted, and their import determined. Ambassadors were sent to challenge the enemy to a pitched battle, and, if they were not responded to, the country was ravaged. When prisoners were taken they were usually held as slaves, after having the nose cut off. Forty thousand men sometimes composed an expedition, operating without chief or order, devising ambushes and stratagems as it suited them, and accompanied by women to act as porters. Mosquito warriors blacken the face, and place themselves under the temporary command of the bravest and most experienced. The coast people are bold and unyielding, and usually kill their prisoners. When the Sambos confederate with their neighbors, they expect their allies to pay for friends lost in battle.[987] 724

Native wars were constantly fought in Honduras, mainly to avenge the death of an ancestor or to retaliate against those who had taken friends into slavery. However, neighboring tribes would agree to a truce at certain times to allow for the exchange of goods. Before heading out on an expedition, they would sacrifice turkeys, dogs, and even humans to sway the gods; they would draw blood from their tongues and ears, carefully noting their dreams and interpreting their meanings. Ambassadors would be sent to challenge the enemy to a battle, and if there was no response, the land would be ravaged. When prisoners were captured, they were usually kept as slaves after having their noses cut off. Expeditions could consist of up to forty thousand men, operating without a chief or strict order, using ambushes and strategies as they saw fit, accompanied by women who acted as porters. Mosquito warriors would blacken their faces and put themselves under the temporary command of the bravest and most experienced fighters. The coastal people are fierce and unyielding, often killing their prisoners. When the Sambos allied with their neighbors, they expected their partners to compensate for friends lost in battle. [987] 724

Domestic utensils in the homes of the Mosquitos consist of stones for grinding grain and roots, clay pots and plates for cooking purposes, and gourds, calabashes, and nets for holding food and liquids. The stone hatchet, which is fast becoming a relic, is ten inches long, four broad, and three thick, sharp at both ends, with a groove to hold the handle which is firmly twisted round its centre. Besides the implements already referred to under fishing and weapons, may be mentioned the lasso, in the use of which they are very expert, and the patapee, a pretty water-tight basket that the Caribs plait of reeds. The men usually sleep in hammocks, or on mats spread on the ground near the fire, with a stick for a pillow, while the women prefer a platform of cane raised a few feet from the ground, and covered with a mat or a skin.[988]

Domestic utensils in the homes of the Mosquito people include stones for grinding grain and roots, clay pots and plates for cooking, and gourds, calabashes, and nets for holding food and liquids. The stone hatchet, which is quickly becoming a relic, measures ten inches long, four inches wide, and three inches thick, sharp at both ends, with a groove to hold the handle that is tightly twisted around its center. In addition to the tools already mentioned for fishing and hunting, there’s the lasso, in which they are quite skilled, and the patapee, a lovely waterproof basket made from reeds by the Caribs. The men typically sleep in hammocks or on mats spread out on the ground near the fire, using a stick as a pillow, while the women prefer a raised cane platform a few feet off the ground, covered with a mat or skin.[988]

Fibres of mahoe and ule bark, pisang-leaves and silk-grass furnish material for ropes, nets, mats, and coarse fabrics. Most of the Mosquitos grow a little cotton, which the women spin on a rude wheel, like that of the Guatemalans, and weave on a frame loom into strong and neat cloths. The favorite blue color for dyeing is obtained from the jiquilite plant; the yellow from the achiolt tree. Pottery is a very ancient art among them, as may be seen from the fine specimens discovered in the graves and ruins of Honduras. Their red cooking-pots are very light but strong, and the water-jars, which are only slightly burnt to permit percolation, show considerable taste in design.[989]

Fibers from mahoe and ule bark, banana leaves, and silk grass provide materials for ropes, nets, mats, and rough fabrics. Most Mosquito people grow some cotton, which the women spin on a simple wheel, similar to the ones used by Guatemalans, and weave on a frame loom into strong and tidy cloth. The preferred blue dye comes from the jiquilite plant, and the yellow dye is sourced from the achiolt tree. Pottery is a very old craft among them, as evident from the fine pieces found in the graves and ruins of Honduras. Their red cooking pots are lightweight yet durable, and the water jars, which are only lightly fired to allow for percolation, display considerable artistry in their design.[989]

BOATS AND FISHERIES.

Boats and Fishing.

Nowhere do we find more daring and expert boatmen than the Mosquitos, who will venture out upon the roughest sea in a boat barely large enough to hold a man 725 and a boy. If the boat capsize it is at once righted, bailed out, and the voyage resumed, and seldom is any part of the cargo lost. The dory, or ordinary sea-boat is a hollowed-out tree, often twenty-five to fifty feet long, four to six wide, and four to five deep, round-bottomed, buoyant, and with good handling safe. The best are made by the up-river tribes, especially the Towkas, who prepare them roughly with axe and fire, and sell them to the coast people to be finished according to fancy. After the dug-out has been trimmed, it is often soaked in water for a time, so that the sides may be stretched and secured with knees. The pitpan, which is used on rivers and lagoons, differs from the dory in being flat-bottomed, with broad and gradually rounded ends, and of less depth and width. Cedar is chiefly used for pitpans on account of its lightness, and the stronger mahogany for dories; but the latter are, however, soon injured by worms if kept in the water. Small boats are propelled by a single broad-bladed paddle; sails also are employed with the crean or keeled canoe.[990]

Nowhere do we find more daring and skilled boaters than the Mosquitos, who will head out onto the roughest seas in a boat barely big enough for one person and a boy. If the boat flips over, they quickly right it, bail it out, and continue the journey, and it's rare for any part of the cargo to be lost. The dory, or standard sea boat, is a hollowed-out tree, often twenty-five to fifty feet long, four to six feet wide, and four to five feet deep, with a rounded bottom, good buoyancy, and excellent handling. The best ones are made by the up-river tribes, especially the Towkas, who roughly shape them with an axe and fire before selling them to coastal people for finishing touches. After the dugout is trimmed, it's often soaked in water for a while so that the sides can be stretched and secured with knees. The pitpan, used on rivers and lagoons, differs from the dory in being flat-bottomed, with broad and gradually rounded ends, and is shallower and narrower. Cedar is mainly used for pitpans because of its lightness, while stronger mahogany is used for dories; however, dories can quickly be damaged by worms if left in the water. Small boats are powered by a single wide-bladed paddle, and sails are also used with the crean or keeled canoe. 725

Harpoon and canoe are the basis of the Mosquito's wealth, for with them he obtains his food and the tortoise-shell, the principal article of traffic. The season for catching hawk-bill turtles is from April to August, when fleets of canoes, each manned by about twelve men, proceed to different parts of the coast, as far south as Chiriquí, and bring home ten thousand pounds of shell on an average. Green turtles, which are caught near reefs, also find a good market in Blewfields and elsewhere. All keep hogs, the Caribs more than others; many possess cattle and horses, which are allowed to run wild over the prairies, the horses being lassoed whenever required for riding. Their manner of breaking them is unique. One man leads the horse with the lasso into water, to a depth of three or four feet, when another 726 jumps upon his back, and responds to buckings and skittishness with blows on the head, until in about half an hour the exhausted animal surrenders. A line of bark-fibre serves for reins, and a few plaited palm-leaves for saddle. Preservation of wealth is little thought of, for cattle are most recklessly slaughtered at feasts and for offences, and fruit-trees, as well as other property are, as a rule, destroyed on the death of the owner. Quite a trade is carried on in these parts, the inland tribes bringing rough canoes, calabashes, skins, cloth, honey, and cacao to the coast people, and receiving therefor turtles, salt, English fancy and useful articles; while many of the latter undertake lengthy coast trips to dispose of the bartered produce, as well as their own. The Wankees deal heavily in bisbire, or decomposed plantains, while sarsaparilla and honey are the staple articles of the Secos and Poyas. A mixture of shrewdness and simplicity characterizes their dealings. A party wishing to dispose of hides, for instance, first produces the worst ones, which are thrown aside by the buyer until those of the standard quality are brought out; a sum is then offered for the whole, which is often unhesitatingly accepted by the native who is too dazzled by the apparently high price to consider the amount of produce given for it. Very little value is placed upon labor, for canoes, which have taken a considerable time to prepare, are often bartered for a mere trifle. The people of Honduras have always a stock of cloth and honey to pay taxes with, and set a high value on colored feathers obtained from Yucatec coast traders, who take cacao for return cargoes.[991]

The harpoon and canoe are the foundation of the Mosquito's wealth, as these tools provide food and tortoise shell, the main trade item. The season for catching hawksbill turtles runs from April to August, when fleets of canoes, each rowed by about twelve men, head to various parts of the coast, reaching as far south as Chiriquí, and typically bring back around ten thousand pounds of shell. Green turtles, caught near reefs, also sell well in Bluefields and other locations. Everyone raises pigs, especially the Caribs; many have cattle and horses that roam freely across the prairies, with the horses being lassoed as needed for riding. Their method of breaking in the horses is distinctive. One person leads the horse with a lasso into waters three or four feet deep, while another jumps on its back and responds to its bucking and skittishness with blows to the head, until the exhausted animal gives in after about half an hour. They use a line made of bark fiber for reins and some braided palm leaves for a saddle. Preservation of wealth isn’t a priority; cattle are often recklessly killed for feasts or for punishments, and fruit trees, along with other possessions, are generally destroyed upon the owner's death. There is a fair amount of trade in this area, with the inland tribes bringing rough canoes, calabashes, animal skins, cloth, honey, and cacao to the coastal people, in exchange for turtles, salt, and various English goods; many of the coastal traders also make long trips to sell both their traded goods and their own. The Wankees are heavily involved in trading *bisbire*, or rotting plantains, while sarsaparilla and honey are the main items for the Secos and Poyas. Their transactions reflect a mix of cleverness and simplicity. For example, when a group wants to sell hides, they first show the worst ones, which the buyer discards until they present the better quality ones; the buyer then offers a price for the lot, which the seller often accepts without hesitation, dazzled by what seems to be a high price, without considering the overall quality of the goods. Little value is assigned to labor, as canoes that take a long time to make are frequently traded for very little. The people of Honduras always have a supply of cloth and honey to pay their taxes and place a high value on colorful feathers obtained from Yucatec coast traders, who trade these for cacao.

MOSQUITO CALENDAR AND ART.

Mosquito Calendar and Art.

Although versatile enough in handicrafts, their mental faculties are exceedingly crude. With the aid of fingers and toes the Sambo is able to count to twenty, but anything beyond that confuses him. Time is reckoned 727 by kates, or moons, thirteen of which make a mani, or year. When asked to fix the date of an event, he will say that it occurred so many sleeps or moons ago; but when the time exceeds a year or two, the answer is given in the rather indefinite term of "many, many years;" consequently he is unable to tell his age. His ideas of cosmology are equally vague; thus, stars are held to be glowing stones. The people of Honduras call the year iolar, and divide it in the same manner as the Mexicans, by whom the system has, no doubt, been introduced. They reckon time by so many nights or twilights, not by days, and determine the hour by the height of the sun. The song-language of the Mosquitos differs greatly from that employed in conversation, a quaint old-time style being apparently preserved in their lyrics.[992]

Although they're pretty skilled in crafts, their thinking abilities are very basic. Using their fingers and toes, a Sambo can count to twenty, but anything beyond that confuses them. They track time by moons, with thirteen moons making a year. When asked about the date of an event, they'll say it happened so many sleeps or moons ago; but if the time exceeds a year or two, they respond vaguely with "many, many years," so they can’t really say how old they are. Their understanding of the universe is also unclear; for example, they think stars are glowing stones. The people of Honduras refer to the year as iolar and divide it in the same way as the Mexicans, which likely influenced them. They keep track of time by nights or twilights instead of days, and they figure out the hour based on the sun's position. The song language of the Mosquitos is very different from the one they use in daily conversation, seemingly sticking to an old-fashioned style in their lyrics.

The art of extracting and melting gold has long been known to them, but, although they wear a few ornaments of this metal, they do not seem to prize it very highly. At the time of Cockburn's visit to Honduras, dams were used in mining, and instruments of cane to sift the gold. The mode employed by the Poyas to separate gold from sand is the one known in California as panning, and is thus described by Squier: "Scooping up some of the sand in his bowl, and then filling it with water, he whirled it rapidly, so that a feathery stream of mingled sand and water flew constantly over its edge. He continued this operation until the sand was nearly exhausted, and then filled the bowl again. After repeating this process several times, he grew more careful, balancing the bowl skillfully, and stopping occasionally to pick out the pebbles ... after the process was complete, the Poyer showed me a little deposit of gold, in 728 grains, at the bottom of the calabash." The gold dust passes into the hands of the white trader.[993]

The method of extracting and melting gold has been known to them for a long time, but while they do wear a few gold ornaments, they don’t seem to value it very much. During Cockburn's visit to Honduras, they used dams for mining and cane tools to sift the gold. The technique used by the Poyas to separate gold from sand is what’s known in California as panning, and Squier describes it this way: "He scooped some sand into his bowl, filled it with water, and then spun it rapidly, creating a feathery stream of mixed sand and water that constantly flowed over the edge. He kept doing this until the sand was nearly all gone, then filled the bowl again. After repeating this several times, he became more careful, skillfully balancing the bowl and stopping now and then to pick out pebbles... When he finished, the Poyer showed me a little pile of gold grains at the bottom of the calabash." The gold dust then goes to the white trader.

GOVERNMENT, SLAVERY, POLYGAMY.

GOVERNMENT, SLAVERY, POLYGAMY.

The Mosquitos proper are ruled by a hereditary king, who claims sovereignty over the interior tribes of the Mosquito Coast, which, in many cases, is merely nominal. Before the English made their influence felt, this monarch, who, in these latter degenerate days, does not possess many prerogatives, seems to have had but a small extent of territory, for among the earlier travelers some assert that the inhabitants of this coast lived under a republican rule, while others observed no form of government. Each village or community has a principal man, or judge, selected from the eldest and ablest, who settles minor grievances, referring weightier matters to the king, and superintends the contribution of canoes, tortoise-shells, and produce for the support of the monarch and chiefs—for regular taxes are not collected. Among the Poyas, the old men, who are highly respected by their juniors, assemble every evening to deliberate upon the duties of the following day; all members of the tribe take part in the work, and share alike in the results. According to Young, the Mosquitos had an officer, in whom was vested certain authority. The Caribs are also ruled by elders, dignified by the title of captains. Their laws are in some respects harsh: for instance, a woman who has had intercourse with a man of another race is whipped slowly to death. Sambos are less particular in this matter, the adulterer being merely mulcted in a cow. If the decision of a chief be not satisfactory, the contestants resort to trial by combat. The Xicaques live in communities of from seventy to one hundred persons ruled by chiefs elected for life. The insignia of a judge or ruler in Honduras are a white staff, often elaborately ornamented with a golden head and tassels. Formerly 729 each town or province was ruled by an hereditary cacique, who administered justice with four nobles as counselors. Theft was punished by confiscation of property, and in graver cases the ears and hands of the culprit were cut off; the adulterer caught in the act had his ear-rings forcibly torn out; then he was whipped by the relatives of the injured, and deprived of his possessions. The woman went free on the supposition that she, as the weaker party, was not responsible.[994]

The Mosquito people are led by a hereditary king who claims authority over the interior tribes of the Mosquito Coast, although this is often just in name. Before the English had an impact, this king, who nowadays has limited powers, seems to have controlled only a small area. Some earlier travelers reported that the people living on this coast were governed by a republican system, while others noted that there was no formal government at all. Each village or community has a chief, or judge, chosen from the oldest and most capable individuals, who addresses minor disputes and refers more serious issues to the king. They also oversee the collection of canoes, tortoise shells, and food to support the king and chiefs, since regular taxes aren’t enforced. Among the Poyas, respected older men meet every evening to discuss the following day’s duties; every tribe member participates in the work and shares equally in the outcomes. According to Young, the Mosquitos had an officer who held certain powers. The Caribs are also governed by elder leaders known as captains. Their laws can be quite severe; for example, a woman who has had relations with a man from another race can be slowly whipped to death. The Sambos are less strict, only imposing a fine of a cow on the adulterer. If the decision of a chief is unsatisfactory, the parties involved may settle their differences through combat. The Xicaques live in groups of seventy to one hundred people led by chiefs who are elected for life. In Honduras, a judge or ruler carries a white staff that is often elaborately decorated with a golden head and tassels. In the past, each town or province was governed by an hereditary cacique, who administered justice with four nobles as advisors. Theft was punished by confiscation of property, and more serious offenses could result in the culprit having their ears and hands cut off; an adulterer caught in the act would have their earrings forcefully removed, then face whipping from the relatives of the wronged party, and lose their belongings. The woman would typically go free on the assumption that, being the weaker party, she was not to blame.

One principal object of war among the ancient nations of Honduras was to make slaves, but the Mosquito Coast was free from this scourge, according to all accounts.[995]

One main goal of war among the ancient nations of Honduras was to create slaves, but the Mosquito Coast was reportedly free from this issue.[995]

MOSQUITO MARRIAGE CUSTOMS.

Mosquito wedding traditions.

Polygamy obtains, some men having six wives each, and the king yet more. The first wife, who as a rule, is betrothed from early infancy, is mistress commanding; her marriage is attended with festivities, and later additions to the harem are subject to her. The custom is to marry early, often before puberty, and it is not unusual to see a girl of thirteen with an offspring in her arms; but the marriage tie is not very binding, for the wife may be discarded or sold at will, on the slightest pretence, especially if children do not follow the union. The interior tribes, which are less given to plurality of wives, bear a pretty good character for female MOSQUITO COURTSHIP. chastity. The cacique of ancient Honduras married among his own class. On behalf of a suitor not previously engaged, an old man was dispatched with presents to the father of the chosen girl, before whom he made a long harangue on the ancestry and qualities 730 of the youth. If this proved satisfactory, the presents were accepted, and Bacchanalia followed. Next morning the bride was closely wrapped in a gorgeously painted cloth, and, seated upon the shoulder of a man, was conveyed to the bridegroom, a number of friends accompanying her, dancing and singing along the road, drinking out of every rivulet, and feasting at every stopping-place. On arrival, she was received by the female friends of the groom, and subjected to a cleaning and perfuming process, lasting three days, during which the friends of the two families held a grand feast to celebrate the approaching union. She was then delivered to the husband, who kept her three nights at his home, and then proceeded to the house of his father-in-law, where the couple remained three other nights, after which they returned to their own house and renewed festivities. These were the ceremonies attending the marriage of nobles only. An old woman acted as messenger for common swains, and brought a present of cacao to the bride's parents, which was consumed at the preliminary feast. The girl was then delivered to the old woman, together with a return present of cacao to serve for two feasts, one taking place at the house of the bridegroom, the other at the bride's. Relationship was no impediment to marriage, and widows were received among the wives of the late husband's brother. Immorality ruled, and the most lascivious performances prevailed at their festivals. On the islands in the gulf of Honduras and on the Belize coast, the suitor had to undergo a preliminary examination by the proposed father-in-law as to his ability to perform the duties of husband; if satisfactory, a bow and arrow were handed him, and he at once presented himself before the object of his affection with a garland of leaves and flowers, which she placed upon her head instead of the wreath always worn by a virgin. Friends thereupon met at the home of the bride to discuss the prospects of the couple, and to witness the act of giving her to the bridegroom, partaking, meanwhile, of some 731 cheering liquid. The next day the bride appeared before the mother, and tore off her garland with much lamentation. Among the Sambos the betrothed suitor must give presents of food and other articles to the parents of his intended, as payment for their care of her until she attains the marriageable age, when he comes to claim her. Should the parents then refuse to give up the girl, they are bound to refund the value of the presents twice or thrice told. The usual price paid for a wife is a cow or its equivalent, which is also exacted from any man infringing on the marital right, while the female for such offence is merely beaten. Esquemelin adds that when the young man came to claim his bride, he was questioned as to his ability to make nets and arrows, and if all went well, the daughter was summoned to bring a calabash of wine, which the three drained between them in token of the new relationship. The widow was bound to supply the grave of her husband with provisions for a year, after which she took up the bones and carried them with her for another year, at last placing them upon the roof of her house, and then only was she allowed to marry again. The Carib must provide a separate house and field for each of his wives, where she not only supports herself, her children, and her husband, but can, if she pleases, accumulate property. The husband is expected to spend his time equally between his wives, but not to assist in providing necessities after the marriage day; should his help be required, the wife must pay him the customary rate of wages. The several wives compete jealously with each other to provide the best for their husband, and are comparatively well-behaved, owing, perhaps, to the severe punishment of infidelity. Among the Smoos, wives of one husband generally live together, each wife bringing her share to make up her lord's dinner. Widows are the property of the relatives of the husband, to whom 'widow-money' must be paid before they are allowed to marry again. The method of courtship among the Woolwas is to place a deer's 732 carcass and some firewood at the door of the intended; if accepted, marriage ensues. Each wife has usually a separate establishment. The Towkas, who are more inclined to monogamy, have an interesting marriage ceremony, of which Squier gives a long account. On the betrothal of children a corresponding cotton band is fastened above the elbow or below the knee of each. These bands are selected by the old men so as to be distinct from others in color, and are renewed when worn out. They also wear necklaces to which a shell or bead is added every year, and when the boy has ten added to his string, he is called muhasal, or ten, signifying half a man; when the twentieth and final shell is added, he is considered a full man, and is called all, meaning twenty. If his intended has by this time attained her fifteenth year, preparations are at once made for the marriage. A general holiday is taken by the villagers, who clear from grass a circular piece of ground, which is defined by a ring of stones, and trampled smooth; a little hut is then erected in the centre having a small opening at the top, and another at the side facing the east. Within the hut, the entrance of which is covered with a mat, is a heap of copal-twigs, and without, at the edge of the circle, a canoe filled with palm-wine is placed, having a large pile of white calabashes by its side. At noon the villagers proceed to the home of the bridegroom, who is addressed in turn by the old men; they then start with the youth for the house of the bride where the young man seats himself before the closed entrance on a bundle of presents intended for the bride. The father raps at the door which is partly opened by an old woman who asks his business, but the reply does not seem satisfactory, for the door is slammed in his face. The old men try their power of persuasion with the same result, and at last determine to call Orpheus to their aid. Music hath charms! the door is seen to open, and a female peeps timidly out: louder swells the music, and the bridegroom hastens to unroll his bundle containing beads and other articles. The door opens wider and 733 wider as each present is handed in by the father, until it is entirely thrown back, revealing the bride arrayed in her prettiest, seated on a crickery, in the remotest corner. While all are absorbed in examining the presents, the bridegroom dashes in, shoulders the girl like a sack, and trots off for the mystic circle, which, urged on by the frantic cries of the women, he reaches before the crowd can rescue her. The females, who cannot pass the ring, stand outside giving vent to their despairing shrieks, while the men squat within the circle in rows, facing outward. The old men alone remain standing, and one of them hands a lighted stick to the couple inside the hut, with a short speech. Soon an aromatic smoke curls up from the copal pile, whereat the women grow silent, but when it subsides, a sudden gayety takes possession of them, and the music is again heard. The reason for this is that the bridegroom, if he has any objections to the girl, may expel her while the gum is burning, but if it burns out quietly, the groom is supposed to be satisfied and the marriage complete. The women now pass filled calabashes to the men, who soon become excited and start a dance which increases in wildness with each additional cup, and does not end till most of them have bitten the dust. After dark the crowd proceeds with lighted torches to the hut, which is torn down, disclosing the married pair sitting demurely side by side. The husband shoulders his new baggage and is escorted to his home. The following day everybody presents a gift of some kind, so as to place the couple on an equal footing with the rest of the villagers.[996]

Polygamy exists, with some men having six wives each, and the king having even more. The first wife, who is typically engaged from a young age, holds a commanding position; her marriage is celebrated with festivities, and any subsequent wives added to the harem are under her authority. The customary practice is to marry early, often before puberty, and it's not unusual to see a thirteen-year-old girl with a child in her arms; however, the marriage bond is not very strong, as a wife can be discarded or sold at will, often for the slightest reason, especially if there are no children. The interior tribes, which are less inclined toward multiple wives, have a fairly good reputation for female chastity. The cacique of ancient Honduras married within his own class. An elder would be sent on behalf of a suitor who was not already engaged, carrying gifts to the father of the chosen girl. He would give a lengthy speech about the young man’s background and qualities. If this was received well, the gifts would be accepted, and celebrations would follow. The next morning, the bride was wrapped in beautiful cloth, and seated on a man's shoulder, she was taken to the bridegroom, accompanied by friends who danced and sang along the way, drinking from every stream and feasting at every stop. Upon arrival, she was welcomed by the groom's female friends, who conducted a three-day cleaning and perfuming ritual, during which both families held a grand feast to celebrate the upcoming union. After that, she was given to her husband, who kept her for three nights at his home, followed by three nights at his father-in-law’s house, and then they returned to their own home and continued the festivities. These ceremonies were exclusive to the noble class. For commoners, an old woman would act as the messenger, bringing a gift of cacao to the bride's parents, which was consumed during the preliminary feast. The girl would then be handed over to the old woman, along with a return gift of cacao for two feasts: one at the groom's house and another at the bride's. There were no restrictions against marriage between relatives, and widows could become wives of their late husband’s brother. Immorality was prevalent, with lascivious performances dominating their festivals. On the islands in the Gulf of Honduras and the Belize coast, a suitor had to undergo a preliminary evaluation by the bride's father regarding his ability to fulfill the duties of a husband; if satisfactory, he was given a bow and arrow and presented himself to the woman he loved with a garland of leaves and flowers, which she placed on her head instead of the wreath typically worn by a virgin. Friends gathered at the bride’s home to discuss the couple’s future and witness the ceremonial giving of her to the groom, while enjoying some refreshing drinks. The next day, the bride visited her mother and dramatically removed her garland with much sorrow. Among the Sambos, the betrothed suitor must present gifts of food and other items to the parents of his intended as compensation for raising her until she reaches marriageable age. If the parents refuse to give her up at that point, they owe twice or thrice the value of the gifts. The usual price for a wife is a cow or its equivalent, which is also required from any man violating marital rights, while the woman for such an offense is simply beaten. Esquemelin notes that when the young man came to claim his bride, he was questioned about his ability to make nets and arrows, and if approved, the daughter would bring a calabash of wine, which the three would drink together as a symbol of their new relationship. The widow had to supply her husband's grave with food for a year, after which she would take up the bones and carry them with her for another year, finally placing them on the roof of her house, and only then could she marry again. The Carib must provide a separate house and field for each of his wives, where she not only supports herself and her children but can also accumulate property if she chooses. The husband is expected to divide his time fairly among his wives, but does not assist in providing necessities after the marriage day; if his help is needed, the wife must pay him the customary wage. The wives often compete fiercely to provide the best for their husband and generally behave well, possibly due to strict punishments for infidelity. Among the Smoos, the wives of one husband usually live together, each contributing to prepare their lord's dinner. Widows become the property of their deceased husband's relatives, who must be paid 'widow-money' before they can remarry. The courtship method among the Woolwas involves placing a deer carcass and firewood at the intended's door; if accepted, marriage follows. Each wife typically maintains her own household. The Towkas, who lean more toward monogamy, have a fascinating marriage ceremony that Squier details extensively. Upon the engagement of children, a matching cotton band is tied above the elbow or below the knee of each. These bands are chosen by the elders to be distinct in color and are replaced when worn out. They also wear necklaces to which a shell or bead is added every year, and when the boy has ten added to his string, he is called muhasal, or ten, indicating half a man; when the twentieth and final shell is added, he’s regarded as a full man, known as all, meaning twenty. If, by this time, his intended has reached her fifteenth year, preparations commence for the marriage. The villagers declare a public holiday, clearing a circular patch of land marked by a ring of stones and trampling it smooth; a small hut is erected in the center, with a small opening at the top and another on the side facing east. Inside the hut, there’s a pile of copal twigs, and outside, at the edge of the circle, a canoe filled with palm wine is placed, accompanied by a large stack of white calabashes. At noon, the villagers head to the bridegroom's home, where the elders take turns addressing him; then they begin with the youth toward the bride's house, where the young man waits in front of the closed entrance with a bundle of gifts for the bride. The father knocks on the door, which is partially opened by an old woman who inquires about their business, but her response appears unsatisfactory, as the door is slammed in their face. The elders attempt to persuade her to open it with the same result, and they ultimately decide to enlist Orpheus to help. Music has a magical touch! The door opens, and a female figure peeks out timidly: the music grows louder, and the bridegroom rushes forward to unroll his bundle containing beads and other items. The door opens wider with each gift handed in by the father until it fully swings open, revealing the bride dressed in her finest, seated at the back. While everyone is busy examining the gifts, the bridegroom rushes in, hoists her over his shoulder like a sack, and makes a dash for the sacred circle, reaching it before the crowd can rescue her, spurred on by the frantic cries of the women. The women, who cannot cross the ring, remain outside letting out despairing wails, while the men sit in rows within the circle, facing outward. Only the elders remain standing, and one of them hands a lighted stick to the couple inside the hut with a brief speech. Soon, aromatic smoke rises from the copal pile, causing the women to fall silent, but when it dissipates, a sudden cheerfulness overtakes them, and the music starts again. This is because the bridegroom can expel the girl while the gum is burning if he has objections; but if it burns out quietly, it means he is satisfied, and the marriage is regarded as finalized. The women then pass around calabashes filled with liquid to the men, who soon become animated and begin a dance that grows increasingly wild with each drink, continuing until most have collapsed from exhaustion. After nightfall, the crowd migrates with lighted torches to the hut, which is torn down, revealing the married couple calmly sitting side by side. The husband carries his new burden and is escorted home. The following day, everyone brings some sort of gift so that the couple can start off on equal footing with the rest of the villagers.[996]

The position of a wife is not an enviable one, as the care of the household, the farm, and all hard and degrading work fall to her share, while her liege lord spends most of his time in idling. When about to be confined, she 734 proceeds to a hut erected for this purpose in the forest, a short distance from the village, where she remains from a week to two months, according to the custom of the tribe, attended by female friends who supply all her wants, since she is not allowed to handle food herself. No one must pass to the windward of the hut, because an obstruction of the air might cause the death of the mother and child, and for thus offending the guilty party must pay the damages. In such seclusion it is easy to dispose of deformed children, and it is believed that this is done to avoid the disgrace of a nickname, which might otherwise attach to the family. At the expiration of the period of purification, the mother returns to the village carrying the infant tied to her back in a cloth. The village witch has in the meantime fastened round its neck, a pew or charm, consisting of a bag of small seeds with which to pay old Charon for ferriage across the river, in case of an early death. The child is suckled for about two years; yucca-root pap also forms a great part of its food in some parts, but otherwise it receives little care. The mother delivers herself, cutting the navel-string with her own hand; she also washes the infant's clothes, for it is believed that the child will die if this is done by another; after washing herself and suckling the child she returns to the village. Formerly all children born within the year were taken to the temple by the parents, wrapped in a net and painted cloth, and laid to sleep under a cake made of honey and iguana-flesh. Notice was taken of dreams, and if the child appeared well and happy, they augured riches and long life for it, if weak and sorrowful, it would be poor and unfortunate; if no dreams occurred, it betokened an early death. Acting on this superstition, parents often became careless about the future of their children, and suffered them to grow up without attention. Priests were not allowed to marry, and the care and education of the sons of prominent men were entrusted to them.[997] 735

The role of a wife is not a desirable one, as she is responsible for the household, the farm, and all the tough and degrading tasks, while her husband spends most of his time lounging around. When she is about to give birth, she goes to a hut built in the woods, not far from the village, where she stays from a week to two months, depending on the tribe's customs. Female friends take care of her needs since she isn’t allowed to handle food herself. No one can pass upwind of the hut, because any breeze could cause harm to the mother and child, and anyone who does must compensate for the offense. In this isolation, it's easy to get rid of deformed babies, as it's believed this is done to avoid the shame of a nickname that might follow the family. After her period of seclusion is over, the mother returns to the village with the baby tied to her back in a cloth. During this time, the village witch has put a charm around the baby's neck, a small bag of seeds meant to pay Charon for ferrying the child across the river in case of an early death. The baby is breastfed for about two years; in some areas, it also eats a lot of yucca-root pap, but overall, it gets little attention. The mother delivers the baby herself, cutting the umbilical cord with her own hands; she also washes the baby’s clothes, as it’s believed that the child will die if someone else does it. After washing and breastfeeding, she goes back to the village. In the past, all children born in the year were taken to the temple by their parents, wrapped in a net and painted cloth, and laid to rest under a cake made of honey and iguana flesh. Dreams were interpreted, and if the child looked healthy and happy in the dream, it was thought to indicate a life of wealth and longevity; if the child looked weak and sad, it was seen as a sign of poverty and misfortune; and if no dreams occurred, it predicted an early death. Believing in this superstition, parents often became careless about their children's future, allowing them to grow up without much care. Priests were not allowed to marry, and they were responsible for raising and educating the sons of influential people.[997]

MOSQUITO DIVERSIONS.

Mosquito distractions.

Drinking is the chief amusement, and to become helplessly drunk is the sum of all enjoyment. Frequent sihkrans or feasts are held, lasting for days, at which large numbers assist to drain the canoeful of liquor prepared for the occasion. Occasionally surrounding villagers are invited, and a drinking-bout is held, first in one house and then in another, until the climax is reached in a debauch by both sexes of the most revolting character. Quarrels are generally put off for these occasions, but, as the wives have carefully hidden all weapons, recourse is had to the fist, with which the combatants exchange blows in turn until one has had enough. These trials of endurance are also held in sport; the Smoo or Woolwa, for instance, who wishes to be held most worthy of the fair sex, engages in a lowta or striking-match with a rival, each one presenting his bent back to the other in turn, until the bravest stands declared. Death is not unfrequently the result of such trials. Even boys, carried away by emulation, hold lighted sticks to each other's skin. In early times the people of Honduras held regular festivals at the beginning of each month, at the time of electing officers, at harvest time, and three other grand celebrations during the year, for which much food and drink were prepared. As the wine took effect, the participants were seized with a desire to move to the exhilarating sound of drum, flute, and rattle, and a simple dance was organized. That of the Carib is merely a forward and backward movement of hands and feet, accompanied by a peculiar intonation of voice, and at their seekroes, or festivals in commemoration of the departed, they stalk in a circle, one following the other, 736 and singing in a loud and uncouth tone. Their pas seul is livelier, however, the performer skipping up and down, bending the body in different ways, and making the most grotesque movements. They are not satisfied with a mere drinking-bout at their reunions, but spread a good table, to which guests often bring their own liquor. The Towkas and others prefer the circle dance, walking at a slow, swinging pace, beating their knuckles against emptied calabashes, and joining in a refrain, at the end of which they strike their cups one against another's. At each additional potation, the walk is increased in speed, until it assumes a trot and ends in a gallop, the calabashes rattling in accordance. The Sambo dance is like a minuet, in which the performers advance and recede, making strange gesticulations. The women have also a dance among themselves,—for they are not allowed to join with the men,—in which they form a ring, holding each other round the waist with the left hand, bending, wriggling, shaking calabash rattles, and singing until exhausted. Dramatic representations usually accompany these saltatory exhibitions, wherein the various phases of a lover's trials, comical sketches, or battles are depicted. The people of Honduras are fond of disguising themselves with feather tufts, and skins of animals, whose actions and cries they imitate. The favorite entertainment of the Sambos is to put on a head-dress of thin strips of wood painted in various colors to represent the beak of a sword-fish, fasten a collar of wood round the neck, from which a number of palm-leaves are suspended, and to daub the face red, black, and yellow. Two men thus adorned advance toward one another and bend the fish-head in salute, keeping time with a rattle and singing, "shovel-nosed sharks, grandmother!" after which they slide off crab-like, making the most ludicrous gestures imaginable. This fun exhausted, fresh men appear, introducing new movements, and then the spectators join in a 'walk around,' flourishing white sticks in their hands, and repeating the above-mentioned refrain in a peculiar buzzing 737 tone produced by placing in the mouth a small tube covered with the membrane of a nut.[998]

Drinking is the main form of entertainment, and getting completely drunk is seen as the ultimate joy. They often hold feasts, called sihkrans, that can last for days, where many people gather to enjoy large quantities of alcohol made for the occasion. Sometimes people from surrounding villages are invited, and they move from one house to another for drinking games, which usually escalate into wild and disgusting parties involving both men and women. Fights are typically postponed for these events, but since the wives have hidden all the weapons, the men resort to using their fists, taking turns exchanging punches until one of them gives up. These endurance contests can also be for fun; for example, a Smoo or Woolwa who wants to impress women will challenge a rival to a lowta or striking match, where they take turns bending over and hitting each other until one is declared the bravest. Sometimes these matches can lead to serious injuries or even death. Even young boys, inspired by their peers, will press lit sticks against each other’s skin. In ancient times, the people of Honduras held monthly festivals to choose leaders, celebrate the harvest, and three major celebrations throughout the year, for which they prepared plenty of food and drinks. As the alcohol kicked in, they felt the urge to dance to the lively sounds of drums, flutes, and rattles, leading to simple dance routines. The Carib’s dance consists of moving their hands and feet back and forth with unique vocal sounds, and during their seekroes, or festivals in honor of the dead, they walk in a circle singing loudly and awkwardly. Their solo dance, however, is more energetic, with the performer skipping, bending their body, and performing amusing movements. They don’t just engage in drinking at their gatherings; they also set a nice table, where guests often bring their own alcohol. The Towkas and others prefer a circle dance, moving at a slow pace while clapping their knuckles on empty calabashes and singing a refrain, ending with them clinking their drinks together. Each additional drink speeds up their pace, transitioning from a walk to a trot and finally to a gallop, with the calabashes rattling along. The Sambo dance resembles a minuet, with dancers moving forward and backward, making unusual gestures. Women also have their own dance, separate from the men, where they form a ring, holding each other’s waist with their left hands, bending, wiggling, shaking calabash rattles, and singing until they’re worn out. These dance performances are often accompanied by dramatizations showing the various experiences of love, comedic scenarios, or battles. People in Honduras enjoy dressing up with feather decorations and animal skins, mimicking the actions and sounds of the creatures. The Sambos particularly like to wear a headpiece made of thin, painted wooden strips representing a swordfish's beak, a wooden collar with dangling palm leaves, and to paint their faces red, black, and yellow. Two men dressed this way approach each other, bowing their fish heads while keeping rhythm with a rattle and singing, "shovel-nosed sharks, grandmother!" They then scuttle around like crabs, making the silliest gestures. When that act is done, new performers come in with different movements, after which the spectators join in a 'walk around,' waving white sticks and repeating the earlier refrain in a unique buzzing sound produced by placing a small tube in their mouth covered with nut membrane.

GUAJIQUERO DANCE.

Guaquijero dance.

The Guajiqueros in an interesting performance described by Squier, depict incidents from their history. A square piece of ground having a tree in the centre is marked off, and two poles adorned with feathers are erected in opposite corners, one bearing the head of a deer, the other that of a tiger. A dull, monotonous music is heard, and two parties of youth, fantastically dressed up and painted, move up to the square in a slow, but not ungraceful dance, and station themselves round the poles that bear their respective insignia. A man, stooping as if bent with age, starts out from the deers, dances round the ground, trying to arouse the mirth of the spectators with his grotesque movements. The tigers also dispatch a man, who does his best to excel the other one in contortions and grimaces. After a while they meet, and commence a discussion which ends in open rupture, the rising passions being well delineated. The two men who represent ambassadors then return to their party with an account of the mission, the result of which is a general excitement, both factions starting out, dancing backwards and forwards, up and down the square, until they meet under the tree, in the centre. The leader of each then steps out and recites the glories and prowess of his tribe, amidst the applause of his own men, and the disapproval of the others. As soon as they are worked up to the requisite pitch of irritation, the dialogue ceases, the music strikes up, and a mimic combat ensues, in which the armies advance and retreat, close and separate, using short canes for weapons. At last the tigers lose their standard and take to flight, whereat the victors execute a dance of triumph; but finding how dearly the victory has been bought, their 738 joy is turned into sorrow, and they bend their head upon the knees, breaking out in loud lament. In a few moments one of them starts up and begins a panegyric on the fallen brave, which is followed by a mimic sacrifice and other ceremonies. The vanquished are now seen to approach with downcast eyes, bringing tribute, which they lay at the feet of the victors, who receive it with imperious bearing. The music at these entertainments is not of a very inspiring nature; drums, consisting of a section of hollow tree covered with skin, which are generally beaten with the hand, and flutes of bamboo with four stops on which eight notes are played with different degrees of speed for variety, being the usual instruments. The Guajiqueros also use the chirimaya, two flutes joined in one mouthpiece; the syrinx, or Pan's pipe; a long calabash with a narrow opening at the small end, into which the performer blows suddenly, at intervals, to mark time; and a sort of drum consisting of a large earthen jar, over the mouth of which a dressed skin is tightly stretched. To the centre of the skin, and passing through an opening in the bottom, is attached a string which the performer pulls, the rebound of the membrane producing a very lugubrious sound. In western Honduras the so-called strum-strum is much used. This is a large gourd cut in the middle, and covered with a thin board having strings attached. The marimba, and the jews-harp which has been introduced by the trader, are, however, the favorite instruments for a quiet reunion, and the few tunes known to them are played thereon with admirable skill and taste. Songs always accompany their dances and are usually impromptu compositions on suitable subjects, gotten up for the occasion by the favorite singers of the village, and rendered in a soft, but monotonous and plaintive tone. They have no national melodies, but on the receipt of any good or bad message, their feelings generally find vent in a ditty embodying the news. Talking is a passion with them, and as soon as a piece of news is received at a village, two or three younger men will start with their women and children for the 739 next hamlet, where it is discussed for hours by the assembled population, who in their turn dispatch a messenger to the next village, and thus spread the news over the whole country in a very short time. In story-telling, those who concoct the biggest lies receive the most applause. Of course, the pipe must be smoked on these occasions, but as their own tobacco has become too mild for them, recourse is had to the vilest description of American leaf. When this is wanting, the smoke-dried leaves of the trumpet and papah-tree are used by men as BEVERAGES OF HONDURAS. well as women. The favorite drink is mishla, prepared chiefly from cassava-roots; but others from bananas, pine-apples, and other fruits are also used. A number of young women provided with good teeth, untiring jaws, and a large supply of saliva, are employed to chew about half of the boiled and peeled roots requisite to make a canoeful of liquor, the remainder being crushed in a mortar. This delectable compound is stirred with cold water, and allowed to ferment for a day or two, when it assumes a creamy appearance, and tastes very strong and sour. Plantains are kneaded in warm water, and then allowed to stand for a few days till the mixture ferments, or the fruit is left in the water in small pieces, and the kneading performed in the cup previous to drinking. A fermented drink from powdered cacao and indigenous sugar-cane juice is called ulung, and pesso is the name given to another made from crushed lime-rinds, maize and honey; in early times mead was a favorite drink in Honduras. The cocoa-nut palm yields monthly a large quantity of liquor known as caraca. The tip of the undeveloped shoots are cut off, and the branch bent down so as to allow the fluid to drip into a calabash placed beneath. Its seeds, when crushed and steeped in hot water give the acchioc.[999] 740

The Guajiqueros present an intriguing performance described by Squier that showcases moments from their history. A square area with a tree in the center is marked off, and two poles adorned with feathers are set up in opposite corners, one featuring a deer head and the other a tiger head. A dull, repetitive music plays, and two groups of young people, dressed in elaborate costumes and painted, move into the square in a slow yet graceful dance, positioning themselves around the poles that carry their symbols. A man, hunched over as if old, emerges from the deer group, dancing around the area to entertain the spectators with his comical moves. The tiger group sends out another dancer, who tries to outdo the first in awkward contortions and faces. Eventually, they come together and start a discussion that escalates into a visible argument, reflecting their rising tempers. Two individuals representing diplomats then return to their factions with news of the mission, which sparks excitement in both groups, causing them to dance back and forth, up and down the square until they meet under the tree in the center. Each leader steps forward to boast about their tribe's achievements, receiving cheers from their men and disapproval from the others. Once tensions are raised to the necessary level, the dialogue ends, music starts up, and a mock battle begins, with the groups advancing and retreating, coming close and separating, using short sticks as weapons. Eventually, the tigers lose their flag and flee, prompting the victors to perform a victory dance; however, realizing the heavy cost of their win, their joy turns to sorrow as they bow their heads on their knees and begin to wail. In a short time, one of them stands and starts a tribute to the fallen hero, followed by a mock sacrifice and other rituals. The defeated then approach with downcast eyes, bringing offerings that they lay at the feet of the victors, who accept it with a commanding demeanor. The music at these events is not particularly uplifting; it features drums made from hollow tree sections covered with skin, which are usually struck with the hand, and bamboo flutes with four keys that produce eight notes played at varying speeds for variety. The Guajiqueros also use the chirimaya, which consists of two flutes connected with one mouthpiece; the syrinx, or Pan flute; and a long calabash with a narrow opening at one end that the performer blows into at intervals to keep the beat. Additionally, there's a type of drum made from a large clay jar, with a tight skin covering the opening. A string is attached to the center of the skin, passing through a hole in the bottom, which the performer pulls to create a very mournful sound. In western Honduras, the strum-strum is quite popular; it's a large gourd cut in half and covered with a thin board with strings attached. The marimba and the jew's-harp, introduced by traders, are the preferred instruments for a relaxed gathering, and the few melodies they know are played on these instruments with impressive skill and taste. Their dances are always accompanied by songs, usually improvised compositions on relevant themes created for the occasion by the village's favorite singers, delivered in a soft but monotonous and melancholic tone. They don't have national songs, but they typically express their feelings through a ditty whenever they receive good or bad news. Talking is a passion for them, and as soon as news comes into a village, a few younger men set off with their women and children to the next community, where the information is discussed for hours by the gathered crowd, which then sends a messenger to the next village, quickly spreading the news across the entire region. In storytelling, those who weave the tallest tales earn the most praise. Naturally, smoking a pipe is part of these gatherings, but since their own tobacco has become too mild for them, they resort to the worst kind of American leaf. When that is unavailable, they use the smoke-dried leaves of the trumpet and papah trees for themselves and the women. The favored drink is mishla, made mainly from cassava roots, but they also use drinks made from bananas, pineapples, and other fruits. A number of young women with strong teeth, tireless jaws, and plenty of saliva are tasked with chewing about half of the boiled and peeled roots needed to make a canoe load of liquor, while the rest is ground in a mortar. This appetizing mixture is stirred with cold water and left to ferment for a day or two, becoming creamy and very strong and sour. Plantains are kneaded in warm water and allowed to ferment for a few days, or the fruit is left in water in small pieces, with the kneading happening in the cup before drinking. A fermented drink made from powdered cacao and local sugar cane juice is called ulung, and pesso refers to another drink made from crushed lime rinds mixed with maize and honey; in earlier times, mead was a popular beverage in Honduras. The coconut palm produces a large quantity of liquor known as caraca each month. The tips of the undeveloped shoots are cut off, and the branch is bent down so that the liquid can drip into a calabash positioned below. Crushing its seeds and steeping them in hot water yields the acchioc.

MOSQUITO CUSTOMS.

MOSQUITO RULES.

No name for a supreme good spirit is found in the vocabulary of the Mosquitos; all their appeals are addressed to Wulasha, the devil, the cause of all misfortunes and contrarieties that happen. The intercessors with this dread being are the sukias, or sorceresses, generally dirty, malicious old hags, who are approached with gifts by the trembling applicant, and besought to use their power to avert impending evils. They are supposed to be in partnership with their devil, for whom they always exact the half of the fee before entering upon any exorcising or divination. These witches exercise a greater power over the people than the chief—a power which is sustained by the exhibition of certain tricks, such as allowing poisonous snakes to bite them, and handling fire, which they have learned from predecessors during their long preparation for the office, passed amidst exposure and fasts in the solitude of the wilderness. The people of Honduras had also evil sorcerers who possessed the power of transforming men into wild beasts, and were much feared and hated accordingly; but their priests or hermits who live in communion with materialized gods, in small, elevated huts, apart from the villages, enjoyed the respect of all, and their advice was applied for on every matter of importance. None but the principal men could approach them without the necessary offering of maize and fowl, and they humbly knelt before them to receive their oracular answer. Preparatory to important undertakings, dogs, cocks, and even men were sacrificed to obtain the favor of their idols, and blood was drawn from tongue, ears, and other members of the body. They thought it likewise necessary to their welfare to have naguals, or guardian spirits, whose life became so bound up with their own that the death of one involved that of the other. The manner of obtaining this guardian was to proceed to some secluded spot and offer up a sacrifice: with the 741 beast or bird which thereupon appeared, in dream or in reality, a compact for life was made, by drawing blood from various parts of the body. Caribs and Woolwas assemble at certain periods every year, to propitiate controlling spirits with ceremonies transmitted from their forefathers. A variety of ghosts, as Lewire, the spirit of the water, are supposed to play their pranks at night, and it is difficult to induce anyone to leave the hut after dark, unless in company. The belief in dreams is so firmly rooted that their very course of life is influenced by it. Every dream has a direct or indirect meaning; thus, a broken calabash betokens loss of wife; a broken dish, the death of a mother. Among other superstitions, it was believed that the lighting of an owl upon the house-top would be followed by the death of an inmate; when thunder roared, cotton-seed was burned; broken egg-shells and deer-bones were carefully preserved lest the chickens or the deer should die or disappear. Aware of the peculiar influence of the moon on man and matter, they are careful not to sleep in its glare, nor to fish when it is up, and mahogany-cutters abstain from felling trees at certain periods for fear the wood may spoil. They are wonderfully good pathfinders, and will pass through the densest forest without guiding marks; as swimmers they are not to be surpassed. Their mode of greeting a friend is very effusive, according to Dampier. One will throw himself at the feet of another, who helps him up, embraces him, and falls down in his turn to be assisted up and comforted with a pressure. Cockburn says that the Honduras people bend one knee to the ground and clap their hands in token of farewell.[1000]

No name for a supreme good spirit exists in the vocabulary of the Mosquitos; all their prayers are directed to Wulasha, the devil, who is the source of all misfortunes and troubles. The mediators with this fearsome being are the sukias, or witches, typically grimy, spiteful old women, who are approached with offerings by the nervous supplicants, begging them to use their power to prevent looming disasters. They are believed to have a partnership with their devil, always demanding half of the fee before starting any rituals or divination. These witches have more influence over the people than the chief—a power supported by showing off certain tricks, like allowing poisonous snakes to bite them and handling fire, which they learned from their predecessors during their long training, which involved exposure and fasting in the wilderness. The people of Honduras also had malevolent sorcerers who could turn men into wild animals, and they were greatly feared and despised; however, their priests or hermits who lived in close communion with tangible gods in small, elevated huts, away from the villages, were respected by all, and their advice was sought on major issues. Only prominent individuals could approach them without the required offerings of maize and fowl, and they would humbly kneel before them to receive their prophetic responses. Before significant undertakings, dogs, roosters, and even men were sacrificed to gain the favor of their idols, and blood was drawn from tongues, ears, and other body parts. They also believed it was essential for their well-being to have naguals, or guardian spirits, whose lives were so interconnected with their own that if one died, the other would too. To obtain this guardian, one had to go to a secluded place and make a sacrifice: a deal for life was established with the animal or bird that appeared, whether in a dream or reality, by drawing blood from different parts of the body. Caribs and Woolwas gather at certain times each year to appease controlling spirits with ceremonies passed down from their ancestors. Various spirits, like Lewire, the water spirit, are said to cause mischief at night, making it hard to convince anyone to leave their hut after dark unless in a group. The belief in dreams is so deeply ingrained that it shapes their entire way of life. Each dream has a direct or indirect significance; for example, a broken calabash signifies the loss of a wife, while a broken dish indicates the death of a mother. Among other superstitions, it was believed that if an owl landed on the roof, it would signal the death of someone inside; when thunder struck, cotton seeds were burned; broken eggshells and deer bones were carefully kept to avoid losing chickens or deer. Aware of the moon's unique influence on humans and nature, they take care not to sleep in its light, avoid fishing when it's out, and mahogany-cutters refrain from cutting down trees during certain times for fear the wood might spoil. They're incredibly skilled at finding their way, able to navigate through the thickest forests without guiding signs; as swimmers, they're unmatched. Their way of greeting a friend is very warm, according to Dampier. One person will throw himself at another's feet, who helps him up, embraces him, and then falls down themselves to be helped up and comforted in return. Cockburn notes that the people of Honduras bend one knee to the ground and clap their hands as a farewell gesture.

MOSQUITO MEDICAL TREATMENT.

Mosquito medical treatment.

Their licentious life, and fruit and fish diet, with limited use of salt, have left their constitution very susceptible 742 to epidemics as well as other diseases. The most common disorders are affections of the bowels, such as dysentery and diarrhœa, but chills, rheumatism, consumption, and measles are not unfrequent. Children suffer much from worms, and their abdomen is sometimes enormously swollen. A very painful, though not dangerous eye-disease termed unkribikun is prevalent; and the burrowing of the tick in the skin causes wounds and inflammation if the fly be not speedily removed; the chegoe, or sand-flea, attacks the feet in the same manner. But small-pox and leprosy are the greatest scourges of this country, the former having here as elsewhere in America committed enormous ravages among the population. Leprosy—that living death reflecting the sins of former generations, so capricious in the selection of its victims, taking the parent, yet leaving the child intact, or seizing upon the offspring without touching its mother—may certainly be less destructive, but it is nevertheless fearful in its effect; half of the natives of the Mosquito country being more or less marked by it, either in the shape of white or livid spots, or red, white, and scabbed bulpis. All sickness and affliction is supposed to be the work of the evil spirit who has taken possession of the affected part; sukias must, therefore, be called in to use their incantations and herbs against the enemy. The witch appears with her face painted in hideous devices, and begins operations by placing some herbs beneath the pillow of the patient, blowing smoke over him, rubbing the body with the hands, and muttering strange words. If this is not effective, a decoction is made from the herbs, to be used as a drink or fomentation, and the patient is fenced in with painted sticks, with strict orders to let no one approach; the witch herself bringing the food to the patient, whistling a plaintive strain and muttering over the invalid for some time to chase away the evil. No pregnant woman, or person who has lately buried a friend, must come near the house during the illness, nor must any one pass to the windward of it, lest the sick 743 be deprived of breath; any presumed breach of these injunctions leaving a safe loophole for the sorceress, in case her remedies fail. During epidemics, the sukias consult together and note their dreams, to ascertain the nature and disposition of the spirit. After muttering incantations all night, and invoking all sorts of terrible monsters, they plant small painted sticks, mounted by grotesque figures, to the windward of the village, and announce the expulsion of the evil. Should the scourge continue, it is supposed that the spirits are obstinate, and the people remove to other parts, burning the village. The instructions of the sukia are always scrupulously followed, and the credulous native may be seen lying on the beach for days, exposed to all weathers, smeared with blood and waiting for restoration from ills. Scarifications are much resorted to, and fever patients throw themselves into cold water, where they remain until dead or until the fever leaves them. In Honduras, on the other hand, the patient is taken out of the water after a short immersion, and rolled to and fro before a fire, until half dead with fatigue, when he was left to be restored by sleep; blood is let from the thighs, legs, and shoulders; vomiting is promoted by certain herbs; vermin are administered for jaundice. In sickness a rigid diet is observed, the patient subsisting chiefly on iguana broth. Snake-bites are cured by chewing the guaco-root, and poulticing the wound therewith; the Caribs apply an oil obtained from the head of the tommy-goff as an antidote for its bite. Herrera states that the comfort of a sick person was but little regarded; bread and drink were placed near the patient's head, and if strong enough to partake thereof, well and good, but if not he might die; nobody took any notice of him after this. The Mosquitos are not entirely devoid of affection; but their grief seems to be reserved for the dead, not the dying.[1001] 744

Their indulgent lifestyle, coupled with a diet of fruits and fish with little salt, has made them very vulnerable to epidemics and other diseases. The most common health issues are related to the digestive system, like dysentery and diarrhea, but they also frequently suffer from chills, rheumatism, tuberculosis, and measles. Children often struggle with worms, leading to severely swollen abdomens. A painful but not life-threatening eye condition called unkribikun is common; ticks burrowing into the skin cause wounds and inflammation if not quickly removed, while the chegoe, or sand-flea, affects the feet in a similar way. However, smallpox and leprosy are the most significant threats in this region, with smallpox having devastated the population here as it has in other parts of America. Leprosy—a living death that reflects the sins of past generations—selectively affects its victims, sometimes taking the parent while leaving the child unharmed, or targeting the child while sparing the mother. While leprosy may be less deadly, its effects are still severe; half of the local population shows symptoms, either in the form of white or discolored spots or scabby bulpis. Any illness or suffering is believed to be caused by an evil spirit that has taken over the affected area; therefore, sukias are called in to perform incantations and use herbal remedies against this foe. The witch arrives with her face painted in fearsome designs and starts by placing herbs beneath the patient’s pillow, blowing smoke over them, rubbing their body with her hands, and chanting strange words. If that doesn’t work, she makes a herbal concoction for the patient to drink or use as a poultice, and surrounds them with painted sticks with strict instructions that no one should approach; the witch herself brings food to the patient, whistling a mournful tune and muttering over them for a while to ward off the evil. No pregnant women or anyone who has recently lost a loved one are allowed near the house during the illness, nor may anyone pass upwind of it, to avoid depriving the sick of breath; any violation of these rules provides a safety net for the witch if her remedies fail. During epidemics, sukias gather to share dreams and determine the nature and attitude of the spirit. After an all-night session of chanting incantations and summoning terrifying creatures, they plant small painted sticks topped with grotesque figures upwind of the village and declare that the evil has been driven out. If the outbreak persists, it suggests that the spirits are stubborn, prompting people to move to another area and burn their village down. The sukia’s instructions are always meticulously followed, and the superstitious locals can often be seen lying on the beach for days, exposed to the elements, smeared with blood, and waiting for recovery. Scarification is a common practice, and fever patients might immerse themselves in cold water until they either die or the fever breaks. In Honduras, though, sick individuals are pulled from the water after a short time and rolled back and forth in front of a fire until utterly exhausted, then left to recuperate by sleeping. Bloodletting occurs from the thighs, legs, and shoulders; certain herbs induce vomiting; and vermin are given for jaundice. During illness, a strict diet is maintained, with patients primarily consuming iguana broth. Snake bites are treated by chewing guaco-root and putting it on the wound; the Caribs use an oil from the head of the tommy-goff as an antidote for bites. Herrera notes that the comfort of the sick is not a priority; bread and drink are placed near the patient’s head, and if they are strong enough to eat or drink, that’s great, but if not, they might just die; nobody pays attention to them after that. The Mosquito people are not entirely without emotions; however, their sorrow seems to be reserved for the dead, not for those who are dying. 742 743 744

The corpse is wrapped in a cloth and placed in one half of a pitpan which has been cut in two; friends assemble for the funeral and drown their grief in mushla, the women giving vent to their sorrow by dashing themselves on the ground until covered with blood, and inflicting other tortures, occasionally even committing suicide. As it is supposed that the evil spirit seeks to obtain possession of the body, musicians are called in to lull it to sleep, while preparations are made for its removal; all at once four naked men, who have disguised themselves with paint, so as not to be recognized and punished by Wulasha, rush out from a neighboring hut, and, seizing the rope attached to the canoe, drag it into the woods, followed by the music and the crowd. Here the pitpan is lowered into the grave with bow, arrow, spear, paddle, and other implements to serve the departed in the land beyond; then the other half of the boat is placed over the body. A rude hut is constructed over the grave, serving as a receptacle for the choice food, drink, and other articles placed there from time to time by relatives. The water that disappears from the porous jars is thought to have been drunk by the deceased, and if the food is nibbled by birds it is held to be a good sign. On returning from the grave the property of the deceased is destroyed, the cocoa-palms being cut down, and all who have taken part in the funeral undergo a lustration in the river. Relatives cut off the hair, the men leaving a ridge along the middle from the nape of the neck to the forehead; widows, according to some old writers, after supplying the grave with food for a year, take up the bones, and carry them on the back in the daytime, sleeping with them at night, for another year, after which they are placed at the door, or upon the house-top. On the anniversary of death, friends of the deceased hold a feast called seekroe, at which large quantities of liquor are drained to his memory. Squier, who witnessed the ceremonies on an occasion of this kind, says that males and females were dressed in ule cloaks fantastically painted black and 745 white, while their faces were correspondingly streaked with red and yellow, and they performed a slow walk-around, the immediate relatives prostrating themselves at intervals, calling loudly upon the dead, and tearing the ground with their hands. At no other time is the departed referred to, the very mention of his name being superstitiously avoided. Some tribes extend a thread from the house of death to the grave, carrying it in a straight line over every obstacle. Froebel states that among the Woolwas all property of the deceased is buried with him, and that both husband and wife cut the hair and burn the hut on the death of either, placing a gruel of maize upon the grave for a certain time.[1002]

The body is wrapped in a cloth and placed in one half of a pitpan that has been split in two; friends gather for the funeral and try to cope with their grief by consuming mushla. The women express their sorrow by hurling themselves to the ground until they are covered in blood, and they inflict other punishments on themselves, sometimes even committing suicide. Since it is believed that an evil spirit seeks to take control of the body, musicians are brought in to soothe it, while preparations are made for the body’s removal. Suddenly, four naked men, who have painted themselves to avoid being recognized and punished by Wulasha, rush out from a nearby hut and grab the rope tied to the canoe, dragging it into the woods, with the music and crowd following. There, the pitpan is lowered into the grave along with a bow, arrow, spear, paddle, and other tools to assist the deceased in the afterlife; then the other half of the boat is placed over the body. A rough hut is built over the grave, serving as a storage place for the special food, drinks, and other items that relatives leave there from time to time. It’s believed that the water that disappears from the porous jars has been drunk by the deceased, and if birds nibble at the food, it is seen as a good omen. After returning from the grave, the deceased’s property is destroyed, the cocoa palms are cut down, and everyone who participated in the funeral undergoes a purification in the river. Relatives cut their hair, with men leaving a strip along the middle from the nape of the neck to the forehead; widows, according to some old writers, after providing food for the grave for a year, collect the bones and carry them on their backs during the day, sleeping with them at night for another year, after which they are placed at the door or on the rooftop. On the anniversary of the death, friends of the deceased hold a feast called seekroe, during which large amounts of alcohol are consumed in their memory. Squier, who observed these ceremonies, notes that both men and women wore ule cloaks that were elaborately painted black and white, their faces similarly painted with red and yellow, and they performed a slow procession, with close relatives prostrating themselves at intervals, loudly calling out to the dead, and digging into the ground with their hands. The deceased is not mentioned at any other time, with even the name being considered taboo. Some tribes string a thread from the house of the deceased to the grave, carrying it in a straight line over every obstacle. Froebel mentions that among the Woolwas, all of the deceased’s belongings are buried with them, and that both husband and wife cut their hair and burn the hut upon the death of either, placing a maize porridge on the grave for a certain period of time.[1002]

CHARACTER OF THE MOSQUITOS.

CHARACTER OF THE MOSQUITOES.

Hospitality, a gentle and obliging disposition, faithfulness in the fulfilling of engagements, honesty and docility, balanced by an inaptness to make any avail of natural benefits, and a supineness in matters of veracity and judgment, by reason of which they fall into many excesses, especially in drink, characterize both Mosquitos and Caribs. The apathy and slowness of the unadulterated aboriginal are, however, in striking contrast to the vivacious and impressible nature of the Caribs, whose versatility evidences a rather higher intelligence, which is again overshadowed by an inordinate vanity, based chiefly upon their greater strength and stature. Both possess a certain industry, the one being more plodding, the other more energetic though less patient; this trait is also noticeable in their pastimes, where the native is far less exuberant and noisy than his darker neighbor. With regard to the effect of negro admixture on character, comparisons may be made among the Caribs themselves, when it will be found that the black race is much more 746 mercurial and vehement than the purer type, and possesses greater volubility. The severe discipline kept up, and the disposition, among the women at least, to provide for the morrow, augurs well for their future. The bravery and love of freedom which so long kept the Spanish invaders at bay both on the western and northern borders and on the coast was subsequently subdued, instance the mild disposition of the independent Xicaques, Poyas, and Secos, who are now inclined rather to peaceful diplomacy than to warlike demonstrations; yet the Caribs manifested considerable spirit during a late conflict with the Honduras government, and proved themselves efficient soldiers. The character given to the nations of this subdivision by ancient writers, contains many unenviable qualities, for not only are they described as lazy, vicious, lying, inconstant, but as cruel, void of affection, and of less intelligence than the Mexicans; nevertheless they are obedient, peaceable, and quiet. The only characteristic we have concerning the Albatuins is that they were savage, and until of late the Ramas bore the same character. Among the industrious Towkas we find that gentle melancholy which characterizes some of the Guatemalans; while their brothers, the Smoos, have the reputation of being a very simple people whom the neighbors take delight in imposing upon, yet their women are said to be more ingenious than the Sambo women. Proceeding to the Toonglas and Sambos, we observe a preponderance of bad qualities, attributable, no doubt, to their intercourse with buccaneers and traders. By most writers they are characterized as a lazy, drunken, debauched, audacious race, given to thieving; capricious, quarrelsome, treacherous and exacting among themselves, though obliging to strangers, their only redeeming traits being hospitality, and a certain impulsiveness which is chiefly exhibited in grief, and indicates something good at heart. Their want of energy, which deters them alike from household work and the commission of great crimes, will not prevent them from undertaking wearisome voyages to dispose 747 of mere trifles; and their superstitious fears and puerility under affliction, are entirely lost when facing the raging surf or hungry shark. Other writers take advantage of this trait to show that they are high-spirited enough to carry anything through when once aroused, and add that they have proved themselves faithful to their masters, are docile and intelligent, abhorring to appear mean and cowardly.[1003]

Hospitality, a warm and helpful nature, reliability in honoring commitments, honesty, and willingness to learn, is overshadowed by a lack of ability to leverage natural advantages and a tendency toward passivity in matters of truthfulness and judgment, which leads them to excesses, especially in drinking. This describes both the Mosquitos and the Caribs. The lethargy and slowness of the pure indigenous people contrast sharply with the lively and sensitive nature of the Caribs, whose adaptability shows a relatively higher intelligence, which is also clouded by excessive pride, primarily based on their greater strength and size. Both groups display a degree of industriousness, with one group being more diligent and the other more energetic but less patient; this trait is also evident in their leisure activities, where the native is considerably quieter and less boisterous than his darker neighbor. Regarding the influence of African ancestry on character, comparisons can be drawn among the Caribs themselves, revealing that the black population is much more temperamental and passionate than the pure type and exhibits greater fluency. The strict discipline maintained, along with a tendency among the women, at least, to plan for the future, bodes well for their prospects. The courage and desire for freedom that held off Spanish invaders for so long on the western and northern fronts and along the coast were eventually subdued, as seen in the gentle demeanor of the independent Xicaques, Poyas, and Secos, who now lean more toward peaceful negotiations than military actions; however, the Caribs displayed significant spirit during a recent conflict with the Honduras government and proved to be effective soldiers. Ancient writers attributed numerous undesirable traits to the nations of this subgroup, as they were described as lazy, immoral, deceitful, fickle, and cruel, lacking affection and less intelligent than the Mexicans; nonetheless, they are obedient, peaceful, and calm. The only known characteristic of the Albatuins is their savagery, a label that until lately was also applied to the Ramas. Among the hardworking Towkas, we find the gentle sadness that marks some Guatemalans; meanwhile, their relatives, the Smoos, are thought to be very simple people whom others take advantage of, yet their women are said to be more resourceful than the Sambo women. Moving on to the Toonglas and Sambos, we see a prevalence of negative traits, likely due to their interactions with pirates and traders. Most writers describe them as a lazy, drunken, debauched, and bold group, prone to theft; they can be whimsical, quarrelsome, deceitful, and demanding among themselves, yet obliging to strangers, with their only redeeming qualities being hospitality and a certain impulsiveness mainly shown in grief, suggesting something good at their core. Their lack of energy, which keeps them from household chores and serious crimes, does not stop them from undertaking exhausting journeys to sell insignificant items; their superstitious fears and childishness in distress disappear entirely when facing turbulent waves or a hungry shark. Other writers exploit this characteristic to argue that they are spirited enough to accomplish anything when motivated and note that they have shown loyalty to their masters, are compliant and intelligent, and dislike appearing mean or cowardly.

THE ISTHMIANS.

THE ISTHMIANS.

The Isthmians, by which name I designate all the nations occupying the territory lying between the San Juan River and the southern shore of Lake Nicaragua on the north, and the gulf of Urabá, or Darien, and the River Atrato on the south, present several peculiarities when compared with the other nations of Central America. The inhabitants of these regions are a hardy and active race, jealous of their independence and ever hostile to those who attempt to penetrate their country. Their resoluteness in excluding all foreigners is materially strengthened by the rugged and malarious nature of the country, by its deep ravines, its miasmatic swamps, its abrupt heights, its rapid streams, its tangled undergrowth, and densely wooded districts. The air of the table-lands and valleys is hot and moist, the soil exceedingly fertile, but the interior and mountainous localities have a milder and more temperate climate with but little variation except that of the dry and wet seasons. In the lowlands of Panamá, the swampy nature of the surface, with the great humidity of the atmosphere, produces a luxuriant vegetation, and the consequent quantity of decomposed vegetable matter under the influence of a vertical sun, engenders a miasma deadly to the unacclimated. The rich and marshy nature of the soil, 748 however, sends forth immense palm-trees, in the branches of which the natives build their houses, thus obtaining a purer air and greater safety from the numerous wild animals and dangerous reptiles that infest that region. A great portion of the territory is rich in minerals which were once produced by the natives in great quantities, but which, unfortunately, were the loadstone that drew upon them the ruthless Spanish plunderers.

The Isthmians, the name I use for all the nations living between the San Juan River and the southern shore of Lake Nicaragua to the north, and the Gulf of Urabá or Darien and the River Atrato to the south, have several unique traits compared to other nations in Central America. The people in these areas are a tough and active group, protective of their independence and often hostile toward anyone trying to enter their land. Their determination to keep out foreigners is significantly reinforced by the harsh and disease-prone nature of the land, with its deep ravines, swampy areas, steep hills, fast rivers, dense undergrowth, and thick forests. The air in the plateaus and valleys is hot and humid, and the soil is incredibly fertile, but the interior and mountainous areas have a milder and more temperate climate with little variation other than the dry and wet seasons. In the lowlands of Panamá, the swampy ground and high humidity lead to lush vegetation, and the significant amount of decomposed plant matter, under the scorching sun, creates a miasma harmful to those who are not acclimated. The rich and marshy soil, 748 however, produces towering palm trees, where the locals build their homes to secure cleaner air and better safety from the numerous wild animals and dangerous reptiles that inhabit the area. Much of the land is rich in minerals that the natives once extracted in large quantities, but sadly, that wealth attracted the merciless Spanish invaders.

ISTHMIAN NATIONS.

Isthmian countries.

In the northern part of Costa Rica along the head waters of the Rio Frio the Guatusos, or Pranzas, are located. Mr Squier is inclined to think they are of the same stock as the Nahuas. Some striking physical peculiarities observed among them have given rise to various surmises and startling conclusions regarding their origin. Dwelling in the western part of the state are the Terrabas and the Changuenes, fierce and barbarous nations, at constant enmity with their neighbors. In the south-east and extending to the borders of Chiriquí dwell the Talamancas composed of a number of different tribes and declared by some to be allied in race with the Guatusos. Besides these are the Buricas, Torresques, Toxas, and others.[1004] In the mountains of Chiriquí are the Valientes, so called by the Spaniards from their heroic resistance to the invaders. Many of the warlike nations who occupied the country at the time of the discovery derived their names from the caciques that governed them. The people who dwell along the shore of the Caribbean Sea, between Portobello and Urabá, and occupy the Limones, Sasardi, and Pinos islands are supposed to be a branch of the once powerful 749 Darien nations who to the present day remain unconquered. Their province is situated on the western shore of the gulf of Urabá, and their town was originally near the mouth of the River Atrato. The town and the river as well as the province were called by the natives Darien. This town was conquered in 1510 by a little band of shipwrecked Spaniards under the Bachiller Enciso. Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, Francisco Pizarro, and men of like metal were there, and this was the first successful conquest and settlement on Tierra Firme. Whence, as the conquests of the Spaniards widened, the name Darien was at length applied to the greater part of the Isthmus. Still further westward were the once powerful province of Cueva, and the site of the ancient city of Panamá, discovered in 1515 by Tello de Guzman. This was a famous fishing-station, the word Panamá signifying in the native tongue a place where many fish are taken. Along the western shore of the bay of Panamá dwelt several independent and warlike nations, those of Cutara, Paris, Escoria, besides many others who waged continual war against each other with the object of increasing their territories and adding lustre to their names.[1005]

In the northern part of Costa Rica, along the headwaters of the Río Frío, live the Guatusos, or Pranzas. Mr. Squier believes they may be from the same ancestral group as the Nahuas. Some distinctive physical traits observed among them have led to various theories and surprising conclusions about their origins. In the western part of the state reside the Terrabas and the Changuenes, fierce and brutal groups at constant war with their neighbors. In the southeast, extending to the borders of Chiriquí, live the Talamancas, which consist of several different tribes and are claimed by some to be racially connected to the Guatusos. Alongside these are the Buricas, Torresques, Toxas, and others.[1004] In the mountains of Chiriquí are the Valientes, named by the Spaniards for their brave resistance against the invaders. Many of the warlike nations that inhabited the area at the time of discovery took their names from the caciques that ruled them. The people living along the Caribbean Sea shore, between Portobello and Urabá, who occupy the Limones, Sasardi, and Pinos islands, are believed to be a branch of the once-powerful Darien nations that remain unconquered to this day. Their territory is located on the western shore of the Gulf of Urabá, and their town was originally near the mouth of the River Atrato. The town, the river, and the province were all called Darien by the natives. This town was conquered in 1510 by a small group of shipwrecked Spaniards led by Bachiller Enciso. Vasco Núñez de Balboa, Francisco Pizarro, and others like them were present, marking the first successful conquest and settlement on Tierra Firme. As the Spanish conquests expanded, the name Darien eventually came to refer to most of the Isthmus. Further west was the once-powerful province of Cueva and the site of the ancient city of Panamá, discovered in 1515 by Tello de Guzmán. This was a well-known fishing spot, with Panamá meaning a place where many fish are caught in the native language. Along the western shore of the bay of Panamá lived several independent and warlike nations, including Cutara, Paris, Escoria, and many others, who were constantly fighting each other to expand their territories and enhance their reputations.[1005]

Slight differences only are observable in the Isthmian physique. The people are generally well-built, muscular, and of average height, although old authorities, such as Herrera, Andagoya, and Gomara, describe a tribe, whom 750 they locate near Escoria and Quarecas, as being very tall—veritable giants. Women, as a rule, are small and of delicate proportions, but after attaining a certain age, incline to obesity. The mountain tribes are generally shorter in stature, with more pleasing features than the coast-dwellers. A notable difference between the Isthmians and the other aborigines of the Pacific States, is the short, rather flat nose, in contradistinction to the almost universal aquiline cast. In color they are of a medium bronze tint, varying according to localities, the mountain tribes being the darker. Black, straight, and very abundant coarse hair, black or dark eyes, and excellent teeth predominate.[1006] In Costa Rica, on the Rio Frio, is the frequently spoken of but never accurately described nation—the Guatusos—whom somewhat mythical accounts describe as of fair complexions, with light hair and blue eyes. Likewise Albinos are spoken of by Wafer, who relates having seen people "milk white, lighter than the colour of any Europeans, and much like that of a white horse." Furthermore, it is said that their bodies were covered with a milk-white down, which added to the whiteness of their skin; hair and eyebrows white, and eyes oblong, with the corners pointing downwards. During daylight they were weak-sighted, restive, and lacking energy, but after sundown, their cheerfulness, activity, and eyesight returned—the latter being apparently as good as that of other people.[1007] 751

Slight differences are noticeable in the physique of the Isthmian people. They are generally well-built, muscular, and average in height, although older sources like Herrera, Andagoya, and Gomara describe a tribe located near Escoria and Quarecas as very tall—true giants. Women tend to be small and have delicate proportions, but as they age, they tend to gain weight. The mountain tribes are usually shorter and have more attractive features than those living by the coast. A significant difference between the Isthmians and other native tribes of the Pacific States is their short, somewhat flat noses, unlike the more common aquiline noses. Their skin color is a medium bronze shade, varying by region, with the mountain tribes being darker. They typically have black, straight, thick hair, black or dark eyes, and strong, healthy teeth. In Costa Rica, along the Rio Frio, there’s a frequently mentioned but never accurately described nation—the Guatusos—which somewhat mythical accounts portray as having fair complexions, light hair, and blue eyes. Wafer also mentions Albinos, claiming he saw people "milk white, lighter than any Europeans, and much like a white horse." Additionally, it’s said their bodies were covered in a fine, white down that enhanced the whiteness of their skin; their hair and eyebrows were white, and their eyes were elongated, with the corners pointing down. During the day, they were weak-sighted, restless, and lacked energy, but after sunset, their cheerfulness, energy, and vision returned—their eyesight reportedly as good as that of others. 751

DRESS OF THE ISTHMIANS.

ISTHMIAN DRESS.

Cotton textures and the bark of a certain tree, beaten in a wet state until soft and pliant, were the materials used by the Isthmians to cover their nakedness, if, indeed, they covered it at all. Where cotton was used, as in parts of Costa Rica, the costume was simply a small strip of cloth which both men and women wound round the loins or, as on the islands in the gulf of Nicoya, the women passed it between the legs, and fastened it to a string round the waist. These latter ornamented their scanty raiment prettily with various designs painted in colors, and also with seeds and shells. Near the bay of Herradura the men wore a kind of mantle covering the whole front and back of the wearer, made of the above-mentioned bark, in the centre of which was a hole through which the head passed. The women of this locality only wrap themselves in a piece of bark, without taking the trouble to fashion a mantle of it. Yet more simple was the dress of the men near Cartago; a few cotton strings wound round the foreskin of their virile member, sufficed them.[1008] Near Panamá and Darien, the caciques only wore long cotton mantles thrown over the shoulder and reaching nearly to the feet, the common people going naked, only encasing their privy parts in a kind of funnel made of gold, silver, shell, or bamboo, according to the wealth of the wearer, and which was held in place by a string fastened to two 752 holes in the sides which was passed round the waist. Women in the same localities wore cotton petticoats reaching to the knees, or, if ladies of quality, to the ankles. Near the gulf of Nicoya, women wore the long hair parted in the middle from the front to the back of the head, and plaited into two braids which hung down on either side over the ears. The men tied the hair up in a stiff queue with a cotton band, which was at times arranged so as to rise straight over the crown of the head. Necklaces of colored beads or of tiger's teeth were worn as ornaments. Like many nations of the Hyperborean group, the Chorotegans of Nicoya pierced the lower lip and inserted a round piece of bone. Their arms they painted with a mixture of their own blood and charcoal. In portions of Veragua and Behetrias even the funnel or cotton strings were omitted, and the Gugures, Mandingos, and many others on the Pacific seaboard, like the people of Veragua, went entirely naked, the chiefs only wearing long mantles. All of the Isthmians were fond of ornaments; among those which deserve special notice is the nose-pendant. This was a crescent-shaped piece of gold or silver, of various sizes for different occasions, those used on holidays hanging down so as to cover the mouth, while those for ordinary use only reached the upper lip. Besides the nose-pendant were ear-rings and a number of heavy necklaces of gold, silver, tiger's teeth, colored seeds, shells, and coral, according to the wealth of the wearer. Under their breasts the richer women also wore gold bars as a support, which were held up by strings passed over the shoulders. Guanines, or figures of animals made of gold, were worn around the neck by the men on the coast of Veragua, Chiriquí, and Urabá; others again wore on their heads fillets or crowns of gold or of the claws of wild beasts, or of feathers. Thus did these naked savages decorate themselves, often to the extent of several pounds weight. Women considered it a mark of beauty to have thick legs, and to that end wore bandages round them. Another Hyperborean custom is here 753 met with—the anointing of the body with oil—which in these tropics is extracted from the bixa or seed of the arnotto, and over which they sprinkled down and feathers. Painting the body was everywhere practiced, and was carried to a great extent, the different colors and figures employed each having its peculiar significance.

Cotton fabrics and the bark of a specific tree, beaten when wet until soft and flexible, were the materials used by the Isthmians to cover themselves, if they covered anything at all. In areas like Costa Rica, they used a simple strip of cloth that both men and women wrapped around their waists. On the islands in the Gulf of Nicoya, women passed the cloth between their legs and fastened it with a string around their waist. These women decorated their minimal attire with colorful designs, seeds, and shells. Near the Bay of Herradura, men wore a mantle that covered their front and back, made from the previously mentioned bark, with a hole in the center for their heads. Women in this area only wrapped themselves in a piece of bark, without bothering to make a full mantle. Even simpler was the outfit of the men near Cartago; a few cotton strings around their private parts were enough for them. Near Panamá and Darien, the leaders wore long cotton mantles draped over their shoulders, while common people went naked, only covering their private parts with a funnel made of gold, silver, shell, or bamboo, depending on their wealth. This funnel was held in place by a string tied around the waist. Women in the same areas wore cotton skirts that reached their knees or, if they were of higher status, down to their ankles. Near the Gulf of Nicoya, women wore long hair parted down the middle, braided into two hanging braids over their ears. Men tied their hair into a stiff queue with a cotton band, sometimes arranged to stand straight up on their heads. They wore necklaces made of colored beads or tiger's teeth as ornaments. Like many other cultures in the region, the Chorotegans of Nicoya pierced their lower lips and inserted a round piece of bone. They painted their arms with a mixture of their own blood and charcoal. In parts of Veragua and Behetrias, even the use of funnels or cotton strings was dropped; the Gugures, Mandingos, and many others on the Pacific coast, similar to the people of Veragua, went completely naked, with only chiefs wearing long mantles. All Isthmians loved ornaments; among the most notable was the nose-pendant, a crescent-shaped piece of gold or silver in various sizes for different occasions, those for holidays hanging down to cover the mouth, while everyday ones reached just the upper lip. In addition to nose-pendants, they wore earrings and heavy necklaces made of gold, silver, tiger's teeth, colored seeds, shells, and coral, depending on their wealth. Wealthier women also wore gold bars under their breasts for support, held up by strings over their shoulders. Men on the coasts of Veragua, Chiriquí, and Urabá wore guanines, or animal figures made of gold, and some adorned their heads with bands or crowns made of gold, wild beast claws, or feathers. These naked people often decorated themselves heavily, to the point of weighing several pounds. Women considered thick legs a sign of beauty, so they wrapped bandages around them. Another shared custom was the body anointing with oil, extracted from the bixa or seed of the arnotto, which they sprinkled with down and feathers. Body painting was widely practiced and highly developed, with different colors and patterns each carrying its own meaning.

ISTHMIAN BODY-PAINTING.

ISTHMIAN BODY ART.

On going to war, paint was used more freely than at other times, and the greater the warrior the thicker the paint. Among the men of Cueba painting had a double object; it served as an ornament to the person, and also as a mark of distinction of rank. The chief, when he inherited or attained his title, made choice of a certain device, which became that of all his house. Freemen were painted from the mouth downward, and on the arms and chest, while slaves were only painted or tattooed from the mouth upward. All the lords, servitors, and vassals who were freemen, were painted in exactly the same manner. If the son of a chief adopted the ancestral totem, he could not afterward change it on coming into his inheritance, but if during his father's life-time he declined to use the distinctive badge of his house, he could, when he became chief, choose any new device he might fancy. A son who did not adopt his father's totem was always hateful to him during his lifetime. The natives on the northern coast of Chiriquí painted the body in wavy lines, from the shoulders to the heels; through the cartilage of the nose they stuck a porcupine-quill, and in the chin the tooth of a wild beast. The women had holes made in their cheeks through which they stuck little bunches of feathers; they also wore tiger's claws in their ears. At San Blas, some of the men painted themselves in black streaks, and the women in red. At Porto Belo, the king was painted black and all his subjects red. The natives of Escoria tattooed breast and arms; the women of Darien across the bridge of the nose from one cheek to the other; they also blacken their teeth. Others have figures of birds, animals, or trees painted all over the body, according to fancy; their favorite colors being 754 black, red, and yellow, which are laid on with pencils made of wood, chewed at the end till they become soft.[1009] All the Isthmians pull out the hair from every part of the body except the head, and rub themselves with herbs, which prevent its further growth. Both sexes pride themselves on the length of the hair, and most of them allow it to grow to its full length and hang loose over their shoulders, but keep it cut on the forehead as low as the eyebrows. The men of Cariai and some parts of Chiriquí, bind it with fillets and wind it in rolls round the head, fastening it with a comb made of the heart of the palm-tree; others wear round their head a band made of bark or certain fibres of plants, and at festivals they often wear high caps, made from the gaudy feathers of parrots. At Tanela married women cut their hair short. It appears that head-flattening again crops out in these parts. Las Casas states that infants had their heads placed between two pads, one in front and another behind, in order to increase the length of the head and width of the forehead.[1010]

When going to war, people used paint more liberally than at other times, and the more important the warrior, the thicker the paint. Among the people of Cueba, painting served two purposes; it was both a form of decoration and a symbol of rank. When a chief inherited or earned his title, he chose a specific emblem that became associated with his entire family. Free men were painted from the mouth down, including their arms and chest, while slaves were painted or tattooed only from the mouth up. All free lords, servants, and vassals were painted in the same way. If a chief's son took on the family totem, he couldn't change it when he inherited, but if he decided not to use his family's emblem while his father was alive, he could choose a different one when he became chief. A son who didn't adopt his father's totem was always looked down upon by him during his life. The natives on the northern coast of Chiriquí painted their bodies with wavy lines from their shoulders to their heels; they pierced the cartilage of their noses with a porcupine quill and placed a wild beast's tooth in their chins. The women had holes in their cheeks where they inserted small bunches of feathers; they also wore tiger claws in their ears. In San Blas, some men painted themselves in black stripes, while women painted themselves red. In Porto Bello, the king was painted black and all his subjects red. The natives of Escoria tattooed their breasts and arms; the women of Darien tattooed across the bridge of their noses from one cheek to the other and also blackened their teeth. Others had images of birds, animals, or trees painted all over their bodies, based on personal preference, with their favorite colors being black, red, and yellow, applied with wooden pencils that were chewed at the end until soft. All the Isthmians removed hair from every part of their bodies except their heads and used herbs to prevent it from growing back. Both men and women took pride in the length of their hair, allowing it to grow freely over their shoulders, but kept it trimmed at the forehead above their eyebrows. The men of Cariai and some areas of Chiriquí styled it with strips of cloth and wound it into rolls around their heads, securing it with combs made from palm tree hearts; others wore headbands made of bark or plant fibers, and during festivals, they often donned tall caps made from colorful parrot feathers. In Tanela, married women cut their hair short. It seems that head-flattening is also practiced in these areas. Las Casas mentioned that infants had their heads placed between two pads, one in front and one in back, to elongate their heads and widen their foreheads.

DWELLINGS ON THE ISTHMUS.

Homes on the isthmus.

In Costa Rica many of the natives live in small huts built of plaited rushes. In the year 1545, Diego Gutierrez, governor of Nueva Cartago, in Costa Rica, attempted 755 to explore that territory. Arriving at the province of Suere upon a river of that name at a point some twelve leagues distant from the North Sea, he came to a village, and there occupied a house belonging to the chief of the district. The old Milanese chronicler, Girolamo Benzoni, who accompanied the expedition, describing the dwelling of the cacique, says it was shaped like an egg and was forty-five paces in length and nine in breath. The sides were of reeds and the roof of palm-leaves all interlaced and well executed. There were but few other houses in the village and those of inferior character. Padre Zepeda, a jesuit, who in 1750 lived among the Guatusos for several months, speaking of their towns and gardens, says that when the rains commence, they construct small huts in the trees, where they live safe from the danger of floods.[1011] Unlike most other nations, the Isthmians do not build their villages in squares, but generally form long streets, keeping the houses well apart from each other, probably as a precaution against conflagrations. On many parts of the coast of Darien and on the gulf of Urabá, the villages are built in the water. Others are on the banks of rivers, and many of them are spacious and constructed with great skill and attention to details. The supporting posts of the roof are large bamboos or palm-trees. Three or four of these are driven into the ground at equal distances, proportioned according to the intended length of the house, and across the top is laid the ridge-pole; on each side a number of shorter posts are sunk, from which long rafters are laid to the ridge-pole; the whole is then covered with palm-leaves, both roof and sides. Other houses are plastered inside and outside with mud, and these have a flooring of open bamboo work, raised six or eight feet from the ground. The dwellings are divided into two or more rooms, having no doors to the entrances, which are reached by ladders. Sometimes the 756 house is built without walls, in which case the roof descends to below the level of the floor, and the structure is left open at both ends, having the appearance of an elevated platform. The Savanerics and some others on the coast of Veragua build circular or pyramidal dwellings, by driving strong posts into the ground sloping toward each other, so as to unite in a point where they are strongly bound with withes or vines, across which are tied small sticks, some peeled, others with the bark on, or blackened, thereby producing a pleasing effect. The walls inside are lined with reeds beautifully interwoven. The upper portion of the structure is thatched on the outside with straw and on the apex is placed an ornament of baked clay. In the centre of the dwelling is a spacious apartment, and round the walls are small rooms in which different families reside.[1012] Each village has a public, town, or council house, or fort, one hundred or more feet in length, constructed in the same manner as the dwellings, but with no interior partitions; in the walls are loop-holes for the discharge of arrows. There is an entrance at each end, and thick doors, made of split palm-tree and bamboo strongly bound together with withes, are kept in readiness to shut out the enemy. The doors are kept in position by strong posts set in the ground behind them. In the province of Veragua they build strong wooden fences or palisades round some of the villages, to protect them from attacks of enemies and wild beasts. During the expedition of Gaspar de Espinosa in 1517, Diego de Albitez, who invaded the province of a cacique named Tabraba, some distance south-west from Panamá, found the inhabitants 757 protected by strong fortifications. Their forts are built with much skill. The ground is first enclosed by a deep trench, upon the inner bank of which trees are planted, and the interstices filled up with logs and rocks. In many parts of the country the inhabitants were found living in the tops of trees like birds, laying sticks across from one branch to another, and building their houses upon them. In 1512, Vasco Nuñez de Balboa surveyed several channels at the mouth of the River Atrato in quest of gold and plunder. The surrounding country was low and marshy, but the soil sent forth immense palm-trees, in the branches of which the natives built their houses. Vasco Nuñez, entering an affluent of the Rio Negro, discovered a large tree-top village, the name of whose ruler was Abieiba. The houses were divided into several apartments, each of a size sufficient to accommodate several families. They were built of wood and willows, and were so pliable and yet so strong, that the swaying to and fro of the branches, to which the elastic tenement yielded, did not in the least interfere with the safety of the occupants. Ladders, made of a single large bamboo split in two, were used in making the ascent and descent. These were drawn up at night, or in case of the invasion of an enemy. On the coast of Veragua Columbus discovered similar dwellings, and he says that he could not account for the custom, unless it was through fear of griffins which abound in that country, or of enemies, each tribe being at war with every other tribe along the coast. The true cause, however, of their taking to trees for places of residence, is to place themselves beyond the reach of sudden and violent floods, which are caused by the swelling of streams after storms in the mountains, and also in order to be out of the reach of reptiles and wild beasts in which that country abounds.[1013] Some of the Isthmians built 758 large enclosures for the chiefs, which early contemporary writers call the king's palace. Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, on his march through the province of Comagre, situated on the northern coast of Darien about thirty leagues from the gulf of Urabá, relates that he visited the dwelling or palace of the cacique Comagre, which he describes as follows: It was one hundred and fifty by eighty paces in dimension, constructed upon heavy posts, which stood within a stone wall. The upper part of the building was beautifully finished with timbers, interlaced in such a manner as to strike the beholder with amazement. The building contained various apartments—chambers, pantry, and wine-cellar. In one very large apartment were sacredly kept the remains of the king's ancestors arranged round the walls.[1014]

In Costa Rica, many natives live in small huts made from woven rushes. In 1545, Diego Gutierrez, the governor of Nueva Cartago in Costa Rica, tried to explore the area. He arrived at the province of Suere, near a river of the same name, about twelve leagues from the North Sea. There, he came to a village and took over a house belonging to the local chief. The old Milanese chronicler, Girolamo Benzoni, who was part of the expedition, described the chief's house as egg-shaped, forty-five paces long, and nine paces wide. Its walls were made of reeds, and the roof was made of well-woven palm leaves. There were very few other houses in the village, and those were of lesser quality. Padre Zepeda, a Jesuit who lived among the Guatusos in 1750 for several months, mentioned that when the rains began, they built small huts in the trees to stay safe from flooding. Unlike most other nations, the Isthmians don't build their villages in squares. Instead, they typically create long streets with houses spaced apart, likely as a fire prevention measure. Along many parts of the coast of Darien and in the gulf of Urabá, villages are located on water. Others are on riverbanks, and many are spacious and built with great skill and attention to detail. The roof supports are made from large bamboo or palm trees. Three or four of these are placed into the ground at equal distances, depending on the planned length of the house, with a ridge-pole laid across the top; shorter posts are sunk on each side, from which long rafters are laid to the ridge-pole. The entire structure is then covered with palm leaves, for both the roof and walls. Other houses are plastered inside and out with mud and have bamboo floors raised six or eight feet off the ground. The homes are divided into two or more rooms, lacking doors at the entrances, which are accessed by ladders. Sometimes, the house lacks walls, with the roof sloping down below floor level and the structure remaining open at both ends, resembling an elevated platform. The Savanerics and others on the Veragua coast build circular or pyramidal homes by driving strong posts into the ground, sloping toward each other to form a point that is securely tied with vines, and covering them with small sticks, some stripped and others left with the bark, creating an appealing appearance. The walls inside are beautifully lined with interwoven reeds. The top of the structure is thatched with straw on the outside, and a baked clay ornament is placed at the peak. A spacious central room is featured, with small rooms around the walls for different families. Each village has a public, town, or council house or fort, measuring over a hundred feet in length, built in the same style as the homes but without interior walls; there are arrow loops in the walls for shooting. Each end has an entrance, and thick doors made of split palm trees and bamboo securely bound with vines are ready to block enemies. The doors are held in place by strong posts set in the ground behind them. In Veragua, they construct strong wooden fences or palisades around some villages to protect them from attacks by enemies and wild animals. During Gaspar de Espinosa's expedition in 1517, Diego de Albitez, who invaded the province of a chief named Tabraba, located southwest of Panamá, found the locals protected by strong fortifications. Their forts are skillfully built; the area is first enclosed by a deep trench, with trees planted on the inner bank, and the gaps filled with logs and rocks. In many regions, the inhabitants were living in tree tops like birds, connecting branches with sticks, and building their homes upon them. In 1512, Vasco Nuñez de Balboa explored several channels at the mouth of the River Atrato looking for gold and loot. The surrounding area was low and marshy, but the soil produced huge palm trees, in the branches of which the locals built their homes. Vasco Nuñez discovered a large tree-top village at the mouth of the Rio Negro, ruled by someone named Abieiba. The houses were divided into several rooms, sufficient for multiple families. They were constructed from wood and willows, flexible yet strong enough so that the swaying branches didn’t compromise the safety of the residents. Ladders made from a single large bamboo cut in half were used for climbing. These were pulled up at night or in the event of an enemy attack. On the coast of Veragua, Columbus found similar homes and noted that he couldn't understand the custom unless it was out of fear of griffins, which were common in the region, or of enemies, as each tribe was at war with others along the coast. The real reason, however, for their choice of living in the trees was to avoid sudden and severe floods caused by rising streams after mountain storms, as well as to stay out of the reach of snakes and wild animals prevalent in the area. Some Isthmians built large enclosures for the chiefs, which early writers referred to as the king's palace. Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, during his journey through the province of Comagre, located on the northern coast of Darien about thirty leagues from the Gulf of Urabá, described his visit to the dwelling or palace of the cacique Comagre. It was one hundred fifty by eighty paces, built on heavy posts within a stone wall. The upper section was beautifully crafted with timber, intertwined in a way that amazed those who saw it. The building had various rooms, including a chamber, pantry, and wine cellar. In one large room, the remains of the king's ancestors were carefully kept around the walls.

FOOD OF THE ISTHMIANS.

ISTHMIAN CUISINE.

The Costa Ricans live chiefly by hunting and fishing, and many of them cultivate maize, beans, and bananas; the Talamancas, especially, are agriculturists. According to Father Zepeda, and others who penetrated some distance into the country of the Guatusos, they had large fields under cultivation. Salt is seldom used by any of these tribes, and none of them ever eat dogs, as they keep them for hunting purposes. Their chief game is wild hogs and deer, but they are not very particular as to their animal diet, for they eat whatever they can catch, including reptiles. Their mode of cooking fish renders them exceedingly palatable, which is by roasting them wrapped in plantain-leaves. Bananas are usually pulled when green, and buried in sand to ripen.[1015] Many of the other Isthmians are agriculturists, and 759 grow considerable quantities of maize, plantains, cacao, pimiento, and cocoa-nuts; their means of subsistence are further largely supplemented by game and fish. A staple article of food among the coast tribes is turtle, of which they capture large numbers. Monkeys afford them a favorite meal, and they are especially fond of iguanas, young alligators, and their eggs. From the yucca as well as corn they make a good quality of bread. The Doraches and Guaimies of Veragua subsist mainly on wild roots and a fruit called pixbaex, somewhat resembling dates, which toasted, makes an agreeable and wholesome food. Most of their dishes are highly seasoned with pimiento, a kind of pepper produced by a small shrub which is very abundant on Tierra Firme. The toocan bird lives chiefly on the berry, which it discharges from the stomach almost immediately after swallowing it; the natives prefer it thus, as its bitterness is partly absorbed by the bird. It is said that the Caribs ate human flesh whenever they had an opportunity. Herrera says that some of the Isthmians purchased slaves, whom they sold to the Caribs for food, and the inhabitants of Paria supplied boys to the natives of Tubrabá for the same purpose. They cooked the flesh of their enemies, and ate it seasoned with salt and ají (chile).[1016] When a piece of ground is to be planted, a number of the villagers collect and cut down the brushwood on a selected spot; the seed is then scattered among the wood as it lies. In due time the grain, which is well sheltered from the sun by the branches, springs up and overtops them, and when fit for harvesting the ears are gathered. After this, the underwood and corn-stalks are set on fire, and the ground continues to be 760 used for agricultural purposes. In hunting deer and wild swine, dogs are used to drive them out of the dense forest; at other times they set fire to a part of the woods, and as the animals try to escape, they kill them with spears and arrows. Birds are killed with a blow-pipe. When fishing they use nets made of mahoe-bark or silk-grass, and in places where rocks prevent their using a net, they catch them with their hands or shoot them with arrows. Fishing by torchlight with spears is frequently practiced. The Savanerics poison pools with pounded leaves of the barbasco, and thus obtain fish without much labor. For duck-hunting they also employ the often-described trick of placing a calabash on the head, and in this manner approach the game. The men of Cueba are celebrated for making pure white salt from sea water—an article much used in this locality. In the same province a kind of communism obtained; all provisions were delivered to the chief, who distributed to each his share. Part of the community were employed as agriculturists, and part as hunters and fishermen. At his meals the cacique was served by women, some of his principal men eating with him.[1017]

The Costa Ricans primarily survive by hunting and fishing, with many of them growing corn, beans, and bananas. The Talamancas, in particular, are farmers. According to Father Zepeda and others who traveled into Guatuso territory, they had large cultivated fields. These tribes rarely use salt and never eat dogs, as they keep them for hunting. Their main game includes wild boars and deer, but they eat whatever they can catch, including reptiles. Their fish are cooked in a way that makes them really tasty, usually by roasting them wrapped in plantain leaves. Bananas are typically harvested when green and buried in sand to ripen.[1015] Many other Isthmians are also farmers, growing significant amounts of corn, plantains, cacao, peppers, and coconuts. Their diets are largely supplemented by hunting and fishing. A staple food among the coastal tribes is turtle, of which they catch many. Monkeys and iguanas, along with young alligators and their eggs, are favorite meals. They make good bread from yucca and corn. The Doraches and Guaimies of Veragua mainly eat wild roots and a fruit called pixbaex, which is somewhat like dates and is tasty and healthy when toasted. Most of their dishes are heavily seasoned with pimiento, a type of pepper that grows abundantly on Tierra Firme. The toucan bird mainly eats berries, which it quickly expels after swallowing; the locals prefer it this way since its bitterness is partly removed. It's said that the Caribs ate human flesh whenever they got the chance. Herrera notes that some Isthmians bought slaves to sell to the Caribs for food, and the people of Paria supplied boys to the natives of Tubrabá for the same reason. They cooked the flesh of their enemies and seasoned it with salt and ají (chile).[1016] When it's time to plant, villagers gather to clear a chosen area of brush. They then scatter the seeds among the fallen wood. Soon, the crops grow, sheltered from the sun by the branches, and when ready for harvest, the ears are collected. Afterward, the underbrush and corn stalks are burned, and the ground continues to be used for farming. To hunt deer and wild boars, they use dogs to flush them out of the thick forest; sometimes they set parts of the woods on fire, and as the animals flee, they kill them with spears and arrows. Birds are caught using blow-pipes. For fishing, they employ nets made of mahoe bark or silk grass, and in rocky areas where nets can’t be used, they catch fish by hand or shoot them with arrows. Fishing with torches and spears is also common. The Savanerics poison pools with crushed barbasco leaves, making fishing easier. For duck hunting, they use the well-known trick of wearing a calabash on their heads to get close to the birds. The men of Cueba are famous for producing pure white salt from seawater, which is widely used in the area. In the same region, a form of communism existed; all food was collected by the chief, who divided it among everyone. Some members of the community worked as farmers, while others specialized in hunting and fishing. During meals, the cacique was served by women, while some of his senior men dined with him.[1017]

In their personal habits the Isthmians are cleanly; they bathe generally twice a day and sometimes oftener; but commonly at sunrise and sunset. The interior of their dwellings has a neat appearance, and order and cleanliness prevail in all their domestic arrangements.[1018]

In their personal habits, the Isthmians are clean; they usually bathe twice a day and sometimes even more often, typically at sunrise and sunset. The inside of their homes looks neat, and order and cleanliness are evident in all their household arrangements.[1018]

WEAPONS OF THE ISTHMIANS.

ISTHMIAN WEAPONS.

Bows and arrows, long spears, javelins, flint-edged clubs, and blow-pipes, are the weapons used in these parts. The bows are beautifully made, those of the 761 Costa Ricans being about seven feet long, of a dark-colored, very hard wood, with the string of well-twisted silk-grass. Arrows are of the same wood, very long, and pointed with a porcupine-quill or fish-bone. The bows and arrows of those farther south are much shorter, and of black palm-wood, as are also their lances and javelins. The arrows are pointed with flint or fish-bone, or are hardened in the fire and barbed; the shaft is of reed having a piece of hard wood eight or ten inches in length inserted in the end. The inhabitants of Coiba and some of the tribes on the western shore of the gulf of Urabá, do not use bows and arrows. In this respect, so far as I have observed, they form an exception; as among the almost innumerable tribes situated between the gulf of Urabá and the Arctic Ocean I know of none others where bows and arrows are not used. These people in battle employ a long wooden sword, and wooden spears, the ends of which are hardened in the fire and tipped with bone; they also make use of slings and darts. Their javelins are thrown with much force and dexterity by means of a stick slightly grooved to hold the projectile. It is called estorica and is held between the thumb and two fingers, there being a small loop on the side, near the centre, in which the forefinger is placed; the dart is cast straight from the shoulder, while the projector is retained in the hand. I have noticed a somewhat similar contrivance employed by the Aleutian Islanders.[1019] The blow-pipe which is used with much effect, is about six or seven feet long, and the darts shot from it are made of Mucaw-wood, very thin with an 762 exceedingly sharp point, notched, so that when an object is struck it breaks off and it is almost impossible to extract the broken point; others are poisoned so that a slight wound causes death in a short time. One end is wrapped with a little cotton, until it fits the tube which is placed to the mouth and the dart blown out. It is quite effective for a distance of one hundred yards. Different varieties of poison have been described by writers and travelers. Herrera speaks of one which he says was made with certain grey roots found along the coast, which were burnt in earthen pipkins and mixed with a species of poisonous black ant; to this composition were added large spiders, some hairy caterpillars, the wings of a bat, and the head and tail of sea-fish called tavorino, very venomous, besides toads, the tails of snakes, and manzanillas. All these ingredients were set over a fire in an open field and well boiled in pots by a slave till they were reduced to a proper consistency. The unfortunate slave who attends to the boiling almost invariably dies from the fumes. Another poisonous composition is spoken of as having been made of fourteen different ingredients and another of twenty-four, one that kills in three days, another in five, and another later, and when one was employed it was stated that sometimes the wounded lived as many days as the poison had been made. The natives said that fire, sea water, and continency were the antidotes against the venom, others affirmed that the dung of the wounded person taken in pills or otherwise was a cure. Peter Martyr writes that the poison was made by old women skilled in the art, who were shut up for two days in a house where they boiled the ingredients; if at the expiration of the time, the women were found in good health instead of being half dead, they were punished and the ointment was thrown away. Captain Cochrane in his Journal in Colombia, says that they obtain the poison from a small frog called the rana de veneno. These frogs are kept in a hollow cane and regularly fed. When required for use, they take one and pass a pointed stick down its throat and out at one 763 of its legs. The pain brings to the back of the toad a white froth, which is a deadly poison and in it the darts are rubbed; below the froth a yellow oily matter is found which is carefully scraped off, as it is also a powerful poison, but not so lasting as the first substance, which will retain its deadly properties for a year while the yellow matter looses its strength after five or six months.[1020] The javelins used by the Caribs were not made pointed but square at the end, they also have very long pikes and heavy clubs. When Bartolomé Hurtado in 1516 visited the island of Caubaco he relates that the cacique presented him with a golden armor valued at one thousand castellanos. At the island of Cabo seven leagues distant, the warriors wore a thick matted armor of cotton impervious to arrows; they were armed with pikes and in their march were accompanied with drums, conchs, and fifes.[1021]

Bows and arrows, long spears, javelins, flint-edged clubs, and blow-pipes are the weapons used in these areas. The bows are beautifully made, with those from Costa Rica being about seven feet long, crafted from dark, very hard wood, and strung with well-twisted silk grass. The arrows are made of the same wood, are very long, and are tipped with a porcupine quill or fish bone. The bows and arrows from further south are much shorter and made of black palm wood, as are their lances and javelins. The arrows are pointed with flint or fish bone, or hardened in the fire and barbed; the shaft is made of reed with a piece of hard wood, eight or ten inches long, inserted at the end. The inhabitants of Coiba and some tribes on the western shore of the Gulf of Urabá do not use bows and arrows. In this respect, as far as I've observed, they are an exception; among the countless tribes located between the Gulf of Urabá and the Arctic Ocean, I know of no others that do not use bows and arrows. In battle, these people use a long wooden sword and wooden spears, the ends of which are hardened in the fire and tipped with bone; they also use slings and darts. Their javelins are thrown with great force and skill using a stick that has a slight groove to hold the projectile. This stick is called estorica and is held between the thumb and two fingers, with a small loop on the side, near the center, where the forefinger is placed; the dart is thrown straight from the shoulder while the stick is held in the hand. I've noticed a somewhat similar tool used by the Aleutian Islanders. The blow-pipe, which is used quite effectively, is about six or seven feet long, and the darts shot from it are made of Mucaw wood, very thin, with an extremely sharp, notched point that breaks off upon striking an object, making it nearly impossible to remove the broken tip; others are poisoned so that even a small wound can cause death quickly. One end is wrapped with a bit of cotton so that it fits the mouthpiece tube, allowing the dart to be blown out. It's effective up to about one hundred yards. Various types of poison have been discussed by writers and travelers. Herrera mentions a poison made from certain gray roots found along the coast, which were burned in earthen pots and mixed with a type of poisonous black ant; to this, large spiders, some hairy caterpillars, the wings of a bat, and the head and tail of a very venomous sea fish called tavorino, along with toads, snake tails, and manzanillas were added. All these ingredients were cooked over a fire in an open area until reduced to the right consistency by a slave, who almost invariably dies from the fumes. Another poisonous blend is said to have been made with fourteen different ingredients, and another with twenty-four, some that kill within three days, others in five, and some later. When one was used, it was noted that sometimes the injured lived for as many days as the poison had been in preparation. The natives claimed that fire, seawater, and continency were antidotes to the venom, while others said that the victim's dung, taken in pills or otherwise, could cure it. Peter Martyr writes that the poison was prepared by old women skilled in the craft, who were confined for two days in a house where they boiled the ingredients; if after that time the women were found in good health rather than half dead, they were punished, and the mixture was discarded. Captain Cochrane, in his Journal in Colombia, states that they obtain the poison from a small frog called rana de veneno. These frogs are kept in a hollow cane and regularly fed. When needed, they take one and insert a pointed stick down its throat and out through one of its legs. The pain causes a white froth to emerge from the back of the toad, which is a deadly poison used to coat the darts; beneath the froth is a yellow oily substance that is carefully scraped off, as it is also a powerful poison, but not as long-lasting as the first, which retains its lethal properties for a year, while the yellow substance loses its potency after five to six months. The javelins used by the Caribs are not pointed but square at the end; they also have very long pikes and heavy clubs. When Bartolomé Hurtado visited Caubaco Island in 1516, he reported that the cacique presented him with a golden armor valued at one thousand castellanos. On Cabo Island, seven leagues away, the warriors wore thick, matted armor made of cotton that was impervious to arrows; they were armed with pikes and accompanied their march with drums, conchs, and fifes.

WEAPONS, ARMOR, AND WARS.

Weapons, armor, and wars.

Wars arise chiefly from the jealousies and ambition of rival chieftains. Battles are frequent and sanguinary, often lasting for many days, and are fought with tenacious 764 courage. Throughout Darien it is customary to place sentinels at night in the highest houses of the towns, to keep watch and give warning of the approach of an enemy. At the commencement of a campaign, chiefs and captains experienced in war are nominated by the head of the tribe, to lead the men in battle and conduct the operations; they wear certain insignia, so as to be distinguished from the rest of the men, lofty plumes on the head, and a quantity of golden ornaments and jewels, besides which they are painted in a different style. All, however, adorn themselves when going to battle, with a profusion of necklaces, bracelets, and golden corselets. The men are cheered on to battle and encouraged during the fight by the blowing of large shells and the beating of drums. In the province of Cueba, women accompany the men, fighting by their side and sometimes even leading the van. The action is commenced with the slings and estoricas, but they soon meet at close quarters, when the heavy wooden swords and javelins are brought into use. Certain rules and military regulations are observed whereby the brave are rewarded, and offenders against military discipline punished. Nobility is conferred on him who is wounded in war, and he is further rewarded with lands, with some distinguished woman, and with military command; he is deemed more illustrious than others, and the son of such a father, following the profession of arms, may inherit all the father's honors. He who disobeys the orders of his chief in battle is deprived of his arms, struck with them, and driven from the settlement. All booty is the property of him who captured it. The prisoner is the slave of the captor; he is branded on the face and one of his front teeth knocked out. The Caribs, however, used to kill and eat their prisoners. Wafer mentions that upon some occasions, he who had killed an enemy cut off his own hair as a distinguishing mark of triumph, and painted himself black, continuing so painted until the first new moon.[1022] 765

Wars mainly come from the jealousy and ambition of rival leaders. Battles happen often and are bloody, sometimes lasting for many days, fought with relentless courage. In Darien, it’s common to place watchers at night in the tallest houses of the towns to keep an eye out and alert others of an enemy's approach. At the start of a campaign, the tribe leader appoints experienced chiefs and captains to lead the troops into battle and manage the operations. They wear special insignias to stand out, including tall feathers on their heads, an array of gold ornaments, and are painted in distinct styles. Everyone, however, decks themselves out before going into battle with plenty of necklaces, bracelets, and gold body armor. The troops are encouraged to fight and rallied during battle by blowing large shells and beating drums. In the province of Cueba, women fight alongside the men and sometimes even lead the charge. The battle starts with slings and estoricas, but soon they engage at close range, using heavy wooden swords and javelins. There are certain rules and military regulations that reward the brave and penalize those who break discipline. If someone is wounded in battle, they are honored and rewarded with land, a distinguished partner, and military rank; they are seen as more esteemed, and their children, if they also join the military, can inherit their father’s honors. Anyone who disobeys their leader in battle has their weapons taken away, is struck with them, and banished from the settlement. All captured spoils belong to the one who took them. A prisoner becomes the slave of their captor; they are branded on the face and have a front tooth knocked out. However, the Caribs would kill and eat their prisoners. Wafer notes that sometimes, someone who killed an enemy would cut off their own hair as a sign of victory and paint themselves black, staying that way until the first new moon. 765

ISTHMIAN DISHES AND IMPLEMENTS.

Isthmian food and tools.

The Isthmians sleep in hammocks, often beautifully made, and suspended between two trees or upright posts. Owing to the material of which they are composed they are exceedingly cool and well adapted to the climate. Gourds, calabashes, and cocoa-nut shells are employed for water-bowls and drinking-cups. Their other household utensils consist of earthen jars, flint knives, stone hatchets and boxes ingeniously made of palm-leaves, and covered with deer or other skins. Drums of different sizes, some very large, others small, are made of the hollow trunk of a tree covered at the ends with deer's hide. Those of the largest size are kept at the chief's residence or at the town-house. Hammocks are made of finely woven cloth, or more frequently of plaited grass of various colors and curiously ornamented. Wooden mortars, made from the knotty part of a tree, are used to pound yucca, from which they make their cassava. The metate or rubbing-stone is also in use among them. They have nets of different kinds for both fishing and hunting. At night, as a light for their dwellings they use torches made from palm-wood dipped in oil and beeswax. The lords and principal men of the provinces of Darien and Urabá are reputed to have drunk from golden cups of rich and beautiful workmanship. Peter Martyr gives an account of golden trumpets and a great number of bells found by the Spaniards in a town situated on the River Dabaiba (Atrato). The bells were used at ceremonies and festivals, giving forth a sweet and pleasant sound; the tongues or clappers were beautifully made, of fish-bones. In another part of the country, on the gulf of Urabá, says Peter Martyr, as rendered by the ancient translator: "They founde also a 766 great multitude of shetes, made of the silke or cotton of the gossampine tree; likewise diuers kindes of vessels and tooles made of wood, and many of earth; also many brest plates of gold, and ouches wrought after their manner."[1023]

The Isthmians sleep in hammocks, often beautifully made and hung between two trees or upright posts. Because of the materials they're made from, they're very cool and well-suited to the climate. Gourds, calabashes, and coconut shells are used for water bowls and drinking cups. Their other household items include clay jars, flint knives, stone axes, and boxes cleverly made from palm leaves, covered with deer or other animal skins. They make drums in various sizes, some large and others small, from the hollow trunk of a tree, with deer hide stretched over the ends. The largest ones are kept at the chief's house or the town hall. Hammocks are usually made from finely woven fabric or often from braided grass in different colors, with interesting decorations. They use large wooden mortars made from the knotted parts of trees to pound yucca, which they turn into cassava. They also use grinding stones. They have nets of different types for fishing and hunting. At night, they light their homes with torches made from palm wood dipped in oil and beeswax. The lords and main leaders of the provinces of Darien and Urabá are said to have drunk from golden cups that are beautifully crafted. Peter Martyr describes golden trumpets and many bells found by the Spaniards in a town located on the River Dabaiba (Atrato). The bells were used during ceremonies and festivals, producing a sweet and pleasant sound; the clappers were expertly made from fish bones. In another part of the country, on the Gulf of Urabá, Peter Martyr reports, as translated by the ancient translator: "They also found a great number of sheets made from the silk or cotton of the gossamer tree; as well as various types of vessels and tools made of wood, and many made of clay; also many breastplates of gold, and ornaments fashioned in their style."[1023]

They manufacture strong cords from the bark of the mahoe-tree, which is taken off in long strips, beaten with sticks, cleaned, and then twisted. A finer description of thread is made from a species of pita, of which the leaves undergo a somewhat similar process in preparation as flax, being steeped in water for several days, then dried in the sun and afterwards beaten, producing fine silky threads, from which their hammocks and finer kinds of nets for catching small fish are made. From the same plant they make excellent baskets and matting; the materials are first dyed in different colors, prettily mixed and woven together so closely as to hold water. They are of a soft texture and exceedingly durable. The Dorachos are famed for the manufacture of pottery, water-bottles, and other household utensils, elegantly shaped and prettily painted. Cotton cloths are woven by women, and considering the rude and simple implements they work with, the fineness of texture and blending of colors present a marvel of skill and patience. The process of weaving is thus described by Wafer: "The Women make a Roller of Wood, about three Foot long, turning easily about between two Posts. About this they place Strings of Cotton, of 3 or 4 yards long, at most, but oftner less, according to the use the Cloth is to be put to, whether for a Hammock, or to tie about their Waists, or for Gowns, or for Blankets to cover them in their Hammocks, as they lie in them in their 767 Houses; which are all the Uses they have for Cloth: And they never weave a piece of Cotton with a design to cut it, but of a size that shall just serve for the particular use. The Threads thus coming from the Roller are the Warp; and for the Woof, they twist Cotton-yarn about a small piece of Macaw-wood, notch'd at each end; And taking up every other Thread of the Warp with the Fingers of one Hand, they put the Woof through with the other Hand, and receive it out on the other side: and to make the Threads of the Woof lie close in the Cloth, they strike them at every turn with a long and thin piece of Macaw-wood like a Ruler, which lies across between the Threads of the Warp for that purpose."[1024]

They make strong cords from the bark of the mahoe tree, which is peeled off in long strips, pounded with sticks, cleaned, and then twisted. A finer thread is made from a type of pita, where the leaves go through a similar preparation process as flax: they are soaked in water for several days, then dried in the sun, and afterwards beaten to create fine, silky threads used for hammocks and finer nets for catching small fish. From the same plant, they also create excellent baskets and matting; the materials are first dyed in various colors, beautifully mixed, and woven so tightly that they can hold water. They are soft to the touch and extremely durable. The Dorachos are known for making pottery, water bottles, and other household items that are elegantly shaped and beautifully painted. Women weave cotton cloths, and considering the basic tools they use, the quality of the fabric and the blending of colors is truly impressive. Wafer describes the weaving process: "The women make a wooden roller about three feet long, which spins easily between two posts. Around this, they place strings of cotton, usually three or four yards long, but often shorter, depending on the intended use of the cloth – whether for hammocks, sashes, gowns, or blankets to cover themselves while lying in their hammocks in their houses; these are all the uses they have for cloth. They never weave a piece of cotton with the intention of cutting it, but rather to a size that fits its specific purpose. The threads that come off the roller form the warp, while for the weft, they twist cotton yarn around a small piece of macaw wood, notched at both ends. They take up every other thread of the warp with one hand while passing the weft through with the other hand, pulling it through to the other side. To make the threads of the weft lie closely together in the cloth, they strike them at every turn with a long, thin piece of macaw wood, similar to a ruler, which lies across between the threads of the warp for that purpose."[1024]

ISTHMIAN BOATS AND NAVIGATION.

Isthmian boats and navigation.

The canoes and rafts of the Isthmians are admirably adapted to the navigation of their rivers and gulfs, and the men who manage them are skillful boatmen. The canoes vary in size; some are dug out from the single trunk of a tree, others are constructed of bark. The largest are thirty-five feet in length by three in breadth, and are capable of carrying many persons, besides a considerable amount of cargo. They are so lightly built that little difficulty is experienced in passing them over obstructions, and those of smaller size are often carried on the head. They draw very little water, and are propelled with paddles by two persons, one in the stern, the other in the bow. When passing over rapids, palancas, or poles, are used, with crotchets attached, which answer the purpose of a boat-hook in laying hold of the bank or overhanging branches of trees, where the depth of water prevents the pole reaching the bottom. The rafts are made from an exceedingly light and soft timber similar to cork-wood. Three or four logs are bound together 768 with ropes and across them are laid smaller timbers of the same wood, fastened down with hard wooden pegs that are easily driven through. The rafts are chiefly employed for fishing or crossing large rivers. Canoes are, however, quite as frequently used for fishing purposes.[1025]

The canoes and rafts of the Isthmians are perfectly designed for navigating their rivers and bays, and the people who handle them are skilled boaters. The canoes come in various sizes; some are carved from a single tree trunk, while others are made from bark. The largest canoes are thirty-five feet long and three feet wide, capable of carrying several people along with a fair amount of cargo. They are so lightweight that it's easy to pass them over obstacles, and smaller ones can often be carried on the head. They barely draw any water and are paddled by two people, one at the back and the other at the front. When going over rapids, they use long poles, or palancas, with hooks attached, which function like a boat hook to grab the bank or hanging branches when the water is too deep for the pole to reach the bottom. The rafts are made from a very light and soft wood similar to cork. Three or four logs are bound together with ropes, and smaller pieces of the same wood are laid across them, secured with hard wooden pegs that are easy to drive in. Rafts are mainly used for fishing or crossing wide rivers. However, canoes are just as often used for fishing purposes.

The native products are gold, pearls, tortoise-shell, ivory-nuts, cacao, caoutchouc, corozo-nuts, cocoa-nuts, dried venison, lard, and deer-skins; these are offered in considerable quantities to foreigners, and in exchange they receive salt and ironware, besides various trinkets and such domestic utensils as they are in need of. The value of the pearls was lessened on account of their practice of throwing oysters into the fire in order to open them, which partially destroyed their lustre. The natives of the coast carry into the interior dried fish and salt, which they barter for gold dust and other products. At Pueblo Nuevo sarsaparilla forms a principal article of trade. The native traders are very shrewd, and as a rule practice fair dealing. On his march through the country, Vasco Nuñez de Balboa found the people in possession of large quantities of gold, jewelry, and pearls. Everywhere along his route he received presents of gold; indeed, in some places he found this metal in greater abundance than food.[1026]

The local products include gold, pearls, tortoiseshell, ivory nuts, cacao, rubber, corozo nuts, coconuts, dried venison, lard, and deer hides; they're offered in large amounts to outsiders in exchange for salt and iron goods, along with various trinkets and household items they need. The value of the pearls decreased because they would throw oysters into the fire to open them, which damaged their shine. The coastal natives trade dried fish and salt for gold dust and other goods as they move inland. In Pueblo Nuevo, sarsaparilla is a key trade item. The local traders are very clever and usually deal fairly. While traveling through the region, Vasco Núñez de Balboa discovered that the people had a lot of gold, jewelry, and pearls. He received gold gifts everywhere he went; in fact, in some areas, there was more gold than food.[1026]

The streams of this region are subject to frequent swellings, caused by heavy rains. After the subsiding 769 of these floods, the natives procure gold from the river-beds; they also burn the grass in the mountains and pick up the metal left exposed on the surface in large quantities. In the district of Veragua and in Darien they have workers in gold, crucibles for melting metals, and implements of silversmiths. They understand the alloying of gold, from which they make vases and many kinds of ornaments in the shape of birds and different varieties of animals. The relics which from time to time have been exhumed in Chiriquí and other parts of the Isthmus, prove that the natives had an excellent knowledge of the art of working and also of sculpturing in gold and stone. Painting and glazing on jars and other descriptions of pottery was an art in which the men of Chiriquí were famous.[1027] The Isthmians possessed only a very slight knowledge of the computation of time. They calculate the hour of the day by the height of the sun in the heavens, and have no division of time into years, months, or weeks. Their enumeration is limited to twenty, and beyond that they count by twenties to one hundred; their knowledge of numbers does not go further.[1028]

The streams in this area often swell due to heavy rainfall. After the floods recede, the locals collect gold from the riverbeds; they also burn the grass on the mountains and gather the metal that’s left visible on the surface in large amounts. In the Veragua region and Darien, they have gold workers, crucibles for melting metals, and tools for silversmithing. They know how to create gold alloys, which they use to make vases and various ornaments shaped like birds and different animals. The artifacts that have been uncovered in Chiriquí and other places on the Isthmus show that the natives were skilled in the art of working with gold and carving in stone. Painting and glazing pots and other kinds of pottery was an art in which the people of Chiriquí excelled. [1027] The Isthmians had only a minimal understanding of keeping track of time. They determine the time of day by the sun's position in the sky and don’t divide time into years, months, or weeks. Their counting system goes up to twenty, and beyond that, they count in sets of twenty up to one hundred; their knowledge of numbers doesn’t extend further. [1028]

ARTS AND GOVERNMENT.

Arts and Government.

In the provinces of Cueba, Comagre, and other parts of Darien the eldest son succeeded to the government upon the death of his father. As soon as the funeral ceremonies were over, the heir received the congratulations of the attendant nobles, the highest and most aged of whom conducted him to a chamber and laid him in a hammock. His subjects then came to offer their submission accompanied with presents, which consisted of large stores of edibles and fruits of every kind. They 770 greeted him with triumphal songs in which they recounted the deeds of his ancestors, as well as those of other lords of the land, telling him who were his friends and who his enemies. Much wine was consumed and the rejoicing lasted several days. Afterwards ambassadors were dispatched to inform all the neighboring caciques of the new accession, desiring their good will and friendship for the future. In the province of Panamá upon the death of the lord, the eldest brother succeeded him, and if there were no brothers the succession went to a nephew by the sister's side. The chiefs held undisputed authority over their people and were implicitly obeyed. They received no tribute but required personal service for house-building, hunting, fishing, or tilling the ground; men so employed were fed and maintained by the chief. In Cueba the reigning lord was called quebi, in other parts he was called tiba. The highest in rank after the tiba had the title of sacos, who commanded certain districts of the country. Piraraylos were nobles who had become famous in war. Subject to the sacos were the cabras who enjoyed certain lands and privileges not accorded to the common people. Any one wounded in battle, when fighting in presence of the tiba, was made a cabra and his wife became an espave or principal woman. A constable could not arrest or kill a cabra; this could be done only by the tiba; once struck by the tiba, however, any person might kill him, for no sooner was he wounded by his chief than his title and rank dropped from him. Constables were appointed whose duty it was to arrest offenders and execute judgment on the guilty. Justice was administered without form by the chief in person who decided all controversies. The cases must be stated truthfully, as the penalty for false testimony was death. There was no appeal from the decision of the chief. Theft was punishable with death and anyone catching a thief in flagrante delicto, might cut off the offender's hands and hang them to his neck. Murder was also punished by death; the penalty for adultery was death to both 771 parties. In Darien, he who defloured a virgin had a brier thrust up his virile member, which generally caused death. The facts had to be proved on oath, the form of taking which was to swear by their tooth. As I have said, a constable could not arrest or kill a noble; consequently if one committed a crime punishable with death, the chief must kill him with his own hand, and notice was given to all the people by beating the large war drum so that they should assemble and witness the execution. The chief then in presence of the multitude recited the offence, and the culprit acknowledged the justice of the sentence. This duty fulfilled, the chief struck the culprit two or three blows on the head with a macana until he fell, and if he was not killed, any one of the spectators gave him the finishing stroke. Criminals who were executed were denied the right of burial. The Caribs had no chiefs, every man obeyed the dictates of his own passions, unrestrained by either government or laws.[1029]

In the regions of Cueba, Comagre, and other areas of Darien, the oldest son took over the leadership after his father passed away. Once the funeral was complete, the heir received congratulations from the attending nobles, the oldest and most respected of whom led him to a room and laid him in a hammock. His subjects then came to express their loyalty, bringing gifts that included a large supply of food and fruits of all types. They celebrated with triumphant songs that recounted the accomplishments of his ancestors and other local leaders, informing him of his friends and enemies. Lots of wine was consumed, and the festivities continued for several days. Afterward, ambassadors were sent to inform neighboring caciques of the new leadership, seeking their goodwill and friendship going forward. In the province of Panamá, when the lord died, the oldest brother took over, and if there were no brothers, a nephew from the sister's side would succeed him. The chiefs had undisputed power over their people and were followed without question. They didn’t collect tribute but required personal service for building houses, hunting, fishing, or farming; the men who worked were fed and supported by the chief. In Cueba, the ruling lord was called quebi, while in other areas he was known as tiba. After the tiba, the highest rank was sacos, who governed certain regions of the land. Piraraylos were nobles known for their military achievements. Below the sacos were the cabras, who held specific lands and privileges that common people did not have. Anyone injured in battle while fighting in front of the tiba was elevated to a cabra, and his wife became an espave or principal woman. A constable could not arrest or kill a cabra; only the tiba could do that. However, once wounded by the tiba, anyone could kill him since his title and status were stripped away. Constables were assigned to arrest offenders and carry out judgments on the guilty. The chief personally administered justice without formal proceedings and settled all disputes. Cases had to be presented truthfully, as lying under oath carried the death penalty. There was no appeal from the chief's decision. Theft was punished by death and anyone who caught a thief in the act could cut off the offender's hands and hang them around his neck. Murder was also met with execution; adultery was punished by death for both parties. In Darien, anyone who deflowered a virgin was to have a thorn thrust into his genitals, which often resulted in death. Evidence had to be proven under oath, with the unique method being to swear by their tooth. As I mentioned, a constable could not arrest or kill a noble; thus, if a noble committed a capital crime, the chief had to personally execute him. Notice was given to the community by banging a large war drum to gather everyone to witness the execution. The chief then stated the offense in front of the crowd, and the accused admitted the justice of the sentence. Following this, the chief struck the accused two or three times on the head with a macana until he fell, and if he wasn’t dead, someone from the audience would deliver the final blow. Executed criminals were denied burial rights. The Caribs had no chiefs; every man acted according to his own desires, free from government or laws.

PUNISHMENTS AND SLAVERY.

PUNISHMENTS AND SLAVERY.

Slavery was in force among the various nations inhabiting the Isthmus, and every principal man retained a number of prisoners as bondsmen; they were called pacos, and, as I have already mentioned, were branded or tattooed with the particular mark of the owner on the face or arm, or had one of their front teeth extracted. When traveling, the slaves had to carry their lord's effects, and a dozen or more were detailed to carry his litter or hammock, which was slung on a pole and borne on the shoulders of two men at a time, who were relieved at intervals by two others, the change being made without 772 stopping. On his march across the Isthmus in 1513, Vasco Nuñez found some negro slaves belonging to the cacique of Quarecas, but the owner could give no information relative to them, except that there were more of that color near the place, with whom they were continually at war.[1030]

Slavery was practiced among the various nations living on the Isthmus, and each prominent leader kept a number of prisoners as slaves; these were called pacos. As I mentioned earlier, they were branded or tattooed with the owner's specific mark on their face or arm, or one of their front teeth was removed. When traveling, the slaves had to carry their master’s belongings, and a dozen or more were assigned to carry his litter or hammock, which was suspended on a pole and carried on the shoulders of two men at a time, who were switched out at regular intervals without stopping. During his journey across the Isthmus in 1513, Vasco Nuñez encountered some black slaves owned by the cacique of Quarecas, but the owner could offer no information about them, other than that there were more of that background nearby, with whom they were perpetually at war.[1030]

FAMILY RELATIONS OF THE ISTHMIANS.

ISTHMIAN FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS.

Caciques and lords married as many wives as they pleased. The marriage of the first wife was celebrated with a great banquet, at the close of which the bride was handed over to her husband. Subsequent wives were not married with ceremonies or rejoicings, but took the place of concubines, and were subject to the orders of the first wife. The number of wives was limited only by the wealth of the lord. Vasco Nuñez took prisoner the cacique Tumanamá with all his family, among which were eighty wives. The children of the first wife were legitimate, while those of others were bastards and could not inherit. Marriage was not contracted with strangers or people speaking a different language, and the tiba and lords only married with the daughters of noble blood. Divorces were brought about by mutual consent and for slight causes, and sometimes wives were exchanged. If a woman was barren, they promptly agreed upon a separation, which took place when the woman had her menstrual period, in order that there might be no suspicion of pregnancy. When a maiden reached the age of puberty, she was kept shut up, sometimes for a period of two years. In some parts of Darien, when a contract of marriage was made, all the neighbors brought presents of maize or fruits, and laid them at the door of the bride's father; when the offerings were all made, each one of the company was given a calabash of liquor; then followed speeches and dancing, and the bridegroom's father presented his son to the bride, and joined their hands; after which the bride was returned to her father, who kept her shut up in a house with him for seven days. During that time all 773 the friends assisted in clearing a plantation and building a house for the couple, while the women and children planted the ground. The seven days having elapsed, another merrymaking took place, at which much liquor was drunk. The bridegroom took the precaution to put away all weapons which were hung to the ridge-pole of his house, in order to prevent any serious fighting during their drunken orgies, which lasted several days, or until all the liquor was consumed. If a man had several wives, he often kept each one in a separate house, though sometimes they all lived together; a woman who was pregnant always occupied a house to herself.[1031] Women are easily delivered, and the young infant is tied to a board on its back or between two pillows, and is kept so confined until able to walk, the board being removed only to wash the child. Male children are early accustomed to the use of weapons, and when able to carry a few provisions for themselves, they accompany their fathers on hunting expeditions. Girls are brought up to household duties, cooking, weaving, and spinning. Prostitution was not infamous; noble ladies held as a maxim, that it was plebeian to deny anything asked of them, and they gave themselves up to any person that wooed them, willingly, especially to principal men. This tendency to licentiousness carried with it extremes in the use of abortives whereby to avoid the consequence of illicit pleasures, as well that they might not be deprived of them, as to keep their breasts from softening; for, said they, old women should bear children, not young ones, who have to amuse themselves. Sodomy was practiced by the nations of Cueba, 774 Careta, and other places. The caciques and some of the head men kept harems of youths, who, as soon as destined to the unclean office, were dressed as women, did women's work about the house, and were exempt from war and its fatigues. They went by the name of camayoas, and were hated and detested by the women.[1032]

Caciques and lords married as many wives as they wanted. The marriage of the first wife was celebrated with a big feast, and at the end of it, the bride was handed over to her husband. Subsequent wives were not married with ceremonies or celebrations; instead, they acted like concubines and followed the orders of the first wife. The number of wives was only limited by the lord's wealth. Vasco Nuñez captured cacique Tumanamá along with his whole family, which included eighty wives. The children of the first wife were legitimate, while those of the others were considered illegitimate and could not inherit. Marriages were not made with strangers or people who spoke a different language, and the tiba and lords only married the daughters of noble blood. Divorces could happen by mutual consent and for minor reasons, and sometimes wives were swapped. If a woman was unable to have children, they would quickly agree to part ways, which occurred when the woman had her period to avoid any suspicion of pregnancy. When a girl reached puberty, she was kept shut away, sometimes for as long as two years. In some parts of Darien, when a marriage contract was made, all the neighbors brought gifts of maize or fruits and placed them at the door of the bride's father; once all the offerings were made, each person in attendance received a cup of liquor; this was followed by speeches and dancing, and then the bridegroom's father introduced his son to the bride and joined their hands; after that, the bride was returned to her father, who kept her shut up in a house with him for seven days. During that time, all the friends helped clear land and build a house for the couple, while the women and children planted the fields. After the seven days were over, another celebration took place, during which a lot of liquor was consumed. The bridegroom took care to remove all weapons from the ridge-pole of his house to prevent serious fighting during their drunken celebrations, which lasted several days or until all the liquor was gone. If a man had several wives, he often kept each one in a separate house, though sometimes they all lived together; a pregnant woman always had a house to herself. Women give birth easily, and the newborn is tied to a board on its back or between two pillows and kept there until able to walk, with the board being removed only to wash the baby. Male children are introduced to weapons early, and when they can carry some food for themselves, they join their fathers on hunting trips. Girls are raised for household tasks, cooking, weaving, and spinning. Prostitution was not considered shameful; noble women believed it was common to refuse nothing asked of them and willingly gave themselves to anyone who pursued them, especially to important men. This inclination toward promiscuity led to the use of abortifacients to avoid the consequences of forbidden pleasures, both to maintain their freedom and to prevent their bodies from changing; for, as they said, old women should have children, not young ones, who should be busy having fun. Sodomy was practiced among the nations of Cueba, Careta, and other areas. The caciques and some leaders kept harems of young men, who, once assigned to this degrading role, were dressed as women, did housework, and were exempt from the burdens of war. They were known as *camayoas*, and were despised and hated by the women.

INTOXICATING LIQUORS.

Alcoholic beverages.

Their public amusements were called areitos, a species of dance very nearly resembling some in the northern provinces of Spain. They took place upon occasions of a marriage or birth, or when they were about to go forth on a hunting expedition, or at the time of harvest. One led the singing, stepping to the measure, and the rest followed, imitating the leader. Others again engaged in feats of arms and sham battles, while singers and improvisatori related the deeds of their ancestors and historical events of the nation. The men indulged freely in fermented liquors and wines, the drinking and dancing lasting many hours and sometimes whole days, until drunk and exhausted they fell to the ground. Actors in appropriate costumes counterfeited the various pursuits of fishing, hunting, and agriculture, while others, in the guise of jesters and fools, assisted in enlivening the scene. Their principal musical instruments were drums and small whistles made of reeds; they had also javelins with holes pierced in them near the end, so that when cast into the air a loud whistling noise was produced.[1033] They have various kinds of wines and liquors both sweet and sour. One is obtained from a 775 species of palm-tree, by tapping the trunk near the top, and inserting a leaf into the cut. The liquor drawn off soon ferments, and in two or three days is fit to drink; or it is boiled with water and mixed with spices. Another kind called chicha is made from maize; a quantity of the grain is soaked in water, then taken out and left to sprout, when it is bruised and placed in a large vessel filled with water, where it is allowed to remain until it begins to turn sour. A number of old women then collect and chew some of the grain, which they spit out into large gourds until they have a sufficient quantity; this, as soon as it ferments, is added to the water in the vessel, and in a short time the whole undergoes fermentation. When the liquor is done working it is drawn off from the sediment, and a strongly intoxicating liquor is thus produced, which is their favorite beverage. They have another method of making chicha, by boiling the sprouted grain in water till the quantity is considerably reduced; it is then removed from the fire and left to settle and cool. In two days it becomes clear and fit to drink, but after five or six days it begins to acidify so that only a moderate quantity is made at a time. Different varieties of wines and liquors are made from dates, bananas, pineapples, and other fruits, and we are told that the first Spanish explorers of the country found large quantities of fermented liquors buried beneath the ground under their house-tree, because if stored in their houses the liquor became turbid from constant agitation. The cellar of the king Comagre is described as being filled with great vessels of earth and wood, containing wine and cider. Peter Martyr, in his account of the visit of Vasco Nuñez and his company to the king, says "they drunke wines of sundry tastes both white and black." Tobacco is much used by the Isthmians; the natives of Costa Rica roll the leaf up in the form of a cigar, and tie it with grass threads; they inhale the smoke, and, retaining it for a short time, pass it out through the mouth and nostrils. The cigar used by the natives of the isthmus of Panamá 776 is much larger. Mr Wafer thus describes their manner of making and smoking it: "Laying two or three Leaves upon one another, they roll up all together side-ways into a long Roll, yet leaving a little hollow. Round this they roll other Leaves one after another, in the same manner but close and hard, till the Roll be as big as ones Wrist, and two or three Feet in length. Their way of Smoaking when they are in Company together is thus: A Boy lights one end of a Roll and burns it to a Coal, wetting the part next it to keep it from wasting too fast. The End so lighted he puts into his Mouth, and blows the Smoak through the whole length of the Roll into the Face of every one of the Company or Council, tho' there be 2 or 300 of them. Then they, sitting in their usual Posture upon Forms, make, with their Hands held hollow together, a kind of Funnel round their Mouths and Noses. Into this they receive the Smoak as 'tis blown upon them, snuffing it up greedily and strongly as long as ever they are able to hold their Breath, and seeming to bless themselves, as it were, with the Refreshment it gives them." After eating heartily, more especially after supper, they burn certain gums and herbs and fumigate themselves to produce sleep.[1034]

Their public entertainment was called areitos, a type of dance that closely resembled some from the northern regions of Spain. These events happened during celebrations like marriages or births, before hunting trips, or during harvest time. One person led the singing, moving to the rhythm, and everyone else followed, mimicking the leader. Others took part in displays of weaponry and mock battles, while singers and improvisers shared stories of their ancestors and important historical events. The men freely consumed fermented drinks and wines, with the drinking and dancing lasting for hours and sometimes entire days, until they fell to the ground, drunk and exhausted. Performers in appropriate costumes reenacted the various activities of fishing, hunting, and farming, while others, dressed as jesters and clowns, helped to liven up the atmosphere. Their main musical instruments were drums and small whistles made from reeds; they also had javelins with holes near the ends, which produced a loud whistling sound when thrown into the air. [1033] They had different kinds of wines and drinks, both sweet and sour. One type was made from a palm tree by tapping the trunk near the top and inserting a leaf into the cut. The liquid drawn off soon ferments, and in two or three days it’s ready to drink; alternatively, it is boiled with water and mixed with spices. Another type, called chicha, is made from corn; some of the grain is soaked in water, then removed and allowed to sprout, after which it is crushed and placed in a large container filled with water, where it is left until it starts to sour. A number of older women then collect and chew some of the grain, spitting it into large gourds until they have enough; this mixture, as soon as it ferments, is added to the water in the container, and in a short time, the entire mix undergoes fermentation. When the drink is ready, it is separated from the sediment, resulting in a strong alcoholic beverage that is their favorite drink. There’s another method of making chicha by boiling the sprouted grain in water until the volume is significantly reduced; it is then taken off the heat and left to settle and cool. In two days it becomes clear and ready to drink, but after five or six days, it starts to sour, so they only make a moderate amount at a time. Different kinds of wines and drinks are made from dates, bananas, pineapples, and other fruits, and the first Spanish explorers in the area found large amounts of fermented drinks buried underground beneath their house trees, because if stored in their homes, the drinks would become cloudy from constant movement. The cellar of King Comagre is described as being filled with large vessels made of clay and wood, containing wine and cider. Peter Martyr, in his account of Vasco Nuñez’s visit with his group to the king, states, “they drank wines of various flavors, both white and black.” Tobacco is commonly used by the Isthmians; the natives of Costa Rica roll the leaves into cigars and tie them with grass threads; they inhale the smoke, hold it for a moment, then exhale it through their mouths and noses. The cigars used by the natives of the Isthmus of Panamá are much larger. Mr. Wafer describes their method of making and smoking it: “They stack two or three leaves on top of each other, roll them up sideways into a long shape, but leaving a small hollow. Around this, they tightly roll more leaves one after the other, until the roll is about the size of a wrist and two or three feet long. When they smoke in a group, a boy lights one end of a roll and keeps it burning to a coal, wetting the adjacent part to prevent it from burning too fast. He puts the lit end in his mouth and blows the smoke the entire length of the roll into the faces of everyone in the group, even if there are 200 or 300 of them. They, sitting in their usual position on benches, create a sort of funnel with their hands held together around their mouths and noses. They inhale the smoke as it's blown toward them, snuffing it up eagerly and deeply for as long as they can hold their breath, seeming to bless themselves with the refreshment it provides.” After eating well, especially after dinner, they burn certain gums and herbs to create smoke and help induce sleep. [1034]

The Isthmians are good walkers, their tread firm, but light and soft as a cat, and they are exceedingly active in all their movements. When traveling they are guided by the sun, or ascertain their course by observing the bark of the trees; the bark on the south side being always the thickest. When fatigued by travel they scarify their legs with a sharpened reed or snakes' teeth. They are very expert swimmers and the dwellers 777 on the coast pass much of their time in the water. In salutation they turn their backs to each other. No one will accept a gift from a stranger unless with the especial permission of the chief.[1035]

The Isthmians are great walkers, their steps firm yet light and soft like a cat's, and they're incredibly agile in everything they do. When they travel, they follow the sun or figure out their path by looking at the bark of the trees, which is always thickest on the south side. When they're tired from walking, they mark their legs with a sharp reed or snake teeth. They are very skilled swimmers, and those living by the coast spend a lot of time in the water. When they greet each other, they turn their backs. No one will accept a gift from a stranger unless the chief specifically gives permission.

ISTHMIAN SORCERERS.

ISTHMIAN WIZARDS.

They believe largely in spirits and divinations, and have sorcerers called piaces who are held in much respect and awe. The piaces profess to have the power of foretelling the future and raising spirits. When putting in practice their arts they retire to a solitary place, or shut themselves up in a house, where, with loud cries and unearthly sounds they pretend to consult the oracle. Boys destined to be piaces are taken at the age of ten or twelve years to be instructed in the office; they are selected for the natural inclination or the peculiar aptitude and intelligence which they display for the service. Those so chosen are confined in a solitary place where they dwell in company with their instructors. For two years they are subjected to severe discipline, they must not eat flesh nor anything having life, but live solely on vegetables, drink only water, and not indulge in sexual intercourse. During the probationary term neither parents nor friends are permitted to see them; at night only are they visited by professional masters, who instruct them in the mysteries of the necromantic arts. In the province of Cueba masters in these arts are called tequinas. It is asserted of the piaces that they could foretell an eclipse of the moon three months before the time. The people were much troubled with witches, who were supposed to hold converse with evil spirits, and inflicted many ills especially upon children.[1036] 778

They largely believe in spirits and divination, and have sorcerers called piaces who are treated with great respect and reverence. The piaces claim to have the ability to predict the future and summon spirits. When practicing their arts, they go to a secluded spot or lock themselves in a room, where they make loud cries and eerie sounds to consult the oracle. Boys chosen to become piaces are taken at about ten or twelve years old to be trained for the role; they are selected based on their natural inclination, aptitude, and intelligence for the work. Those selected are kept in isolation where they live with their trainers. For two years, they undergo strict discipline, refraining from eating meat or anything with life, living only on vegetables, drinking only water, and abstaining from sexual relations. During this training period, neither parents nor friends can see them; they are only visited at night by professional masters who teach them the secrets of necromancy. In the province of Cueba, these masters are called tequinas. It is said that piaces can predict a lunar eclipse three months in advance. The community is often troubled by witches, who are believed to communicate with evil spirits and cause various troubles, especially for children.[1036] 778

MEDICAL PRACTICE.

Health practice.

The Isthmians are a healthful and long-lived race. The ills most common to them are fevers and venereal disease. The latter, as Oviedo affirms, was introduced into Europe from Hayti, or Española, where it was prevalent as well as throughout Tierra Firme. This is a subject that has given rise to much contention among authors, but the balance of testimony seems to indicate that the venereal disease in Europe was not of American origin, although the disease probably existed in America before the coming of Europeans. The remedies employed by the Isthmians for the complaint were guayacan wood, and other medicinal herbs known to them. They are much troubled with a minute species of tick-lice that cover their limbs in great numbers, from which they endeavor to free themselves by applying burning straw. Another insect, more serious in its consequences and penetrating in its attacks, is the chegoe, or pulex penetrans; it burrows under the skin, where it lays its eggs, and if not extracted will in time increase to such an extent as to endanger the loss of the limb. The natives remove it with any sharp-pointed instrument. They are liable to be bitten by venomous snakes, which are numerous in the country and frequently cause death. Whenever one is bitten by such a reptile, the sufferer immediately ties above the wounded part a ligature made from plants well known to the natives, and which they usually carry with them; this enables him to reach a village, where he procures assistance, and by means of herbal applications is often cured. Some of them are subject to a skin disease somewhat similar in its appearance to ringworm; it spreads over the whole body until eventually the skin peels off. Those who are thus afflicted are called carates. These people are generally very hardy and strong, with great powers of endurance. The piaces, as medicine-men, consult their 779 oracles for the benefit of all those who require their services. The sucking cure obtains in these parts as well as northward. When summoned to attend a patient, if the pain or disease is slight, the medicine-man takes some herbs in his mouth, and applying his lips to the part affected, pretends to suck out the disorder; suddenly he rushes outside with cheeks extended, and feigns to spit out something, cursing and imprecating at the same time; he then assures his patient that he has effected a cure by extracting the cause of the pain. When the sickness is of a more serious nature, more elaborate enchantments are enacted, ending in the practitioner sucking it out from the sick person's body, not, however, without undergoing infinite trouble, labor, and contortions, till at last the piace thrusts a small stick down his own throat, which causes him to vomit, and so he casts up that which he pretends to have drawn out from the sufferer. Should his conjurations and tricks not prove effectual, the physician brings to his aid certain herbs and decoctions, with which he is well acquainted; their knowledge of medicine is, however, more extensive in the treatment of external than of internal diseases. The compensation given to the piace is in proportion to the gravity of the case, and the ability of the individual to reward him. In cases of fever, bleeding is resorted to; their mode of practicing phlebotomy is peculiar and attended with much unnecessary suffering. The operator shoots a small arrow from a bow into various parts of the patient's body until a vein be accidentally opened; the arrow is gauged a short distance from the point to prevent its penetrating too far.[1037] Oviedo tells us that in the province of Cueba the 780 practice of sucking was carried on to a fearful extent, and with dire consequences. The persons, men and women, who indulged in the habit were called by the Spaniards chupadores. They belonged to a class of sorcerers, and the historian says they went about at night visiting certain of the inhabitants, whom they sucked for hours, continuing the practice from day to day, until finally the unfortunate recipients of their attentions became so thin and emaciated that they often died from exhaustion.[1038]

The Isthmians are a healthy and long-lived people. The most common health issues they face are fevers and sexually transmitted diseases. As Oviedo states, the latter was brought to Europe from Haiti or Española, where it was widespread, as well as throughout Tierra Firme. This topic has sparked a lot of debate among writers, but most evidence suggests that the venereal disease in Europe did not originate in America, although the disease likely existed in America before Europeans arrived. The Isthmians used remedies such as guayacan wood and other medicinal herbs they knew of. They also struggle with a tiny species of tick-lice that infest their limbs in large numbers, which they try to remove by applying burning straw. Another more serious insect is the chegoe, or pulex penetrans; it burrows under the skin to lay its eggs, and if not removed, it can grow to a point where it threatens the loss of a limb. The natives extract it with any sharp tool. They are also at risk of being bitten by venomous snakes, which are common in the area and often lead to death. When someone is bitten, the victim immediately ties a ligature above the wound using well-known plants that they typically carry; this allows them to reach a village for help, where, through herbal treatments, they often recover. Some individuals have a skin disease that looks somewhat like ringworm; it spreads over their entire body until eventually, the skin peels off. Those affected by it are called carates. These people are generally very resilient and strong, with great endurance. The piaces, acting as medicine-men, consult their oracles for the benefit of those in need of their help. The sucking cure is practiced here as well as further north. When called to treat a patient, if the pain or illness is minor, the medicine-man takes some herbs in his mouth and applies his lips to the affected area, pretending to suck out the illness; then he rushes outside with puffed cheeks and pretends to spit out something while cursing and invoking. He then assures the patient that he has cured them by extracting the source of the pain. For more serious illnesses, more elaborate rituals are performed, culminating with the practitioner sucking the ailment out of the patient's body, not without great effort, labor, and contortions, until he eventually sticks a small stick down his own throat, causing him to vomit up what he claims to have extracted from the patient. If his spells and tricks do not work, the physician relies on certain herbs and concoctions that he is familiar with; however, their medical knowledge is greater for treating external problems than internal diseases. The payment for the piace depends on the severity of the case and the individual's ability to pay. In cases of fever, they resort to bleeding, and their method of phlebotomy is unique and causes much unnecessary suffering. The operator shoots a small arrow from a bow into various parts of the patient's body until a vein is accidentally opened; the arrow has been measured short of the point to keep it from going too deep. Oviedo tells us that in the province of Cueba, the practice of sucking was carried out to a terrifying extent, with dire consequences. Those who engaged in the practice, both men and women, were called chupadores by the Spaniards. They were considered a class of sorcerers, and the historian says they would go out at night to visit certain locals, sucking them for hours, continuing this practice day after day until the unfortunate victims became so thin and emaciated that they often died from exhaustion.

ISTHMIAN GRAVES AND MOURNING.

Isthmian Graves and Mourning.

Among certain nations of Costa Rica when a death occurs the body is deposited in a small hut constructed of plaited palm-leaves; food, drink, as well as the weapons and implements that served the defunct during life are placed in the same hut. Here the body is preserved for three years, and upon each anniversary of the death it is redressed and attended to amidst certain ceremonies. At the end of the third year it is taken out and interred. Among other tribes in the same district, the corpse after death is covered with leaves and surrounded with a large pile of wood which is set on fire, the friends dancing and singing round the flames until all is consumed, when the ashes are collected and buried in the ground. In Veragua the Dorachos had two kinds of tombs, one for the principal men constructed with flat stones laid together with much care, and in which were placed costly jars and urns filled with food and wines 781 for the dead; those for plebeians were merely trenches, in which were deposited with the occupant some gourds FUNERAL RITES ON THE ISTHMUS. of maize and wine and the place filled with stones. In some parts of Panamá and Darien only the chiefs and lords received funeral rites. Among the common people a person feeling his end approaching either went himself or was led to the woods by his wife, family, and friends, who, supplying him with some cake or ears of corn and a gourd of water, there left him to die alone, or to be assisted by wild beasts. Others with more respect for their dead, buried them in sepulchres made with niches where they placed maize and wine and renewed the same annually. With some, a mother dying while suckling her infant, the living child was placed at her breast and buried with her in order that in her future state she might continue to nourish it with her milk. In some provinces when the cacique became sick, the priests consulted their oracles as to his condition and if they received for answer that the illness was mortal, one half of his jewelry and gold was cast into the river as a sacrifice to the god they reverenced, in the belief that he would guide him to his final rest; the other half was buried in the grave. The relatives of the deceased shaved the head as a sign of mourning and all his weapons and other property were consumed by fire in order that nothing should remain as a remembrance of him. In Panamá, Nata, and some other districts, when a cacique died, those of his concubines that loved him enough, those that he loved ardently and so appointed, as well as certain servants, killed themselves and were interred with him. This they did in order that they might wait upon him in the land of spirits. They held the belief that those who did not accompany him then, would, when they died a natural death, lose the privilege of being with him afterwards, and in fact that their souls would die with them. The privilege of attending on the cacique in his future state was believed to be only granted to those who were in his service during his lifetime, hence such service was eagerly sought after by 782 natives of both sexes, who made every exertion to be admitted as servants in his house. At the time of the interment, those who planted corn for him during his lifetime had some maize and an implement of husbandry buried with them in order that they might commence planting immediately on arrival in the other world. In Comagre and other provinces the bodies of the caciques were embalmed by placing them on a cane hurdle, hanging them up by cords, or placing them on a stone, or log; and round or below the body they made a slow fire of herbs at such a distance as to dry it gradually until only skin and bone remained. During the process of embalming, twelve of the principal men sat round the body, dressed in black mantles which covered their heads, letting them hang down to their feet; at intervals one of them beat a drum and when he ceased he chanted in monotonous tones, the others responding. Day and night the twelve kept watch and never left the body. When sufficiently dried it was dressed and adorned with many ornaments of gold, jewels, and feathers, and set up in an apartment of the palace where were kept ranged round the walls the remains of his ancestors, each one in his place and in regular succession. In case a cacique fell in battle and his body could not be recovered, or was otherwise lost, the place he would have occupied in the row was always left vacant. Among other tribes the body after being dried by fire was wrapped in several folds of cloth, put in a hammock, and placed upon a platform in the air or in a room. The manner in which the wives, attendants, and servants put themselves to death was, with some, by poison; in such case, the multitude assembled to chant the praises of their dead lord, when those who were to follow drank poison from gourds, and dropped dead instantly. In some cases they first killed their children. With others the funeral obsequies of a principal chief were conducted differently. They prepared a large grave twelve or fifteen feet square and nine or ten feet deep; round the sides they built a stone bench and 783 covered it with painted cloth; in the middle of the grave they placed jars and gourds filled with maize, fruit, and wines, and a quantity of flowers. On the bench was laid the dead chief dressed, ornamented, and jeweled, while around him sat his wives gaily attired with ear-rings and bracelets. All being prepared the assembled multitude raised their voices in songs declaring the bravery and prowess of the deceased; they recounted his liberality and many virtues and highly extolled the affection of his faithful wives who desired to accompany him. The singing and dancing usually lasted two days and during its continuance wine was freely served to the performers and also to the women who were awaiting their fate. At the expiration of such time they became entirely inebriated and in a senseless condition, when the final act was consummated by throwing dead and doomed into the grave, and filling it with logs, branches, and earth. The spot was afterwards held in sacred remembrance and a grove of trees planted round it. At the end of a year funeral honors were celebrated in memory of the dead. A host of friends and relatives of equal rank with the deceased were invited to participate, who upon the day appointed brought quantities of food and wine such as he whose memory they honored delighted in, also weapons with which he used to fight, all of which were placed in a canoe prepared for the purpose; in it was also deposited an effigy of the deceased. The canoe was then carried on men's shoulders round the court of the palace or house, in presence of the deceased, if he was embalmed, and afterwards brought out to the centre of the town where it was burned with all it contained,—the people believing that the fumes and smoke ascended to the soul of the dead and was pleasing and acceptable to him.[1039] If the body 784 had been interred they opened the sepulchre; all the people with hair disheveled uttering loud lamenting cries while the bones were being collected, and these they burned all except the hinder part of the skull, which was taken home by one of the principal women and preserved by her as a sacred relic.

Among some groups in Costa Rica, when someone dies, the body is placed in a small hut made of woven palm leaves. Inside the same hut, food, drinks, and the tools and weapons that the person used in life are also included. The body is kept there for three years, and on each anniversary of the death, it is dressed and cared for during certain ceremonies. After three years, the body is taken out and buried. In other tribes in the same region, after death, the corpse is covered with leaves and surrounded by a large pile of wood, which is then set on fire, while friends dance and sing around the flames until everything is burned, and the ashes are collected and buried. In Veragua, the Dorachos had two types of tombs: one for the important people made from carefully arranged flat stones, which housed expensive jars and urns filled with food and wine for the deceased; the others for commoners were simply trenches, where gourds of maize and wine were placed with the body, covered with stones. In some areas of Panamá and Darien, only chiefs and lords received funeral rites. Among common people, when someone sensed their end was near, they either went themselves or were taken to the woods by their family and friends, who left them with some food and water to die alone or be cared for by wild animals. Others, showing more respect for their dead, buried them in sepulchers with niches where they placed maize and wine, renewing these offerings yearly. In some cases, if a mother died while nursing her baby, the living child was placed at her breast and buried with her so that she could continue to nourish it in the afterlife. In some provinces, if a chief became ill, the priests consulted their oracles about his condition, and if they deemed it fatal, half of his jewelry and gold was thrown into the river as a sacrifice to their god, hoping he would guide the chief to his final rest; the other half was buried with him. The deceased's relatives shaved their heads as a sign of mourning, and all of his weapons and belongings were burned so that there would be no reminders left. In Panamá, Nata, and some other areas, when a chief died, his concubines who truly loved him and those he wholeheartedly chose, along with certain servants, would take their own lives and be buried with him. They believed they would serve him in the spirit world, and those who did not accompany him would miss the chance to be with him after death, and their souls would cease to exist. The privilege of serving the chief in the afterlife was believed to be granted only to those who were his servants during his life, so many sought such service eagerly. At the time of burial, those who planted corn for him during life had some maize and a farming tool buried with them so they could start planting right away in the afterlife. In Comagre and other provinces, the bodies of the chiefs were embalmed by placing them on a cane frame, hanging them up, or placing them on a stone or log, while making a slow fire of herbs nearby to dry them out gradually until only skin and bones remained. During embalming, twelve principal men sat around the body, dressed in black cloaks covering their heads and hanging to their feet; one would periodically beat a drum while chanting, and the others would respond. They kept vigil day and night without leaving the body. Once dried, it was dressed and adorned with gold, jewels, and feathers, and displayed in a palace room, surrounded by the remains of ancestors, each in their rightful place. If a chief died in battle and his body could not be retrieved, the spot he would have occupied was always left empty. Among other tribes, after the body was dried by fire, it was wrapped in cloth, placed in a hammock, and set on a platform either in the air or in a room. In some cases, wives, attendants, and servants committed suicide by poison; a gathering would sing the praises of their lord, and those who would follow would drink poison from gourds and die instantly. Sometimes they would first kill their children. In other instances, the funeral rites for a principal chief were carried out differently. They prepared a large grave about twelve to fifteen feet square and nine to ten feet deep, built stone benches around it, and covered them with painted cloth. In the center, they placed jars and gourds filled with maize, fruit, wine, and a variety of flowers. The dead chief was laid on the bench dressed and adorned, with his wives around him, dressed in fine clothing, earrings, and bracelets. When everything was ready, the gathered crowd sang songs celebrating the bravery and achievements of the deceased, recounting his generosity, virtues, and the devoted affection of his wives who wished to accompany him. The singing and dancing could last for two days, with wine freely provided for both the performers and the women awaiting their fate. After this time, they became completely drunk and senseless, leading to the final act of throwing the dead and doomed into the grave, filling it with logs, branches, and soil. The site was later revered and surrounded by a grove of trees. A year later, funeral honors were held to commemorate the deceased. A large group of friends and relatives of equal rank to the deceased were invited, who brought food, wine, and weapons he liked to a canoe prepared for the occasion; an effigy of the deceased was also placed inside. The canoe was carried on men's shoulders around the palace court in the presence of the deceased, if he had been embalmed, and then taken to the center of town where it was burned along with its contents—the people believing the smoke and fumes would reach the soul of the dead and please him. If the body had been buried, they would open the grave, and all the people, with disheveled hair, would cry out loudly while the bones were collected, which would be burned except for the back part of the skull, taken home by one of the principal women as a sacred relic.

ISTHMIAN CHARACTER.

ISTHMIAN IDENTITY.

The character of the Costa Ricans has ever been that of a fierce and savage people, prominent in which qualities are the Guatusos and Buricas, who have shown themselves strongly averse to intercourse with civilization. The Talamancas are a little less untameable, which is the best, or perhaps the worst, that can be said. The Terrabas, also a cruel and warlike nation, are nevertheless spoken of by Fray Juan Domingo Arricivita as endowed with natural docility. The natives of Boca del Toro are barbarous and averse to change. In Chiriquí they are brave and intelligent, their exceeding courage having obtained for them the name of Valientes or Indios Bravos from the early discoverers; they are also noted for honesty and fair dealing. The same warlike and independent spirit and fearlessness of death prevails among the nations of Veragua, Panamá, and Darien. The inhabitants of Panamá and Cueba are given to lechery, theft, and lying; with some these qualities are fashionable; others hold them to be crimes. The Mandingos and natives of San Blas are an independent and industrious people, possessing considerable intelligence, and are of a docile and hospitable disposition. 785 The inhabitants of Darien are kind, open-hearted, and peaceable, yet have always been resolute in opposing all interference from foreigners; they are fond of amusements and inclined to indolence; the latter trait is not, however, applicable to all, a noticeable exception being the Cunas and Chocos of the Atrato Valley, who are of a gentle nature, kind, hospitable, and open-hearted when once their confidence is gained; they are likewise industrious and patient, and M. Lucien de Puydt says of the former: "Theft is altogether unknown amongst the Cunas." Colonel Alcedo, speaking of their neighbors, the Idibaes, calls them treacherous, inconstant, and false. In the interior and mountain districts the inhabitants are more fierce than those from the coast; the former are shy and retiring, yet given to hospitality. On the gulf of Urabá the people are warlike, vainglorious, and revengeful.[1040]

The character of Costa Ricans has always been that of a fierce and wild people, particularly represented by the Guatusos and Buricas, who have strongly resisted interaction with civilization. The Talamancas are a bit less untamed, which can be seen as either a good or bad thing. The Terrabas, also a brutal and warlike group, are described by Fray Juan Domingo Arricivita as naturally docile. The natives of Boca del Toro are barbaric and resistant to change. In Chiriquí, they are brave and intelligent, earning the name Valientes or Indios Bravos from early explorers; they are also known for their honesty and fair dealings. The same combative and independent spirit, along with a fearlessness of death, is found among the groups of Veragua, Panamá, and Darien. The people of Panamá and Cueba are prone to lust, theft, and dishonesty; for some, these traits are considered fashionable, while others see them as crimes. The Mandingos and natives of San Blas are an independent and hardworking people, possessing a good deal of intelligence and known for their gentle and hospitable nature. 785 The people of Darien are kind-hearted, friendly, and peaceful, yet they have always been determined to resist any foreign interference; they enjoy entertainment and may be inclined to laziness, though this doesn’t apply to everyone. A notable exception is the Cunas and Chocos of the Atrato Valley, who are gentle, kind, hospitable, and open-hearted once they trust someone; they are also hardworking and patient, and M. Lucien de Puydt states about the Cunas: "Theft is completely unknown among them." Colonel Alcedo describes their neighbors, the Idibaes, as treacherous, unpredictable, and deceitful. In the interior and mountainous areas, the inhabitants are fiercer than those from the coast; the former are more reserved but still hospitable. In the Gulf of Urabá, the people are warlike, boastful, and vengeful.

Thus from the icy regions of the north to the hot and humid shores of Darien I have followed these Wild Tribes of the Pacific States, with no other object in view than faithfully to picture them according to the information I have been able to glean. And thus I leave them, yet not without regret: for notwithstanding all that has been said I cannot but feel how little we know of them. Of their mighty unrecorded past, their interminable intermixtures, their ages of wars and convulsions, their inner life, their aspirations, hopes, and 786 fears, how little do we know of all this! And now as the eye rests upon the fair domain from which they have been so ignobly hurried, questions like these arise: How long have these backings and battlings been going on? What purpose did these peoples serve? Whence did they come and whither have they gone?—questions unanswerable until Omniscience be fathomed and the beginning and end made one.

Thus, from the frigid northern regions to the hot and humid shores of Darien, I have followed these Wild Tribes of the Pacific States, with no other aim than to accurately portray them based on the information I have been able to gather. And so I leave them, yet not without a sense of loss: for despite everything that has been said, I can’t help but feel how little we truly know about them. Of their vast, unrecorded history, their endless interminglings, their years of conflict and upheaval, their inner lives, their dreams, hopes, and fears, how little do we understand of all this! And now, as the eye surveys the beautiful land from which they have been so shamefully driven away, questions arise: How long have these struggles and fights been happening? What role did these people play? Where did they come from, and where have they gone?—questions that remain unanswered until omniscience is grasped and the beginning and end are made one.

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

The Wild Tribes of Central America, the last groupal division of this work, extend from the western boundary of Guatemala, south and eastward, to the Rio Atrato. I have divided the group into three subdivisions, namely: the Guatemalans, the Mosquitos, and the Isthmians.

The Indigenous Tribes of Central America, the final group division of this work, stretch from the western border of Guatemala, moving south and east to the Rio Atrato. I've split the group into three subcategories: the Guatemalans, the Mosquitos, and the Isthmians.

The Guatemalans, for the purposes of this delineation, embrace those nations occupying the present states of Guatemala, Salvador, and portions of Nicaragua.

The Guatemalans refer to the nations that currently make up the states of Guatemala, El Salvador, and parts of Nicaragua.

The Lacandones are a wild nation inhabiting the Chammá mountains on the boundary of Guatemala and Chiapas. 'Mountains of Chammá, inhabited by the wild Indians of Lacandón ... a distinction ought to be drawn between the Western and Eastern Lacandónes. All the country lying on the W., between the bishopric of Ciudad Real and the province of Vera Paz, was once occupied by the Western Lacandónes.... The country of the Eastern Lacandónes may be considered as extending from the mountains of Chammá, a day and a half from Cobán, along the borders of the river de la Pasion to Petén, or even further.' Escobar, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., pp. 93-4. Upon the margin of the Rio de la Passion. Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 271. 'Un tribu de Mayas sauvages appelés Lacandons, qui habitent un district immense dans le centre du continent, embrasse toute la partie occidentale du Peten; erre sur les bords supérieurs de l'Usumasinta et le pays qui se trouve au sud de l'endroit d'où j'écris.' Galindo, in Antiq. Mex., tom. i., div. ii., p. 67. 'The vast region lying between Chiapa, Tabasco, Yucatan, and the republic of Guatemala ... is still occupied by a considerable body of Indians, the Lacandones and others.' Squier, in Hist. Mag., vol. iv., p. 65, 'The vast region embracing not less than from 8000 to 10,000 square miles, surrounding the upper waters of the river Usumasinta, in which exist the indomitable Lacandones.' Id., p. 67. 'Mais la contrée qui s'étendait au nord de Cahabon, siége provisoire des Dominicains, et qui comprenait le pays de Dolores et celui des Itzas, était encore à peu près inconnue. Là vivaient les Choles, les belliqueux et féroces Mopans, les Lacandons et quelques tribus plus obscures, dont l'histoire a négligé les noms.' Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., p. 78, tom. i., p. 318. 'They are reduced to-day to a very insignificant number, living on and near Passion river and its tributaries.' Berendt, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 425. 'In the north of Vera Paz, to the west of Peten, and all along the Usumacinta, dwell numerous and warlike tribes, 787 called generally Lacandones.' Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pref., p. xvi.; Fossey, Mexique, p. 471; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena, p. 197.

The Lacandones are a wild nation living in the Chammá mountains on the border of Guatemala and Chiapas. "The Chammá mountains, home to the wild Lacandon Indians... a distinction should be made between the Western and Eastern Lacandones. All the land in the west, between the bishopric of Ciudad Real and the province of Vera Paz, was once occupied by the Western Lacandones.... The territory of the Eastern Lacandones stretches from the Chammá mountains, a day and a half from Cobán, along the banks of the Rio de la Pasión to Petén, or even beyond." Escobar, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., pp. 93-4. On the banks of the Rio de la Pasión. Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 271. "A tribe of wild Mayas called Lacandones, who inhabit an enormous district in the center of the continent, covers the entire western part of Petén; roams along the upper banks of the Usumasinta and the land south of where I am writing." Galindo, in Antiq. Mex., tom. i., div. ii., p. 67. "The vast region between Chiapas, Tabasco, Yucatán, and the Republic of Guatemala... is still home to a significant number of Indians, the Lacandones and others." Squier, in Hist. Mag., vol. iv., p. 65. "The vast area covering at least 8,000 to 10,000 square miles, surrounding the upper waters of the Rio Usumasinta, where the indomitable Lacandones reside." Id., p. 67. "But the area that stretched north of Cahabón, where the Dominicans had a temporary seat, including the land of Dolores and the region of the Itzas, was still largely unknown. There lived the Choles, the fierce and warlike Mopans, the Lacandones, and a few more obscure tribes whose names history has overlooked." Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., p. 78, tom. i., p. 318. "They have been reduced to a very small number, living on and near the Pasión River and its tributaries." Berendt, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 425. "In the north of Vera Paz, west of Petén, and along the Usumacinta river, there are many warlike tribes, 787 generally called Lacandones." Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pref., p. xvi.; Fossey, Mexique, p. 471; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena, p. 197.

THE MAMES OF GUATEMALA.

THE MAMES OF GUATEMALA.

The Mames 'occupied the existing district of Güegüetenango, a part of Quezaltenango, and the province of Soconusco, and in all these places the Mam or Pocoman language is vernacular. It is a circumstance not a little remarkable, that this idiom is also peculiar to places very distant from the country of the Mams: viz. in Amatitan, Mixco, and Petapa, in the province of Sacatepeques; Chalchuapa, in St. Salvador; Mita, Jalapa, and Xilotepeque, in Chiquimula.' Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 169. 'El Mame ó Pocoman le usan los mames ó pocomanes, que parecen no ser mas que dos tribus de una misma nacion, la cual formaba un estado poderoso en Guatemala. Se extendió por el distritó de Huehuetenango, en la provincia de este nombre, y por parte de la de Quetzaltenango, así como por el distrito de Soconusco en Chiapas. En todos estos lugares se hablaba mame ó pocoman, lo mismo que en Amatitlan, Mixco y Petapa, de la provincia de Zacatepec ó Guatemala; en Chalchuapa, perteneciente á la de San Salvador; y en Mita, Jalapa y Jiloltepec, de la de Chiquimula.' Balbi, in Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 81. 'Leur capitale était Gueguetenango, au nord-est de la ville actuelle de Guatemala, et les villes de Masacatan, Cuilco, Chiantla et Istaguacan étaient enclavées dans leur territoire.' Squier, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1857, tom. cliii., p. 177. 'A l'ouest, jusqu'aux frontières de Chiapas, s'étendaient les Mams, proprement dits Mam-Yoc, dans leurs histoires, partagés en plusieurs familles également puissantes qui gouvernaient souverainement cette contrée, alors désignée sous le nom commun d'Otzoya (de otzoy, sortes d'écrevisses d'or): c'étaient d'un côté les Chun-Zak-Yoc, qui avaient pour capitale Qulaha, que son opulence et son étendue avaient fait surnommer Nima-Amag ou la Grande-Ville, dite depuis Xelahun-Quieh, ou Xelahuh, et Quezaltenango; les Tzitzol, dont la capitale était peut-être Chinabahul ou Huehuetenango, les Ganchebi (see note below under Ganchebis) et les Bamaq. Ceux-ci, dont nous avons connu les descendants, étaient seigneurs d'Iztlahuacan (San-Miguel-Iztlahuacan), dont le plateau est encore aujourd'hui parsemé de ruines au milieu desquelles s'élève l'humble bourgade de ce nom: au dessus domine, à une hauteur formidable, Xubiltenam (ville du Souffle).... Ganchebi, écrit alternativement Canchebiz, Canchevez et Ganchebirse. Rien n'indique d'une manière précise où régnait cette famille: mais il se pourrait que ce fût à Zipacapan ou à Chivun, dont les ruines existent à trois lieues au sud de cette dernière localité; là était l'ancien Oztoncalco.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, introd., pp. 264-5. 'Habitaban el Soconusco, desde tiempos remotos, y era un pueblo autócton; los olmecas que llegaron de la parto de México, les redujeron á la servidumbre, y una fraccion de los vencidos emigró hasta Guatemala.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 168. The Mamey, Achi, Cuaahtemalteca, Hutateca, and Chirichota 'en la de los Suchitepeques y Cuaahtemala.' Palacio, in Pacheco, Col. Doc. Inéd., tom. vi., p. 7. Mame 'Parlé dans les localités voisines de Huehuetenango.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, MS. Troano, tom. ii., p. viii. 'On retrouve encore aujourd'hui leurs restes parmi les Indiens de la province de Totonicapan, aux frontières de Chiapas et des Lacandons, an nord-ouest de l'état de Guatémala. La place forte de Zakuléu (c'est-à-dire, Terre 788 blanche, mal à propos orthographié Socoléo), dont on admire les vastes débris auprès de la ville de Huéhuétenango, resta, jusqu'au temps de la conquête espagnole, la capitale des Mems. Cette race avait été antérieurement la maîtresse de la plus grande partie de l'état de Guatémala.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 119-20.

The Mames occupied the existing district of Güegüetenango, part of Quezaltenango, and the province of Soconusco, where the Mam or Pocoman language is commonly spoken. It's quite remarkable that this language is also found in places far from the Mams' territory, like Amatitlan, Mixco, and Petapa in the province of Sacatepeques; Chalchuapa in San Salvador; Mita, Jalapa, and Xilotepeque in Chiquimula. Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 169. 'The Mame or Pocoman is spoken by the mames or pocomanes, who seem to be just two tribes of the same nation, which once formed a powerful state in Guatemala. It extended across the district of Huehuetenango in the province of that name, part of Quezaltenango, and into the district of Soconusco in Chiapas. In all these places, Mame or Pocoman was spoken, just like in Amatitlan, Mixco, and Petapa in the province of Zacatepec or Guatemala; in Chalchuapa in San Salvador; and in Mita, Jalapa, and Jiloltepec in Chiquimula.' Balbi, in Pimentel, Cuadro, vol. i, p. 81. 'Their capital was Gueguetenango, northeast of modern Guatemala City, and the towns of Masacatan, Cuilco, Chiantla, and Istaguacan were located within their territory.' Squier, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1857, vol. cliii, p. 177. 'To the west, the Mams, specifically called Mam-Yoc in their histories, extended to the borders of Chiapas, divided into several equally powerful families that ruled this region, then known as Otzoya (from otzoy, a type of golden crayfish): on one side were the Chun-Zak-Yoc, whose capital was Qulaha, known for its wealth and size, once called Nima-Amag or the Great City, later known as Xelahun-Quieh, or Xelahuh, and Quezaltenango; the Tzitzol, whose capital may have been Chinabahul or Huehuetenango, the Ganchebi (see note below under Ganchebis), and the Bamaq. These, whose descendants we have known, were lords of Iztlahuacan (San-Miguel-Iztlahuacan), where ruins still dot the plateau, amidst which stands the humble town of the same name: above it looms the imposing Xubiltenam (the City of Breath).... Ganchebi is also written as Canchebiz, Canchevez, and Ganchebirse. There is no clear indication of where this family ruled: but it could have been at Zipacapan or Chivun, where ruins exist three leagues south of the latter locality; there was the ancient Oztoncalco.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, intro, pp. 264-5. 'They inhabited Soconusco from ancient times, and were an indigenous people; the Olmecs who arrived from Mexico reduced them to servitude, and a fraction of the defeated fled to Guatemala.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 168. The Mamey, Achi, Cuaahtemalteca, Hutateca, and Chirichota 'in the Suchitepeques and Cuaahtemala.' Palacio, in Pacheco, Col. Doc. Inéd., vol. vi, p. 7. Mame 'was spoken in the neighboring areas of Huehuetenango.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, MS. Troano, vol. ii, p. viii. 'Their remains are still found among the Indigenous people of the Totonicapan province, along the borders of Chiapas and the Lacandons, in the northwest of Guatemala state. The stronghold of Zakuléu (meaning white land, mistakenly spelled Socoléo), whose vast ruins near the city of Huéhuétenango are admired, remained the capital of the Mems until the time of the Spanish conquest. This race had previously ruled most of the state of Guatemala.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., vol. ii, pp. 119-20.

The Pokomams, or Pokonchis, lived in the district of Vera Paz in Guatemala, 'sous le nom d'Uxab et de Pokomam, une partie des treize tribus de Tecpan, dont la capitale était la grande cité de Nimpokom, était maîtresse de la Verapaz et des provinces situées au sud du Motagua jusqu'à Palin' (2 leagues N. W. of Rabinal). Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, introd., p. 264. Ils 'paraissent avoir occupé une grande partie des provinces guatémaliennes.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 84, 506. 'Toute la rive droite du Chixoy (Lacandon ou haut Uzumacinta), depuis Coban (écrit quelquefois Coboan) jusqu'au fleuve Motagua, les montagnes et les vallées de Gagcoh (San-Cristoval), de Taltic, de Rabinal et d'Urran, une partie des départements actuels de Zacatépec, de Guatémala et de Chiquimulà, jusqu'au pied des volcans de Hunahpu (volcans d'Eau et de Feu), devinrent leur proie.' Id., pp. 121-2. 'Le pocomchi, le pokoman, le cakchi, semés d'Amatitan à Coban.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, MS. Troano, tom. ii., introd., p. viii. In 'La Verapaz, la poponchi, caechi y colchi.' Palacio, in Pacheco, Col. Doc. Inéd., tom. vi., p. 7. 'La lengua pocomana se habla en Amatitán, Petapa, San Chrisobal, Pinula, y Hermita ó Llano de la Culebra de Guatemala.' Hervás, Catálogo, tom. i., p. 305. 'A la nacion Poconchi pertenecen los lugares ó misiones ... llamadas Santa Cruz, San Christobal, Taktik, Tucurú, y Tomasiú.' Ib.

The Pokomams, or Pokonchis, lived in the Vera Paz region of Guatemala. "Under the name of Uxab and Pokomam, they were part of the thirteen tribes of Tecpan, whose capital was the large city of Nimpokom, which controlled Verapaz and the provinces located south of the Motagua River up to Palin" (2 leagues N.W. of Rabinal). Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, introd., p. 264. "They seem to have occupied a large part of the Guatemalan provinces." Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., vol. ii., pp. 84, 506. "The entire right bank of the Chixoy (Lacandon or upper Uzumacinta), from Coban (sometimes written Coboan) to the Motagua River, the mountains and valleys of Gagcoh (San-Cristoval), Taltic, Rabinal, and Urran, as well as parts of the current departments of Zacatépec, Guatemala, and Chiquimulà, down to the foothills of the Hunahpu volcanoes (Water and Fire volcanoes), became their territory." Id., pp. 121-2. "The pocomchi, the pokoman, the cakchi, scattered from Amatitan to Coban." Brasseur de Bourbourg, MS. Troano, vol. ii., introd., p. viii. In "La Verapaz, la poponchi, caechi y colchi." Palacio, in Pacheco, Col. Doc. Inéd., vol. vi., p. 7. "The pocoman language is spoken in Amatitán, Petapa, San Christobal, Pinula, and Hermita or Llano de la Culebra in Guatemala." Hervás, Catálogo, vol. i., p. 305. "The Poconchi nation includes places or missions ... called Santa Cruz, San Christobal, Taktik, Tucurú, and Tomasiú." Ib.

The Quichés inhabit the centre of the state of Guatemala. 'Quiché then comprehended the present districts of Quiché, Totonicapan, part of Quezaltenango, and the village of Rabinal; in all these places the Quiché language is spoken. For this reason, it may be inferred with much probability, that the greater part of the province of Sapotitlan, or Suchiltepeques, was a colony of the Quichées, as the same idiom is made use of nearly throughout the whole of it.' Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 168. 'Les Quichés, or Utletecas, habitaient la frontière du sud, les chefs de Sacapulus et Uspatan à l'est, et les Lacandones indépendants au nord. Ils occupaient probablement la plus grande partie du district actuel de Totonicapan et une portion de celui de Quesaltenango.' Squier, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1857, tom. cliii., p. 177. 'Leurs postes principaux furent établis sur les deux côtés du Chixoy, depuis Zacapulas jusqu'à Zactzuy.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 131-2; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 286, 288, 291.

The Quichés live in the central part of Guatemala. “Quiché then included the current areas of Quiché, Totonicapan, part of Quezaltenango, and the village of Rabinal; in all these places, the Quiché language is spoken. For this reason, it can be reasonably inferred that the majority of the province of Sapotitlan, or Suchiltepeques, was a colony of the Quichés, as the same language is used throughout most of it.” Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 168. “The Quichés, or Utletecas, lived along the southern border, with the leaders of Sacapulus and Uspatan to the east, and the independent Lacandones to the north. They probably occupied most of the present district of Totonicapan and part of Quezaltenango.” Squier, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1857, tom. cliii., p. 177. “Their main posts were established on both sides of the Chixoy, from Zacapulas to Zactzuy.” Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 131-2; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 286, 288, 291.

The Cakchiquels are south of the Quichés. 'The territory of the Kachiqueles was composed of that which now forms the provinces of Chimaltenango and Sacatepeques, and the district of Sololá; and as the Kachiquel language is also spoken in the villages of Patulul, Cotzumalguapan, and others along the same coast, it is a plausible supposition that they were colonies settled by the Kachiquels, for the purpose of cultivating the desirable productions of a warmer climate than their own.' Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 169. 'La capitale fut, en dernier lieu, Iximché ou Tecpan-Guatemala, lors de la déclaration de l'indépendence de cette nation.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, 789 Popol Vuh, introd., p. 270. 'Der westliche Theil der Provinz [Atitan] mit 16 Dörfern in 4 Kirchspielen, von Nachkommen der Kachiquelen und Zutugilen bewohnt.' Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 338. 'Los paises de la nacion Cakchiquila son Chimaltenango, Zumpango, Tejar, Santo Domingo, San Pedro las Huertas, San Gaspar, San Luis de las Carretas, y otros diez lugares, todos pertenecientes á las misiones de los PP. dominicos; y á las de los PP. observantes de san Francisco pertenecen Isapa, Pason, Tepan-guatemalan Comalapa, San Antonio, San Juan del Obispo, y otros quince lugares á lo menos de la misma nacion Cakchiquila, cuyas poblaciones estan al rededor de Guatemala.' Hervás, Catálogo, tom. i., p. 305.

The Cakchiquels are located south of the Quichés. "The territory of the Kachiquels included what are now the provinces of Chimaltenango and Sacatepeques, as well as the district of Sololá; since the Kachiquel language is also spoken in the villages of Patulul, Cotzumalguapan, and others along the same coast, it's a reasonable assumption that these were colonies established by the Kachiquels in order to cultivate the desirable produce of a warmer climate than their own." Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 169. "The capital was ultimately Iximché or Tecpan-Guatemala, at the time of this nation's declaration of independence." Brasseur de Bourbourg, 789 Popol Vuh, introd., p. 270. "The western part of the province [Atitlán] is inhabited by descendants of the Kachiquels and Zutugils, consisting of 16 villages in 4 parishes." Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 338. "The regions of the Cakchiquil nation include Chimaltenango, Zumpango, Tejar, Santo Domingo, San Pedro las Huertas, San Gaspar, San Luis de las Carretas, and another ten places, all belonging to the missions of the Dominican Fathers; while the Observant Friars of Saint Francis oversee Isapa, Pason, Tepan-Guatemalan Comalapa, San Antonio, San Juan del Obispo, and at least another fifteen places of the same Cakchiquil nation, whose communities are located around Guatemala." Hervás, Catálogo, tom. i., p. 305.

The Zutugils dwelt near the lake of Atitlan. 'The dominion of the Zutugiles extended over the modern district of Atitan, and the village of San Antonio, Suchiltepeques.' Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 169. 'La capital de los cachiqueles era Patinamit ó Tecpanguatemala, ciudad grande y fuerte; y la de los zutuhiles, Atitan, cerca de la laguna de este nombre y que se tenia por inexpugnable.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., pp. 121-2.

The Zutugils lived near Lake Atitlan. 'The territory of the Zutugils covered the area of the modern district of Atitan and the village of San Antonio, Suchiltepeques.' Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 169. 'The capital of the Cachiqueles was Patinamit or Tecpanguatemala, a large and strong city; and that of the Zutuhiles was Atitan, near the lake of the same name and considered impregnable.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., pp. 121-2.

The Chortis live on the banks of the Motagua River. The Chiquimula 'Indians belong to the Chorti nation.' Gavarrete, in Panamá Star and Herald, Dec. 19, 1867; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 48.

The Chortis live along the banks of the Motagua River. The Chiquimula 'Indians are part of the Chorti nation.' Gavarrete, in Panamá Star and Herald, Dec. 19, 1867; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 48.

GUATEMALANS.

Guatemalans.

Brasseur de Bourbourg describes quite a number of very ancient nations, of some of which he endeavors to fix the localities, and which I insert here. Dan or Tamub founded a monarchy on the Guatemalan plateau. Their 'capitale, Amag-Dan, existait, suivant toute apparence, entre les monts Tohil et Mamah, à trois lieues à peine au nord d'Utlatlan.' Popol Vuh, introd., pp. 148, 262. 'Ilocab étendait sa domination à l'ouest et au sud de Tamub, et la cité d'Uquincat, siége principale de cette maison, occupait un plateau étroit, situé entre les mêmes ravins qui ceignent un peu plus bas les ruines d'Utlatlan.' 'La ville d'Uquincat (forme antique). Avec le filet (à mettre le maïs), était sur un plateau au nord-ouest de ceux d'Utlatlan, dont elle n'était séparée que par ses ravins; on en voit encore les ruines connues aujourd'hui sous le nom de P'-Ilocab, en Ilocab.' Id., p. 263. Agaab, 'dont les possessions s'étendaient sur les deux rives du Chixoy ou Lacandon.' 'C'était une nation, puissante dont les principales villes existaient à peu de distance de la rive gauche du fleuve Chixoy ou Lacandon (Rio Grande de Sacapulas). L'une d'elles était Carinal, dont j'ai visité le premier, en 1856, les belles ruines, situées sur les bords du Pacalag, rivière qui se jette dans le Lacandon, presque vis-à-vis l'embouchure de celle de Rabinal, dans la Vérapaz.' Ib. Cabinal, 'la capitale était à Zameneb, dans les montagnes de Xoyabah ou Xolabah, [Entre les rochers].' Id., p. 270. Ah-Actulul, 'sept tribus de la nation Ah-Actulul, qui s'étaient établies sur des territoires dépendants de la souveraineté d'Atitlan.' 'Ces sept tribus sont: Ah-Tzuque, Ah-Oanem, Manacot, Manazaquepet, Vancoh, Yabacoh et Ah-Tzakol-Quet ou Queh.—Ac-Tulul peut-être pour Ah-Tulul.' Id., p. 274. 'Ah-Txiquinaha, ceux ou les habitants de Tziquinaha (Nid d'oiseau), dont la capitale fut Atitlan, sur le lac du même nom.' Id., p. 296. Acutee, 'nom aussi d'une ancienne tribu dont on retrouve le souvenir dans Chuvi-Acutec, au-dessus d'Acutec, sur le territoire de Chalcitan, près de Malacatan et de Huehuetenango.' Id., pp. 342-3. Cohah, 'nom d'une tribu antique dans l'orient des Quichés.' Id., p. 353. 790

Brasseur de Bourbourg describes several very ancient nations, some of which he tries to identify in terms of their locations, and I’ll include them here. Dan or Tamub established a monarchy on the Guatemalan plateau. Their capital, Amag-Dan, apparently existed between the Tohil and Mamah mountains, just three leagues north of Utlatlan. Popol Vuh, introd., pp. 148, 262. 'Ilocab extended its power to the west and south of Tamub, and the city of Uquincat, the main seat of this house, occupied a narrow plateau situated between the same ravines that partly surround the ruins of Utlatlan.' 'The city of Uquincat (ancient form). It was on a plateau to the northwest of Utlatlan, separated only by its ravines; the ruins can still be seen today, known as P'-Ilocab, in Ilocab.' Id., p. 263. Agaab, 'whose territories stretched across both banks of the Chixoy or Lacandon.' 'It was a powerful nation whose main cities were located not far from the left bank of the Chixoy or Lacandon (Rio Grande de Sacapulas). One of them was Carinal, where I visited its beautiful ruins back in 1856, situated on the banks of the Pacalag, a river that flows into the Lacandon, almost opposite the mouth of that of Rabinal, in the Vérapaz.' Ib. Cabinal, 'the capital was in Zameneb, in the mountains of Xoyabah or Xolabah, [between the rocks].' Id., p. 270. Ah-Actulul, 'seven tribes of the Ah-Actulul nation, which had settled in territories dependent on the sovereignty of Atitlan.' 'These seven tribes are: Ah-Tzuque, Ah-Oanem, Manacot, Manazaquepet, Vancoh, Yabacoh, and Ah-Tzakol-Quet or Queh.—Ac-Tulul could perhaps be for Ah-Tulul.' Id., p. 274. 'Ah-Txiquinaha, those or the inhabitants of Tziquinaha (Bird's Nest), whose capital was Atitlan, on the lake of the same name.' Id., p. 296. Acutee, 'also the name of an ancient tribe whose memory returns in Chuvi-Acutec, above Acutec, on the territory of Chalcitan, near Malacatan and Huehuetenango.' Id., pp. 342-3. Cohah, 'name of an ancient tribe in the east of the Quichés.' Id., p. 353. 790

The Chontales dwell in the mountain districts N.E. of Lake Nicaragua, besides having miscellaneous villages in Guerrero, Oajaca, Tabasco, Guatemala, and Honduras. 'En el Departamento de Tlacolula ... y se encuentran chontales en Guerrero, en Tabasco y en Guatemala.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 186-7. In San Salvador, Choluteca, Honduras, Nicaragua. Palacio, in Pacheco, Col. Doc. Inéd., tom. vi., pp. 7, 26, 35. 'Quiéchápa 20 Leguas südöstlich von Oajáca und 10 Leguas südwestlich von Nejápa.... An den Gränzen des Landes der Chontáles.' ... 'Tlapalcatepéc. Hauptort im Lande der Chontáles.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. 172-3, 175, 192. 'Les Chontáles s'étaient vus en possession de toute la contrée qui s'étend entre la mer et la chaîne de Quyecolani ... étaient en possession non seulement de Nexapa, mais encore de la portion la plus importante de la montagne de Quiyecolani.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 3, 47. 'Au nord-ouest du grand lac, les Chondals occupaient le district montagneux appelé encore aujourd'hui Chontales, d'après eux.' Holinski, La Californie, p. 290. 'Inhabitants of the mountainous regions to the north-east of the lake of Nicaragua.' Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 52. 'Au nord des lacs, les Chontales barbares habitaient la cordillère.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 110. 'The Chontals covered Chontales, northward of Lake Nicaragua, and lying between the tribes already given, and those on the Caribbean Sea.' Stout's Nicaragua, p. 114. 'Bewohner der Gebirgsgegenden nordöstlich vom See von Nicaragua.' Froebel, Aus Amer., tom. i., p. 285. 'In Nicaragua die Chontales im Hochlande im N. des Managua-Sees.' Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 246. 'Deste lugar [Yztepeque] comiençan los Chontales.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x. 'The Chondals or Chontals, the third great division mentioned by Oviedo, occupied the wide, mountainous region, still bearing the name of Chontales, situated to the northward of Lake Nicaragua, and midway between the nations already named and the savage hordes bordering the Caribbean Sea.' Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 311. 'On the northern shores of the Lake of Nicaragua.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 48. 'The Lencas ... under the various names of Chontals, and perhaps Xicaques and Payas, occupying what is now the Department of San Miguel in San Salvador, of Comayagua, Choluteca, Tegucigalpa, and parts of Olancho and Yoro in Honduras, including the islands of Roatan, Guanaja, and their dependencies.' Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 252.

The Chontales live in the mountain regions northeast of Lake Nicaragua, and also have various villages in Guerrero, Oaxaca, Tabasco, Guatemala, and Honduras. 'In the Department of Tlacolula ... and Chontales can be found in Guerrero, in Tabasco and in Guatemala.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 186-7. In San Salvador, Choluteca, Honduras, Nicaragua. Palacio, in Pacheco, Col. Doc. Inéd., tom. vi., pp. 7, 26, 35. 'Quiéchápa 20 leagues southeast of Oaxaca and 10 leagues southwest of Nejápa.... At the borders of the Chontales territory.' ... 'Tlapalcatepéc. The main town in the land of the Chontales.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. 172-3, 175, 192. 'The Chontales had claimed all the region that extends between the sea and the Quyecolani mountain range ... they possessed not only Nexapa but also the most significant part of the Quiyecolani mountain.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 3, 47. 'To the northwest of the large lake, the Chontales occupied the mountain district still known today as Chontales, named after them.' Holinski, La Californie, p. 290. 'Inhabitants of the mountain regions northeast of the lake of Nicaragua.' Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 52. 'To the north of the lakes, the barbaric Chontales lived in the cordillera.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 110. 'The Chontales covered the area north of Lake Nicaragua, lying between the already mentioned tribes and those on the Caribbean Sea.' Stout's Nicaragua, p. 114. 'Residents of the mountainous areas northeast of the Lake of Nicaragua.' Froebel, Aus Amer., tom. i., p. 285. 'In Nicaragua, the Chontales inhabit the highlands north of Lake Managua.' Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 246. 'From this place [Yztepeque], the Chontales begin.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x. 'The Chondales or Chontales, the third major division mentioned by Oviedo, occupied the vast mountainous region still called Chontales, located north of Lake Nicaragua, and situated between the already named nations and the savage groups bordering the Caribbean Sea.' Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 311. 'On the northern shores of Lake Nicaragua.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 48. 'The Lencas ... under various names like Chontales, and perhaps Xicaques and Payas, occupied what is now the Department of San Miguel in San Salvador, as well as Comayagua, Choluteca, Tegucigalpa, and parts of Olancho and Yoro in Honduras, including the islands of Roatan, Guanaja, and their dependencies.' Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 252.

The Pipiles 'n'y occupaient guère quelques cantons sur les côtes de l'océan Pacifique, dans la province d'Itzcuintlan et ne s'internaient que vers les frontières de l'état de San-Salvador, le long des rives du rio Paxa.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 120. 'Welche den ganzen westlichen Theil des heutigen Staates von S. Salvador südlich vom Rio Lampa, das sogen. Reich Cozcotlan bewohnten.' Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 322, 326. 'Are settled along the coasts of the Pacific, from the province of Escuintla to that of St. Salvador.... In a short time these Pipiles multiplied immensely, and spread over the provinces of Zonzonate, St. Salvador, and St. Miguel.' Juarros' Hist. Guat., pp. 202, 224. Among 'los Izalcos y costa de Guazacapan ... San Salvador ... Honduras ... Nicaragua.' Palacio, in Pacheco, Col. Doc. Inéd., tom. vi., p. 7. 791

The Pipiles typically occupied only a few regions along the Pacific coast, in the province of Itzcuintlan, and ventured just to the borders of the state of San Salvador, along the banks of the río Paxa. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., vol. ii., p. 120. 'Which inhabited the entire western part of present-day San Salvador south of the Río Lampa, the so-called realm of Cozcotlan.' Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 322, 326. 'They are settled along the coasts of the Pacific, from the province of Escuintla to that of St. Salvador.... In no time at all, these Pipiles grew significantly and spread across the provinces of Zonzonate, St. Salvador, and St. Miguel.' Juarros' Hist. Guat., pp. 202, 224. Among 'los Izalcos and the coast of Guazacapan ... San Salvador ... Honduras ... Nicaragua.' Palacio, in Pacheco, Col. Doc. Inéd., vol. vi., p. 7. 791

Nonohualcas. 'Á la falda de un alto volcan (San Vicente) están cuatro lugares de indios, que llaman los Nunualcos.' Id., p. 25.

Nonohualcas. 'At the foot of a tall volcano (San Vicente) are four Indian settlements, which they call the Nunualcos.' Id., p. 25.

Tlascaltecs. 'In mehreren Puncten San Salvadors, wie z. B. in Isalco, Mexicanos, Nahuisalco leben noch jetzt Indianer vom Stamme der Tlaskalteken.' Scherzer, Wanderungen, p. 456.

Tlascaltecs. 'In several places in San Salvador, such as Isalco and Nahuisalco, there are still indigenous people from the Tlaskaltec tribe.' Scherzer, Wanderungen, p. 456.

NATIONS OF NICARAGUA.

Nations of Nicaragua.

The Cholutecs 'occupied the districts north of the Nagrandans, extending along the Gulf of Fonseca into what is now Honduras territory.' Stout's Nicaragua, p. 114. 'The Cholutecans, speaking the Cholutecan dialect, situated to the northward of the Nagrandans, and extending along the Gulf of Fonseca, into what is now the territory of Honduras. A town and river in the territory here indicated, still bear the name of Choluteca, which however is a Mexican name.' Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 310. These Soconusco exiles settled 'dans les terres qui s'étendent au nord et à l'ouest du golfe de Conchagua, aux frontières de Honduras et de Nicaragua.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 79. 'Beyond them (Nagrandans) on the gulf of Fonseca, a nation called the Cholutecans had their seats.' Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 53.

The Cholutecs occupied the areas north of the Nagrandans, stretching along the Gulf of Fonseca into what is now Honduras.' Stout's Nicaragua, p. 114. 'The Cholutecans, who spoke the Cholutecan dialect, were located to the north of the Nagrandans and extended along the Gulf of Fonseca, into what is now Honduras. A town and river in this region still carry the name Choluteca, which is originally a Mexican name.' Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 310. These Soconusco exiles settled 'in the lands that stretch north and west of the Gulf of Conchagua, at the borders of Honduras and Nicaragua.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 79. 'Beyond them (Nagrandans) on the Gulf of Fonseca, there was a group called the Cholutecans.' Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 53.

Maribios, a tribe formerly inhabiting the mountain region about Leon. 'Ihre Wohnsitze bildeten die Provinz Maribichoa.' Froebel, Aus Amer., tom. i., p. 333.

Maribios, a tribe that used to live in the mountainous area around Leon. 'Their residences formed the province of Maribichoa.' Froebel, Aus Amer., vol. i., p. 333.

'Ay en Nicaragua cinco leguajes ... Coribici ... Chorotega ... Chondal ... Orotiña ... Mexicano.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 264. 'Hablauan en Nicaragua, cinco lenguas diferentes, Coribizi, que lo hablan mucho en Chuloteca ... Los de Chontal, ... la quarta es Orotina, Mexicana es la quinta.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. 'In Nicaragua there were fiue linages, and different languages: the Coribici, Ciocotoga, Ciondale, Oretigua, and the Mexican.' Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. v., p. 887; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 35; Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 132.

'Ay en Nicaragua cinco leguajes ... Coribici ... Chorotega ... Chondal ... Orotiña ... Mexicano.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 264. 'In Nicaragua, they spoke five different languages: Coribici, which is widely spoken in Chuloteca ... The Chontal speakers ... the fourth is Orotina, and the fifth is Mexicano.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. 'In Nicaragua, there were five tribes and different languages: the Coribici, Ciocotoga, Ciondale, Oretigua, and the Mexican.' Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. v., p. 887; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 35; Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 132.

The Chorotegans 'occupied the entire country north of the Niquirans, extending along the Pacific Ocean, between it and Lake Managua, to the borders, and probably for a distance along the shores of the gulf of Fonseca. They also occupied the country south of the Niquirans, and around the gulf of Nicoya, then called Orotina.' Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 310. 'Welche die Gegenden zwischen der Südsee und dem Managua-See von der Fonseca-Bai südwärts bis zu den aztekisch sprechenden Indianern bewohnen und auch südlich von den Niquirians bis zur Bai von Nicoya sich ausbreiten.' Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 246. 'North of the Mexican inhabitants of Nicaragua (the Niquirans), between the Pacific Ocean, Lake Managua, and the Gulf of Fonseca.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 48. Before the conquest they occupied 'les régions aujourd'hui à peu près désertes qui s'étendent entre le territoire de Tehuantepec et celui de Soconusco, sur les bords de l'Océan Pacifique.' ... To escape the Olmec tyranny they emigrated to 'golfe de Nicoya; de là, ils retournèrent ensuite, en passant les monts, jusqu'au lac de Nicaragua et se fixèrent sur ses bords.' Driven off by the Nahuas 'les uns, se dirigeant au nord-ouest, vont fonder Nagarando, au bord du lac de Managua, tandis que les autres contournaient les rivages du golfe de Nicoya, que l'on trouve encore aujourd'hui habités par leurs descendants.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, introd., pp. cc., ccii. 'Als die Spanier nach Nicaragua 792 kamen, war diess Volk an der Küste verbreitet ... wohnten längs der Küste des Austroloceans.' Hassel, Mex. Guat., pp. 397-8.

The Chorotegans occupied the entire area north of the Niquirans, stretching along the Pacific Ocean, between it and Lake Managua, to the borders, and likely along the shores of the Gulf of Fonseca. They also inhabited the land south of the Niquirans and around the Gulf of Nicoya, which was then called Orotina. Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 310. "They occupy the regions between the South Sea and Lake Managua from the Gulf of Fonseca southward to the Aztec-speaking Indians and also spread south of the Niquirans to the Gulf of Nicoya." Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 246. "North of the Mexican inhabitants of Nicaragua (the Niquirans), between the Pacific Ocean, Lake Managua, and the Gulf of Fonseca." Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 48. Before the conquest, they occupied "the areas that are mostly deserted today, stretching between the territory of Tehuantepec and that of Soconusco, along the Pacific Ocean." ... To escape the Olmec tyranny, they emigrated to "the Gulf of Nicoya; from there, they later returned, crossing the mountains, to Lake Nicaragua, and settled on its shores." Driven off by the Nahuas, "some, heading northwest, founded Nagarando, by Lake Managua, while others navigated the shores of the Gulf of Nicoya, which is still inhabited today by their descendants." Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, introd., pp. cc., ccii. "When the Spaniards came to Nicaragua, this people was spread along the coast... living along the coast of the Austrolocean." Hassel, Mex. Guat., pp. 397-8.

The Dirians 'occupied the territory lying between the upper extremity of Lake Nicaragua, the river Tipitapa, and the southern half of Lake Managua and the Pacific, whose principal towns were situated where now stand the cities of Granada, (then called Salteba,) Masaya, and Managua, and the villages of Tipitapa, Diriomo and Diriamba.' Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 310. 'Groupés dans les localités encore connues de Liria, de Diriomé, de Diriamba, de Monbacho et de Lenderi, sur les hauteurs qui forment la base du volcan de Mazaya.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 111. 'Occupied Masaya, Managua, Tipitapa, Diriomo, and Diriamba.' Stout's Nicaragua, p. 114; Froebel, Aus Amer., tom. i., p. 287.

The Dirians occupied the area between the northern tip of Lake Nicaragua, the Tipitapa River, and the southern half of Lake Managua and the Pacific, with their main towns located where the cities of Granada (then known as Salteba), Masaya, and Managua are today, as well as the villages of Tipitapa, Diriomo, and Diriamba. Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 310. 'Grouped in the locations still known as Liria, Diriomé, Diriamba, Monbacho, and Lenderi, on the hills that form the base of the Mazaya volcano.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 111. 'Occupied Masaya, Managua, Tipitapa, Diriomo, and Diriamba.' Stout's Nicaragua, p. 114; Froebel, Aus Amer., tom. i., p. 287.

The Nagrandans. 'Entre les Dirias et la Choluteca était située la province des Mangnés ou Nagarandas (Torquemada dit que Nagarando est un mot de leur langue. Oviedo les appelle Nagrandas), dont les fertiles campagnes s'étendaient, au nord et à l'ouest du lac de Managua, jusqu'à la mer; on y admirait les cités florissantes de Chinandéga, de Chichigalpa, de Pozoltega, de Telica, de Subtiaba, de Nagarando, appelée aussi Xolotlan, de Matiares et une foule d'autres, réduites maintenant, pour la plupart, à de misérables bourgades.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 111-12. 'The Nagrandans occupied the plain of Leon between the northern extreme of Lake Managua and the Pacific.' Stout's Nicaragua, p. 114. 'An welche sich weiter nordwestwärts (the last mention was Dirians) die Bewohner der Gegend von Leon, welche Squier Nagrander nennt ... anschlossen.' Froebel, Aus Amer., tom. i., p. 287. 'Chorotega tribe of the plains of Leon, Nicaragua.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 130; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 310.

The Nagrandans. 'Between the Dirias and the Choluteca was the province of Mangnés or Nagarandas (Torquemada states that Nagarando is a word from their language. Oviedo refers to them as Nagrandas), whose fertile lands stretched, to the north and west of Lake Managua, all the way to the sea; it was home to the thriving cities of Chinandéga, Chichigalpa, Pozoltega, Telica, Subtiaba, Nagarando, also known as Xolotlan, Matiares, and many others, most of which are now reduced to miserable villages.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., vol. ii., pp. 111-12. 'The Nagrandans occupied the plain of Leon between the northern edge of Lake Managua and the Pacific.' Stout's Nicaragua, p. 114. 'To which the inhabitants of the Leon area further northwest (the last mention was Dirians) joined, referred to by Squier as Nagrander ...' Froebel, Aus Amer., vol. i., p. 287. 'Chorotega tribe of the plains of Leon, Nicaragua.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 130; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 310.

The Niquirans 'settled in the district of Nicaragua, between the Lake of Nicaragua and the Pacific Ocean.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 134. 'Au centre du pays, sur le lac Nicaragua, appelé Cocibolca par les indigènes, vivaient les Niquirans.' Holinski, La Californie, p. 290. Ometepec. 'This island was occupied by the Niquirans.' Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 313; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., p. 74.

The Niquirans settled in the region of Nicaragua, situated between Lake Nicaragua and the Pacific Ocean. Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 134. 'In the center of the country, on Lake Nicaragua, known as Cocibolca by the indigenous people, lived the Niquirans.' Holinski, La Californie, p. 290. Ometepec. 'This island was inhabited by the Niquirans.' Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 313; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., p. 74.

The Orotiñans occupied 'the country around the Gulf of Nicoya, and to the southward of Lake Nicaragua.' Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 310. 'Am Golfe von Orotina oder Nicoya.... Unter den geographischen Namen im Lande der Orotiner stösst man auf den Vulkan Orosi, im jetzigen Costa Rica, während einer der Vulkane in der Kette der Maribios, bei Leon, also im Lande der Nagrander, Orota heisst.' Froebel, Aus Amer., tom. i., p. 287. 'Les Orotinas, voisins du golfe de Nicoya, dont les villes principales étaient Nicoya, Orotina, Cantren et Choroté.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 110. 'Settled the country south of Lake Nicaragua around the Gulf of Nicoya.' Stout's Nicaragua, p. 114.

The Orotiñans lived in the area around the Gulf of Nicoya and south of Lake Nicaragua. Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 310. "In the Gulf of Orotina or Nicoya... Among the geographical names in the land of the Orotiner, one comes across the volcano Orosi, located in present-day Costa Rica, while one of the volcanoes in the Maribios chain, near Leon, which is in the territory of the Nagrander, is called Orota." Froebel, Aus Amer., tom. i., p. 287. "The Orotinas, neighbors of the Gulf of Nicoya, whose main cities were Nicoya, Orotina, Cantren, and Choroté." Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 110. "Settled the area south of Lake Nicaragua around the Gulf of Nicoya." Stout's Nicaragua, p. 114.

MOSQUITO NATIONS.

MOSQUITO NATIONS.

The Mosquitos, as a subdivision of this group, inhabit the whole of Honduras, the eastern portion of Nicaragua, and all that part of the coast on the Caribbean Sea known as the Mosquito Coast.

The Mosquitoes, as a subgroup of this group, live throughout Honduras, the eastern part of Nicaragua, and all of the coastline along the Caribbean Sea known as the Mosquito Coast.

The Xicaques 'exist in the district lying between the Rio Ulua and Rio Tinto.... It seems probable that the Xicaques were once much more 793 widely diffused, extending over the plains of Olancho, and into the Department of Nueva Segovia, in Nicaragua.' Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 244. 'Se rencontrent principalement dans le département de Yoro ... (some) à l'embouchure de la rivière Choloma, et le reste est dispersé dans les montagnes à l'ouest de la plaine de Sula. Dans le département de Yoro, ils sont répandus dans le pays depuis la rivière Sulaco jusqu'à la baie de Honduras.' Id., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1858, tom. clx., pp. 133-4. Yoro department; 'Welche am oberen Lauf der Flüsse und in dem Berg- und Hügellande zwischen der Küste und dem Thale von Olancho wohnen.' Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 317.

The Xicaques exist in the area between the Rio Ulua and Rio Tinto.... It seems likely that the Xicaques were once much more 793 widespread, extending across the plains of Olancho and into the Nueva Segovia Department in Nicaragua.' Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 244. 'They are mainly found in the Yoro department ... (some) at the mouth of the Choloma River, and the rest are scattered in the mountains west of the Sula plain. In the Yoro department, they are spread across the region from the Sulaco River to the Bay of Honduras.' Id., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1858, tom. clx., pp. 133-4. Yoro department; 'Which live along the upper reaches of the rivers and in the mountainous and hilly areas between the coast and the valley of Olancho.' Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 317.

The Poyas. 'In the triangle between the Tinto, the sea, and the Rio Wanks, or Segovia.' Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 244. 'Inhabit the Poyer mountains, beyond the Embarcadero on the Polyer River.' Young's Narrative, p. 80. 'Den westlichen Theil des Distrikts Taguzgalpa, zwischen den Flüssen Aguan und Barbo.' Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 389. 'Inhabit the heads of the Black and Patook rivers.' Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 258.

The Poyas. 'In the area between the Tinto, the sea, and the Rio Wanks, or Segovia.' Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 244. 'Live in the Poyer mountains, beyond the Embarcadero on the Polyer River.' Young's Narrative, p. 80. 'In the western part of the Taguzgalpa district, between the Aguan and Barbo rivers.' Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 389. 'Live at the sources of the Black and Patook rivers.' Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 258.

The Towkas, 'bewohnen die südlichen Gegenden des Distrikts (Taguzgalpa) und das Gebirge.' Hassel, Mex. Guat., pp. 390-1. 'Their principal residence is at the head of Patook River.' Young's Narrative, p. 87. 'They dwell along the Twaka river which is a branch of the Prinz Awala.' Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 258.

The Towkas live in the southern areas of the district (Taguzgalpa) and the mountains. Hassel, Mex. Guat., pp. 390-1. 'Their main home is at the head of the Patook River.' Young's Narrative, p. 87. 'They reside along the Twaka River, which is a tributary of the Prinz Awala.' Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 258.

The 'Toonglas inhabit along the other branch of the same river.' Ib.

The 'Toonglas live along the other side of the same river.' Ib.

The Smoos 'inhabit the heads of all the rivers from Blewfields to Patook.' Id., p. 256.

The Smoos 'live in the heads of all the rivers from Blewfields to Patook.' Id., p. 256.

The Cookras 'reside about one hundred and thirty miles from its mouth' (the Rio Escondido). Strangeways' Mosquito Shore, p. 30.

The Cookras 'live around one hundred and thirty miles from where it flows into the sea' (the Rio Escondido). Strangeways' Mosquito Shore, p. 30.

The Caribs 'now occupy the coast from the neighborhood of the port of Truxillo to Carataska Lagoon.... Their original seat was San Vincent, one of what are called the Leeward Islands, whence they were deported in a body, by the English, in 1798, and landed upon the then unoccupied island of Roatan, in the Bay of Honduras.' They afterwards removed to the main land 'in the vicinity of Truxillo, whence they have spread rapidly to the eastward. All along the coast, generally near the mouths of the various rivers with which it is fringed, they have their establishments or towns.' Bard's Waikna, p. 316. 'Now settled along the whole extent of coast from Cape Gracias à Dios to Belize.' Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 185. 'Dwell on the sea coast, their first town, Cape Town, being a few miles to the westward of Black River.' Young's Narrative, pp. 71, 122, 134. In Roatan: 'Die Volksmenge besteht aus Caraiben und Sambos, deren etwa 4,000 auf der Insel seyn sollen.' Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 386. 'Unter den Caraibendörfern sind zu nennen: Stanu Creek ... unfern im S. von Belize und von da bis zur Südgrenze Settee, Lower Stanu Creek, Silver Creek, Seven Hills und Punta Gorda.' Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 300. See also: Sivers, Mittelamerika, pp. 154, 179; Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., p. 289.

The Caribs now occupy the coast from near the port of Truxillo to Carataska Lagoon. Their original home was San Vincent, which is part of the Leeward Islands. They were forcibly relocated by the English in 1798 and landed on the then-uninhabited island of Roatan, in the Bay of Honduras. They later moved to the mainland around Truxillo and have quickly spread eastward. All along the coast, generally near the mouths of the various rivers, they have established towns. Bard's Waikna, p. 316. They are now settled along the entire coast from Cape Gracias à Dios to Belize. Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 185. They live on the coastline, with their first town, Cape Town, located a few miles west of Black River. Young's Narrative, pp. 71, 122, 134. In Roatan: 'Die Volksmenge besteht aus Caraiben und Sambos, deren etwa 4,000 auf der Insel seyn sollen.' Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 386. Among the Carib villages are: Stanu Creek, located just south of Belize, and then down to the southern border, including Settee, Lower Stanu Creek, Silver Creek, Seven Hills, and Punta Gorda. Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 300. See also: Sivers, Mittelamerika, pp. 154, 179; Morelet, Voyage, vol. ii, p. 289.

The Ramas extend from Greytown to Blewfields, a region 'uninhabited except by the scanty remnant of a tribe called Ramas.' 'Inhabit a small island at the southern extremity of Blewfields Lagoon; they are only a miserable 794 remnant of a numerous tribe that formerly lived on the St. John's and other rivers in that neighbourhood. A great number of them still live at the head of the Rio Frio, which runs into the St. John's River at San Carlos Fort.' Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 242, 259. 'Rama Cay, in Blewfiels Lagoon. This small island is the refuge of a feeble remnant of the once powerful Rama tribe.' Pim and Seemann's Dottings, p. 278.

The Ramas stretch from Greytown to Blewfields, an area "uninhabited except for the small remaining members of a tribe called Ramas." "They live on a small island at the southern tip of Blewfields Lagoon; they are just a pitiful remnant of a once numerous tribe that used to inhabit the St. John's and other nearby rivers. Many of them still reside at the head of the Rio Frio, which flows into the St. John's River at San Carlos Fort." Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 242, 259. "Rama Cay, in Blewfields Lagoon. This small island is the refuge for a weak remnant of the once powerful Rama tribe." Pim and Seemann's Dottings, p. 278.

The Mosquitos inhabit 'the whole coast from Pearl Key Lagoon to Black River, and along the banks of the Wawa and Wanx, or Wanks Rivers for a great distance inland.' Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 250. 'L'intérieur du pays est occupé par la nation sauvage et indomptable des Mosquitos-Sombos. Les côtes, surtout près le cap Gracias à Dios, sont habitées par une autre tribu d'Indiens que les navigateurs anglais ont appelés Mosquitos de la côte.' Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 472. 'An dem Ende dieser Provinz (Honduras), nahe bey dem Cap, Gratias-a-Dios, findet man die berühmte Nation der Mosquiten.' Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 404. 'Nearly the whole coast of Honduras; and their most numerous tribe exists near the Cape Gracios á Dios.' Bonnycastle's Span. Amer., vol. i., p. 172. 'Ocupan el terreno de mas de sesenta leguas, que corren desde la jurisdiccion de Comaniagua, hasta la de Costa-Rica.' Revista Mex., tom. i., p. 404. 'Die Sambo, oder eigentlichen Mosquitoindianer welche den grössten Theil der Seeküste bis zum Black river hinauf und die an derselben gelegenen Savannen bewohnen.' Mosquitoland, Bericht, p. 19. 'Inhabiting on the Main, on the North side, near Cape Gratia Dios; between Cape Honduras and Nicaragua.' Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., p. 7. 'Inhabit a considerable space of country on the continent of America, nearly extending from Point Castile, or Cape Honduras, the southern point of the Bay of Truxillo, to the northern branch of the river Nicaragua, called usually St. Juan's; and comprehending within these limits nearly 100 leagues of land on the sea coast, from latitude 11 to 16 deg.' Henderson's Honduras, pp. 211-12. The Sambos 'inhabit the country from Sandy Bay to Potook.' Strangeways' Mosquito Shore, p. 330. 'The Sambos, or Mosquitians, inhabit the sea coast, and the savannas inland, as far west as Black River.' Young's Narrative, p. 71. 'The increase and expansion of the Caribs has already driven most of the Sambos, who were established to the northward and westward of Cape Gracias á Dios, into the territory of Nicaragua, southward of the Cape.' Squier's Honduras [Lond., 1870,] p. 169; Id., Cent. Amer., p. 228.

The Mosquitos live all along the coast from Pearl Key Lagoon to Black River and along the banks of the Wawa and Wanx, or Wanks Rivers, for a long distance inland. Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 250. 'The interior of the country is occupied by the wild and untamed nation of the Mosquitos-Sombos. The coasts, especially near Cape Gracias a Dios, are inhabited by another tribe of Indians that the English navigators called the Mosquitos of the coast.' Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 472. 'At the end of this province (Honduras), near Cape Gracias-a-Dios, you find the famous nation of the Mosquites.' Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 404. 'Almost the whole coast of Honduras; and their largest tribe exists near Cape Gracias a Dios.' Bonnycastle's Span. Amer., vol. i., p. 172. 'They occupy land extending over more than sixty leagues, from the jurisdiction of Comaniagua to that of Costa Rica.' Revista Mex., tom. i., p. 404. 'The Sambo, or the actual Mosquito Indians, inhabit most of the shoreline up to Black River and the savannas nearby.' Mosquitoland, Bericht, p. 19. 'Living on the mainland, on the northern side, near Cape Gratia Dios; between Cape Honduras and Nicaragua.' Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., p. 7. 'They inhabit a significant area of land on the continent of America, nearly stretching from Point Castile, or Cape Honduras, the southern tip of the Bay of Truxillo, to the northern part of the river Nicaragua, usually called St. Juan's; and including within these limits nearly 100 leagues of coastal land, from latitude 11 to 16 degrees.' Henderson's Honduras, pp. 211-12. The Sambos 'live in the area from Sandy Bay to Potook.' Strangeways' Mosquito Shore, p. 330. 'The Sambos, or Mosquitians, inhabit the coastal area and the savannas inland, as far west as Black River.' Young's Narrative, p. 71. 'The growth and spread of the Caribs has already driven many of the Sambos, who were settled to the north and west of Cape Gracias a Dios, into the territory of Nicaragua, south of the Cape.' Squier's Honduras [Lond., 1870,] p. 169; Id., Cent. Amer., p. 228.

ISTHMIAN NATIONS.

Isthmus countries.

The Isthmians, the last sub-division of this group, embrace the people of Costa Rica, together with the nations dwelling on the Isthmus of Panamá, or Darien, as far as the gulf of Urabá, and along the river Atrato to the mouth of the Napipi, thence up the last-named river to the Pacific Ocean. 'The Indian tribes within the territory of Costarrica, distinguished by the name of Parcialidades, are the Valientes, or most eastern people of the state; the Tiribees, who occupy the coast from Bocatoro to the Banana; the Talamancas and Blancos, who inhabit the interior, but frequent the coast between the Banana and Salt Creek; the Montaños and Cabecares, who are settled in the neighbourhood of the high lands bounding Veragua, and the Guatusos, inhabiting the mountains and forest between Esparsa and Bagases, 795 and towards the north of these places.' Galindo, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. vi., p. 134. From Boca del Toro towards the west coast dwell the Viceitas, Blancos, Valientes, Guatusos, Tiribis, and Talamancas. Wagner and Scherzer, Costa Rica, p. 554. Blancos, Valientes, and Talamancas 'entlang der Ostküste zwischen dem Rio Zent und Boca del Toro, im Staate Costa Rica.' Id., p. 573.

The Isthmians, the last subgroup of this group, include the people of Costa Rica and the nations living on the Isthmus of Panamá, or Darien, extending to the Gulf of Urabá and along the Atrato River to the mouth of the Napipi, and then up the Napipi River to the Pacific Ocean. The Indigenous tribes within the territory of Costa Rica, known as Parcialidades, are the Valientes, the easternmost people of the state; the Tiribees, who live along the coast from Boca del Toro to the Banana; the Talamancas and Blancos, who inhabit the interior but are often found along the coast between the Banana and Salt Creek; the Montaños and Cabecares, settled near the highlands bordering Veragua; and the Guatusos, who live in the mountains and forests between Esparza and Bagases, 795 and to the north of those areas. Galindo, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. vi., p. 134. From Boca del Toro towards the west coast live the Viceitas, Blancos, Valientes, Guatusos, Tiribis, and Talamancas. Wagner and Scherzer, Costa Rica, p. 554. Blancos, Valientes, and Talamancas 'along the east coast between the Rio Zent and Boca del Toro, in the state of Costa Rica.' Id., p. 573.

The Guatusos 'vom Nicaragua-See an den Rio Frio aufwärts und zwischen diesem und dem San Carlos bis zum Hochlande.' Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 357. 'Inhabit a territory lying between the Merivales mountains on the west, the lake of Nicaragua and the San Juan river on the north, the Atlantic shore on the east, and the table land of San José upon the south.' ... The Rio Frio 'head-waters are the favorite haunt or habitation of the Guatusos ... occupy the north-east corner of Costa Rica.' Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pref., pp. xii., xix., p. 298. They inhabit 'the basin of the Rio Frio.' Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 405; Id., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1856, tom. cli., p. 5; Id., in Hist. Mag., vol. iv., p. 65; Vigne's Travels, vol. i., p. 77.

The Guatusos 'from Lake Nicaragua up the Rio Frio and between it and the San Carlos to the highlands.' Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 357. 'They inhabit a region bordered by the Merivales mountains to the west, Lake Nicaragua and the San Juan river to the north, the Atlantic coast to the east, and the San José highlands to the south.' ... The Rio Frio 'headwaters are a favorite place or home for the Guatusos ... they occupy the northeast corner of Costa Rica.' Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pref., pp. xii., xix., p. 298. They live 'in the basin of the Rio Frio.' Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 405; Id., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1856, tom. cli., p. 5; Id., in Hist. Mag., vol. iv., p. 65; Vigne's Travels, vol. i., p. 77.

The Guetares 'viven ençima de las sierras del puerto de la Herradora é se extienden por la costa deste golpho al Poniente de la banda del Norte hasta el confin de los Chorotegas.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 108.

The Guetares live on top of the hills near the port of Herradora and stretch along the coast of this gulf to the west, on the northern side, all the way to the border with the Chorotegas. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., vol. iii., p. 108.

The Blancos 'welche ungefähr 5 Tagereisen südöstlich von Angostura in den Bergen hausen.' Wagner and Scherzer, Costa Rica, pp. 556, 554.

The Blancos "who live about 5 days' journey southeast of Angostura in the mountains." Wagner and Scherzer, Costa Rica, pp. 556, 554.

The Valientes and Ramas, 'zwischen dem Punta Gorda und der Lagune von Chiriqui.' Mosquitoland, Bericht, p. 9.

The Valientes and Ramas, 'between Punta Gorda and the Chiriquí Lagoon.' Mosquitoland, Report, p. 9.

Inhabiting the Isthmus were numerous tribes speaking different languages, mentioned by early writers only by the name of the chief, which was usually identical with that of both town and province. In the province of Panamá there were 'quatro señores de lenguas diferentes.... De alli se baxaua a la prouincia de Natá ... treynta leguas de Panamá ... otro llamado Escoria, ocho leguas de Natá.... Ocho leguas mas adelante, la buelta de Panamá, auia otro Cazique dicho Chirú, de lengua diferente: y otras siete leguas mas adelante, házia Panamá, estaua el de Chamé, que era el remate de la lengua de Coyba: y la prouincia de Paris se hallaua doze leguas de Natá, Les hueste.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. vi. Westward from the gulf of Urabá 'hay una provincia que se dice Careta ... yendo mas la costa abajo, fasta cuarenta leguas desta villa, entrando la tierra adentro fasta doce leguas, está un cacique que se dice Comogre y otro que se dice Poborosa.' Balboa, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 366. 'En la primera provincia de los darieles hay las poblaciones siguientes: Seraque, Surugunti, Queno, Moreri, Agrazenuqua, Occabayanti y Uraba.' Hervás, Catálogo, tom. i., p. 280. 'Treinta y tantas leguas del Darien habia una provincia que se decia Careta, y otra cinco leguas de ella que se dice Acla.... La primera provincia desde Acla hácia el ueste es Comogre.... En esta tierra está una provincia que se llama Peruqueta, de una mar á otra, y la isla de las Perlas, y golfo de S. Miguel, y otra provincia, que llamamos las Behetrías por no haber en ella ningun señor, se llama Cueva: es toda una gente y de una lengua.... Desde esta provincia da Peruqueta hasta Adechame que son cerca de 40 leguas todavía al ueste, se llama la provincia de Coiba, y la lengua 796 es la de Cueva ... desde Burica hasta esta provincia, que se dice Tobreytrota, casi que cada señor es diferente de lengua uno de otro.... Desde aquí tornando á bajar cerca de la mar, venimos á la provincia de Nata ... está 30 leguas de Panamá ... tenia por contrario á un señor que se decia Escoria, que tenia sus poblaciones en un rio grande ocho leguas de Meta.... Esta es lengua por sí. Y ocho leguas de allí hácia Panamá está otro señor que se dice Chiru, lengua diferente. Siete leguas de Chiru, hácia Panamá, está la provincia de Chame: es el remate de la lengua de Coiba ... Chiman ... dos leguas de Comogre ... desde esto Chiman ... la provincia de Pocorosa, y de allí dos leguas la vuelta del ueste ... la de Paruraca, donde comienza la de Coiba, y de allí la misma via cuatro leguas ... la de Tubanamá, y de allí á ocho leguas todo á esta via ... la de Chepo, y seis leguas de allí ... la de Chepobar, y dos leguas delante ... la de Pacora, y cuatro de allí ... la de Panamá, y de allí otras cuatro ... la de Periquete, y otras cuatro adelante ... la de Tabore, y otras cuatro adelante ... la de Chame, que es remate de la lengua y provincia de Coiba ... de Chame á la provincia del Chiru hay ocho leguas ... y este Chiru es otra lengua por sí.' Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 397-8, 407-8, 410.

Inhabiting the Isthmus were many tribes speaking different languages, noted by early writers only by the name of their chief, which usually matched that of both the town and the province. In the province of Panamá, there were "four leaders of different languages.... From there, you would go down to the province of Natá ... thirty leagues from Panamá ... another one called Escoria, eight leagues from Natá.... Eight leagues further on, around Panamá, there was another chief called Chirú, who spoke a different language: and seven leagues further towards Panamá, there was the one from Chamé, which was the end of the Coyba language: and the province of Paris was twelve leagues from Natá, the host." Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. vi. Westward from the Gulf of Urabá "there is a province called Careta ... going further down the coast, up to forty leagues from this town, and entering inland up to twelve leagues, there is a chief called Comogre and another called Poborosa." Balboa, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 366. "In the first province of the Darien there are the following settlements: Seraque, Surugunti, Queno, Moreri, Agrazenuqua, Occabayanti, and Uraba." Hervás, Catálogo, tom. i., p. 280. "Thirty leagues from Darien there was a province called Careta, and another five leagues from it called Acla.... The first province from Acla to the west is Comogre.... In this land, there is a province called Peruqueta, from one sea to another, and the Pearl Islands, and the Gulf of S. Miguel, and another province, which we call the Behetrías because there is no lord, is called Cueva: it is all one people and one language.... From this province, Peruqueta to Adechame, which are about 40 leagues still to the west, is the province of Coiba, and the language 796 is that of Cueva ... from Burica to this province, called Tobreytrota, almost every chief speaks a different language.... From here heading back down near the sea, we come to the province of Nata ... it is 30 leagues from Panamá ... it was opposed by a lord called Escoria, who had his settlements on a large river eight leagues from Meta.... This is a language by itself. And eight leagues from there towards Panamá is another lord called Chiru, a different language. Seven leagues from Chiru towards Panamá is the province of Chame: it is the end of the Coyba language ... Chiman ... two leagues from Comogre ... from here Chiman ... the province of Pocorosa, and from there two leagues back to the west ... that of Paruraca, where Coiba starts, and from there the same route four leagues ... that of Tubanamá, and from there to eight leagues all this way ... that of Chepo, and six leagues from there ... that of Chepobar, and two leagues ahead ... that of Pacora, and four from there ... that of Panamá, and from there another four ... that of Periquete, and another four ahead ... that of Tabore, and another four ahead ... that of Chame, which is the end of the language and province of Coiba ... from Chame to the province of Chiru is eight leagues ... and this Chiru is another language by itself." Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 397-8, 407-8, 410.

The Guaimies. 'En la provincia de Veraguas, situada á 9 grados de latitud boreal, está la nacion de los Guaimies ó Huamies.' Hervás, Catálogo, tom. i., pp. 280-1. 'Los quales indios, segun decian, no eran naturales de aquella comarca: ántes era en antigua patria la tierra que está junto al rio grande de Darien.' Cieza de Leon, in Id., p. 281.

The Guaimies. 'In the province of Veraguas, located at 9 degrees north latitude, lies the nation of the Guaimies or Huamies.' Hervás, Catalog, vol. i., pp. 280-1. 'According to what they said, these Indian people were not originally from that area; rather, their ancient homeland was the land next to the great river of Darien.' Cieza de Leon, in Id., p. 281.

'The Indians who at present inhabit the Isthmus are scattered over Bocas del Toro, the northern portions of Veraguas, the north-eastern shores of Panamá, and almost the whole of Darien, and consist principally of four tribes, the Savanerics, the San Blas Indians, the Bayanos, and the Cholos. Each tribe speaks a different language.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 317. 'Les Goajiros, les Motilones, les Guainetas et les Cocinas, dans les provinces de Rio-Hacha, de Upar et de Santa-Marta; et les Dariens, les Cunas et les Chocoes, sur les rives et les affluents de l'Atrato et les côtes du Darien.' Roquette, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1855, tom. cxlvii., pp. 24-5.

The Indigenous people currently living in the Isthmus are spread across Bocas del Toro, the northern parts of Veraguas, the northeastern shores of Panamá, and nearly all of Darien. They mainly consist of four tribes: the Savanerics, the San Blas Indians, the Bayanos, and the Cholons. Each tribe speaks a different language. Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 317. 'The Goajiros, Motilones, Guainetas, and Cocinas, in the provinces of Rio-Hacha, Upar, and Santa-Marta; and the Dariens, Cunas, and Chocoes, along the banks and tributaries of the Atrato and the coasts of Darien.' Roquette, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1855, tom. cxlvii., pp. 24-5.

'The Savanerics occupy the northern portion of Veraguas.' Ib.

'The Savanerics live in the northern part of Veraguas.' Ib.

The Dorachos occupied western Veragua. Id., p. 312.

The Dorachos occupied western Veragua. Id., p. 312.

The Manzanillo, or San Blas Indians, 'inhabit the north-eastern portion of the province of Panama.' Id., p. 320. 'The chief settlement is about San Blas, the rest of the coast being dotted over with small villages.' Gisborne's Darien, p. 156. 'Their principal settlements are on the upper branches of the Chepo, Chiman, and Congo, on the Tuquesa, Ucurganti, Jubuganti, and Chueti, branches of the Chuquanaqua, and on the Pucro and Paya.' Cullen's Darien, p. 69. 'The whole of the Isthmus of Darien, except a small portion of the valley of the Tuyra, comprising the towns of Chipogana, Pinogana, Yavisa, and Santa Maria, and a few scattering inhabitants on the Bayamo near its mouth, is uninhabited except by the San Blas or Darien Indians.... They inhabit the whole Atlantic coast from San Blas to the Tarena, mouth of the Atrato, and in the interior from the Sucubti to the upper parts of the Bayamo.' Selfridge's Darien Surveys, p. 10. 797

The Manzanillo, or San Blas Indians, "live in the northeastern part of the province of Panama." Id., p. 320. "The main settlement is near San Blas, while the rest of the coast has small villages scattered across it." Gisborne's Darien, p. 156. "Their main settlements are on the upper branches of the Chepo, Chiman, and Congo, as well as on the Tuquesa, Ucurganti, Jubuganti, and Chueti, branches of the Chuquanaqua, and on the Pucro and Paya." Cullen's Darien, p. 69. "Most of the Isthmus of Darien, except a small part of the Tuyra valley, which includes the towns of Chipogana, Pinogana, Yavisa, and Santa Maria, and a few scattered people on the Bayamo near its mouth, is uninhabited except by the San Blas or Darien Indians... They occupy the entire Atlantic coast from San Blas to the Tarena, at the mouth of the Atrato, and in the interior from the Sucubti to the upper areas of the Bayamo." Selfridge's Darien Surveys, p. 10. 797

The Mandingos 'occupy the coast as far as the Bay of Caledonia.' Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 92; Reichardt, Cent. Amer., p. 161; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 61.

The Mandingos "occupy the coast all the way to the Bay of Caledonia." Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 92; Reichardt, Cent. Amer., p. 161; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 61.

The Bayanos, 'about the River Chepo.' Id., p. 18; Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 321.

The Bayanos, 'about the River Chepo.' Id., p. 18; Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 321.

The Cholos, 'extending from the Gulf of San Miguel to the bay of Choco, and thence with a few interruptions to the northern parts of the Republic of Ecuador.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 321. 'Inhabiting part of the Isthmus of Darien, east of the river Chuquanaqua, which is watered by the river Paya and its branches in and about lat. 8° 15´ N., and long. 77° 20´ W.' Latham, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xx., p. 189.

The Cholos are found 'stretching from the Gulf of San Miguel to the bay of Choco, and then with a few interruptions to the northern parts of the Republic of Ecuador.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 321. 'They inhabit part of the Isthmus of Darien, east of the Chuquanaqua River, which is fed by the Paya River and its tributaries, located at approximately lat. 8° 15´ N. and long. 77° 20´ W.' Latham, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xx., p. 189.

'The Cunas have established themselves on the shores of the Gulf of Urabá, near the outlets of the Atrato.' Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 92.

'The Cunas have settled on the shores of the Gulf of Urabá, close to the mouths of the Atrato.' Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 92.

The Cunacunas, 'on the south-easterly side of the Isthmus.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 59. 'The remnants of the Chucunaquese who in 1861 dwelt on the banks of the river which bears their name ... have gone up towards the north.' Ib.

The Cunacunas, 'on the southeast side of the Isthmus.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 59. 'The remaining Chucunaquese who lived in 1861 along the river that carries their name ... have moved north.' Ib.

The Chocos, 'on the Leon and the different tributaries of the Atrato.' Michler's Darien, p. 26.

The Chocos, 'on the Leon and the various tributaries of the Atrato.' Michler's Darien, p. 26.

The Caimanes, 'between Punta Arenas and Turbo.' Ib.

The Caimanes, 'between Punta Arenas and Turbo.' Ib.

The Urabás, 'en las selvas y bosques de la Provincia de Urabá.' Alcedo, Dicc., tom. v., p. 258.

The Urabás, 'in the jungles and forests of the Province of Urabá.' Alcedo, Dicc., vol. v., p. 258.

The Idibas 'del Reyno de Tierra-Firme y Gobierno de Panamá, son confinantes con los Chocoes y los Tatabes.' Id., tom. ii., p. 413.

The Idibas 'of the Kingdom of Tierra-Firme and the Government of Panama, are adjacent to the Chocoes and the Tatabes.' Id., tom. ii., p. 413.

The Payas 'on the river of that name.' Selfridge's Darien Surveys, p. 86.

The Payas 'on the river with that name.' Selfridge's Darien Surveys, p. 86.

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

END OF VOLUME ONE.

FOOTNOTES

[1] Of late, custom gives to the main land of Russian America, the name Alaska; to the peninsula, Aliaska; and to a large island of the Aleutian Archipelago, Unalashka. The word of which the present name Alaska is a corruption, is first encountered in the narrative of Betsevin, who, in 1761, wintered on the peninsula, supposing it to be an island. The author of Neue Nachrichten von denen neuentdekten Insuln, writes, page 53, 'womit man nach der abgelegensten Insul Aläksu oder Alachschak über gieng.' Again, at page 57, in giving a description of the animals on the supposed island he calls it 'auf der Insul Aläsku.' 'This,' says Coxe, Russian Discoveries, p. 72, 'is probably the same island which is laid down in Krenitzin's chart under the name of Alaxa.' Unalaschka is given by the author of Neue Nachrichten, p. 74, in his narrative of the voyage of Drusinin, who hunted on that island in 1763. At page 115 he again mentions the 'grosse Insul Aläksu.' On page 125, in Glottoff's log-book, 1764, is the entry: 'Den 28sten May der Wind Ostsüdost; man kam an die Insul Alaska oder Aläksu.' Still following the author of Neue Nachrichten, we have on page 166, in an account of the voyages of Otseredin and Popoff, who hunted upon the Aleutian Islands in 1769, mention of a report by the natives 'that beyond Unimak is said to be a large land Aläschka, the extent of which the islanders do not know.' On Cook's Atlas, voyage 1778, the peninsula is called Alaska, and the island Oonalaska, La Pérouse, in his atlas, map No. 15, 1786, calls the peninsula Alaska, and the island Ounalaska. The Spaniards, in the Atlas para el Viage de las goletas Sutil y Mexicana, 1792, write Alasca for the peninsula, and for the island Unalaska. Sauer, in his account of Billings' expedition, 1790, calls the main land Alaska, the peninsula Alyaska, and the island Oonalashka. Wrangell, in Baer's Statistische und ethnographische Nachrichten, p. 123, writes for the peninsula Alaska and for the island Unalaschka. Holmberg, Ethnographische Skizzen, p. 78, calls the island Unalaschka and the peninsula Aljaska. Dall, Alaska, p. 529, says that the peninsula or main land was called by the natives Alayeksa, and the island Nagun-alayeksa, 'or the land near Alayeksa.' Thus we have, from which to choose, the orthography of the earliest voyagers to this coast—Russian, English, French, Spanish, German, and American. The simple word Alaksu, after undergoing many contortions, some authors writing it differently on different pages of the same book, has at length become Alaska, as applied to the main land; Aliaska for the peninsula, and Unalashka as the name of the island. As these names are all corruptions from some one original word, whatever that may be, I see no reason for giving the error three different forms. I therefore write Alaska for the mainland and peninsula and Unalaska for the island.

[1] Recently, it has become common to refer to the main land of Russian America as Alaska; the peninsula as Aliaska; and a large island in the Aleutian Archipelago as Unalashka. The name Alaska, which is derived from an earlier word, was first mentioned in the account of Betsevin, who spent the winter of 1761 on the peninsula, mistakenly thinking it was an island. The author of Neue Nachrichten von denen neuentdekten Insuln states on page 53, 'with which one crossed to the furthest island Aläksu or Alachschak.' Again, on page 57, while describing the animals on the supposed island, he calls it 'on the island Aläsku.' 'This,' notes Coxe in Russian Discoveries, p. 72, 'is probably the same island marked on Krenitzin's chart as Alaxa.' Unalaschka is mentioned by the author of Neue Nachrichten, p. 74, in his account of Drusinin's voyage, where he hunted on that island in 1763. On page 115, he mentions again the 'large island Aläksu.' On page 125 of Glottoff's logbook from 1764, there is the entry: 'On May 28th, the wind was east-southeast; we arrived at the island Alaska or Aläksu.' Continuing with the author of Neue Nachrichten, page 166 features a report from the natives, 'that beyond Unimak, there is said to be a large land Aläschka, the size of which the islanders do not know.' In Cook's Atlas from his 1778 voyage, the peninsula is named Alaska, and the island Oonalaska. La Pérouse called the peninsula Alaska and the island Ounalaska in his atlas, map No. 15, 1786. The Spaniards referenced in the Atlas para el Viage de las goletas SUtil y Mexicana, 1792, wrote Alasca for the peninsula and Unalaska for the island. Sauer, in his account of Billings' expedition in 1790, identified the mainland as Alaska, the peninsula as Alyaska, and the island as Oonalashka. Wrangell, in Baer's Statistische und ethnographische Nachrichten, p. 123, listed the peninsula as Alaska and the island as Unalaschka. Holmberg, in Ethnographische Skizzen, p. 78, referred to the island as Unalaschka and the peninsula as Aljaska. Dall, in Alaska, p. 529, noted that the natives called the peninsula or mainland Alayeksa and the island Nagun-alayeksa, meaning 'the land near Alayeksa.' Thus, we have a variety of spellings from the earliest explorers to this coast—Russian, English, French, Spanish, German, and American. The straightforward word Alaksu, after going through numerous variations, some authors spelling it differently on various pages of the same book, has ultimately become Alaska for the mainland; Aliaska for the peninsula; and Unalashka for the island. Since all these names originate from some original word, whatever that may be, I see no reason to keep the mistake in three different forms. Therefore, I will write Alaska for both the mainland and peninsula and Unalaska for the island.

[2] The name is said, by Charlevoix 'to be derived from the language of the Abenaqui, a tribe of Algonquins in Canada, who border upon them and call them "Esquimantsic."' 'L'origine de leur nom n'est pas certain. Toutefois il y a bien de l'apparence qu'il vient du mot Abenaqui, esquimantsic qui veut dire "mangeur de viande cruë."' See Prichard's Physical History of Mankind, vol. v., pp. 367, 373. 'French writers call them Eskimaux.' 'English authors, in adopting this term, have most generally written it "Esquimaux," but Dr. Latham, and other recent ethnologists, write it "Eskimos," after the Danish orthography.' Richardson's Polar Regions, p. 298. 'Probably of Canadian origin, and the word, which in French orthography is written Esquimaux, was probably originally Ceux qui miaux (miaulent).' Richardson's Journal, vol. i., p. 340. 'Said to be a corruption of Eskimantik, i. e. raw-fish-eaters, a nickname given them by their former neighbors, the Mohicans.' Seemann's Voyage of the Herald, vol. ii., p. 49. Eskimo is derived from a word indicating sorcerer or Shamán. 'The northern Tinneh use the word Uskeemi.' Dall's Alaska, pp. 144, 531. 'Their own national designation is "Keralit."' Morton's Crania Americana, p. 52. They 'call themselves "Innuit," which signifies "man."' Armstrong's Narrative, p. 191.

[2] The name is believed, according to Charlevoix, to come from the language of the Abenaqui, a tribe of Algonquins in Canada, who live nearby and refer to them as "Esquimantsic." The origin of their name is uncertain. However, it likely comes from the Abenaqui word esquimantsic, which means "eater of raw meat." See Prichard's Physical History of Mankind, vol. v., pp. 367, 373. French writers call them Eskimaux. English authors, when using this term, usually spell it "Esquimaux," but Dr. Latham and other recent ethnologists spell it "Eskimos," following Danish spelling conventions. Richardson's Polar Regions, p. 298. Likely of Canadian origin, the word that is spelled Esquimaux in French may have originally been Ceux qui miaux (miaulent). Richardson's Journal, vol. i., p. 340. It is said to be a corrupted form of Eskimantik, meaning raw-fish-eaters, which was a nickname given to them by their former neighbors, the Mohicans. Seemann's Voyage of the Herald, vol. ii., p. 49. Eskimo comes from a word that means sorcerer or shaman. The northern Tinneh use the word Uskeemi. Dall's Alaska, pp. 144, 531. Their own national name is "Keralit." Morton's Crania Americana, p. 52. They call themselves "Innuit," which means "man." Armstrong's Narrative, p. 191.

[3] It is not without reluctance that I change a word from the commonly accepted orthography. Names of places, though originating in error, when once established, it is better to leave unchanged. Indian names, coming to us through Russian, German, French, or Spanish writers, should be presented in English by such letters as will best produce the original Indian pronunciation. European personal names, however, no matter how long, nor how commonly they may have been erroneously used, should be immediately corrected. Every man who can spell is supposed to be able to give the correct orthography of his own name, and his spelling should in every instance be followed, when it can be ascertained. Veit Bering, anglicè Vitus Behring, was of a Danish family, several members of which were well known in literature before his own time. In Danish writings, as well as among the biographies of Russian admirals, where may be found a fac-simile of his autograph, the name is spelled Bering. It is so given by Humboldt, and by the Dictionnaire de la Conversation. The author of the Neue Nachrichten von denen neuentdekten Insuln, one of the oldest printed works on Russian discoveries in America; as well as Müller, who was the companion of Bering for many years; and Buschmann,—all write Bering. Baer remarks: 'Ich schreibe ferner Bering, obgleich es jetzt fast allgemein geworden ist, Behring zu schreiben, und auch die Engländer und Franzosen sich der letztern Schreibart bequemt haben. Bering war ein Däne und seine Familie war lange vor ihm in der Literatur-Geschichte bekannt. Sie hat ihren Namen auf die von mir angenommene Weise drucken lassen. Derselben Schreibart bediente sich auch der Historiograph Müller, der längere Zeit unter seinen Befehlen gedient hatte, und Pallas.' Statistische und ethnographische Nachrichten, p. 328. There is no doubt that the famous navigator wrote his name Bering, and that the letter 'h' was subsequently inserted to give the Danish sound to the letter 'e.' To accomplish the same purpose, perhaps, Coxe, Langsdorff, Beechey, and others write Beering.

[3] I change a word from the commonly accepted spelling with some hesitation. Place names, even if they started as mistakes, are better left unchanged once they’re established. Indian names, which we got from Russian, German, French, or Spanish sources, should be spelled in a way that produces the closest pronunciation to the original Indian sounds in English. However, European personal names, regardless of their length or the frequency with which they have been incorrectly used, should be corrected immediately. Every person who knows how to spell should be able to provide the correct spelling of their own name, and we should follow their spelling whenever it can be confirmed. Veit Bering, known as Vitus Behring in English, came from a Danish family, several members of which were well-known in literature before his time. In Danish writings, as well as in the biographies of Russian admirals where you can find a facsimile of his signature, the name is spelled Bering. It is also how Humboldt and the Dictionnaire de la Conversation present it. The author of Neue Nachrichten von denen neuentdekten Insuln, one of the oldest printed works on Russian discoveries in America, along with Müller, who was Bering’s companion for many years, and Buschmann—all write it as Bering. Baer states: 'Ich schreibe ferner Bering, obgleich es jetzt fast allgemein geworden ist, Behring zu schreiben, und auch die Engländer und Franzosen sich der letztern Schreibart bequemt haben. Bering war ein Däne und seine Familie war lange vor ihm in der Literatur-Geschichte bekannt. Sie hat ihren Namen auf die von mir angenommene Weise drucken lassen. Derselben Schreibart bediente sich auch der Historiograph Müller, der längere Zeit unter seinen Befehlen gedient hatte, und Pallas.' Statistische und ethnographische Nachrichten, p. 328. There is no doubt that the famous navigator spelled his name Bering, and that the letter 'h' was added later to give the Danish pronunciation to the letter 'e.' To achieve the same aim, perhaps, Coxe, Langsdorff, Beechey, and others write Beering.

[4] 'Die Kadjacker im Gegentheil nähern sich mehr den Amerikanischen Stämmen und gleichen in ihrem Aeussern gar nicht den Eskimos oder den Asiatischen Völkern, wahrscheinlich haben sie durch die Vermischung mit den Stämmen Amerika's ihre ursprüngliche Asiatische äussere Gestalt und Gesichtsbildung verloren und nur die Sprache beibehalten.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn. Nachr., p. 124. 'Ils ressemblent beaucoup aux indigènes des îles Curiles, dépendantes du Japon.' Laplace, Circumnavigation de l'Artémise, vol. vi., p. 45.

[4] 'The Kadjacker, on the other hand, are more similar to American tribes and do not resemble the Eskimos or Asian peoples at all in their appearance. Likely, through mixing with the tribes of America, they have lost their original Asian facial features and characteristics, retaining only the language.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn. Nachr., p. 124. 'They look very much like the natives of the Kuril Islands, which belong to Japan.' Laplace, Circumnavigation de l'Artémise, vol. vi., p. 45.

[5] 'The tribes crowded together on the shores of Beering's Sea within a comparatively small extent of coast-line, exhibit a greater variety, both in personal appearance and dialect, than that which exists between the Western Eskimos and their distant countrymen in Labrador; and ethnologists have found some difficulty in classifying them properly.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 363.

[5] 'The tribes gathered along the shores of Bering Sea, in a relatively small stretch of coastline, show a wider range of personal appearances and dialects than what's found between the Western Eskimos and their far-off counterparts in Labrador; and ethnologists have had some trouble properly classifying them.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 363.

[6] For authorities, see Tribal Boundaries, at the end of this chapter.

[6] For references, see Tribal Boundaries, at the end of this chapter.

[7] Collinson, in London Geographical Society Journal, vol. xxv., p. 201.

[7] Collinson, in London Geographical Society Journal, vol. xxv., p. 201.

[8] 'Im nordwestlichsten Theile von Amerika fand Franklin den Boden, Mitte August, schon in einer Tiefe von 16 Zoll gefroren. Richardson sah an einem östlicheren Punkte der Küste, in 71° 12´ Breite, die Eisschicht im Julius aufgethaut bis 3 Fuss unter der krautbedeckten Oberfläche.' Humboldt, Kosmos, tom. iv., p. 47.

[8] 'In the northwest part of America, Franklin found the ground already frozen to a depth of 16 inches by mid-August. Richardson observed at a more eastern point of the coast, at 71° 12' latitude, that the ice layer had melted down to 3 feet below the vegetation-covered surface in July.' Humboldt, Kosmos, vol. iv, p. 47.

[9] Silliman's Journal, vol. xvi., p. 130. Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 13. Armstrong's Nar., p. 289.

[9] Silliman's Journal, vol. xvi., p. 130. Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 13. Armstrong's Nar., p. 289.

[10] 'Characteristic of the Arctic regions.' Silliman's Jour., vol. xvi., p. 143.

[10] 'Features of the Arctic regions.' Silliman's Jour., vol. xvi., p. 143.

[11] At Kotzebue Sound, in July, Choris writes: 'Le sol était émaillé de fleurs de couleurs variées, dans tous les endroits où la neige venait de fondre.' Voyage Pittoresque, pt. ii., p. 8.

[11] At Kotzebue Sound, in July, Choris writes: 'The ground was covered with flowers of various colors in all the places where the snow had just melted.' Voyage Pittoresque, pt. ii., p. 8.

[12] 'In der Einöde der Inseln von Neu-Sibirien finden grosse Heerden von Rennthieren und zahllose Lemminge noch hinlängliche Nahrung.' Humboldt, Kosmos, vol. iv., p. 42.

[12] 'In the wilderness of the islands of New Siberia, large herds of reindeer and countless lemmings still find enough food.' Humboldt, Kosmos, vol. iv., p. 42.

[13] 'Thermometer rises as high as 61° Fahr. With a sun shining throughout the twenty-four hours the growth of plants is rapid in the extreme.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 15.

[13] 'The thermometer reaches up to 61° Fahrenheit. With the sun shining all day long, plant growth is extremely fast.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 15.

[14] 'During the period of incubation of the aquatic birds, every hole and projecting crag on the sides of this rock is occupied by them. Its shores resound with the chorus of thousands of the feathery tribe.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 349.

[14] 'While the aquatic birds are nesting, every hole and ledge on this rock is filled with them. Its shores echo with the sound of thousands of these feathered creatures.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 349.

[15] 'Their complexion, if divested of its usual covering of dirt, can hardly be called dark.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 51. 'In comparison with other Americans, of a white complexion.' McCulloh's Aboriginal History of America, p. 20. 'White Complexion, not Copper coloured.' Dobbs' Hudson's Bay, p. 50. 'Almost as white as Europeans.' Kalm's Travels, vol. ii., p. 263. 'Not darker than that of a Portuguese.' Lyon's Journal, p. 224. 'Scarcely a shade darker than a deep brunette.' Parry's 3rd Voyage, p. 493. 'Their complexion is light.' Dall's Alaska, p. 381. 'Eye-witnesses agree in their superior lightness of complexion over the Chinooks.' Pickering's Races of Man, U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 28. At Coppermine River they are 'of a dirty copper color; some of the women, however, are more fair and ruddy.' Hearne's Travels, p. 166. 'Considerably fairer than the Indian tribes.' Simpson's Nar., p. 110. At Cape Bathurst 'The complexion is swarthy, chiefly, I think, from exposure and the accumulation of dirt.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 192. 'Shew little of the copper-colour of the Red Indians.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 303. 'From exposure to weather they become dark after manhood.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 343.

[15] 'If you clean off the usual dirt, their skin tone is hardly what you'd call dark.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 51. 'Compared to other Americans with lighter skin tones.' McCulloh's Aboriginal History of America, p. 20. 'Light skin, not copper-colored.' Dobbs' Hudson's Bay, p. 50. 'Nearly as light as Europeans.' Kalm's Travels, vol. ii., p. 263. 'Not darker than that of a Portuguese person.' Lyon's Journal, p. 224. 'Just a shade darker than a deep brunette.' Parry's 3rd Voyage, p. 493. 'Their skin is light.' Dall's Alaska, p. 381. 'Witnesses agree that they have a noticeably lighter complexion than the Chinooks.' Pickering's Races of Man, U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 28. At Coppermine River, they are 'of a dirty copper color; some of the women, however, are fairer and have a rosy complexion.' Hearne's Travels, p. 166. 'Much fairer than the Indian tribes.' Simpson's Nar., p. 110. At Cape Bathurst, 'Their skin is dark, mostly due to sun exposure and dirt accumulation.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 192. 'They show little of the copper color seen in Red Indians.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 303. 'They become darker with exposure to the elements after reaching adulthood.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 343.

[16] 'Both sexes are well proportioned, stout, muscular, and active.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 50. 'A stout, well-looking people.' Simpson's Nar., pp. 110, 114. 'Below the mean of the Caucasian race.' Dr. Hayes, in Historic. Magazine, vol. i., p. 6. 'They are thick set, have a decided tendency to obesity, and are seldom more than five feet in height.' Figuier's Human Race, p. 211. At Kotzebue Sound, 'tallest man was five feet nine inches; tallest woman, five feet four inches.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 360. 'Average height was five feet four and a half inches.' At the mouth of the Mackenzie they are of 'middle stature, strong and muscular.' Armstrong's Nar., pp. 149, 192. 'Low, broad-set, not well made, nor strong.' Hearne's Trav., p. 166. 'The men were in general stout.' Franklin's Nar., vol. i., p. 29. 'Of a middle size, robust make, and healthy appearance.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 209. 'Men vary in height from about five feet to five feet ten inches.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 304. 'Women were generally short.' 'Their figure inclines to squat.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 224.

[16] 'Both men and women are well-built, strong, muscular, and active.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 50. 'A strong, good-looking people.' Simpson's Nar., pp. 110, 114. 'Below the average height of the Caucasian race.' Dr. Hayes, in Historic. Magazine, vol. i., p. 6. 'They are stocky, tend to be overweight, and are rarely more than five feet tall.' Figuier's Human Race, p. 211. At Kotzebue Sound, 'the tallest man was five feet nine inches; the tallest woman was five feet four inches.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 360. 'The average height was five feet four and a half inches.' At the mouth of the Mackenzie, they are of 'average height, strong and muscular.' Armstrong's Nar., pp. 149, 192. 'Short, broad-built, not well-formed, nor very strong.' Hearne's Trav., p. 166. 'The men were generally stocky.' Franklin's Nar., vol. i., p. 29. 'Of average height, robust build, and healthy appearance.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 209. 'Men vary in height from about five feet to five feet ten inches.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 304. 'Women were generally short.' 'Their build tends to be squat.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 224.

[17] 'Tous les individus qui appartiennent à la famille des Eskimaux, se distinguent par la petitesse de leurs pieds et de leurs mains, et la grosseur énorme de leurs têtes.' De Pauw, Recherches Phil., tom. i., p. 262. 'The hands and feet are delicately small and well formed.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 304. 'Small and beautifully made.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 50. At Point Barrow, 'their hands, notwithstanding the great amount of manual labour to which they are subject, were beautifully small and well-formed, a description equally applicable to their feet.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 101.

[17] 'All individuals belonging to the Eskimo family are characterized by their small feet and hands, and the large size of their heads.' De Pauw, Recherches Phil., vol. i., p. 262. 'The hands and feet are gracefully small and well-shaped.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 304. 'Small and beautifully crafted.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 50. At Point Barrow, 'despite the heavy manual labor they do, their hands were remarkably small and well-formed, which also applies to their feet.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 101.

[18] 'The head is of good size, rather flat superiorly, but very fully developed posteriorly, evidencing a preponderance of the animal passions; the forehead was, for the most part, low and receding; in a few it was somewhat vertical, but narrow.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 193. Their cranial characteristics 'are the strongly developed coronary ridge, the obliquity of the zygoma, and its greater capacity compared with the Indian cranium. The former is essentially pyramidal, while the latter more nearly approaches a cubic shape.' Dall's Alaska, p. 376. 'Greatest breadth of the face is just below the eyes, the forehead tapers upwards, ending narrowly, but not acutely, and in like manner the chin is a blunt cone.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 302. Dr Gall, whose observations on the same skulls presented him for phrenological observation are published by M. Louis Choris, thus comments upon the head of a female Eskimo from Kotzebue Sound: 'L'organe de l'instinct de la propagation se trouve extrêmement développé pour une tête de femme.' He finds the musical and intellectual organs poorly developed; while vanity and love of children are well displayed. 'En général,' sagely concluded the doctor, 'cette tête femme présentait une organization aussi heureuse que celle de la plupart des femmes d'Europe.' Voy. Pitt., pt. ii., p. 16.

[18] "The head is a good size, somewhat flat on the top, but very well developed at the back, showing a dominance of animal instincts; the forehead is mostly low and sloping; in a few cases, it's somewhat vertical but narrow." Armstrong's Nar., p. 193. Their skull features include "a well-defined coronary ridge, the angle of the zygoma, and its larger capacity compared to the Indian skull. The former is essentially pyramid-shaped, while the latter is closer to a cubic shape." Dall's Alaska, p. 376. "The widest part of the face is just below the eyes, the forehead narrows as it goes up, ending narrowly but not sharply, and similarly, the chin is a blunt cone." Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 302. Dr. Gall, whose observations on the same skulls were published by M. Louis Choris, comments on the head of a female Eskimo from Kotzebue Sound: "The organ for reproductive instinct is extremely well developed for a woman's head." He finds that the musical and intellectual traits are underdeveloped, while vanity and nurturing instincts are prominent. "In general," the doctor wisely concluded, "this woman's head displayed a structure as favorable as that of most women in Europe." Voy. Pitt., pt. ii., p. 16.

[19] 'Large fat round faces, high cheek bones, small hazel eyes, eyebrows slanting like the Chinese, and wide mouths.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 345. 'Broad, flat faces, high cheekbones.' Dr Hayes, in Hist. Mag., vol. i., p. 6. Their 'teeth are regular, but, from the nature of their food, and from their practice of preparing hides by chewing, are worn down almost to the gums at an early age.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 51. At Hudson Strait, broad, flat, pleasing face; small and generally sore eyes; given to bleeding at the nose. Franklin's Nar., vol. i., p. 29. 'Small eyes and very high cheek bones.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 209. 'La face platte, la bouche ronde, le nez petit sans être écrasé, le blanc de l'oeil jaunâtre, l'iris noir et peu brillant.' De Pauw, Recherches Phil., tom. i., p. 262. They have 'small, wild-looking eyes, large and very foul teeth, the hair generally black, but sometimes fair, and always in extreme disorder.' Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 467. 'As contrasted with the other native American races, their eyes are remarkable, being narrow and more or less oblique.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 343. Expression of face intelligent and good-natured. Both sexes have mostly round, flat faces, with Mongolian cast. Hooper's Tuski, p. 223.

[19] 'Large, round faces, high cheekbones, small hazel eyes, eyebrows slanting like those of East Asians, and wide mouths.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 345. 'Broad, flat faces, high cheekbones.' Dr Hayes, in Hist. Mag., vol. i., p. 6. Their 'teeth are straight, but due to their diet and the practice of preparing hides by chewing, they wear down almost to the gums at an early age.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 51. At Hudson Strait, broad, flat, attractive face; small and usually irritated eyes; prone to nosebleeds. Franklin's Nar., vol. i., p. 29. 'Small eyes and very high cheekbones.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 209. 'Flat face, round mouth, small but not flattened nose, yellowish whites of the eyes, black and dull iris.' De Pauw, Recherches Phil., tom. i., p. 262. They have 'small, wild-looking eyes, large and quite dirty teeth, hair generally black but sometimes blonde, and always in extreme disarray.' Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 467. 'Compared to other Native American groups, their eyes are notable for being narrow and somewhat slanted.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 343. The expression on their faces is intelligent and friendly. Both males and females mostly have round, flat faces with a Mongolian appearance. Hooper's Tuski, p. 223.

[20] 'Allowed to hang down in a club to the shoulder.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 305. Hair cut 'close round the crown of the head, and thereby, leaving a bushy ring round the lower part of it.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 345. 'Their hair is straight, black, and coarse.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 51. A fierce expression characterized them on the Mackenzie River, which 'was increased by the long disheveled hair flowing about their shoulders.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 149. At Kotzebue Sound 'their hair was done up in large plaits on each side of the head.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 360. At Camden Bay, lofty top-knots; at Point Barrow, none. At Coppermine River the hair is worn short, unshaven on the crown, and bound with strips of deer-skin. Simpson's Nar., pp. 121, 157. Some of the men have bare crowns, but the majority wear the hair flowing naturally. The women cut the hair short in front, level with the eyebrows. At Humphrey Point it is twisted with some false hair into two immense bows on the back of the head. Hooper's Tuski, p. 225. 'Their hair hangs down long, but is cut quite short on the crown of the head.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 210. Hair cut like 'that of a Capuchin friar.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 51.

[20] 'Allowed to hang down in a club to the shoulder.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 305. Hair cut 'short around the crown of the head, leaving a bushy ring around the lower part of it.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 345. 'Their hair is straight, black, and coarse.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 51. A fierce expression was seen among them on the Mackenzie River, which 'was heightened by the long, unkempt hair flowing over their shoulders.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 149. At Kotzebue Sound 'their hair was styled in large braids on each side of the head.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 360. At Camden Bay, they had tall top-knots; at Point Barrow, none. At Coppermine River, the hair is worn short, shaved on the crown, and tied with strips of deer skin. Simpson's Nar., pp. 121, 157. Some of the men have bare crowns, but most let their hair flow naturally. The women cut their hair short in front, even with the eyebrows. At Humphrey Point, it is twisted with some false hair into two huge bows on the back of the head. Hooper's Tuski, p. 225. 'Their hair hangs long but is cut very short on the crown of the head.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 210. Hair cut like 'that of a Capuchin friar.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 51.

[21] Crantz says the Greenlanders root it out. 'The old men had a few gray hairs on their chins, but the young ones, though grown up, were beardless.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 332. 'The possession of a beard is very rare, but a slight moustache is not infrequent.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 51. 'As the men grow old, they have more hair on the face than Red Indians.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 343. 'Generally an absence of beard and whiskers.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 193. 'Beard is universally wanting.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 252. 'The young men have little beard, but some of the old ones have a tolerable shew of long gray hairs on the upper lip and chin.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 303. 'All have beards.' Bell's Geography, vol. v., p. 294. Kirby affirms that in Alaska 'many of them have a profusion of whiskers and beard.' Smithsonian Report, 1864, p. 416.

[21] Crantz says that the Greenlanders eliminate it. 'The old men had a few gray hairs on their chins, but the young ones, although grown, had no beards.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 332. 'Having a beard is quite rare, but a slight mustache is not uncommon.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 51. 'As men age, they tend to have more facial hair than Red Indians.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 343. 'Generally, there is a lack of beards and whiskers.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 193. 'Beards are completely absent.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 252. 'Young men have little facial hair, but some of the older ones have a decent amount of long gray hairs on their upper lip and chin.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 303. 'All have beards.' Bell's Geography, vol. v., p. 294. Kirby states that in Alaska 'many of them have a lot of whiskers and beard.' Smithsonian Report, 1864, p. 416.

[22] 'The lip is perforated for the labret as the boy approaches manhood, and is considered an important era in his life.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 194. 'Some wore but one, others one on each side of the mouth.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 224. 'Lip ornaments, with the males, appear to correspond with the tattooing of the chins of the females.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 384.

[22] 'The lip is pierced for a labret as the boy transitions into manhood, marking a significant period in his life.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 194. 'Some wore just one, while others had one on each side of their mouth.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 224. 'Lip ornaments for males seem to be related to the chin tattoos of females.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 384.

[23] 'The women tattoo their faces in blue lines produced by making stitches with a fine needle and thread, smeared with lampblack.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 305. Between Kotzebue Sound and Icy Cape, 'all the women were tattooed upon the chin with three small lines.' They blacken 'the edges of the eyelids with plumbago, rubbed up with a little saliva upon a piece of slate.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 360. At Point Barrow, the women have on the chin 'a vertical line about half an inch broad in the centre, extending from the lip, with a parallel but narrower one on either side of it, a little apart. Some had two vertical lines protruding from either angle of the mouth; which is a mark of their high position in the tribe.' Armstrong's Nar., pp. 101, 149. On Bering Isle, men as well as women tattoo. 'Plusieurs hommes avaient le visage tatoué.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. ii., p. 5.

[23] 'The women tattoo their faces with blue lines created by stitching with a fine needle and thread, covered in lampblack.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 305. Between Kotzebue Sound and Icy Cape, 'all the women were tattooed on the chin with three small lines.' They darken 'the edges of their eyelids with plumbago, mixed with a bit of saliva on a piece of slate.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 360. At Point Barrow, the women have 'a vertical line about half an inch wide in the center of the chin, extending from the lip, with a parallel but narrower line on either side, spaced slightly apart. Some had two vertical lines extending from each corner of the mouth; this is a sign of their high status in the tribe.' Armstrong's Nar., pp. 101, 149. On Bering Isle, both men and women get tattoos. 'Several men had tattooed faces.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. ii., p. 5.

[24] 'Give a particularly disgusting look when the bones are taken out, as the saliva continually runs over the chin.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 227. At Camden, labrets were made of large blue beads, glued to pieces of ivory. None worn at Coppermine River. Simpson's Nar., pp. 119, 347. 'Many of them also transfix the septum of the nose with a dentalium shell or ivory needle.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 355.

[24] 'Give a particularly gross look when the bones are taken out, as the saliva constantly runs down the chin.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 227. At Camden, labrets were made of large blue beads, glued to chunks of ivory. None were worn at Coppermine River. Simpson's Nar., pp. 119, 347. 'Many of them also pierce the septum of the nose with a dentalium shell or ivory needle.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 355.

[25] 'These natives almost universally use a very unpleasant liquid for cleansing purposes. They tan and soften the seal-skin used for boot-soles with it.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 161. 'Females occasionally wash their hair and faces with their own urine, the odour of which is agreeable to both sexes, and they are well accustomed to it, as this liquor is kept in tubs in the porches of their huts for use in dressing the deer and seal skins.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 304. 'Show much skill in the preparation of whale, seal, and deer-skins.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 357. They have a great antipathy to water. 'Occasionally they wash their bodies with a certain animal fluid, but even this process is seldom gone through.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 62.

[25] 'These natives almost universally use a very unpleasant liquid for cleansing purposes. They tan and soften the seal-skin used for boot soles with it.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 161. 'Females occasionally wash their hair and faces with their own urine, the smell of which is pleasant to both sexes, and they are well accustomed to it, as this liquid is kept in tubs on the porches of their huts for use in dressing deer and seal skins.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 304. 'Show a lot of skill in preparing whale, seal, and deer skins.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 357. They have a strong dislike of water. 'Sometimes they wash their bodies with a certain animal fluid, but even this process is done rarely.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 62.

[26] 'During the summer, when on whaling or sealing excursions, a coat of the gut of the whale, and boots of seal or walrus hide, are used as water-proof coverings.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 53. At Point Barrow they wear 'Kamleikas or water-proof shirts, made of the entrails of seals.' Simpson's Nar., p. 156. Women wear close-fitting breeches of seal-skin. Hooper's Tuski, p. 224. 'They are on the whole as good as the best oil-skins in England.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 340.

[26] 'During the summer, when on whaling or sealing trips, a coat made from whale gut and boots made from seal or walrus skin are used as waterproof coverings.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 53. At Point Barrow, they wear 'Kamleikas or waterproof shirts made from the entrails of seals.' Simpson's Nar., p. 156. Women wear snug-fitting pants made from seal skin. Hooper's Tuski, p. 224. 'Overall, they are as good as the best oilskins in England.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 340.

[27] The dress of the two sexes is much alike, the outer shirt or jacket having a pointed skirt before and behind, those of the female being merely a little longer. 'Pretty much the same for both sexes.' Figuier's Human Race, p. 214.

[27] The clothing for both genders is quite similar, with the outer shirt or jacket featuring a pointed hem in the front and back, with women's styles just slightly longer. 'Pretty much the same for both sexes.' Figuier's Human Race, p. 214.

[28] 'They have besides this a jacket made of eider drakes' skins sewed together, which, put on underneath their other dress, is a tolerable protection against a distant arrow, and is worn in times of hostility.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 340. Messrs Dease and Simpson found those of Point Barrow 'well clothed in seal and reindeer skins.' Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. viii., p. 221. 'The finest dresses are made of the skins of unborn deer.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 306. 'The half-developed skin of a fawn that has never lived, obtained by driving the doe till her offspring is prematurely born.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 160. Eskimo women pay much regard to their toilet. Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 355.

[28] 'They also have a jacket made from eider duck skins sewn together, which, worn under their other clothing, offers decent protection against distant arrows, and is used in times of conflict.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 340. Messrs Dease and Simpson found that those at Point Barrow 'were well dressed in seal and reindeer skins.' Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. viii., p. 221. 'The best outfits are made from the skins of unborn deer.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 306. 'The half-developed skin of a fawn that hasn't lived, obtained by pushing the doe until her offspring is born too early.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 160. Eskimo women pay a lot of attention to their appearance. Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 355.

[29] Their dress consists of two suits. Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 52. 'Reindeer skin—the fur next the body.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 149. 'Two women, dressed like men, looked frightfully with their tattooed faces.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 191. Seal-skin jackets, bear-skin trowsers, and white-fox skin caps, is the male costume at Hudson Strait. The female dress is the same, with the addition of a hood for carrying children. Franklin's Nar., vol. i., p. 29. At Camden Bay, reindeer-skin jackets and water-proof boots. Simpson's Nar., p. 119. At Coppermine River, 'women's boots which are not stiffened out with whalebone, and the tails of their jackets are not over one foot long.' Hearne's Travels, p. 166. Deer-skin, hair outside, ornamented with white fur. Kirby, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 416. The indoor dress of the eastern Eskimo is of reindeer-skin, with the fur inside. 'When they go out, another entire suit with the fur outside is put over all, and a pair of watertight sealskin moccasins, with similar mittens for their hands.' Silliman's Journal, vol. xvi., p. 146. The frock at Coppermine River has a tail something like a dress-coat. Simpson's Nar., p. 350.

[29] Their clothing consists of two suits. Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 52. 'Reindeer skin—the fur next to the body.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 149. 'Two women, dressed like men, looked frightening with their tattooed faces.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 191. Seal-skin jackets, bear-skin trousers, and white-fox skin caps make up the male outfit at Hudson Strait. The female outfit is the same, with the addition of a hood for carrying children. Franklin's Nar., vol. i., p. 29. At Camden Bay, they wear reindeer-skin jackets and waterproof boots. Simpson's Nar., p. 119. At Coppermine River, 'women's boots that aren't stiffened with whalebone, and the tails of their jackets are not more than one foot long.' Hearne's Travels, p. 166. Deer-skin, with the hair outside, decorated with white fur. Kirby, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 416. The indoor clothing of the eastern Eskimo is made of reindeer-skin, with the fur inside. 'When they go outside, they put on another full suit with the fur on the outside, and a pair of watertight sealskin moccasins, along with similar mittens for their hands.' Silliman's Journal, vol. xvi., p. 146. The coat at Coppermine River has a tail similar to a dress coat. Simpson's Nar., p. 350.

[30] 'Some of them are even half-naked, as a summer heat, even of 10° is insupportable to them.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 205.

[30] 'Some of them are even half-naked, as summer heat, even at 10°C, is unbearable for them.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 205.

[31] 'Down to the frozen subsoil.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 310. 'Some are wholly above ground, others have their roof scarcely raised above it.' Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 301.

[31] 'Down to the frozen ground.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 310. 'Some are completely above ground, while others barely have their roof lifted above it.' Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 301.

[32] 'Formed of stakes placed upright in the ground about six feet high, either circular or oval in form, from which others inclined so as to form a sloping roof.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 149. 'Half underground, with the entrance more or less so.' Dall's Alaska, p. 13. 'They are more than half underground,' and are 'about twenty feet square and eight feet deep.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 57.

[32] 'Made of stakes standing upright in the ground about six feet high, either round or oval in shape, with other stakes leaning to create a sloping roof.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 149. 'Partially underground, with the entrance somewhat so.' Dall's Alaska, p. 13. 'They are more than half underground,' and are 'about twenty feet square and eight feet deep.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 57.

[33] 'The whole building is covered with earth to the thickness of a foot or more, and in a few years it becomes overgrown with grass, looking from a short distance like a small tumulus.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 310.

[33] 'The entire building is buried under about a foot or more of dirt, and after a few years, it gets covered in grass, making it look like a small mound from a short distance.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 310.

[34] A smaller drift-wood house is sometimes built with a side-door. 'Light and air are admitted by a low door at one end.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 245.

[34] A smaller driftwood house is occasionally constructed with a side door. 'Light and air come in through a low door at one end.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 245.

[35] 'The fire in the centre is never lit merely for the sake of warmth, as the lamps are sufficient for that purpose.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 58. 'They have no fire-places; but a stone placed in the centre serves for a support to the lamp, by which the little cooking that is required is performed.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 348.

[35] 'The fire in the center is never lit just for warmth, as the lamps are enough for that.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 58. 'They don’t have fireplaces; instead, a stone in the center acts as a support for the lamp, which is used for the minimal cooking that’s needed.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 348.

[36] 'On trouva plusieurs huttes construites en bois, moitié dans la terre, moitié en dehors.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. ii., p. 6. At Beaufort Bay are wooden huts. Simpson's Nar., p. 177. At Toker Point, 'built of drift-wood and sods of turf or mud.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 343. At Cape Krusenstern the houses 'appeared like little round hills, with fences of whale-bone.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 237. 'They construct yourts or winter residences upon those parts of the shore which are adapted to their convenience, such as the mouths of rivers, the entrances of inlets, or jutting points of land, but always upon low ground.' Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 300.

[36] 'There were several huts made of wood, half buried in the ground and half above it.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. ii., p. 6. At Beaufort Bay, there are wooden huts. Simpson's Nar., p. 177. At Toker Point, they are 'made of driftwood and sods of turf or mud.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 343. At Cape Krusenstern, the houses 'looked like small round hills, with fences made of whale bones.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 237. 'They build yurts or winter homes in areas along the shore that suit their needs, such as at river mouths, entrances to inlets, or points of land that jut out, but always on low ground.' Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 300.

[37] 'I was surprised at the vast quantity of driftwood accumulated on its shore, several acres being thickly covered with it, and many pieces at least sixty feet in length.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 104.

[37] 'I was amazed by the huge amount of driftwood piled up along its shore, with several acres covered in it, and many pieces measuring at least sixty feet long.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 104.

[38] 'Eastern Esquimaux never seem to think of fire as a means of imparting warmth.' Simpson's Nar., p. 346.

[38] 'Eastern Eskimos never seem to see fire as a way to provide warmth.' Simpson's Nar., p. 346.

[39] Their houses are 'moveable tents, constructed of poles and skins.' Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 469. 'Neither wind nor watertight.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 361. At Cape Smythe, Hooper saw seven Eskimo tents of seal skin. Tuski, p. 216. 'We entered a small tent of morse-skins, made in the form of a canoe.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 226. At Coppermine River their tents in summer are of deer-skin with the hair on, and circular. Hearne's Travels, p. 167. At St Lawrence Island, Kotzebue saw no settled dwellings, 'only several small tents built of the ribs of whales, and covered with the skin of the morse.' Voyage, vol. i., pp. 190-191.

[39] Their homes are 'portable tents made from poles and animal skins.' Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 469. 'Not waterproof and not protected from the wind.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 361. At Cape Smythe, Hooper observed seven Eskimo tents made of seal skin. Tuski, p. 216. 'We went into a small tent made of walrus skins, shaped like a canoe.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 226. At Coppermine River, their summer tents are made of deer skin with the hair still on, and they are circular. Hearne's Travels, p. 167. At St Lawrence Island, Kotzebue found no permanent homes, 'just several small tents made from whale bones and covered with walrus skin.' Voyage, vol. i., pp. 190-191.

[40] 'In parallelograms, and so adjusted as to form a rotunda, with an arched roof.' Silliman's Jour., vol. xvi., p. 146. Parry's Voy., vol. v., p. 200. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 44.

[40] 'In parallelograms, arranged to create a rotunda, with an arched roof.' Silliman's Jour., vol. xvi., p. 146. Parry's Voy., vol. v., p. 200. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 44.

[41] 'These houses are durable, the wind has little effect on them, and they resist the thaw until the sun acquires very considerable power.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 350.

[41] 'These houses are sturdy, the wind hardly affects them, and they withstand the thaw until the sun gains a lot of strength.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 350.

[42] The snow houses are called by the natives igloo, and the underground huts yourts, or yurts, and their tents topeks. Winter residence, 'iglut.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 310. Beechey, describing the same kind of buildings, calls them 'yourts.' Voy., vol. i., p. 366. Tent of skins, tie-poo-eet; topak; toopek. Tent, too-pote. Ibid., vol. ii., p. 381. 'Yourts.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 59. Tent, topek. Dall says Richardson is wrong, and that igloo or iglu is the name of ice houses. Alaska, p. 532. House, iglo. Tent, tuppek. Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 378. Snow house, eegloo. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 47.

[42] The snow houses are called by the locals igloo, and the underground huts yourts or yurts, and their tents topeks. Winter residence, 'iglut.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 310. Beechey, describing the same type of buildings, calls them 'yourts.' Voy., vol. i., p. 366. Tent of skins, tie-poo-eet; topak; toopek. Tent, too-pote. Ibid., vol. ii., p. 381. 'Yourts.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 59. Tent, topek. Dall says Richardson is mistaken and that igloo or iglu is the term for ice houses. Alaska, p. 532. House, iglo. Tent, tuppek. Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 378. Snow house, eegloo. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 47.

[43] They are so fond of the warm blood of dying animals that they invented an instrument to secure it. See Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 344. 'Whale-blubber, their great delicacy, is sickening and dangerous to a European stomach.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 192.

[43] They are so eager for the warm blood of dying animals that they created a tool to collect it. See Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 344. 'Whale blubber, their prized delicacy, is nauseating and risky for a European stomach.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 192.

[44] Hearne says that the natives on the Arctic coast of British America are so disgustingly filthy that when they have bleeding at the nose they lick up their own blood. Travels, p. 161. 'Salt always appeared an abomination.' 'They seldom cook their food, the frost apparently acting as a substitute for fire.' Collinson, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxv., p. 201. At Kotzebue Sound they 'seem to subsist entirely on the flesh of marine animals, which they, for the most part, eat raw.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 239.

[44] Hearne states that the Indigenous people along the Arctic coast of British America are so extremely dirty that when they have a nosebleed, they lick up their own blood. Travels, p. 161. 'Salt always seemed repulsive.' 'They rarely cook their food; the frost seems to serve as a substitute for fire.' Collinson, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxv., p. 201. In Kotzebue Sound, they 'appear to live almost entirely on the flesh of marine animals, which they mostly eat raw.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 239.

[45] 'During the two summer months they hunt and live on swans, geese, and ducks.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 346.

[45] 'During the two summer months, they hunt and live off swans, geese, and ducks.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 346.

[46] 'Secures winter feasts and abundance of oil for the lamps of a whole village, and there is great rejoicing.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 313. 'The capture of the seal and walrus is effected in the same manner. Salmon and other fish are caught in nets.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 61. 'Six small perforated ivory balls attached separately to cords of sinew three feet long.' Dease & Simpson, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. viii., 222.

[46] 'Provides winter celebrations and plenty of oil for the lamps of an entire village, leading to great joy.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 313. 'The capture of the seal and walrus happens in the same way. Salmon and other fish are caught in nets.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 61. 'Six small ivory balls with holes, each connected by three-foot sinew cords.' Dease & Simpson, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. viii., 222.

[47] Near Smith River, a low piece of ground, two miles broad at the beach, was found enclosed by double rows of turf set up to represent men, narrowing towards a lake, into which reindeer were driven and killed. Simpson's Nar., p. 135.

[47] Near Smith River, a low area of land, two miles wide at the shore, was discovered surrounded by two lines of turf arranged to look like men, tapering towards a lake, into which reindeer were herded and killed. Simpson's Nar., p. 135.

[48] 'Ce qu'il y a encore de frappant dans la complexion de ces barbares, c'est l'extrême chaleur de leur estomac et de leur sang; ils échauffent tellement, par leur haleine ardente, les huttes où ils assemblent en hiver, que les Européans, s'y sentent étouffés, comme dans une étuve dont la chaleur est trop graduée: aussi ne font-ils jamais de feu dans leur habitation en aucune saison, et ils ignorent l'usage des cheminées, sous le climat le plus froid du globe.' De Pauw, Recherches Phil., tom. i., p. 261.

[48] 'What’s striking about these barbarians is the extreme heat of their stomachs and blood; they warm up the huts where they gather in winter with their fiery breath, making Europeans feel suffocated, like they're in a sauna that's too hot: as a result, they never make a fire in their homes at any season, and they don’t know how to use chimneys, even in the coldest climate on earth.' De Pauw, Recherches Phil., tom. i., p. 261.

[49] 'The voluptuousness and Polygamy of the North American Indians, under a temperature of almost perpetual winter, is far greater than that of the most sensual tropical nations.' Martin's British Colonies, vol. iii., p. 524.

[49] 'The sensuality and polygamy of Native American tribes, even in the nearly constant cold of winter, is much more pronounced than that of the most lustful tropical countries.' Martin's British Colonies, vol. iii., p. 524.

[50] 'The seal is perhaps their most useful animal, not merely furnishing oil and blubber, but the skin used for their canoes, thongs, nets, lassoes, and boot soles.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 161.

[50] 'The seal is probably their most valuable animal, providing not just oil and blubber, but also skin for their kayaks, straps, nets, lassos, and shoe soles.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 161.

[51] They have 'two sorts of bows; arrows pointed with iron, flint, and bone, or blunt for birds; a dart with throwing-board for seals; a spear headed with iron or copper, the handle about six feet long; and formidable iron knives, equally adapted for throwing, cutting, or stabbing.' Simpson's Nar., p. 123. They ascended the Mackenzie in former times as far as the Ramparts, to obtain flinty slate for lance and arrow points. Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 213. At St. Lawrence Island, they are armed with a knife two feet long. Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., pp. 193, 211. One weapon was 'a walrus tooth fixed to the end of a wooden staff.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 343.

[51] They have two types of bows; arrows tipped with iron, flint, and bone, or blunt ones for birds; a dart with a throwing board for seals; a spear with an iron or copper tip, with a handle about six feet long; and strong iron knives, suitable for throwing, cutting, or stabbing. Simpson's Nar., p. 123. They used to travel up the Mackenzie River as far as the Ramparts to collect flinty slate for making lance and arrow points. Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 213. On St. Lawrence Island, they carry a two-foot-long knife. Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., pp. 193, 211. One weapon was 'a walrus tooth attached to the end of a wooden staff.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 343.

[52] At the Coppermine River, arrows are pointed with slate or copper; hatchets also are made of a thick lump of copper. Hearne's Travels, pp. 161-9.

[52] At the Coppermine River, arrows are tipped with slate or copper; hatchets are made from a solid chunk of copper. Hearne's Travels, pp. 161-9.

[53] 'The old ivory knives and flint axes are now superseded, the Russians having introduced the common European sheath-knife and hatchet. The board for throwing darts is in use, and is similar to that of the Polynesians.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 53.

[53] 'The old ivory knives and flint axes have been replaced; the Russians introduced the standard European sheath knife and hatchet. The dartboard is now in use and is similar to that of the Polynesians.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 53.

[54] The 'baydare is a large open boat, quite flat, made of sea-lions' skins,' and is used also for a tent. At Lantscheff Island it was 'a large and probably leathern boat, with black sails.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., pp. 202, 216. 'The kaiyaks are impelled by a double-bladed paddle, used with or without a central rest, and the umiaks with oars.' Can 'propel their kaiyaks at the rate of seven miles an hour.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., pp. 238, 358. At Hudson Strait they have canoes of seal-skin, like those of Greenland. Franklin's Nar., vol. i., p. 29. Not a drop of water can penetrate the opening into the canoe. Müller's Voy., p. 46. The kyak is like an English wager-boat. They are 'much stronger than their lightness would lead one to suppose.' Hooper's Tuski, pp. 226, 228. Oomiaks or family canoes of skin; float in six inches of water. Simpson's Nar., p. 148. 'With these boats they make long voyages, frequently visiting St. Lawrence Island.' Dall's Alaska, p. 380. 'Frame work of wood—when this cannot be procured whalebone is substituted.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 98. Mackenzie saw boats put together with whalebone; 'sewed in some parts, and tied in others.' Voyages, p. 67. They also use a sail. 'On découvrit au loin, dans la baie, un bateau qui allait à la voile; elle était en cuir.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. ii., p. 6. They 'are the best means yet discovered by mankind to go from place to place.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 43. 'It is wonderful what long voyages they make in these slight boats.' Campbell's Voy., p. 114. 'The skin, when soaked with water, is translucent; and a stranger placing his foot upon the flat yielding surface at the bottom of the boat fancies it a frail security.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 346.

[54] The 'baydare is a large, flat open boat made from sea lion skins and can also be used as a tent. At Lantscheff Island, it was noted as 'a large and likely leathern boat, with black sails.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., pp. 202, 216. 'The kaiyaks are moved with a double-bladed paddle, used either with or without a central rest, while the umiaks use oars.' They can 'propel their kaiyaks at a speed of seven miles an hour.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., pp. 238, 358. In Hudson Strait, they have seal-skin canoes similar to those found in Greenland. Franklin's Nar., vol. i., p. 29. Not a single drop of water can penetrate the canoe's opening. Müller's Voy., p. 46. The kyak resembles an English wager boat. They are 'much stronger than their lightness would suggest.' Hooper's Tuski, pp. 226, 228. Oomiaks, or family skin canoes, can float in six inches of water. Simpson's Nar., p. 148. 'With these boats, they undertake long journeys, often visiting St. Lawrence Island.' Dall's Alaska, p. 380. 'The framework is made of wood—when wood isn't available, whalebone is used instead.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 98. Mackenzie observed boats assembled with whalebone; 'some parts were sewn together, while others were tied.' Voyages, p. 67. They also employ a sail. 'We spotted in the distance, in the bay, a boat sailing; it was made of leather.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. ii., p. 6. They 'are the best means yet discovered by humanity to travel from one place to another.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 43. 'It's amazing how long journeys they make in these light boats.' Campbell's Voy., p. 114. 'When soaked with water, the skin becomes translucent; and a stranger stepping onto the flat, yielding surface at the bottom of the boat might think it offers fragile security.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 346.

[55] The 'kajak is shaped like a weaver's shuttle.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 308. 'The paddle is in the hands of an Eskimo, what the balancing pole is to a tight-rope dancer.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 56.

[55] The 'kayak is shaped like a weaver's shuttle.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 308. 'The paddle is in the hands of an Eskimo like the balancing pole is to a tightrope walker.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 56.

[56] 'The Koltshanen construct birch-bark canoes; but on the coast skin boats or baidars, like the Eskimo kaiyaks and umiaks, are employed.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 405. If by accident a hole should be made, it is stopped with a piece of the flesh of the sea-dog, or fat of the whale, which they always carry with them. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 43. They strike 'the water with a quick, regular motion, first on one side, and then on the other.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 516. 'Wiegen nie über 30 Pfund, und haben ein dünnes mit Leder überzognes Gerippe.' Neue Nachrichten, p. 152. 'The Aleutians put to sea with them in all weathers.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 40. At the Shumagin Islands they 'are generally about twelve feet in length, sharp at each end, and about twenty inches broad.' Meares' Voy., p. x. They are as transparent as oiled paper. At Unalaska they are so light that they can be carried in one hand. Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 157, 159.

[56] 'The Koltshanen make birch-bark canoes; but on the coast, they use skin boats or baidars, similar to the Eskimo kayaks and umiaks.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 405. If by chance a hole is made, it is patched with a piece of sea-dog meat or whale fat, which they always keep on hand. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 43. They paddle 'the water with a quick, steady motion, first on one side and then on the other.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 516. 'They weigh no more than 30 pounds and have a thin frame covered with leather.' Neue Nachrichten, p. 152. 'The Aleutians take them out to sea in any weather.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 40. At the Shumagin Islands, they 'are typically around twelve feet long, pointed at both ends, and about twenty inches wide.' Meares' Voy., p. x. They are as clear as oiled paper. At Unalaska, they are so light that they can be carried with one hand. Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 157, 159.

[57] 'They average twelve feet in length, two feet six inches in height, two feet broad, and have the fore part turned up in a gentle curve.' 'The floor resembles a grating without cross-bars, and is almost a foot from the level of the snow.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 56. At Saritscheff Island 'I particularly remarked two very neat sledges made of morse and whalebones.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 201. 'To make the runners glide smoothly, a coating of ice is given to them.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 309. At Norton Sound Captain Cook found sledges ten feet long and twenty inches in width. A rail-work on each side, and shod with bone; 'neatly put together; some with wooden pins, but mostly with thongs or lashings of whale-bone.' Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 442, 443. Mackenzie describes the sledges of British America, Voyages, pp. 67, 68.

[57] 'They average twelve feet in length, two feet six inches in height, two feet wide, and the front part is gently curved upward.' 'The floor is like a grating without cross-bars and is nearly a foot above the snow level.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 56. At Saritscheff Island, 'I specifically noticed two very neat sledges made of walrus and whalebone.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 201. 'To make the runners slide smoothly, they are coated with ice.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 309. At Norton Sound, Captain Cook discovered sledges that were ten feet long and twenty inches wide, featuring railings on each side and made with bone; 'well constructed; some held together with wooden pins, but mostly with thongs or lashings made of whalebone.' Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 442, 443. Mackenzie describes the sledges of British America, Voyages, pp. 67, 68.

[58] 'About the size of those of Newfoundland, with shorter legs.' Dall's Alaska, p. 25. 'Neither plentiful nor of a good class.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 171.

[58] 'About the size of those in Newfoundland, but with shorter legs.' Dall's Alaska, p. 25. 'Not abundant and not of good quality.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 171.

[59] The dog will hunt bear and reindeer, but is afraid of its near relative, the wolf. Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 474.

[59] The dog will track down bears and reindeer, but is scared of its close relative, the wolf. Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 474.

[60] 'An average length is four and a half feet.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 183. 'The Innuit snowshoe is small and nearly flat,' 'seldom over thirty inches long.' 'They are always rights and lefts.' Ingalik larger; Kutchin same style; Hudson Bay, thirty inches in length. Dall's Alaska, pp. 190, 191. 'They are from two to three feet long, a foot broad, and slightly turned up in front.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 60.

[60] 'An average length is four and a half feet.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 183. 'The Inuit snowshoe is small and nearly flat,' 'seldom over thirty inches long.' 'They always come in right and left pairs.' Ingalik are larger; Kutchin have the same style; Hudson Bay versions measure thirty inches in length. Dall's Alaska, pp. 190, 191. 'They are from two to three feet long, a foot wide, and slightly turned up at the front.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 60.

[61] 'Blue beads, cutlery, tobacco, and buttons, were the articles in request.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 352. At Hudson Strait they have a custom of licking with the tongue each article purchased, as a finish to the bargain. Franklin's Nar., vol. i., 27. 'Articles of Russian manufacture find their way from tribe to tribe along the American coast, eastward to Repulse Bay.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 317.

[61] 'Blue beads, silverware, tobacco, and buttons were the items people wanted.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 352. In Hudson Strait, there's a tradition of licking each item bought to seal the deal. Franklin's Nar., vol. i., 27. 'Russian-made goods are traded from tribe to tribe along the American coast, heading east to Repulse Bay.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 317.

[62] Are very anxious to barter arrows, seal-skin boots, and ivory ornaments for tobacco, beads, and particularly for iron. Hooper's Tuski, p. 217. Some of their implements at Coppermine River are: stone kettles, wooden dishes, scoops and spoons made of buffalo or musk-ox horns. Hearne's Travels, p. 168. At Point Barrow were ivory implements with carved figures of sea-animals, ivory dishes, and a 'fine whalebone net.' Also 'knives and other implements, formed of native copper' at Coppermine River. Simpson's Nar., pp. 147, 156, 261. At Point Barrow they 'have unquestionably an indirect trade with the Russians.' Simpson's Nar., 161.

[62] are eager to trade arrows, seal-skin boots, and ivory jewelry for tobacco, beads, and especially for iron. Hooper's Tuski, p. 217. Some of the tools at Coppermine River include stone kettles, wooden dishes, and scoops and spoons made from buffalo or musk-ox horns. Hearne's Travels, p. 168. At Point Barrow, there were ivory tools featuring carved figures of sea animals, ivory dishes, and a 'fine whalebone net.' There were also 'knives and other tools made from native copper' at Coppermine River. Simpson's Nar., pp. 147, 156, 261. At Point Barrow, they 'definitely have an indirect trade with the Russians.' Simpson's Nar., 161.

[63] 'They are very expert traders, haggle obstinately, always consult together, and are infinitely happy when they fancy they have cheated anybody.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 211. 'A thieving, cunning race.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 110. They respect each other's property, 'but they steal without scruple from strangers.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 352.

[63] 'They are skilled traders who negotiate stubbornly, always discuss things among themselves, and are extremely pleased when they think they've outsmarted someone.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 211. 'A deceptive and crafty group.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 110. They respect each other's belongings, 'but they have no qualms about stealing from outsiders.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 352.

[64] 'They have a chief (Nalegak) in name, but do not recognize his authority.' Dr Hayes, in Hist. Mag., vol. i., p. 6. Government, 'a combination of the monarchical and republican;' 'every one is on a perfect level with the rest.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 59, 60. 'Chiefs are respected principally as senior men.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 41. At Kotzebue Sound, a robust young man was taken to be chief, as all his commands were punctually obeyed. Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 235. Quarrels 'are settled by boxing, the parties sitting down and striking blows alternately, until one of them gives in.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 326. Every man governs his own family. Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 475. They 'have a strong respect for their territorial rights, and maintain them with firmness.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 351.

[64] 'They have a chief (Nalegak) in name, but they don’t acknowledge his authority.' Dr Hayes, in Hist. Mag., vol. i., p. 6. Government, 'a mix of monarchy and democracy;' 'everyone is completely equal to one another.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 59, 60. 'Chiefs are mainly respected as the oldest members.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 41. At Kotzebue Sound, a strong young man was seen as the chief because everyone followed his orders without fail. Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 235. Quarrels 'are resolved through boxing, with the participants sitting down and taking turns hitting each other until one of them gives up.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 326. Each man leads his own family. Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 475. They 'have a deep respect for their land rights and defend them firmly.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 351.

[65] They are 'horribly filthy in person and habits.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 224. 'A husband will readily traffic with the virtue of a wife for purposes of gain.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 195. 'More than once a wife was proffered by her husband.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 356. As against the above testimony, Seemann affirms: 'After the marriage ceremony has been performed infidelity is rare.' Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 66. 'These people are in the habit of collecting certain fluids for the purposes of tanning; and that, judging from what took place in the tent, in the most open manner, in the presence of all the family.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 407.

[65] They are 'incredibly dirty in both appearance and behavior.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 224. 'A husband will easily compromise the virtue of his wife for profit.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 195. 'More than once, a husband offered up his wife.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 356. In contrast to this testimony, Seemann states: 'After the wedding ceremony, infidelity is uncommon.' Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 66. 'These people regularly gather certain liquids for tanning, and this is done quite openly in the presence of the whole family.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 407.

[66] 'Two men sometimes marry the same woman.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 66. 'As soon as a girl is born, the young lad who wishes to have her for a wife goes to her father's tent, and proffers himself. If accepted, a promise is given which is considered binding, and the girl is delivered to her betrothed husband at the proper age.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 41. Women 'carry their infants between their reindeer-skin jackets and their naked backs.' Simpson's Nar., p. 121. 'All the drudgery falls upon the women; even the boys would transfer their loads to their sisters.' Collinson, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxv., p. 201.

[66] 'Two men sometimes marry the same woman.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 66. 'As soon as a girl is born, the young guy who wants to marry her goes to her father's tent and offers himself. If accepted, a promise is made that is considered binding, and the girl is given to her fiancé at the right age.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 41. Women 'carry their babies between their reindeer-skin jackets and their bare backs.' Simpson's Nar., p. 121. 'All the hard work falls on the women; even the boys would pass their loads to their sisters.' Collinson, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxv., p. 201.

[67] The 'Kashim is generally built by the joint labour of the community.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 311.

[67] The 'Kashim is usually constructed through the combined effort of the community.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 311.

[68] 'Their dance is of the rudest kind, and consists merely in violent motion of the arms and legs.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 63. They make 'the most comical motions with the whole body, without stirring from their place.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 192. Their song consisted of the words: 'Hi, Yangah yangah; ha ha, yangah—with variety only in the inflection of voice.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 225. When heated by the dance, even the women were stripped to their breeches. Simpson's Nar., p. 158. 'An old man, all but naked, jumped into the ring, and was beginning some indecent gesticulations, when his appearance not meeting with our approbation he withdrew.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 396.

[68] 'Their dance is quite basic, primarily involving wild arm and leg movements.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 63. They make 'the funniest moves with their entire bodies, without moving from their spot.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 192. Their song was just: 'Hi, Yangah yangah; ha ha, yangah—with only changes in the way they sang it.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 225. When they got heated from dancing, even the women wore just their shorts. Simpson's Nar., p. 158. 'An old man, nearly naked, jumped into the circle and started making some inappropriate gestures, but when we didn't approve of his appearance, he left.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 396.

[69] 'C'était la plus grande marque d'amitié qu'ils pouvaient nous donner.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. ii., p. 5. 'They came up to me one after the other—each of them embraced me, rubbed his nose hard against mine, and ended his caresses by spitting in his hands and wiping them several times over my face.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., pp. 192, 195.

[69] 'That was the biggest sign of friendship they could give us.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. ii., p. 5. 'They approached me one by one—each of them hugged me, pressed their nose firmly against mine, and finished their affection by spitting in their hands and wiping them over my face several times.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., pp. 192, 195.

[70] 'Their personal bravery is conspicuous, and they are the only nation on the North American Continent who oppose their enemies face to face in open fight.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 244. 'Simple, kind people; very poor, very filthy, and to us looking exceedingly wretched.' McClure's Dis. N. W. Passage, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxiv., p. 242. 'More bold and crafty than the Indians; but they use their women much better.' Bell's Geog., vol. v., p. 294.

[70] 'Their personal courage stands out, and they are the only nation on the North American continent that confronts their enemies directly in open battle.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 244. 'Simple, kind people; very poor, very dirty, and to us looking extremely miserable.' McClure's Dis. N. W. Passage, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxiv., p. 242. 'More daring and cunning than the Indians; but they treat their women much better.' Bell's Geog., vol. v., p. 294.

[71] 'Their diseases are few.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 67. 'Diseases are quite as prevalent among them as among civilized people.' Dall's Alaska, p. 195. 'Ophthalmia was very general with them.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 345. 'There is seldom any mortality except amongst the old people and very young children.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 197.

[71] 'They have very few diseases.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 67. 'Diseases are just as common among them as they are among civilized people.' Dall's Alaska, p. 195. 'Ophthalmia was quite widespread among them.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 345. 'There is rarely any mortality except among the elderly and very young children.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 197.

[72] At Point Barrow, bodies were found in great numbers scattered over the ground in their ordinary seal-skin dress; a few covered with pieces of wood, the heads all turned north-east towards the extremity of the point. Simpson's Nar., p. 155. 'They lay their dead on the ground, with their heads all turned to the north.' 'The bodies lay exposed in the most horrible and disgusting manner.' Dease and Simpson, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. viii., p. 221, 222. 'Their position with regard to the points of the compass is not taken into consideration.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 67. 'There are many more graves than present inhabitants of the village, and the story is that the whole coast was once much more densely populated.' Dall's Alaska, p. 19. Hooper, on coming to a burial place not far from Point Barrow, 'conjectured that the corpses had been buried in an upright position, with their heads at or above the surface.' Tuski, p. 221.

[72] At Point Barrow, many bodies were found scattered across the ground in their usual seal-skin clothing; a few were covered with wooden pieces, all with their heads facing north-east towards the tip of the point. Simpson's Nar., p. 155. 'They lay their dead on the ground, with their heads all turned to the north.' 'The bodies were exposed in a truly horrific and disgusting way.' Dease and Simpson, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. viii., p. 221, 222. 'Their orientation with respect to the compass points is not taken into account.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 67. 'There are many more graves than there are current residents of the village, and the story goes that the entire coast used to be much more densely populated.' Dall's Alaska, p. 19. When Hooper came across a burial site not far from Point Barrow, 'he speculated that the corpses had been buried in an upright position, with their heads at or above the surface.' Tuski, p. 221.

[73] Kadiak 'is a derivative, according to some authors, from the Russian Kadia, a large tub; more probably, however, it is a corruption of Kaniag, the ancient Innuit name.' Dall's Alaska, p. 532. Holmberg thinks that the word Kadiak arose from Kikchtak, which in the language of the Koniagas means a large island. 'Der Name Kadjak ist offenbar eine Verdrehung von Kikchtak, welches Wort in der Sprache der Konjagen "grosse Insel" bedeutet und daher auch als Benennung der grössten Insel dieser Gruppe diente.' Ethnographische Skizzen über die Völker des Russischen Amerika, p. 75. 'A la division Koniagi appartient la partie la plus septentrionale de l'Alaska, et l'île de Kodiak, que les Russes appellent vulgairement Kichtak, quoique, dans la langue des naturels, le mot Kightak ne désigne en général qu'une île.' Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 347. Coxe affirms that the natives 'call themselves Kanagist.' Russian Dis., p. 135. And Sauer says, 'the natives call themselves Soo-oo-it.' Billings' Ex., p. 175. 'Man verstand von ihnen, dass sie sich selbst Kanagist nennen.' Neue Nachr., p. 114.

[73] Kadiak is believed by some authors to come from the Russian Kadia, meaning a large tub; however, it’s more likely a variation of Kaniag, which is the old Innuit name. Dall's Alaska, p. 532. Holmberg suggests that the word Kadiak comes from Kikchtak, which in the Koniagas’ language means a large island. 'Der Name Kadjak ist offenbar eine Verdrehung von Kikchtak, welches Wort in der Sprache der Konjagen "grosse Insel" bedeutet und daher auch als Benennung der grössten Insel dieser Gruppe diente.' Ethnographische Skizzen über die Völker des Russischen Amerika, p. 75. 'A la division Koniagi appartient la partie la plus septentrionale de l'Alaska, et l'île de Kodiak, que les Russes appellent vulgairement Kichtak, quoique, dans la langue des naturels, le mot Kightak ne désigne en général qu'une île.' Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 347. Coxe states that the natives 'call themselves Kanagist.' Russian Dis., p. 135. And Sauer mentions, 'the natives call themselves Soo-oo-it.' Billings' Ex., p. 175. 'Man verstand von ihnen, dass sie sich selbst Kanagist nennen.' Neue Nachr., p. 114.

[74] Tschugatsches, Tschugatsi or Tschgatzi. Latham, Native Races, p. 290, says the name is Athabascan, and signifies 'men of the sea.'

[74] Tschugatsches, Tschugatsi or Tschgatzi. Latham, Native Races, p. 290, says the name is Athabascan and means 'men of the sea.'

[75] Kuskoquigmutes, Kuskokwimen, Kuskokwigmjuten, Kusckockwagemuten, Kuschkukchwakmüten, or Kaskutchewak.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Kuskoquigmutes, Kuskokwimen, Kuskokwigmjuten, Kusckockwagemuten, Kuschkukchwakmüten, or Kaskutchewak.

[76] The termination mute, mut, meut, muten, or mjuten, signifies people or village. It is added to the tribal name sometimes as a substantive as well as in an adjective sense.

[76] The term mute, mut, meut, muten, or mjuten means people or village. It is sometimes used with the tribal name as a noun and also in an adjective form.

[77] 'Herr Wassiljew schätzt ihre Zahl auf mindestens 7000 Seelen beiderlei Geschlechts und jeglichen Alters.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 127.

[77] 'Mr. Wassiljew estimates their number to be at least 7000 people of all genders and ages.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 127.

[78] 'Es waren wohl einst alle diese Inseln bewohnt.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 76.

[78] 'All of these islands were probably once inhabited.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 76.

[79] The Malemutes are 'a race of tall and stout people.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 159. 'Die Kuskokwimer sind, mittlerer Statur, schlank, rüstig und oft mit grosser Stärke begabt.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 135. Dixon's Voy., p. 186. 'Bisweilen fallen sogar riesige Gestalten auf, wie ich z. B. einen Häuptling in der igatschen Bucht zu sehen Gelegenheit hatte, dessen Länge 6¾ Fuss betrug.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 80. The chief at Prince William Sound was a man of low stature, 'with a long beard, and seemed about sixty years of age.' Portlock's Voy., p. 237. A strong, raw-boned race. Meares' Voy., p. 32. At Cook's Inlet they seemed to be of the same nation as those of Pr. Wm. Sd., but entirely different from those at Nootka, in persons and language. Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 400. They are of 'middle size and well proportioned.' Dixon's Voy., p. 68. 'They emigrated in recent times from the Island of Kadyak, and they claim, as their hereditary possessions, the coast lying between Bristol Bay and Beering's Straits.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 364. 'Die Tschugatschen sind Ankömmlinge von der Insel Kadjack, die während innerer Zwistigkeiten von dort vertrieben.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 116.

[79] The Malemutes are "a race of tall and stout people." Whymper's Alaska, p. 159. "The Kuskokwimers are of average height, slim, sturdy, and often very strong." Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 135. Dixon's Voy., p. 186. "Sometimes, there are even huge figures, like the chief I had the chance to see in Igaschen Bay, who was 6¾ feet tall." Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 80. The chief at Prince William Sound was a short man, "with a long beard and appeared to be about sixty years old." Portlock's Voy., p. 237. A strong, raw-boned race. Meares' Voy., p. 32. At Cook's Inlet, they seemed to belong to the same nation as those at Prince William Sound, but were completely different from those at Nootka, in appearance and language. Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 400. They are "of medium height and well-proportioned." Dixon's Voy., p. 68. "They recently emigrated from Kadyak Island and claim the coast between Bristol Bay and Bering's Straits as their hereditary land." Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 364. "The Tschugatschen are arrivals from Kadjack Island, who were driven out during internal conflicts." Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 116.

[80] Achkugmjuten, 'Bewohner der warmen Gegend.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 5. 'Copper complexion.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 194.

[80] Achkugmjuten, 'Residents of the warm area.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 5. 'Copper skin tone.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 194.

[81] 'They bore their under lip, where they hang fine bones of beasts and birds.' Staehlin's North. Arch., p. 33. 'Setzen sich auch—Zähne von Vögeln oder Thierknochen in künstliche Oeffnungen der Unterlippe und unter der Nase ein.' Neue Nachr., p. 113.

[81] 'They wore their lower lip adorned with fine bones of animals and birds.' Staehlin's North. Arch., p. 33. 'They also insert—teeth from birds or animal bones into artificial openings in their lower lip and under the nose.' Neue Nachr., p. 113.

[82] The people of Kadiak, according to Langsdorff, are similar to those of Unalaska, the men being a little taller. They differ from the Fox Islanders. Voy., pt. ii., p. 62. 'Die Insulaner waren hier von den Einwohnern, der vorhin entdeckten übrigen Fuchsinsuln, in Kleidung und Sprache ziemlich verschieden.' Neue Nachr., p. 113. 'Ils ressemblent beaucoup aux indigènes des îles Curiles, dépendantes du Japon.' Laplace, Circumnav., vol. vi., p. 45.

[82] The people of Kadiak, according to Langsdorff, are similar to those of Unalaska, with the men being slightly taller. They are different from the Fox Islanders. Voy., pt. ii., p. 62. 'The islanders here were quite different in clothing and language from the inhabitants of the previously discovered other Fox Islands.' Neue Nachr., p. 113. 'They resemble the indigenous people of the Kuril Islands, which are under Japanese control.' Laplace, Circumnav., vol. vi., p. 45.

[83] 'They wore strings of beads suspended from apertures in the lower lip.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 195. 'Their ears are full of holes, from which hang pendants of bone or shell.' Meares' Voy., p. xxxii. 'Elles portent des perles ordinairement en verre bleu, suspendues au-dessous du nez à un fil passé dans la cloison nasale.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 573. 'Upon the whole, I have nowhere seen savages who take more pains than these people do to ornament, or rather to disfigure their persons.' At Prince William Sound they are so fond of ornament 'that they stick any thing in their perforated lip; one man appearing with two of our iron nails projecting from it like prongs; and another endeavouring to put a large brass button into it.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 370. They slit the under lip, and have ornaments of glass beads and muscle-shells in nostrils and ears; tattoo chin and neck. Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., p. 63. 'Die Frauen machen Einschnitte in die Lippen. Der Nasenknorpel ist ebenfalls durchstochen.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 135.

[83] 'They wore strings of beads hanging from openings in their lower lip.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 195. 'Their ears are full of holes, from which pendants made of bone or shell hang.' Meares' Voy., p. xxxii. 'They typically wear blue glass beads, hanging below the nose from a thread passed through the nasal septum.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 573. 'Overall, I've never seen people who work harder than these individuals to embellish, or rather to distort their appearance.' In Prince William Sound, they love ornamentation so much that 'they stick anything into their pierced lip; one man had two of our iron nails sticking out of it like prongs, and another was trying to insert a large brass button into it.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 370. They split their lower lip and have ornaments made of glass beads and muscle-shells in their nostrils and ears; they also tattoo their chin and neck. Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., p. 63. 'The women make incisions in their lips. The cartilage of the nose is also pierced.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 135.

[84] The Kadiaks dress like the Aleuts, but their principal garment they call Konägen; Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 63. Like the Unalaskas, the neck being more exposed, fewer ornamentations. Sauer, Billings' Voy., p. 177. 'Consists wholly of the skins of animals and birds.' Portlock's Voy., p. 249. A coat peculiar to Norton Sound appeared 'to be made of reeds sewed very closely together.' Dixon's Voy., p. 191. 'Nähen ihre Parken (Winter-Kleider) aus Vögelhäuten und ihre Kamleien (Sommer-Kleider) aus den Gedärmen von Wallfischen und Robben.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 117. At Norton Sound 'principally of deer-skins.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 484. 'Ihre Kleider sind aus schwarzen und andern Fuchsbälgen, Biber, Vogelhäuten, auch jungen Rennthier and Jewraschkenfellen, alles mit Sehnen genäht.' Neue Nachr., p. 113. 'The dress of both sexes consists of parkas and camleykas, both of which nearly resemble in form a carter's frock.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 194.

[84] The Kadiaks dress similarly to the Aleuts, but they refer to their main garment as Konägen; Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 63. Like the Unalaskas, their necks are more exposed, so they have fewer embellishments. Sauer, Billings' Voy., p. 177. 'It is made entirely from the skins of animals and birds.' Portlock's Voy., p. 249. A unique coat from Norton Sound seemed 'to be made of reeds sewn very closely together.' Dixon's Voy., p. 191. 'They sew their Parken (winter clothes) from bird skins and their Kamleien (summer clothes) from the intestines of whales and seals.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 117. At Norton Sound, the clothing is 'mainly made of deer skins.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 484. 'Their clothes are made from black and other fox furs, beaver, bird skins, as well as young reindeer and Jewrashkin furs, all sewn together with sinews.' Neue Nachr., p. 113. 'The attire for both men and women consists of parkas and camleykas, which both closely resemble the shape of a carter's frock.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 194.

[85] 'Una tunica entera de pieles que les abriga bastantemente.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 66. 'By the use of such a girdle, it should seem that they sometimes go naked.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 437.

[85] 'A full skin tunic that keeps them warm enough.' Bodega and Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 66. 'With such a girdle, it seems that they sometimes go naked.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 437.

[86] 'Plastered over with mud, which gives it an appearance not very unlike a dung hill.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 214. Sea-dog skin closes the opening. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 62. The Kuskoquims have 'huttes qu'ils appellent barabores pour l'été.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 574. 'Mit Erde und Gras bedeckt, so dass man mit Recht die Wohnungen der Konjagen Erdhütten nennen kann.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 97. 'A door fronting the east.' Sauer, Billings' Voy., p. 175. At Norton Sound 'they consist simply of a sloping roof, without any side-walls.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 484. Build temporary huts of sticks and bark. Portlock's Voy., p. 253.

[86] 'Covered with mud, which makes it look a lot like a dung hill.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 214. Sea-dog skin seals the opening. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 62. The Kuskoquims have 'huts they call barabores for the summer.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 574. 'Covered with earth and grass, so that one can rightly call the homes of the Konjagen earth huts.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 97. 'A door facing east.' Sauer, Billings' Voy., p. 175. At Norton Sound 'they consist simply of a sloping roof, without any side walls.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 484. Build temporary huts out of sticks and bark. Portlock's Voy., p. 253.

[87] 'In dem Kashim versammelt sich die männliche Bevölkerung des ganzen Dorfes zur Berathschlagung über wichtige Angelegenheiten, über Krieg und Frieden, etc.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 129.

[87] 'In the kashim, the male population of the entire village gathers to discuss important matters, such as war and peace, etc.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 129.

[88] 'Le poisson est la principale nourriture.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 574. 'Berries mixed with rancid whale oil.' 'The fat of the whale is the prime delicacy.' Lisiansky's Voy., pp. 178, 195. 'Meistentheils nähren sie sich mit rohen und trocknen Fischen, die sie theils in der See mit knöchernen Angelhaken, theils in den Bächen mit Sacknetzen, die sie aus Sehnen flechten, einfangen.' Neue Nachr., p. 114. They generally eat their food raw, but sometimes they boil it in water heated with hot stones. Meares' Voy., p. xxxv. The method of catching wild geese, is to chase and knock them down immediately after they have shed their large wing-feathers; at which time they are not able to fly. Portlock's Voy., p. 265.

[88] 'Fish is the main food.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 574. 'Berries mixed with rancid whale oil.' 'The fat of the whale is the top delicacy.' Lisiansky's Voy., pp. 178, 195. 'Most of the time, they feed on raw and dried fish, which they catch partly in the sea with bony hooks and partly in the streams with nets made from sinew.' Neue Nachr., p. 114. They usually eat their food raw, but sometimes they boil it using water heated by hot stones. Meares' Voy., p. xxxv. To catch wild geese, they chase and take them down right after they shed their large wing feathers; at that point, they can't fly. Portlock's Voy., p. 265.

[89] 'Ich hatte auf der Insel Afognak Gelegenheit dem Zerschneiden eines Wallfisches zuzusehen und versichere, dass nach Verlauf von kaum 2 Stunden nur die blanken Knochen auf dem Ufer lagen.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 91.

[89] 'I had the chance to watch a whale being cut up on Afognak Island, and I assure you that after just about 2 hours, only the bare bones were left on the shore.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 91.

[90] The Kadiaks 'pass their time in hunting, festivals, and abstinence. The first takes place in the summer; the second begins in the month of December, and continues as long as any provisions remain; and then follows the period of famine, which lasts till the re-appearance of fish in the rivers. During the period last mentioned, many have nothing but shell-fish to subsist on, and some die for want.' Lisiansky's Voy., pp. 209, 210.

[90] The Kadiaks spend their time hunting, celebrating festivals, and practicing abstinence. The first activity happens during the summer; the second starts in December and lasts as long as there are provisions left, after which comes the famine period that continues until fish return to the rivers. During this last period, many people survive only on shellfish, and some die from lack of food. Lisiansky's Voy., pp. 209, 210.

[91] 'Wild animals which they hunt, and especially wild sheep, the flesh of which is excellent.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 188. They eat the larger sort of fern-root baked, and a substance which seemed the inner bark of the pine. Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 374. 'Die Eingebornen essen diese Wurzeln (Lagat) roh und gekocht; aus der Wurzel, nachdem sie in Mehl verwandelt ist, bäckt man, mit einer geringen Beimischung von Weizenmehl, süssliche, dünne Kuchen.' Sagoskin, Tagebuch, in Denkschr. d. russ. Geog. Gesell., p. 343.

[91] 'They hunt wild animals, especially wild sheep, which have great tasting meat.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 188. They eat the larger ferns baked, and a substance that appears to be the inner bark of pine. Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 374. 'The natives eat these roots (Lagat) raw and cooked; from the root, once turned into flour, they bake slightly sweet, thin cakes with a small addition of wheat flour.' Sagoskin, Tagebuch, in Denkschr. d. russ. Geog. Gesell., p. 343.

[92] 'Ihre hölzernen Schilde nennen sie Kujaki.' Neue Nachr., p. 114.

[92] 'They call their wooden shields Kujaki.' New News, p. 114.

[93] 'Selecting the roots of such plants as grow alone, these roots are dried and pounded, or grated.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 178.

[93] 'Choosing the roots of plants that grow alone, these roots are dried and crushed or grated.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 178.

[94] 'Die Pfeilspitzen sind aus Eisen oder Kupfer, ersteres erhalten sie von den Kenayern, letzteres von den Tutnen.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 118. 'De pedernal en forma de arpon, cortado con tanta delicadeza como pudiera hacerlo el mas hábil lapidario.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 66.

[94] 'The arrowheads are made of iron or copper, the former obtained from the Kenayers, the latter from the Tutans.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 118. 'From flint shaped like a harpoon, carved with as much precision as the most skilled lapidary could achieve.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 66.

[95] At Prince William Sound Cook found the canoes not of wood, as at Nootka. At Bristol Bay they were of skin, but broader. Third Voy., vol. ii., pp. 371, 437. 'Die kadjakschen Baidarken unterscheiden sich in der Form ein wenig von denen der andern Bewohner der amerikanischen Küste, von denen der Aleuten aber namentlich darin, dass sie kürzer und breiter sind.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 99. At Prince William Sound, 'formada la canoa en esqueleto la forran por fuera con pieles de animales.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 65. 'Qu'on se figure une nacelle de quatre mètres de long et de soixante centimètres de large tout au plus.' Laplace, Circumnav., vol. vi., p. 48. 'These canoes were covered with skins, the same as we had seen last season in Cook's River. Dixon's Voy., p. 147. 'Safer at sea in bad weather than European boats.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 211.

[95] At Prince William Sound, Cook found that the canoes were not made of wood like those at Nootka. In Bristol Bay, they were made of skin but were broader. Third Voy., vol. ii., pp. 371, 437. 'The kayaks differ slightly in shape from those of other inhabitants of the American coast, but particularly from those of the Aleuts in that they are shorter and wider.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 99. At Prince William Sound, 'after shaping the canoe's frame, they cover it on the outside with animal skins.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 65. 'Imagine a canoe about four meters long and at most sixty centimeters wide.' Laplace, Circumnav., vol. vi., p. 48. 'These canoes were covered with skins, just like we saw last season in Cook's River.' Dixon's Voy., p. 147. 'Safer at sea in bad weather than European boats.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 211.

[96] Their whale-sinew thread was as fine as silk. Lisiansky's Voy., p. 207.

[96] Their whale-sinew thread was as fine as silk. Lisiansky's Voy., p. 207.

[97] The only tool seen was a stone adze. Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 373.

[97] The only tool they found was a stone adze. Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 373.

[98] 'Their sewing, plaiting of sinews, and small work on their little bags may be put in competition with the most delicate manufactures found in any part of the known world.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., pp. 373, 374. 'If we may judge by these figures, the inhabitants of Cadiack must have lost much of their skill in carving, their old productions of this kind being greatly superior.' Lisiansky, p. 178. The Ingalik's household furniture is made 'von gebogenem Holz sehr zierlich gearbeitet und mittelst Erdfarben roth, grün und blau angestrichen. Zum Kochen der Speisen bedienen sie sich irdener, ausgebrannter Geschirre.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 121.

[98] 'Their sewing, weaving of sinews, and small work on their little bags can compete with the most delicate crafts found anywhere in the world.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., pp. 373, 374. 'If we can judge by these figures, the people of Cadiack must have lost a lot of their carving skills, as their earlier works in this area were far superior.' Lisiansky, p. 178. The Ingalik's household furniture is made 'from bent wood, very finely crafted, and painted with earth tones of red, green, and blue. They use earthenware, burnt containers for cooking their meals.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 121.

[99] 'Tis most probable they are divided into clans or tribes.' Dixon's Voy., p. 67. 'They have a King, whose name was Sheenoway.' Meares' Voy., p. xxvii. 'They always keep together in families, and are under the direction of toyons or chiefs.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 151.

[99] "It's very likely they're organized into clans or tribes." Dixon's Voy., p. 67. "They have a king named Sheenoway." Meares' Voy., p. xxvii. "They always stay together in families and are led by toyons or chiefs." Lisiansky's Voy., p. 151.

[100] Female slaves are sold from one tribe to another. Sauer, Billings' Voy., p. 175.

[100] Women slaves are traded between tribes. Sauer, Billings' Voy., p. 175.

[101] 'Zugleich verschwand auch ihre Benennung; man nannte sie ferner Kajuren, ein Wort aus Kamtschatka hieher übergesiedelt, welches Tagelöhner oder Arbeiter bedeutet.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 79.

[101] "At the same time, their name also disappeared; they were referred to as Kajuren, a word that migrated from Kamchatka, which means day laborers or workers." Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 79.

[102] 'They will not go a step out of the way for the most necessary purposes of nature; and vessels are placed at their very doors for the reception of the urinous fluid, which are resorted to alike by both sexes.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 214.

[102] 'They won’t move an inch for the most essential needs of nature; and containers are set right at their doorsteps for receiving urine, which are used by both men and women.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 214.

[103] 'Not only do brothers and sisters cohabit with each other, but even parents and children.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 64.

[103] 'Not only do siblings live together, but so do parents and their children.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 64.

[104] 'Images dressed in different forms.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 178. 'The most favoured of women is she who has the greatest number of children.' Sauer, Billings' Voy., p. 176.

[104] 'Images presented in various forms.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 178. 'The most esteemed woman is the one who has the most children.' Sauer, Billings' Voy., p. 176.

[105] 'Der Vater oder die Mutter bestimmen den Sohn schon in seiner frühsten Kindheit zum Achnutschik, wenn er ihnen mädchenhaft erscheint.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 121. 'Male concubines are much more frequent here than at Oonalashka.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 64. They 'are happy to see them taken by the chiefs, to gratify their unnatural desires. Such youths are dressed like women, and taught all their domestic duties.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 176. 'Ces peuples sont très adonnés aux plaisirs des sens et même à un vice infame.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. vii., p. 8. 'Of all the customs of these islanders, the most disgusting is that of men, called schoopans, living with men, and supplying the place of women.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 199. This shameful custom applies to the Thlinkeets as well. 'Quelques personnes de l'Equipage du Solide ont rapporté qu'il ne leur est pas possible de douter que les Tchinkîtânéens ne soient souillés de ce vice honteux que la Théogonie immorale des Grecs avoit divinisé.' Marchand, Voy. aut. du Monde, tom. ii., p. 97.

[105] 'The father or mother designates the son as an Achnutschik from his earliest childhood if he seems feminine to them.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 121. 'Male concubines are much more common here than in Oonalashka.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 64. They 'are pleased to see them taken by the chiefs to satisfy their unnatural desires. These young men are dressed like women and trained in all household duties.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 176. 'These people are very indulgent in sensory pleasures and even in a shameful vice.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. vii., p. 8. 'Of all the customs of these islanders, the most disgusting is that of men, called schoopans, living with men and taking the place of women.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 199. This shameful custom also applies to the Thlinkeets. 'Some crew members of the Solide reported that they cannot doubt the Tchinkîtânéens are tainted by this shameful vice that the immoral Theogony of the Greeks had glorified.' Marchand, Voy. aut. du Monde, tom. ii., p. 97.

[106] 'Der Schamane hat seiner Obliegenheit gemäss oder aus besonderem Wohlwollen sie der Jungferschaft beraubt und sie wäre unwürdig vor der Versammlung zu erscheinen, wenn sie ihre erste Liebe irgend einem Anderen und nicht dem Schamanen gezollt hätte.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 133.

[106] 'The shaman, fulfilling his duty or out of special goodwill, has deprived her of her maidenhood, and she would be unworthy to appear before the assembly if she had given her first love to anyone other than the shaman.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 133.

[107] 'Their dances are proper tournaments.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 176. They are much addicted to public dances, especially during winter. Whymper's Alaska, p. 165. 'Masks of the most hideous figures are worn.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 210. 'Use a sort of rattle composed of a number of the beaks of the sea-parrot, strung upon a wooden cross,'—sounds like castanets. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 64. 'Die Tänzer erscheinen, eben so, mit Wurfspiessen oder Messern in den Händen, welche sie über dem Kopfe schwingen.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 118.

[107] 'Their dances are like proper tournaments.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 176. They really enjoy public dances, especially during the winter. Whymper's Alaska, p. 165. 'Masks of the most hideous figures are worn.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 210. 'They use a kind of rattle made of several sea-parrot beaks strung on a wooden cross,'—sounds like castanets. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 64. 'The dancers appear, likewise, with throwing spears or knives in their hands, which they swing above their heads.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 118.

[108] 'Les sorciers et chamans jouissent d'une grande faveur dans cette région glacée de l'Amérique.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 574. 'Schamane und alte Weiber kennen verschiedene Heilmittel.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 135. 'Next in rank to the shamans are the kaseks, or sages, whose office is to teach children the different dances, and superintend the public amusements and shows, of which they have the supreme control.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 208.

[108] 'Wizards and shamans are highly regarded in this icy part of America.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 574. 'Shamans and elder women know various remedies.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 135. 'Next in rank to the shamans are the kaseks, or wise ones, whose role is to teach children the different dances and oversee public entertainment and shows, which they have the utmost control over.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 208.

[109] 'The dead body of a chief is embalmed with moss, and buried.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 177.

[109] 'The body of a chief is preserved with moss and then buried.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 177.

[110] 'In one of the small buildings, or kennels, as they may very properly be called, was a woman who had retired into it in consequence of the death of her son.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 184.

[110] 'In one of the small buildings, or kennels, as they are properly called, was a woman who had moved in there after her son's death.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 184.

[111] 'The word Aleutian seems to be derived from the interrogative particle allix, which struck strangers in the language of that people.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 312. The Unalaskas and 'the people of Oomnak, call themselves Cowghalingen.' 'The natives of Alaska and all the adjacent islands they call Kagataiakung'n.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 154. 'The inhabitants of Unalashka are called Kogholaghi; those of Akutan, and further east to Unimak, Kighigusi; and those of Unimak and Alaxa, Kataghayekiki. They cannot tell whence these appellations are derived; and now begin to call themselves by the general name of Aleyut, given to them by the Russians, and borrowed from some of the Kurile Islands.' Coxe's Russ. Dis., p. 219.

[111] 'The term Aleutian seems to come from the question word allix, which intrigued outsiders speaking the language of that group.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 312. The Unalaskans and the people of Oomnak refer to themselves as Cowghalingen. 'The natives of Alaska and all the nearby islands are called Kagataiakung'n.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 154. 'The residents of Unalashka are known as Kogholaghi; those from Akutan and further east to Unimak are Kighigusi; and those from Unimak and Alaxa are called Kataghayekiki. They don’t know the origins of these names and now generally call themselves Aleyut, a name given to them by the Russians, which is borrowed from some of the Kurile Islands.' Coxe's Russ. Dis., p. 219.

[112] Yet, says D'Orbigny, Voyage, p. 577: 'Si on interroge les Aléoutiens sur leur origine, ils disent que leurs ancêtres ont habité un grand pays vers l'ouest, et que de là ils sont avancés de proche en proche sur les îles désertes jusq'au continent américain.'

[112] Yet, according to D'Orbigny, Voyage, p. 577: 'If you ask the Aleuts about their origin, they say that their ancestors lived in a large land to the west, and from there they gradually moved onto the deserted islands up to the American continent.'

[113] Trapesnikoff took from an unknown island in 1753, 1920 sea-otter skins. Durneff returned to Kamchatka in 1754, with 3,000 skins. In 1752 one crew touched at Bering Island and took 1,222 Arctic foxes, and 2,500 sea-bears. Cholodiloff, in 1753, took from one island 1,600 otter-skins. Tolstych in one voyage took 1,780 sea-otter, 720 blue foxes, and 840 sea-bears. Coxe's Russ. Dis., pp. 43, 44, 49, 51, 53.

[113] Trapesnikoff gathered 1,920 sea otter skins from an unknown island in 1753. Durneff returned to Kamchatka in 1754 with 3,000 skins. In 1752, one crew stopped at Bering Island and collected 1,222 Arctic foxes and 2,500 sea bears. Cholodiloff, in 1753, obtained 1,600 otter skins from one island. Tolstych collected 1,780 sea otters, 720 blue foxes, and 840 sea bears on one voyage. Coxe's Russ. Dis., pp. 43, 44, 49, 51, 53.

[114] Sparks, Life of Ledyard, p. 79.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Sparks, Life of Ledyard, p. 79.

[115] A great deal of character. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 32.

[115] A lot of character. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 32.

[116] 'Rather low of stature, but plump and well shaped; with rather short necks; swarthy chubby faces; black eyes; small beards, and long, straight, black hair; which the men wear loose behind, and cut before, but the women tie up in a bunch.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 510. 'Von Gesicht sind sie platt und weiss, von guter Statur, durchgängig mit schwarzen Haaren.' Neue Nachr., p. 150. 'Low in stature, broad in the visage.' Campbell's Voy., p. 112. Hair 'strong and wiry;' scanty beard, but thick on the upper lip. Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 154.

[116] 'They are fairly short but plump and well-shaped; with short necks; dark, chubby faces; black eyes; small beards, and long, straight, black hair; which the men wear loose in the back and cut in the front, while the women tie it up in a bun.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 510. 'From the face, they are flat and white, of good stature, consistently having black hair.' Neue Nachr., p. 150. 'Short in stature, broad in the face.' Campbell's Voy., p. 112. Hair 'strong and wiry;' sparse beard, but thick on the upper lip. Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 154.

[117] 'Les femmes aléoutes portaient aux mains et aux pieds des chapelets de pierres de couleur et préférablement d'ambre.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 579. 'None are so highly esteemed as a sort of long muscle, commonly called sea-teeth, the dentalium entalis of Linnæus.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 40. 'Women have the chin punctured in fine lines rayed from the centre of the lip and covering the whole chin.' They wear bracelets of black seal-skin around the wrists and ankles, and go barefoot. Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 155. 'Im Nasen-Knorpel und der Unterlippe machen beide Geschlechter Löcher und setzen Knochen ein, welches ihr liebster Schmuck ist. Sie stechen sich auch bunte Figuren im Gesicht aus.' Neue Nachr., p. 169. 'They bore the upper lip of the young children of both sexes, under the nostrils, where they hang several sorts of stones, and whitened fish-bones, or the bones of other animals.' Staehlin's North Arch., p. 37.

[117] 'Aleut women wore strands of colored stones, preferably amber, on their hands and feet.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 579. 'None are as highly prized as a type of long muscle, commonly referred to as sea teeth, the dentalium entalis of Linnæus.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 40. 'Women are tattooed with fine lines radiating from the center of the lip and covering the entire chin.' They wear black seal-skin bracelets around their wrists and ankles, and go barefoot. Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 155. 'Both genders make holes in the cartilage of the nose and the lower lip, inserting bones as their favorite adornment. They also carve colorful designs on their faces.' Neue Nachr., p. 169. 'They pierce the upper lip of young children of both sexes, under the nostrils, where they hang various kinds of stones and whitened fish bones or bones from other animals.' Staehlin's North Arch., p. 37.

[118] 'Leur conformation est robuste et leur permet de supporter des travaux et des fatigues de toute sorte.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 577.

[118] 'They have a sturdy build that allows them to handle all kinds of work and fatigue.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 577.

[119] At Shumagin Island, their caps were of sea-lion skins. Müller's Voy., p. 46. On the front are one or two small images of bone. Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 510. A wooden hat, 'which in front comes out before the eyes like a sort of umbrella, and is rounded off behind.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 38. 'Einige haben gemeine Mützen von einem bunten Vogelfell, woran sie etwas von den Flügeln und dem Schwanz sitzen lassen;—sind vorn mit einem Brettchen wie ein Schirm versehn und mit Bärten von Seebären—geschmücket.' Neue Nachr., pp. 151, 152.

[119] At Shumagin Island, they wore caps made of sea lion skins. Müller's Voy., p. 46. On the front, there are one or two small bone images. Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 510. A wooden hat that extends out in front like a sort of umbrella and is rounded off at the back. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 38. "Some have regular caps made from brightly colored bird skins, leaving some of the wings and tail attached; they are topped in front with a small board like a shade and adorned with sea lion whiskers." Neue Nachr., pp. 151, 152.

[120] On a feather garment, 'a person is sometimes employed a whole year.' 'The women for the most part go bare-footed.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., pp. 36, 39. 'Seams covered with thin slips of skin, very elegantly embroidered with white deer's hair, goat's hair, and the sinews of sea animals, dyed of different colours.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 156. 'Ihr Pelzkleid wird über den Kopf angezogen, und ist hinten und vorn ganz zu. Die Männer tragen es aus Vogelhäuten; die Weiber hingegen von Bibern und jungen Seebären.' Neue Nachr., p. 152. 'Boots and breeches in one piece.' Campbell's Voy., p. 113.

[120] On a feather garment, 'a person sometimes works an entire year.' 'Most women go barefoot.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., pp. 36, 39. 'Seams are covered with thin strips of skin, elegantly embroidered with white deer hair, goat hair, and sinews of sea animals, dyed in different colors.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 156. 'Their fur garment is worn over the head and is completely closed in the front and back. Men wear it made from bird skins; women, on the other hand, wear it from beaver and young sea lion fur.' Neue Nachr., p. 152. 'Boots and pants in one piece.' Campbell's Voy., p. 113.

[121] 'Round the sides and ends of the huts, the families (for several are lodged together) have their separate apartments, where they sleep, and sit at work; not upon benches, but in a kind of concave trench, which is dug all around the inside of the house, and covered with mats.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 512. 'When they have stood for sometime, they become overgrown with grass, so that a village has the appearance of an European churchyard full of graves.' Langsdorff's Voy., p. 32. 'In den Jurten wird niemals Feuer angelegt und doch ist es gemeiniglich sehr warm darinnen, so dass beide Geschlechter ganz nakkend sitzen.' Neue Nachr., p. 150.

[121] Around the sides and ends of the huts, families (since several live together) have their own spaces where they sleep and work; not on benches, but in a kind of shallow trench that’s dug all around the inside of the house and covered with mats. Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 512. When they’ve been around for a while, they get covered with grass, making a village look like a European churchyard filled with graves. Langsdorff's Voy., p. 32. In the yurts, they never build a fire, yet it’s usually very warm inside, so both men and women sit completely naked. Neue Nachr., p. 150.

[122] 'A bidarka or boat is turned up sideways, and at the distance of four or five feet, two sticks, one opposite to the head and the other to the stern, are driven into the ground, on the tops of which a cross stick is fastened. The oars are then laid along from the boat to the cross stick, and covered with seal skins, which are always at hand for the purpose.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 152.

[122] 'A bidarka, or boat, is flipped on its side, and about four or five feet away, two sticks are planted in the ground—one at the front and the other at the back. A cross stick is attached on top of these. The oars are then laid from the boat to the cross stick and covered with seal skins, which are always readily available for this purpose.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 152.

[123] 'Among the greatest delicacies of Oonalashka are the webbed feet of a seal, which are tied in a bladder, buried in the ground, and remain there till they are changed into a stinking jelly.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. ii., p. 165. Almost everything is eaten raw. Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 520. The sea-dog is caught with nets, killed when asleep, or enticed on shore by a false cap made to resemble a seal's head. Lisiansky's Voy., p. 205.

[123] 'One of the top delicacies in Oonalashka is seal webbed feet, which are wrapped in a bladder, buried in the ground, and left there until they turn into a foul jelly.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. ii., p. 165. Almost everything is eaten raw. Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 520. The sea-dog is caught with nets, killed while it's sleeping, or lured ashore with a fake cap that looks like a seal's head. Lisiansky's Voy., p. 205.

[124] 'L'Aléoute peut tuer les phoques et les oiseaux, sans être obligé d'en rendre compte à la compagnie.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. vii., p. 4.

[124] 'The Aleoute can kill seals and birds without having to answer to the company.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. vii., p. 4.

[125] 'Die Spitze selbst wird theils aus Obsidian oder Lavaglas, theils auch aus Trachyt verfertigt.' Kittlitz, Reise, vol. i., p. 268. Spear-handles are feathered, the points of sharpened flint. Neue Nachr., p. 102, 'Arrows are thrown from a narrow and pointed board, twenty inches long, which is held by the thumb and three fingers. They are thrown straight from the shoulder with astonishing velocity.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 205. 'Les armes défensives consistaient en une cotte de joncs tressés qui leur couvrait tout le corps.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 579. 'No such thing as an offensive, or even defensive weapon was seen amongst the natives of Oonalashka.' Probably they had been disarmed by the Russians. Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 515. 'Wherever any one has fixed his habitation, nobody else dares to hunt or fish.' Staehlin's Nor. Arch., p. 37. For birds they point their darts with three light bones, spread and barbed. Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 157. 'Indeed, there is a neatness and perfection in most of their work, that shews they neither want ingenuity nor perseverance.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 514.

[125] 'The tips are made from obsidian or lava glass, and also from trachyte.' Kittlitz, Reise, vol. i., p. 268. Spear handles are feathered with sharpened flint points. Neue Nachr., p. 102, 'Arrows are launched from a narrow, pointed board, about twenty inches long, held by the thumb and three fingers. They are thrown straight from the shoulder with remarkable speed.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 205. 'Defensive weapons consisted of a coat made of braided reeds that covered their whole body.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 579. 'No offensive or even defensive weapons were observed among the natives of Oonalashka.' They were likely disarmed by the Russians. Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 515. 'Wherever someone has established their home, nobody else dares to hunt or fish.' Staehlin's Nor. Arch., p. 37. For birds, they point their darts with three lightweight bones that are spread and barbed. Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 157. 'Indeed, there is a neatness and perfection in much of their work that shows they have both ingenuity and perseverance.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 514.

[126] They make 'baskets called ishcats, in which the Aleutians keep all their valuables.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 181. 'Thread they make of the sinews of the seal, and of all sizes, from the fineness of a hair to the strength of a moderate cord, both twisted and plaited.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 157. Of the teeth of sea-dogs they carve little figures of men, fish, sea-otters, sea-dogs, sea-cows, birds, and other objects. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 46.

[126] They make baskets called ishcats, where the Aleutians store all their valuables.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 181. 'They make thread from seal sinews, in all sizes, from as fine as a hair to the strength of a medium cord, both twisted and woven.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 157. Using the teeth of sea-dogs, they carve small figures of people, fish, sea otters, sea dogs, sea cows, birds, and other items. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 46.

[127] 'Wollen sie etwas an ihren Pfeilen oder sonst eine Kleinigkeit leimen, so schlagen sie sich an die Nase und bestreichen es mit ihrem Blute.' Neue Nachr., p. 173.

[127] 'If they want to glue something on their arrows or any small thing, they hit themselves on the nose and smear it with their blood.' New News, p. 173.

[128] Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 159; Campbell's Voy., p. 59.

[128] Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 159; Campbell's Voy., p. 59.

[129] 'Comme les femmes coûtaient cher en présents de fiançailles, la plupart des Aléoutes n'en avaient qu'une ou deux.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 579. Purchase as many girls for wives as they can support. Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 160. 'Objects of unnatural affection.' Id., p. 160. 'Their beards are carefully plucked out as soon as they begin to appear, and their chins tattooed like those of the women.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 48. 'The Russians told us, that they never had any connections with their women, because they were not Christians. Our people were not so scrupulous; and some of them had reason to repent that the females of Oonalashka encouraged their addresses without any reserve; for their health suffered by a distemper that is not unknown here.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 521.

[129] 'Since women were expensive in terms of engagement gifts, most Aleuts had only one or two.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 579. Buy as many girls for wives as they can take care of. Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 160. 'Objects of unnatural affection.' Id., p. 160. 'They carefully pluck out their beards as soon as they start to grow, and their chins are tattooed like those of the women.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 48. 'The Russians told us they never had relationships with their women because they were not Christians. Our people weren’t so picky; some of them had reasons to regret that the women of Oonalashka welcomed their advances without any hesitation, as their health suffered from a disease that is not unknown here.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 521.

[130] 'It often happens that a mother plunges her noisy child into water, even in winter, and keeps it there till it leaves off crying.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 202. 'Schreyt das Kind, so trägt es die Mutter, es sey Winter oder Sommer nakkend nach der See, und hält es so lange im Wasser bis es still wird.' Neue Nachr., p. 168.

[130] 'It's common for a mother to immerse her loud child in water, even in winter, and hold them there until they stop crying.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 202. 'If the child screams, the mother carries them, whether it's winter or summer, naked to the sea, and keeps them in the water until they calm down.' Neue Nachr., p. 168.

[131] 'Have their own chiefs in each island.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 510. 'Generally is conferred on him who is the most remarkable for his personal qualities.' Coxe's Russ. Dis., p. 219.

[131] 'They have their own leaders on each island.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 510. 'Usually it’s given to the person who stands out the most for their personal qualities.' Coxe's Russ. Dis., p. 219.

[132] Those of the inhabitants who have two wives give their guests one, or a slave. Neue Nachr., p. 171. 'In the spring holidays, they wear masks, neatly carved and fancifully ornamented.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 160.

[132] Those residents who have two wives offer one to their guests, or a slave. Neue Nachr., p. 171. 'During the spring holidays, they wear masks that are intricately carved and beautifully decorated.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 160.

[133] 'On avait soin de le disposer de manière à ce qu'il ne touchât pas la terre.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 579. 'Embalm the bodies of the men with dried moss and grass.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 161. Slaves sometimes slaughtered. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 48. 'Bury their dead on the summits of hills.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 521. 'When a man dies in the hut belonging to his wife, she retires into a dark hole, where she remains forty days. The husband pays the same compliment to his favorite wife upon her death.' Coxe's Russ. Dis., p. 218. 'Die Todten werden begraben, und man giebt dem Mann seinen Kahn, Pfeile und Kleider mit ins Grab.' 'Die Todten umwinden sie mit Riemen und hängen sie in einer Art hölzerner Wiege an einen auf zwey Gabelen ruhenden Querstock in der Luft auf.' Neue Nachr., pp. 101, 154.

[133] 'They made sure to arrange it in such a way that it didn’t touch the ground.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 579. 'Embalm the bodies of the men with dried moss and grass.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 161. Slaves were sometimes killed. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 48. 'Bury their dead on the top of hills.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 521. 'When a man dies in the hut of his wife, she retreats into a dark hole, where she stays for forty days. The husband does the same for his favorite wife when she dies.' Coxe's Russ. Dis., p. 218. 'The dead are buried, and the man is given his canoe, arrows, and clothes to take with him to the grave.' 'They wrap the dead in cords and hang them in a type of wooden cradle from a horizontal beam resting on two forks in the air.' Neue Nachr., pp. 101, 154.

[134] 'Naturellement silencieux.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 578. 'Sie verrichten auch die Nothdurft und das Ehegeschäft ohne alle Scheu.' Neue. Nachr., p. 150. 'A stupid silence reigns among them.' 'I am persuaded that the simplicity of their character exceeds that of any other people.' Lisiansky's Voy., pp. 182, 183. 'Kind-hearted and obliging, submissive and careful; but if roused to anger, they become rash and unthinking, even malevolent, and indifferent to all danger.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 32. 'To all appearance, they are the most peaceable, inoffensive people, I ever met with. And, as to honesty, they might serve as a pattern to the most civilized nation upon earth.' Cook, vol. ii., p. 509.

[134] 'Naturally quiet.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 578. 'They fulfill their basic needs and intimate matters without any embarrassment.' Neue. Nachr., p. 150. 'A heavy silence hangs over them.' 'I am convinced that their simplicity surpasses that of any other people.' Lisiansky's Voy., pp. 182, 183. 'They are kind-hearted and helpful, submissive and cautious; but if provoked to anger, they become impulsive and thoughtless, even hostile, and disregard any danger.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 32. 'To all appearances, they are the most peaceful, harmless people I have ever encountered. And, when it comes to honesty, they could set an example for the most civilized nation on earth.' Cook, vol. ii., p. 509.

[135] 'To hunt was their task; to be drowned, or starved, or exhausted, was their reward.' Simpson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 229. 'They are harmless, wretched slaves,' whose race will soon be extinct. Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 315. The Russian hunters 'used not unfrequently to place the men close together, and try through how many the ball of their rifle-barrelled musket would pass.' Sauer, Billings' Ex. App., p. 56. 'Of a thousand men, who formerly lived in this spot, scarcely more than forty remained.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 235. 'La variole, la syphilis, voire même le choléra depuis quelques années, en emportent une effrayante quantité.' Laplace, Circumnav., vol. ii., p. 51.

[135] 'Hunting was their job; drowning, starving, or exhausting themselves was their reward.' Simpson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 229. 'They are innocent, miserable slaves,' whose race will soon disappear. Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 315. The Russian hunters 'often placed the men closely together and tried to see how many they could hit with a single shot from their rifle-musket.' Sauer, Billings' Ex. App., p. 56. 'Out of a thousand men who used to live in this area, barely more than forty were left.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 235. 'Smallpox, syphilis, and even cholera have lately claimed an alarming number.' Laplace, Circumnav., vol. ii., p. 51.

[136] Kaluga, Kaljush, Koljush, Kalusch, Kolush, Kolosch, Kolosh, Kolosches. Marchand calls them Tchinkîtâné. Voyage aut. du Monde, tom. ii., p. 3.

[136] Kaluga, Kaljush, Koljush, Kalusch, Kolush, Kolosch, Kolosh, Kolosches. Marchand refers to them as Tchinkîtâné. Voyage aut. du Monde, vol. ii., p. 3.

[137] See Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., pp. 15, 16.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See Holmberg, Ethn. Sketches, pp. 15, 16.

[138] Ugalachmiuti, Ugaljachmjuten, Ugalyachmutzi, Ugalukmutes, Ugalenzi, Ugalenzen, Ugalenzes.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ugalachmiuti, Ugaljachmjuten, Ugalyachmutzi, Ugalukmutes, Ugalenzi, Ugalenzen, Ugalenzes.

[139] They 'call themselves G-tinkit, or S-chinkit, or also S-chitcha-chon, that is, inhabitants of Sitki or Sitcha.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., 128.

[139] They call themselves G-tinkit, or S-chinkit, or also S-chitcha-chon, that is, residents of Sitki or Sitcha. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., 128.

[140] The orthographic varieties of this word are endless. Stickeen, Stekin, Stakhin, Stachin, Stikin, Stachine, Stikeen, Stikine, Stychine, are among those before me at the moment.

[140] The spelling variations of this word are endless. Stickeen, Stekin, Stakhin, Stachin, Stikin, Stachine, Stikeen, Stikine, Stychine, are just a few of those I have in front of me right now.

[141] At the end of this chapter, under Tribal Boundaries, the location of these tribes is given definitely.

[141] At the end of this chapter, under Tribal Boundaries, the exact location of these tribes is provided.

[142] A Thlinkeet boy, 'when under the whip, continued his derision, without once exhibiting the slightest appearance of suffering.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 242.

[142] A Thlinkeet boy, when being whipped, kept making fun of it, without showing any sign of pain. Lisiansky's Voy., p. 242.

[143] 'Leur corps est ramassé, mais assez bien proportionné.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 46. 'Very fierce.' Portlock's Voy., p. 291. 'Limbs straight and well shaped.' Dixon's Voy., p. 171. 'Stolze gerade Haltung.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 16. 'Active and clever.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 237. 'Bigote á manera de los Chinos.' Perez, Nav., MS. p. 14. 'Limbs ill-proportioned.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 49. 'Très supérieurs en courage et en intelligence.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. iv., p. 54.

[143] 'Their bodies are compact but well-proportioned.' Marchand, Voy., vol. ii., p. 46. 'Very fierce.' Portlock's Voy., p. 291. 'Limbs are straight and well-shaped.' Dixon's Voy., p. 171. 'Proud, upright posture.' Holmberg, Ethn. Sketches., p. 16. 'Active and clever.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 237. 'Dressed like the Chinese.' Perez, Nav., MS. p. 14. 'Limbs poorly proportioned.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 49. 'Much superior in courage and intelligence.' La Pérouse, Voy., vol. iv., p. 54.

[144] The women 'are pleasing and their carriage modest.' Portlock's Voy., p. 291. When washed, white and fresh. Dixon's Voy., p. 171. 'Dunkle Hautfarbe.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 16. 'Eran de color blanco y habia muchos con ojos azules.' Perez, Nav., MS. p. 14. As fair as many Europeans. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 112. 'Muchos de ellos de un blanco regular.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 43.

[144] The women "are attractive and carry themselves modestly." Portlock's Voy., p. 291. When cleaned, they appear white and fresh. Dixon's Voy., p. 171. "Dark skin color." Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 16. "They were light-colored and many had blue eyes." Perez, Nav., MS. p. 14. As fair as many Europeans. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 112. "Many of them were of a regular white color." Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 43.

[145] 'Leur chevelure, dure, épaisse, mêlée, couverte d'ocre, de duvet d'oiseaux et de toutes les ordures que la négligence et le temps y ont accumulées, contribue encore à rendre leur aspect hideux.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 46. 'A more hideous set of beings, in the form of men and women, I had never before seen.' Cleveland's Voy., p. 91. The men painted 'a black circle extending from the forehead to the mouth, and a red chin, which gave the face altogether the appearance of a mask.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 146. Pourraient même passer pour jolies, sans l'horrible habitude qu'elles ont adoptée.' Laplace, Circumnav., tom. vi., p. 87. 'That person seems to be reckoned the greatest beau amongst them, whose face is one entire piece of smut and grease.' Dixon's Voy., p. 68. 'Ils se font des cicatrices sur les bras et sur la poitrine.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 223. 'Um aus dem Gesichte diese fette Farbenmasse abzuwaschen, gebrauchen sie ihren eignen Urin, und dieser verursacht bei ihnen den widerlichen Geruch, der den sich ihm nahenden Fremdling fast zum Erbrechen bringt.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 20.

[145] 'Their hair, coarse, thick, tangled, covered in ochre, bird fluff, and all the filth that negligence and time have accumulated, makes their appearance even more grotesque.' Marchand, Voy., vol. ii, p. 46. 'I had never seen a more hideous group of beings, in the form of men and women.' Cleveland's Voy., p. 91. The men painted 'a black circle from the forehead to the mouth, and a red chin, making the face look completely like a mask.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 146. 'They could even be considered pretty if it weren't for the horrible habits they have adopted.' Laplace, Circumnav., vol. vi, p. 87. 'The person considered the biggest beauty among them has a face that is one solid mass of dirt and grease.' Dixon's Voy., p. 68. 'They make scars on their arms and chests.' La Pérouse, Voy., vol. ii, p. 223. 'To wash off the greasy color from their faces, they use their own urine, which leaves them with a terrible smell that almost makes approaching strangers want to vomit.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 20.

[146] Meares, Voyages, p. xxxi., states that at Prince William Sound, 'the men have universally a slit in their under lip, between the projecting part of the lip and the chin, which is cut parallel with their mouths, and has the appearance of another mouth.' Worn only by women. Dixon's Voy., p. 172.

[146] Meares, Voyages, p. xxxi., states that at Prince William Sound, 'the men universally have a slit in their lower lip, between the protruding part of the lip and the chin, which is cut parallel to their mouths, giving it the appearance of another mouth.' It's only worn by women. Dixon's Voy., p. 172.

[147] 'About three tenths of an inch below the upper part of the under lip.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 280. 'In the centre of the under-lip.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 115. 'Fendue au ras des gencives.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 224. 'In the thick part near the mouth.' Dixon's Voy., p. 187. 'When the first person having this incision was seen by one of the seamen, who called out, that the man had two mouths.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 369. 'In their early infancy, a small incision is made in the center of the under lip, and a piece of brass or copper wire is placed in, and left in the wound. This corrodes the lacerated parts, and by consuming the flesh gradually increases the orifice, until it is sufficiently large to admit the wooden appendage.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 408. 'Les femmes de Tchinkîtâné ont cru devoir ajouter à leur beauté naturelle, par l'emploi d'un ornement labial, aussi bizarre qu'incommode.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 48.

[147] 'About three-tenths of an inch below the upper part of the lower lip.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 280. 'In the center of the lower lip.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 115. 'Cut just above the gums.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 224. 'In the thick part near the mouth.' Dixon's Voy., p. 187. 'When the first person with this incision was seen by one of the sailors, he called out that the man had two mouths.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 369. 'In their early infancy, a small incision is made in the center of the lower lip, and a piece of brass or copper wire is placed in and left in the wound. This corrodes the cut parts, and by consuming the flesh gradually enlarges the opening until it is big enough to fit the wooden attachment.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 408. 'Women of Tchinkîtâné felt they needed to enhance their natural beauty with a lip ornament that is as strange as it is inconvenient.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 48.

[148] 'Simply perforated, and a piece of copper wire introduced.' Dixon's Voy., p. 187. 'Les jeunes filles n'ont qu'une aiguille dans la lèvre inférieure.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 226. 'On y prépare les petites filles aussitôt qu'elles sont nées.' Id., tom. iv., p. 54. 'At first a thick wire.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 115. When almost marriageable. Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 51. 'The children have them bored at about two years of age, when a piece of copper-wire is put through the hole; this they wear till the age of about thirteen or fourteen years, when it is taken out, and the wooden ornament introduced.' Portlock's Voy., p. 289. 'Said to denote maturity.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 100. 'Se percer la lèvre inférieure des l'enfance.' 'D'agrandir peu à peu cette ouverture au point de pouvoir jeune fille y introduire une coquille, et femme mariée une énorme tasse de bois.' Laplace, Circumnav., tom. vi., p. 87. 'Never takes place during their infancy.' Dixon's Voy., p. 187. 'When the event takes place that implies womanhood.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 243. 'Wenn zum ersten Mal beim Mädchen sich Spuren der Mannbarkeit zeigen, wird ihre Unterlippe durchstochen und in diese Oeffnung eine Knochenspitze, gegenwärtig doch häufiger ein Silberstift gelegt.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 21. 'Pues les pareció que solo lo tenian los casados.' Perez, Nav., MS. p. 15.

[148] 'Just a small hole, and a piece of copper wire put in.' Dixon's Voy., p. 187. 'Young girls only have a needle in their lower lip.' La Pérouse, Voy., vol. ii., p. 226. 'They start preparing little girls as soon as they're born.' Id., vol. iv., p. 54. 'At first, a thick wire.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 115. When they're almost of marriage age. Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 51. 'Children get theirs pierced around two years old, when a piece of copper wire is threaded through the hole; they wear this until they're about thirteen or fourteen, when it's taken out and replaced with a wooden ornament.' Portlock's Voy., p. 289. 'Said to signify maturity.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 100. 'To pierce the lower lip from childhood.' 'To gradually enlarge this opening so that a young girl can insert a shell, and a married woman an enormous wooden cup.' Laplace, Circumnav., vol. vi., p. 87. 'Never done during infancy.' Dixon's Voy., p. 187. 'When the event happens that signifies womanhood.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 243. 'When the first signs of womanhood appear in a girl, her lower lip is pierced and a bone tip, nowadays often a silver pin, is placed in the hole.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 21. 'They thought only married women had it.' Perez, Nav., MS. p. 15.

[149] 'Concave on both sides.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 280. 'So lange sie unverheirathet ist, trägt sie diesen; erhält sie aber einen Mann, so presst man einen grösseren Schmuck von Holz oder Knochen in die Oeffnung, welcher nach innen, d. h. zur Zahnseite etwas trogförmig ausgehöhlt ist.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 21. 'Une espèce d'écuelle de bois sans anses qui appuie contre les gencives.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 224. Pieces of shell resembling teeth. Meares' Voy., p. xxxi.

[149] 'Concave on both sides.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 280. 'As long as she is unmarried, she wears this; but when she gets a husband, a larger ornament made of wood or bone is pressed into the opening, which is shaped a bit like a trough towards the teeth side.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 21. 'A type of wooden bowl without handles that presses against the gums.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 224. Pieces of shell resembling teeth. Meares' Voy., p. xxxi.

[150] 'As large as a large saucer.' Portlock's Voy., p. 289. 'From one corner of the mouth to the other.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 280. 'Frequently increased to three, or even four inches in length, and nearly as wide.' Dixon's Voy., p. 187. 'A communément un demi-pouce d'épaisseur, deux de diamètre, et trois pouces de long.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. iv., p. 54. 'At least seven inches in circumference.' Meares' Voy., p. xxxviii. 'Mit den Jahren wird der Schmuck vergrössert, so dass er bei einem alten Weibe über 2 Zoll breit angetroffen wird.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 21. From two to five inches long, and from one and a half to three inches broad. Ladies of distinction increase the size. 'I have even seen ladies of very high rank with this ornament, full five inches long and three broad.' Mr Dwolf affirms that he saw 'an old woman, the wife of a chief, whose lip ornament was so large, that by a peculiar motion of her under-lip she could almost conceal her whole face with it.' 'Horrible in its appearance to us Europeans.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 115. 'Es una abertura como de media pulgada debaxo del labio inferior, que representa segunda boca, donde colocan una especie de roldana elíptica de pino, cuyo diámetro mayor es de dos pulgadas, quatro lineas, y el menor de una pulgada.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 126.

[150] 'As big as a large saucer.' Portlock's Voy., p. 289. 'From one corner of the mouth to the other.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 280. 'Frequently growing to three, or even four inches in length, and almost as wide.' Dixon's Voy., p. 187. 'Typically half an inch thick, two in diameter, and three inches long.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. iv., p. 54. 'At least seven inches around.' Meares' Voy., p. xxxviii. 'With age, the ornament gets bigger, so that an old woman might have one over 2 inches wide.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 21. Ranging from two to five inches long, and one and a half to three inches wide. Women of status increase the size. 'I've even seen women of very high rank with this ornament, measuring five inches long and three wide.' Mr. Dwolf claims he saw 'an old woman, the wife of a chief, whose lip ornament was so large that with a special motion of her lower lip, she could almost cover her whole face with it.' 'Horrifying in its appearance to us Europeans.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 115. 'It’s a half-inch opening below the lower lip that looks like a second mouth, where they place an elliptical piece made of pine, with a larger diameter of two inches and four lines, and a smaller diameter of one inch.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 126.

[151] 'Une énorme tasse de bois, destinée à recevoir la salive qui s'en échappe constamment.' Laplace, Circumnav., tom. vi., p. 87. 'L'effet de cet ornement est de rabattre, par le poids de sa partie saillante la lèvre inférieure sur le menton, de développer les charmes d'une grande bouche béante, qui prend la forme de celle d'un four, et de mettre à découvert une rangée de dents jaunes et sales.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 49. 'She is obliged to be constantly on the watch, lest it should fall out, which would cover her with confusion.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 244. 'The weight of this trencher or ornament weighs the lip down so as to cover the whole of the chin, leaving all the lower teeth and gum quite naked.' Portlock's Voy., p. 289. 'L'usage le plus révoltant qui existe peut-être sur la terre.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 226. 'Always in proportion to a person's wealth.' 'Distorts every feature in the lower part of the face.' Dixon's Voy., p. 68, 172. 'In running the lip flaps up and down so as to knock sometimes against the chin and sometimes against the nose. Upon the continent the kaluga is worn still larger; and the female who can cover her whole face with her under-lip passes for the most perfect beauty,' 'The lips of the women held out like a trough, and always filled with saliva stained with tobacco-juice, of which they are immoderately fond, is the most abominably revolting part of the spectacle.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 52. 'Dadurch entsteht eine im selbigen Maasse ausgedehnte Lippe, die höchst widerlich aussieht, um so mehr, da sich nun mehr der Mund nicht schliessen kann, sondern unaufhörlich einen braunen Tabaksspeichel von sich gibt.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 21. 'So distorts the face as to take from it almost the resemblance to the human; yet the privilege of wearing this ornament is not extended to the female slaves, who are prisoners taken in war.' Cleveland's Voy., p. 91. 'Look as if they had large flat wooden spoons growing in the flesh.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 115. 'The sight is hideous. Our men used jocosely to say, this lower lip would make a good slab to lay their trousers on to be scrubbed.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 277. 'On ne connaît point d'explication plausible de cette mutilation, qui, chez les Indiens, passe pour un signe de noblesse.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 336.

[151] 'A huge wooden cup meant to hold the spit that constantly drips from it.' Laplace, Circumnav., vol. vi., p. 87. 'The effect of this ornament is to pull the lower lip down onto the chin, showcasing the allure of a wide, gaping mouth that resembles an oven, exposing a row of yellow, dirty teeth.' Marchand, Voy., vol. ii., p. 49. 'She has to be constantly on guard, or else it might fall out, which would be embarrassing for her.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 244. 'The weight of this dish or ornament drags the lip down so that it covers the whole chin, leaving all the lower teeth and gums completely exposed.' Portlock's Voy., p. 289. 'The most shocking practice that perhaps exists on earth.' La Pérouse, Voy., vol. ii., p. 226. 'Always in proportion to a person’s wealth.' 'It distorts every feature in the lower part of the face.' Dixon's Voy., p. 68, 172. 'When running, the lip flaps up and down, sometimes hitting the chin and sometimes the nose. On the continent, the kaluga is worn even larger; a woman who can cover her entire face with her lower lip is considered the most beautiful.' 'The lips of the women protrude like a trough, always filled with saliva stained with tobacco juice, which they excessively enjoy, is the most disgustingly revolting part of the display.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 52. 'This creates a lip of extensive size that looks extremely repugnant, especially since the mouth can no longer close and continuously drips brown tobacco saliva.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 21. 'It distorts the face so much that it barely resembles a human; yet the right to wear this ornament is not granted to female slaves who are captured in war.' Cleveland's Voy., p. 91. 'They look as if large flat wooden spoons are growing out of their flesh.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 115. 'The sight is horrible. Our men used to jokingly say that this lower lip would make a perfect slab for scrubbing their trousers.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 277. 'There is no plausible explanation for this mutilation, which among the Indians is considered a sign of nobility.' Mofras, Explor., vol. ii., p. 336.

[152] 'Die Männertracht unterscheidet sich in Nichts von der Weiber; sie besteht nämlich aus einem bis zu den Knieen gehenden Hemde.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 18. Some of their blankets 'are so curiously worked on one side with the fur of the sea-otter, that they appear as if lined with it.' 'Some dress themselves in short pantaloons.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 238. 'Las mugeres visten honestamente una especie de túnica interior de piel sobada.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxvii. 'Se vestian las mugeres tunicas de pieles ajustadas al cuerpo con brazaletes de cobre o hierro.' Perez, Nav., MS. p. 15. 'Usual clothing consists of a little apron.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 49. 'Their feet are always bare.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 114.

[152] 'Men's clothing is no different from women's; it consists of a shirt that goes down to the knees.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 18. Some of their blankets 'are so intricately worked on one side with sea otter fur that they look like they’re lined with it.' 'Some wear short pants.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 238. 'Women dress modestly in a kind of inner tunic made of soft skin.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxvii. 'Women wore fitted skin tunics with copper or iron bracelets.' Perez, Nav., MS. p. 15. 'Typical clothing consists of a small apron.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 49. 'Their feet are always bare.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 114.

[153] 'Usan sombreros de la corteza interior del pino en forma de cono truncado.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxvii. Their wooden masks 'are so thick, that a musket-ball, fired at a moderate distance, can hardly penetrate them.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 150.

[153] 'They wear hats made from the inner bark of the pine in a truncated cone shape.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxvii. Their wooden masks 'are so thick, that a musket ball, shot from a moderate distance, can barely penetrate them.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 150.

[154] Pluck out their beard. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 112. 'Ils ont de la barbe, moins à la vérité que les Européens, mais assez cependant pour qu'il soit impossible d'en douter.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 229. 'The women in general are hair-dressers for their husbands.' Portlock's Voy., p. 290.

[154] Pull out their beard. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 112. 'They have beards, less so than Europeans, but enough to make it impossible to doubt.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 229. 'The women, in general, style their husbands' hair.' Portlock's Voy., p. 290.

[155] 'Der Eingang, ziemlich hoch von der Erde, besteht aus einem kleinen runden Loche.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 25. 'Ils se construisent des maisons de bois ou de terre pour l'hiver.' Laplace, Circumnav., vol. vi., p. 87. 'The barabaras of the Sitcan people are of a square form, and spacious. The sides are of planks; and the roof resembles that of a Russian house.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 239. 'Habitan estos Indios en chozas ó rancherías de tablas muy desabrigadas.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxvi. At Sitka the roof 'rests upon ten or twelve thick posts driven into the ground, and the sides of the house are composed of broad thick planks fastened to the same posts.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 129. 'Dans l'intérieur des terres, des habitations bien construites, spacieuses et commodes.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 74. 'Shanties on a large scale.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 100. 'Their huts are made of a few boards, which they take away with them when they go to their winter quarters. It is very surprising to see how well they will shape their boards with the shocking tools they employ; some of them being full 10 feet long, 2½ feet broad, and not more than an inch thick.' Portlock's Voy., p. 292. 'High, large, and roomy, built of wood, with the hearth in the middle, and the sides divided into as many compartments as there are families living under the roof.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 410. 'Lebt in Schoppen aus Balken gebaut, wo an den Seiten für jede Familie besondere Plätze abgetheilt sind, in der Mitte aber Feuer für alle zusammen angemacht wird. So pflegen gemeiniglich 2 bis 6 Familien eine einzige Scheune einzunehmen.' Baer's Ethn. u. Stat., p. 97.

[155] 'The entrance, quite high off the ground, consists of a small round opening.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 25. 'They build wooden or earthen houses for the winter.' Laplace, Circumnav., vol. vi., p. 87. 'The barabaras of the Sitcan people are square in shape and spacious. The walls are made of planks, and the roof is similar to that of a Russian house.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 239. 'These Indians live in shacks or ranches made from poorly insulated boards.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxvi. At Sitka, the roof 'rests on ten or twelve thick posts driven into the ground, and the walls of the house are made of wide, thick planks attached to the same posts.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 129. 'In the interior, there are well-constructed, spacious, and comfortable dwellings.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 74. 'Shanties on a large scale.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 100. 'Their huts are made of a few boards, which they take with them when they relocate to their winter quarters. It's quite surprising to see how well they shape their boards with the rudimentary tools they use; some are a full 10 feet long, 2½ feet wide, and no more than an inch thick.' Portlock's Voy., p. 292. 'High, large, and spacious, built of wood, with the hearth in the middle, and the sides divided into as many compartments as there are families living under the same roof.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 410. 'They live in structures made of beams, where there are designated areas for each family along the sides, while a fire is made in the center for everyone. Typically, 2 to 6 families occupy a single barn.' Baer's Ethn. u. Stat., p. 97.

[156] 'Vingt-cinq pieds de long sur quinze à vingt pieds de large.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 220. 'Roof in the whole with the bark of trees.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 53. 'Las casas en que estos habitan en las playas son de poca consideracion y ninguna subsistencia.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 49. 'A few poles stuck in the ground, without order or regularity.' Dixon's Voy., p. 172. 'Gebäude besteht aus langen, sorgfältig behauenen Brettern, die kartenhausartig über einander gestellt, an zahlreichen in die Erde gesteckten Stangen befestigt, recht eigentlich ein hölzernes Zelt bilden. Es hat die Form einer länglichen Barake mit zwei Giebeln.' Kittlitz, Reise, vol. i., pp. 220, 221.

[156] 'Twenty-five feet long and fifteen to twenty feet wide.' La Pérouse, Voy., vol. ii., p. 220. 'Cover everything with tree bark.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 53. 'The houses where they live on the beaches are modest and provide no sustenance.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 49. 'A few poles stuck in the ground, without order or regularity.' Dixon's Voy., p. 172. 'The building consists of long, carefully carved planks, stacked like a card house, fastened to numerous poles stuck in the ground, forming a wooden tent. It takes the shape of an elongated barrack with two gables.' Kittlitz, Reise, vol. i., pp. 220, 221.

[157] All kinds of fish; 'such as salmon, mussels, and various other shell-fish, sea-otters, seals and porpoises; the blubber of the porpoise, they are remarkably fond of, and indeed the flesh of any animal that comes in their way.' Portlock's Voy., p. 290. 'Vom Meere, an dessen Ufern sie sich stets ansiedeln, erhalten sie ihre hauptsächlichste Nahrung; einige Wurzeln, Gräser u. Beeren gehören nur zu den Leckerbissen des Sommers.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 22. Cakes made of bark of spruce-fir, mixed with roots, berries, and train-oil. For salt they use sea-water. Never eat whale-fat. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 131. At Sitka, summer food consists of berries, fresh fish, and flesh of amphibious animals. Winter food, of dried salmon, train-oil, and the spawn of fish, especially herrings. Lisiansky's Voy., p. 239. 'Sus alimentos se reducen á pescado cocido ó asado ya fresco ó ya seco, varias hierbas y raizes.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 50. They chew 'a plant which appears to be a species of tobacco.' Dixon's Voy., p. 175. 'Sont couverts de vermine; ils font une chasse assidue à ces animaux dévorans, mais pour les dévorer eux-mêmes.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 52. 'Tägliche Nahrung der Einwohner—sind hauptsächtlich Fische, doch häufig auch Mollusken und Echinodermen.' Kittlitz, Reise, vol. i., p. 222.

[157] All kinds of fish; like salmon, mussels, and various other shellfish, sea otters, seals, and porpoises; they really love the blubber of porpoises and will eat the flesh of any animal that comes their way. Portlock's Voy., p. 290. 'From the sea, where they always settle along the shores, they get most of their food; some roots, grasses, and berries are just summer treats.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 22. Cakes made from the bark of spruce-fir, mixed with roots, berries, and whale oil. They use seawater for salt. They never eat whale fat. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 131. In Sitka, summer food includes berries, fresh fish, and the flesh of amphibious animals. Winter food consists of dried salmon, whale oil, and fish roe, especially herring. Lisiansky's Voy., p. 239. 'Their food mainly consists of cooked or roasted fish, whether fresh or dried, various herbs, and roots.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 50. They chew 'a plant that seems to be a type of tobacco.' Dixon's Voy., p. 175. 'They are covered in parasites; they actively hunt these devouring animals, but end up eating them themselves.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 52. 'The daily food of the inhabitants mainly consists of fish, but often also includes mollusks and echinoderms.' Kittlitz, Reise, vol. i., p. 222.

[158] 'Le poisson frais ou fumé, les œufs séchés de poisson.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 62. 'Is sometimes cooked upon red-hot stones, but more commonly eaten raw.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 53. 'Not so expert in hunting as the Aleutians. Their principal mode is that of shooting the sea animals as they lie asleep.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 242. They boil their victuals in wooden vessels, by constantly putting red-hot stones into the water. Portlock's Voy., p. 291. 'Das Kochen geschieht jetzt in eisernen Kesseln, vor der Bekanntschaft mit den Russen aber wurden dazu aus Wurzeln geflochtene Körbe angewandt.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 23.

[158] 'Fresh or smoked fish, dried fish eggs.' Merchant, Voy., vol. ii., p. 62. 'Sometimes cooked on red-hot stones, but more often eaten raw.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 53. 'Not as skilled in hunting as the Aleutians. Their main method is shooting the sea animals while they sleep.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 242. They boil their food in wooden containers by continually adding red-hot stones to the water. Portlock's Voy., p. 291. 'Cooking now takes place in iron kettles, but before they encountered the Russians, they used baskets woven from roots.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 23.

[159] To their fishing lines, bladders are fastened, 'which float upon the surface of the water, so that one person can attend to fourteen or fifteen lines.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 134. 'Ils pêchent, comme nous, en barrant les rivières, ou à la ligne.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 232. 'For taking the spawn, they use the branches of the pine-tree, to which it easily adheres, and on which it is afterwards dried. It is then put into baskets, or holes purposely dug in the ground, till wanted.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 239. 'Su comun alimento es el salmon, y es ingenioso el método que tienen de pescarle.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxvii. 'Their lines are very strong, being made of the sinews or intestines of animals.' Dixon's Voy., p. 174. 'Die Riesenbutte, die in Sitcha bisweilen ein Gewicht von 10 bis 12 Pud erreicht, wird aus der Tiefe mit grossen hölzernen Angeln, die mit Widerhaken aus Eisen oder Knochen versehen sind, herausgezogen. Die Angelschnur besteht aus an einander geknüpften Fucusstängeln.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 32.

[159] They attach bladders to their fishing lines, which float on the water's surface so that one person can manage fourteen or fifteen lines. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 134. 'They fish, like us, by damming rivers or using lines.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 232. 'To collect the spawn, they use pine tree branches, which it sticks to easily, and then they dry it on those branches. Later, it's stored in baskets or in holes dug into the ground until needed.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 239. 'Their main food is salmon, and their method of catching it is clever.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxvii. 'Their lines are very strong, made from animal sinews or intestines.' Dixon's Voy., p. 174. 'The giant halibut, which sometimes weighs 10 to 12 pounds in Sitka, is pulled from the depths with large wooden hooks that have barbs made of iron or bone. The fishing line consists of connected fucus stalks.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 32.

[160] 'Bows and arrows were formerly their only weapons; now, besides their muskets, they have daggers, and knives half a yard long.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 55. Their weapons were bows, arrows, and spears. Dixon's Voy., p. 67. 'Leur lances dont l'ancienne forme n'est pas connue, est à présent composée de deux pièces: de la hampe, longue de quinze ou dix-huit pieds, et du fer qui ne le cède en rien à celui de la hallebarde de parade dont étoit armé un Suisse de paroisse.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 68. Knives, some two feet long, shaped almost like a dagger, with a ridge in the middle. Worn in skin sheaths hung by a thong to the neck under their robe, probably used only as weapons. Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 373. 'Las armas ofensivas que generalmente usan son las flechas, lanzas de seis y ocho varas de largo con lenguetas de fierro.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 46. 'The daggers used in battle are made to stab with either end, having three, four or five inches above the hand tapered to a sharp point; but the upper part of those used in the Sound and River is excurvated.' Portlock's Voy., p. 261. 'Principally bows and arrows.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 131. 'Sus armas se reducen al arco, la flecha y el puñal que traen siempre consigo.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxvii. 'Comme nous examinions très attentivement tous ces poignards, ils nous firent signe qu'ils n'en faisaient usage que contre les ours et les autres bêtes des forêts.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 172. 'Der Dolch ist sehr breit und hat zwei geschliffene Blätter auf jeder Seite des Griffes, das obere jedoch nur ein Viertel von der Länge des unteren.' 'Beide Blätter oder Klingen sind mit ledernen Scheiden versehen.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 28.

[160] 'Bows and arrows used to be their only weapons; now, in addition to their muskets, they have daggers and knives that are about a yard long.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 55. Their weapons included bows, arrows, and spears. Dixon's Voy., p. 67. 'Their lances, the original design of which is unknown, now consist of two parts: the pole, which is fifteen or eighteen feet long, and the iron tip that is as sharp as a ceremonial halberd used by a Swiss parishioner.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 68. Knives, some around two feet long, shaped almost like daggers, with a ridge in the middle. They are kept in leather sheaths that hang from a cord around the neck under their robes, likely used strictly as weapons. Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 373. 'The offensive weapons they generally use are arrows and spears that are six to eight yards long with iron tips.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 46. 'The daggers used in battle can stab from either end, with three, four, or five inches above the handle tapered to a sharp point; the top part of those used in the Sound and River is curved outward.' Portlock's Voy., p. 261. 'Mainly bows and arrows.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 131. 'Their weapons consist of the bow, arrow, and dagger that they always carry with them.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxvii. 'As we closely examined all these daggers, they indicated that they only used them against bears and other forest animals.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 172. 'The dagger is very wide and has two sharpened blades on each side of the handle, but the top one is only a quarter the length of the bottom one.' 'Both blades come with leather sheaths.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 28.

[161] 'A kind of jacket, or coat of mail, made of thin laths, bound together with sinews, which makes it quite flexible, though so close as not to admit an arrow or dart.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 372. 'Für den Krieg besitzen die Kaloschen auch von Holz gearbeitete Schutzwaffen: Brustharnische, Sturmhauben und seltsam geschnitzte Visire, mit grellen Farben bemalte Fratzengesichter darstellen.' Kittlitz, Reise, vol. i., p. 216.

[161] 'A type of jacket or mail coat made from thin wooden slats, held together with sinews, making it quite flexible, yet tight enough to prevent an arrow or dart from getting through.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 372. 'For war, the Kaloschen also have wooden protective gear: breastplates, helmets, and oddly carved visors painted with bright colors to represent grotesque faces.' Kittlitz, Reise, vol. i., p. 216.

[162] 'They never attack their enemies openly.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 55. 'Les guerriers tués ou faits prisonniers à la guerre, passent également sous la dent de leurs vainqueurs qui, en dévorant une proie aussi distinguée, croient y puiser de nouvelles forces, une nouvelle énergie.' Laplace, Circumnav., tom. vi., p. 155.

[162] 'They never confront their enemies directly.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 55. 'Warriors who are killed or captured in battle are also devoured by their victors, who believe that by consuming such a notable prey, they gain new strength, new energy.' Laplace, Circumnav., tom. vi., p. 155.

[163] 'Bien hechas de una pieza con su falca sobre las bordas.' Perez, Nav., MS., p. 17. 'On n'est pas moins étonné de leur stabilité: malgré la légèreté et le peu de largeur de la coque, elles n'ont pas besoin d'être soutenues par des balanciers, et jamais on ne les accouple.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 72. 'Las regulares canoas de que se sirven son de pino, y no tienen mas capacidad que la que basta para contener una familia, sin embargo que las hay sumamente grandes.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 48. 'Rudely excavated and reduced to no particular shape, but each end has the resemblance of a butcher's tray.' Dixon's Voy., p. 173. 'Their canoes are much inferior to those of the lower coast, while their skin "baidarkes" (kyacks) are not equal to those of Norton Sound and the northern coast.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 101. At Cook's Inlet, 'their canoes are sheathed with the bark of trees.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 188. These canoes 'were made from a solid tree, and many of them appeared to be from 50 to 70 feet in length, but very narrow, being no broader than the tree itself.' Meares' Voy., p. xxxviii. 'Their boat was the body of a large pine tree, neatly excavated, and tapered away towards the ends, until they came to a point, and the fore-part somewhat higher than the after-part; indeed, the whole was finished in a neat and very exact manner.' Portlock's Voy., p. 259.

[163] 'Well made from a single piece with its wedge on the edges.' Perez, Nav., MS., p. 17. 'We are no less surprised by their stability: despite the lightness and narrowness of the hull, they don't need to be supported by outriggers, and they are never tied together.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 72. 'The regular canoes they use are made of pine and have just enough capacity to hold a family, even though there are some that are very large.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 48. 'Rudely carved and lacking a specific shape, but each end resembles a butcher's tray.' Dixon's Voy., p. 173. 'Their canoes are much inferior to those of the lower coast, while their skin "baidarkes" (kayaks) are not as good as those from Norton Sound and the northern coast.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 101. At Cook's Inlet, 'their canoes are covered with tree bark.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 188. These canoes 'were made from a solid tree, and many of them appeared to be between 50 to 70 feet long, but very narrow, being no wider than the tree itself.' Meares' Voy., p. xxxviii. 'Their boat was the hollowed-out trunk of a large pine tree, shaped neatly and tapered towards the ends, coming to a point, with the front part slightly higher than the back; indeed, the whole thing was finished in a neat and precise manner.' Portlock's Voy., p. 259.

[164] 'Ont fait beaucoup plus de progrès dans les arts que dans la morale.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 233. Thlinkeet women make baskets of bark of trees, and grass, that will hold water. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 132. They have tolerable ideas of carving, most utensils having sculptures, representing some animal. Portlock's Voy., p. 294. 'Ces peintures, ces sculptures, telles qu'elles sont, on en voit sur tous leurs meubles.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 71. 'De la vivacidad de su genio y del afecto al cambio se debe inferir son bastantemente laboriosos.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 48. 'Tienen lana blanca cuya especie ignoraron.' Perez, Nav., MS. p. 16. 'Masks very ingeniously cut in wood, and painted with different colors.' A rattle, 'very well finished, both as to sculpture and painting.' 'One might suppose these productions the work of a people greatly advanced in civilization.' Lisiansky's Voy., pp. 150, 241. 'Found some square patches of ground in a state of cultivation, producing a plant that appeared to be a species of tobacco.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. iii., p. 256.

[164] 'We've made a lot more progress in the arts than in morals.' La Pérouse, Voy., vol. ii., p. 233. Thlinkeet women create baskets from tree bark and grass that can hold water. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 132. They have decent carving skills, as most utensils feature sculptures depicting some animals. Portlock's Voy., p. 294. 'These paintings and sculptures, as they are, can be seen on all their furniture.' Marchand, Voy., vol. ii., p. 71. 'From their lively imagination and love for change, it can be inferred that they are quite industrious.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 48. 'They have white wool, but they didn't know the type.' Perez, Nav., MS. p. 16. 'Masks that are very cleverly carved from wood and painted in various colors.' A rattle, 'very well made in terms of both carving and painting.' 'One might think these creations are the work of a people highly advanced in civilization.' Lisiansky's Voy., pp. 150, 241. 'Found some square patches of land that were cultivated, producing a plant that looked like a type of tobacco.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. iii., p. 256.

[165] 'The skins of the sea-otters form their principal wealth, and are a substitute for money.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 54. 'In one place they discovered a considerable hoard of woolen cloth, and as much dried fish as would have loaded 150 bidarkas.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 160.

[165] 'The pelts of the sea otters are their main source of wealth and serve as a form of currency.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 54. 'In one location, they found a significant stash of woolen cloth and enough dried fish to fill 150 bidarkas.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 160.

[166] 'Le Gouvernement des Tchinkitânéens paroîtroit donc se rapprocher du Gouvernement patriarchal.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 83. 'De su gobierno pensamos cuando mas, oiendo el modo de someterse á algunos viejos, seria oligárhico.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 50. 'Though the toyons have power over their subjects, it is a very limited power, unless when an individual of extraordinary abilities starts up, who is sure to rule despotically.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 243. 'Chaque famille semble vivre d'une manière isolée et avoir un régime particulier.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. iv., p. 61. 'Ces Conseils composés des vieillards.' Laplace, Circumnav., tom. vi., p. 155.

[166] 'The government of the Tchinkitânéens appears to resemble a patriarchal government.' Marchand, Voy., vol. ii., p. 83. 'We think their government is more of an oligarchy, especially when considering how they submit to certain elders.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 50. 'Although the toyons have authority over their people, it is very limited unless an extraordinary individual arises, who will then rule with absolute power.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 243. 'Each family seems to live in isolation and has its own specific system.' La Pérouse, Voy., vol. iv., p. 61. 'These councils are made up of elders.' Laplace, Circumnav., vol. vi., p. 155.

[167] Tribes are distinguished by the color and character of their paint. Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 51. They 'are divided into tribes; the principal of which assume to themselves titles of distinction, from the names of the animals they prefer; as the tribe of the bear, of the eagle, etc. The tribe of the wolf are called Coquontans, and have many privileges over the other tribes.' Lisiansky's Voy., pp. 238, 242.

[167] Tribes are identified by the color and style of their paint. Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 51. They are categorized into tribes, with the main ones taking distinguished titles based on their preferred animals, such as the bear tribe, the eagle tribe, etc. The wolf tribe is known as Coquontans and has many privileges compared to the other tribes. Lisiansky's Voy., pp. 238, 242.

[168] 'The women possess a predominant influence, and acknowledged superiority over the other sex.' Meares' Voy., p. 323. 'Parmi eux les femmes jouissent d'une certaine considération.' Laplace, Circumnav., tom. vi., p. 87. They treat their wives and children with much affection and tenderness, and the women keep the treasures. Portlock's Voy., p. 290. The Kalush 'finds his filthy countrywomen, with their lip-troughs, so charming, that they often awaken in him the most vehement passion.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 56. 'It is certain that industry, reserve, modesty, and conjugal fidelity, are the general characteristics of the female sex among these people.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 133. 'Quoiqu'elles vivent sous la domination d'hommes très-féroces, je n'ai pas vu qu'elles en fussent traitées d'une manière aussi barbare que le prétendent la plupart des voyageurs.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. iv., p. 61.

[168] 'The women have a strong influence and recognized superiority over men.' Meares' Voy., p. 323. 'Among them, women enjoy a certain level of respect.' Laplace, Circumnav., vol. vi., p. 87. They treat their wives and children with great affection and care, and the women hold the valuables. Portlock's Voy., p. 290. The Kalush 'find their unrefined countrywomen, with their lip ornaments, so attractive that they often spark intense passion in them.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 56. 'It is clear that diligence, modesty, reserve, and marital loyalty are common traits of women among these people.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 133. 'Although they live under the rule of very fierce men, I haven't seen them treated as brutally as most travelers claim.' La Pérouse, Voy., vol. iv., p. 61.

[169] 'Weddings are celebrated merely by a feast, given to the relatives of the bride.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 57.

[169] 'Weddings are just celebrated with a feast for the bride's family.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 57.

[170] 'Ils ne s'écartent jamais de deux pas pour aucun besoin; ils ne cherchent dans ces occasions ni l'ombre ni le mystère; ils continuent la conversation qu'ils ont commencée, comme s'ils n'avaient pas un instant à perdre; et lorsque c'est pendant le repas, ils reprennent leur place, dont ils n'ont jamais été éloignés d'une toise.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 221.

[170] "They never step aside for any reason; they don't seek shade or mystery in those moments; they carry on the conversation they started, as if they have no time to waste; and when it's during a meal, they return to their spot, from which they were never more than a few yards away." La Pérouse, Voy., vol. ii., p. 221.

[171] 'Ont un goût décidé pour le chant.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 75. 'The women sit upon the ground at a distance of some paces from the dancers, and sing a not inharmonious melody, which supplies the place of music.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 114. 'They dance and sing continually.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 240. Besides the tambourine, Captain Belcher saw a castanet and 'a new musical instrument, composed of three hoops, with a cross in the centre, the circumference being closely strung with the beaks of the Alca arctica.' Voy., vol. i., p. 103.

[171] 'They have a strong taste for singing.' Marchand, Voy., vol. ii., p. 75. 'The women sit on the ground a few paces away from the dancers and sing a somewhat pleasant melody that replaces music.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 114. 'They dance and sing continuously.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 240. In addition to the tambourine, Captain Belcher noticed a castanet and 'a new musical instrument made of three hoops, with a cross at the center, the edges tightly strung with the beaks of the Alca arctica.' Voy., vol. i., p. 103.

[172] They lose at this game all their possessions, and even their wives and children, who then become the property of the winner.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 62. 'Ce jeu les rend tristes et sérieux.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 235.

[172] They lose everything in this game, including their possessions, and even their wives and children, who then belong to the winner.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 62. 'This game makes them sad and serious.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 235.

[173] Upon one tomb, 'formaba una figura grande y horrorosa que tenia entre sus garras una caxa.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxviii. 'The box is frequently decorated with two or three rows of small shells.' Dixon's Voy., p. 176. 'The dead are burned, and their ashes preserved in small wooden boxes, in buildings appropriated to that purpose.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 57. 'Nos voyageurs rencontrèrent aussi un morai qui leur prouva que ces Indiens étaient dans l'usage de brûler les morts et d'en conserver la tête.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 205. 'On the death of a toyon, or other distinguished person, one of his slaves is deprived of life, and burned with him.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 241.

[173] On one tomb, 'there was a large and horrifying figure that held a box in its claws.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxviii. 'The box is often decorated with two or three rows of small shells.' Dixon's Voy., p. 176. 'The dead are cremated, and their ashes are kept in small wooden boxes in buildings set aside for that purpose.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 57. 'Our travelers also encountered a morai which proved to them that these Indians had the custom of burning the dead and keeping the head.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 205. 'When a toyon or other notable person dies, one of his slaves is put to death and burned with him.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 241.

[174] Called by Gallatin, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 17, Athapasca, the name 'first given to the central part of the country they inhabit.' Sir John Richardson, Jour., vol. ii., p. 1, calls them 'Tinnè, or 'Dtinnè, Athabascans or Chepewyans.' 'They style themselves generally Dinneh men, or Indians.' Franklin's Nar., vol. i., p. 241.

[174] Called by Gallatin, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 17, Athapasca, the name 'first given to the central part of the country they inhabit.' Sir John Richardson, Jour., vol. ii., p. 1, refers to them as 'Tinnè, or 'Dtinnè, Athabascans or Chepewyans.' 'They generally refer to themselves as Dinneh people, or Indians.' Franklin's Nar., vol. i., p. 241.

[175] Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., pp. 1-33.

[175] Richardson's Journals, vol. 2, pp. 1-33.

[176] 'Les Indiens de la côte ou de la Nouvelle Calédonie, les Tokalis, les Chargeurs (Carriers) les Schouchouaps, les Atnas, appartiennent tous à la nation des Chipeouaïans dont la langue est en usage dans le nord du Continent jusqu'à la baie d'Hudson et à la Mer Polaire.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 337.

[176] 'The Indigenous people of the coast or New Caledonia, the Tokalis, the Chargeurs (Carriers), the Schouchouaps, and the Atnas, all belong to the Chipeouaïan nation, whose language is spoken in the northern part of the continent up to Hudson Bay and the Arctic Sea.' Mofras, Explor., vol. ii., p. 337.

[177] Are 'known under the names of Loucheux, Digothi, and Kutshin.' Latham's Nat. Races, p. 292. 'They are called Deguthee Dinees, or the Quarrellers.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 51. 'On Peel's River they name themselves Kutchin, the final n being nasal and faintly pronounced.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 378. They are also called Tykothee-dinneh, Loucheux or Quarrellers. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 83. 'The Loucheux proper is spoken by the Indians of Peel's River. All the tribes inhabiting the valley of the Youkon understand one another.' Hardisty, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 311.

[177] They are known as Loucheux, Digothi, and Kutshin. Latham's Nat. Races, p. 292. 'They refer to themselves as Deguthee Dinees, or the Quarrellers.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 51. 'Along Peel's River, they identify as Kutchin, with the final n being nasal and softly pronounced.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 378. They are also called Tykothee-dinneh, Loucheux, or Quarrellers. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 83. 'The Loucheux language is spoken by the Indians of Peel's River. All the tribes living in the Yukon Valley are able to understand each other.' Hardisty, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 311.

[178] Gallatin, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 17, erroneously ruled the Loucheux out of his Athabasca nation. 'Im äussersten Nordosten hat uns Gallatin aufmerksam gemacht auf das Volk der Loucheux, Zänker-Indianer oder Digothi: an der Mündung des Mackenzie-Flusses, nach Einigen zu dessen beiden Seiten (westliche und östliche): dessen Sprache er nach den Reisenden für fremd den athapaskischen hielt: worüber sich die neuen Nachrichten noch widersprechen.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 713. Franklin, Nar., vol. ii., p. 83, allies the Loucheux to the Eskimos.

[178] Gallatin, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 17, mistakenly excluded the Loucheux from his Athabasca nation. 'In the far northeastern region, Gallatin drew our attention to the Loucheux people, also known as the Zänker Indians or Digothi: located at the mouth of the Mackenzie River, according to some sources on both its western and eastern sides: whose language he believed, based on travelers’ accounts, to be foreign to Athapaskan: an assertion that new information has since contradicted.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 713. Franklin, Nar., vol. ii., p. 83, connects the Loucheux to the Eskimos.

[179] Tnai, 'man;' Tnaina Ttynai, Thnaina, Kinai, Kenai, Kenaize.

[179] Tnai, 'man;' Tnaina Ttynai, Thnaina, Kinai, Kenai, Kenaize.

[180] See notes on Boundaries at the end of this chapter.

[180] Check the notes on Boundaries at the end of this chapter.

[181] Besides the 'Umkwa,' being outlying members of the Athabaskan stock,' there are the 'Navahoe, the Jecorilla, the Panalero, along with the Apatsh of New Mexico, California, and Sonora. To these add the Hoopah of California, which is also Athabaskan.' Latham's Comp. Phil., p. 393.

[181] Besides the 'Umkwa,' who are distant members of the Athabaskan family, there are the 'Navahoe, the Jecorilla, the Panalero, along with the Apatsh from New Mexico, California, and Sonora. Also included are the Hoopah from California, which is also Athabaskan.' Latham's Comp. Phil., p. 393.

[182] William W. Turner was the first to assert positively that the Apaches spoke a language which belongs to the Athabascan family. Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 316.

[182] William W. Turner was the first to definitely state that the Apaches spoke a language that is part of the Athabascan family. Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 316.

[183] Face 'oval.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 180. 'Broad faces, projecting cheek-bones, and wide nostrils.' Id., vol. i., p. 242. Foreheads low, chin long. Martin's Brit. Col., vol. iii., p. 524. An exact compound between the Usquemows and Western Indians. Barrow's Geog. Hudson Bay, p. 33.

[183] Face 'oval.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 180. 'Broad faces, prominent cheekbones, and wide nostrils.' Id., vol. i., p. 242. Low foreheads, long chin. Martin's Brit. Col., vol. iii., p. 524. A precise mix between the Usquemows and Western Indians. Barrow's Geog. Hudson Bay, p. 33.

[184] Generally more than medium size. Hearne's Trav., p. 305. 'Well proportioned, and about the middle size.' Martin's Brit. Col., vol. iii., p. 524. 'Long-bodied, with short, stout limbs.' Ross, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 304.

[184] Generally larger than average. Hearne's Travels, p. 305. 'Well-proportioned and roughly average height.' Martin's British Colonies, vol. iii., p. 524. 'Long-bodied, with short, sturdy limbs.' Ross, in Smithsonian Report, 1866, p. 304.

[185] 'Dingy copper.' Martin's Brit. Col., vol. iii., p. 526. 'Swarthy.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxix. Dingy brown, copper cast. Hearne's Trav., p. 305. 'Very fresh and red.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 180. 'Dirty yellowish ochre tinge.' Ross, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 304.

[185] 'Dull copper.' Martin's Brit. Col., vol. iii., p. 526. 'Dark-skinned.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxix. Dull brown, copper tone. Hearne's Trav., p. 305. 'Very bright and red.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 180. 'Grimy yellowish ochre shade.' Ross, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 304.

[186] 'Small, fine eyes and teeth.' Franklin's Nar., vol. i., 242.

[186] 'Small, sharp eyes and teeth.' Franklin's Nar., vol. i., 242.

[187] 'Hair lank, but not always of a dingy black. Men in general extract their beard, though some of them are seen to prefer a bushy, black beard, to a smooth chin.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxix. Beard in the aged 'between two and three inches long, and perfectly white.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 180. 'Black, strait, and coarse.' Martin's Brit. Col., vol. iii., p. 524. 'Neither sex have any hair under their armpits, and very little on any other part of the body, particularly the women; but on the place where Nature plants the hair, I never knew them attempt to eradicate it.' Hearne's Trav., p. 306.

[187] 'Hair is often straight but not always a dull black. Most men remove their facial hair, although some prefer a thick, black beard over a clean-shaven look.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxix. 'Beards in older men are 'between two and three inches long and completely white.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 180. 'Black, straight, and coarse.' Martin's Brit. Col., vol. iii., p. 524. 'Neither gender has any hair under their armpits and very little elsewhere on their bodies, especially the women; however, they never attempt to remove hair where it naturally grows.' Hearne's Trav., p. 306.

[188] Tattooing appears to be universal among the Kutchins. Kirby, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 419. The Chepewyans tattooed 'by entering an awl or needle under the skin, and, on drawing it out again, immediately rubbing powdered charcoal into the wound.' Hearne's Trav., p. 306. 'Both sexes have blue or black bars, or from one to four straight lines on their cheeks or forehead, to distinguish the tribe to which they belong.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxx.

[188] Tattooing seems to be a common practice among the Kutchins. Kirby, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 419. The Chepewyans tattoo by inserting an awl or needle under the skin and immediately rubbing powdered charcoal into the wound once it's pulled out. Hearne's Trav., p. 306. 'Both men and women have blue or black bars or between one to four straight lines on their cheeks or forehead to show which tribe they belong to.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxx.

[189] Women 'destitute of real beauty.' Hearne's Trav., p. 89. 'Very inferior aspect.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 8. Women nasty. Mackenzie's Voy., p. 126. 'Positively hideous.' Ross, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 304.

[189] Women 'lacking real beauty.' Hearne's Trav., p. 89. 'Very unattractive appearance.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 8. Women unpleasant. Mackenzie's Voy., p. 126. 'Truly ugly.' Ross, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 304.

[190] A Deer-Horn Mountaineer's dress 'consisted of a shirt, or jacket with a hood, wide breeches, reaching only to the knee, and tight leggins sewed to the shoes, all of deer's skins.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 180. The cap consists of the skin of a deer's head. Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxii.

[190] A Deer-Horn Mountaineer's outfit included a shirt or jacket with a hood, loose pants that ended at the knee, and tight leggings attached to the shoes, all made from deer skin. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 180. The cap is made from the skin of a deer's head. Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxii.

[191] As witness this speech of a noble chief: 'Women were made for labor; one of them can carry, or haul, as much as two men can do. They also pitch our tents, make and mend our clothing, keep us warm at night; and, in fact, there is no such thing as traveling any considerable distance, in this country without their assistance.' Hearne's Trav., p. 55.

[191] Check out this speech from a noble leader: 'Women are made for hard work; one of them can carry or pull as much as two men can. They also set up our tents, make and fix our clothes, and keep us warm at night; really, there's no way to travel any significant distance in this country without their help.' Hearne's Trav., p. 55.

[192] An Indian desiring another one's wife, fights with her husband, principally by pulling hair. If victorious, he pays a number of skins to the husband. Hooper's Tuski, p. 303.

[192] An Indian who wants someone else's wife fights her husband, mostly by pulling his hair. If he wins, he gives the husband several animal skins. Hooper's Tuski, p. 303.

[193] 'Continence in an unmarried female is scarcely considered a virtue.' 'Their dispositions are not amatory.' 'I have heard among them of two sons keeping their mother as a common wife, of another wedded to his daughter, and of several married to their sisters. Ross, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 310. Women carry their children on the back next the skin, and suckle them until another is born. They do not suspend their ordinary occupations for child-birth. Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxii. 'A temporary interchange of wives is not uncommon; and the offer of their persons is considered as a necessary part of the hospitality due to strangers.' Id., p. xcvi. Women are 'rather the slaves than the companions of the men.' Bell's Geog., vol. v., p. 293.

[193] 'Abstinence in an unmarried woman is hardly seen as a virtue.' 'Their personalities are not romantic.' 'I've heard of two sons who treat their mother as a shared wife, another who is married to his daughter, and several who are married to their sisters. Ross, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 310. Women carry their children on their backs next to their skin and breastfeed them until they have another baby. They do not stop their daily activities for childbirth. Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxii. 'A temporary swapping of wives isn't unusual; and offering their bodies is seen as a necessary part of the hospitality owed to guests.' Id., p. xcvi. Women are 'more like slaves than companions to the men.' Bell's Geog., vol. v., p. 293.

[194] They are harsh towards their wives, except when enceinte. They are accused of abandoning the aged and sick, but only one case came to his knowledge. Franklin's Nar., vol. i., pp. 250, 251.

[194] They treat their wives poorly, unless they are pregnant. They are often blamed for neglecting the elderly and sick, but he only knew of one instance. Franklin's Nar., vol. i., pp. 250, 251.

[195] Beeatee, prepared from deer only, 'is a kind of haggis, made with the blood, a good quantity of fat shred small, some of the tenderest of the flesh, together with the heart and lungs cut, or more commonly cut into small shivers; all of which is put into the stomach, and roasted.' Hearne's Trav., p. 144. 'Not remarkable for their activity as hunters, owing to the ease with which they snare deer and spear fish.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxiii. The Deer-Horn Mountaineers 'repair to the sea in spring and kill seals; as the season advances, they hunt deer and musk oxen at some distance from the coast. They approach the deer either by crawling, or by leading these animals by ranges of turf towards the spot where the archer can conceal himself.' Do not use nets, but the hook and line. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 181. 'Nets made of lines of twisted willow-bark, or thin strips of deer-hide.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 25. Curdled blood, a favorite dish. Simpson's Nar., p. 324.

[195] Beeatee, made only from deer, is like a type of haggis, prepared with the blood, a good amount of finely chopped fat, some of the tenderest flesh, and the heart and lungs, which are usually cut into small pieces; all of this is stuffed into the stomach and roasted. Hearne's Trav., p. 144. 'Not particularly known for their hunting skills, due to how easily they catch deer and spear fish.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxiii. The Deer-Horn Mountaineers go to the sea in spring to hunt seals; as the season progresses, they track deer and musk oxen further inland. They approach deer by either crawling or guiding them along grassy areas to where the archer can hide. They don’t use nets, just hook and line. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 181. 'Nets made from twisted willow bark or thin strips of deer hide.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 25. Curdled blood is a popular dish. Simpson's Nar., p. 324.

[196] The weapons of the Chepewyans are bows and arrows; stone and bone axes and knives. Harmon's Jour., p. 183. The bows of the Deer-Horns 'are formed of three pieces of fir, the centre piece alone bent, the other two lying in the same straight line with the bowstring; the pieces are neatly tied together with sinew. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 180. In preparing for an attack, each Coppermine Indian paints his shield with figures of Sun, Moon, or some animal or imaginary beings, each portraying whatever character he most relies upon. Hearne's Trav., p. 148. In some parts hunting grounds descend by inheritance, and the right of property is rigidly enforced. Simpson's Nar., p. 75.

[196] The Chepewyans use bows and arrows, along with stone and bone axes and knives. Harmon's Jour., p. 183. The Deer-Horns bows are made of three pieces of fir, with only the center piece bent, while the other two lie straight with the bowstring; the pieces are neatly tied together with sinew. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 180. When preparing for an attack, each Coppermine Indian paints their shield with images of the Sun, Moon, or various animals and mythical beings, each representing the character they most rely on. Hearne's Trav., p. 148. In some hunting territories, the rights to the land are passed down through families, and property rights are strictly upheld. Simpson's Nar., p. 75.

[197] 'Their cooking utensils are made of pot-stone, and they form very neat dishes of fir.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 181. Make fishing-lines and nets of green deer-thongs. Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxvi.

[197] 'Their cooking tools are made of pot-stone, and they create very neat dishes from fir.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 181. They make fishing lines and nets from green deer thongs. Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxvi.

[198] 'They are great mimics.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 13. Men dance naked; women dressed. A crowd stand in a straight line, and shuffle from right to left without moving the feet from the ground. Hearne's Trav., p. 335. 'The men occasionally howl in imitation of some animal.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 35.

[198] 'They are excellent imitators.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 13. Men dance without clothes; women wear outfits. A group stands in a straight line and shuffles from side to side without lifting their feet off the ground. Hearne's Trav., p. 335. 'The men sometimes howl like animals.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 35.

[199] 'They manifest no common respect to the memory of their departed friends, by a long period of mourning, cutting off their hair, and never making use of the property of the deceased.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxviii. The death of leading men is attributed to conjuring. They never bury the dead, but leave them, where they die, for wild beasts to devour. Hearne's Trav., p. 341. The Chepewyans bury their dead. When mourning for relatives they gash their bodies with knives. Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., pp. 21, 22.

[199] 'They show no common respect for the memory of their departed friends, by mourning for a long time, cutting their hair, and never using the deceased's belongings.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxviii. The deaths of prominent individuals are blamed on witchcraft. They never bury the dead but leave them where they die for wild animals to eat. Hearne's Trav., p. 341. The Chepewyans do bury their dead. When they mourn for relatives, they cut their bodies with knives. Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., pp. 21, 22.

[200] 'The Northern Indians seldom attain a great age, though they have few diseases.' Martin's Brit. Col., vol. iii., p. 525. For inward complaints, the doctors blow zealously into the rectum, or adjacent parts. Hearne's Trav., p. 189. The conjurer shuts himself up for days with the patient, without food, and sings over him. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 41. Medicine-men or conjurers are at the same time doctors. Hooper's Tuski, pp. 317, 318. 'The Kutchins practice blood-letting ad libitum.' Jones, Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 325. 'Their principal maladies are rheumatic pains, the flux, and consumption.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxiv.

[200] 'The Northern Indians rarely live to an old age, even though they have few illnesses.' Martin's Brit. Col., vol. iii., p. 525. For internal issues, the doctors vigorously blow into the rectum or nearby areas. Hearne's Trav., p. 189. The conjurer isolates himself with the patient for days without food and sings over them. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 41. Medicine men or conjurers also serve as doctors. Hooper's Tuski, pp. 317, 318. 'The Kutchins practice blood-letting as needed.' Jones, Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 325. 'Their main health issues are rheumatic pain, diarrhea, and tuberculosis.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxiv.

[201] According to the report of the Dog-ribs, the Mountain Indians are cannibals, casting lots for victims in time of scarcity. Simpson's Nar., p. 188. 'Instances of suicide, by hanging, frequently occur among the women.' Harmon's Jour., p. 198. During times of starvation, which occur quite frequently, the Slavé Indians eat their families. Hooper's Tuski, p. 303. 'These people take their names, in the first instance, from their dogs. A young man is the father of a certain dog, but when he is married, and has a son, he styles himself the father of the boy. The women have a habit of reproving the dogs very tenderly when they observe them fighting. "Are you not ashamed," say they, "to quarrel with your little brother?"' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., pp. 85, 86. 'Whether circumcision be practiced among them, I cannot pretend to say, but the appearance of it was general among those whom I saw.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 36. Dog-rib Indians, sometimes also called Slavés, 'a name properly meaning 'strangers.' Gallatin, in Am. Arch. Soc. Trans., vol. ii., p. 19.

[201] According to the Dog-rib report, the Mountain Indians are cannibals, casting lots to choose victims in times of scarcity. Simpson's Nar., p. 188. 'Suicides by hanging often occur among the women.' Harmon's Jour., p. 198. During times of starvation, which happen quite often, the Slavé Indians eat their family members. Hooper's Tuski, p. 303. 'These people initially name themselves after their dogs. A young man identifies as the father of a specific dog, but when he gets married and has a son, he refers to himself as the father of the boy. The women tend to scold the dogs quite gently when they see them fighting. "Aren't you ashamed," they say, "to fight with your little brother?"' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., pp. 85, 86. 'I can't say for sure if they practice circumcision, but it was commonly observed among those I encountered.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 36. Dog-rib Indians, sometimes called Slavés, 'which means 'strangers.' Gallatin, in Am. Arch. Soc. Trans., vol. ii., p. 19.

[202] 'Order is maintained in the tribe solely by public opinion.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 26. The chiefs are now totally without power. Franklin's Nar., vol. i., p. 247. 'They are influenced, more or less, by certain principles which conduce to their general benefit.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxv.

[202] 'Order in the tribe is kept only by public opinion.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 26. The chiefs have no power at all now. Franklin's Nar., vol. i., p. 247. 'They are swayed, to some extent, by certain principles that benefit everyone.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxv.

[203] 'Many consider a broth, made by means of the dung of the cariboo and the hare, to be a dainty dish.' Harmon's Jour., p. 324. They 'are lazy, dirty, and sensual,' and extremely uncivilized. 'Their habits and persons are equally disgusting.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 62. 'They are a tall, well formed, good-looking race.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 154. 'An utter contempt of cleanliness prevailed on all hands, and it was revolting to witness their voracious endeavors to surpass each other in the gluttonous contest.' Ind. Life, p. 156.

[203] 'Many people think a broth made from the dung of the caribou and hare is a delicacy.' Harmon's Jour., p. 324. They 'are lazy, dirty, and indulgent,' and very uncivilized. 'Their habits and appearances are equally repulsive.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 62. 'They are a tall, well-built, attractive group.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 154. 'There was a complete disregard for cleanliness all around, and it was disgusting to see their greedy attempts to outdo each other in a gluttonous competition.' Ind. Life, p. 156.

[204] The women 'run a wooden pin through their noses.' Harmon's Jour., p. 287. At their burial ceremonies they smear the face 'with a composition of fish-oil and charcoal.' When conjuring, the chief and his companions 'wore a kind of coronet formed of the inverted claws of the grizzly bear.' Ind. Life, pp. 127, 158.

[204] The women 'pierce their noses with a wooden pin.' Harmon's Jour., p. 287. At their burial ceremonies, they cover the face 'with a mix of fish oil and charcoal.' When performing rituals, the chief and his friends 'wore a type of crown made from the upside-down claws of a grizzly bear.' Ind. Life, pp. 127, 158.

[205] The Tacullies have 'wooden dishes, and other vessels of the rind of the birch and pine trees.' 'Have also other vessels made of small roots or fibres of the cedar or pine tree, closely laced together, which serve them as buckets to put water in.' Harmon's Jour., p. 292.

[205] The Tacullies have wooden dishes and other containers made from the bark of birch and pine trees. They also have other containers made from small roots or fibers of cedar or pine, tightly woven together, which they use as buckets for carrying water. Harmon's Jour., p. 292.

[206] 'In the summer season both sexes bathe often; and this is the only time, when the married people wash themselves.' The Tacullies are very fond and very jealous of their wives, 'but to their daughters, they allow every liberty, for the purpose, as they say, of keeping the young men from intercourse with the married women.' Harmon's Jour., pp. 289, 292, 293. A father, whose daughter had dishonored him, killed her and himself. Ind. Life, 184.

[206] 'During the summer, both men and women often bathe; and this is the only time when married people clean themselves.' The Tacullies are very attached to and protective of their wives, 'but they give their daughters complete freedom, claiming it helps keep young men away from married women.' Harmon's Jour., pp. 289, 292, 293. A father, whose daughter brought shame to him, ended up killing both her and himself. Ind. Life, 184.

[207] 'The people of every village have a certain extent of country, which they consider their own, and in which they may hunt and fish; but they may not transcend these bounds, without purchasing the privilege of those who claim the land. Mountains and rivers serve them as boundaries.' Harmon's Jour., p. 298.

[207] 'The people in each village have a specific area of land that they consider their own for hunting and fishing. They can't go beyond these limits without buying the rights from the landowners. Mountains and rivers act as their borders.' Harmon's Jour., p. 298.

[208] Mackenzie, Voy., p. 238, found on Fraser River, about latitude 55°, a deserted house, 30 by 20, with three doors, 3 by 3½ feet; three fire-places, and beds on either side; behind the beds was a narrow space, like a manger, somewhat elevated, for keeping fish. 'Their houses are well formed of logs of small trees, buttressed up internally, frequently above seventy feet long and fifteen high, but, unlike those of the coast, the roof is of bark; their winter habitations are smaller, and often covered over with grass and earth; some even dwell in excavations of the ground, which have only an aperture at the top, and serves alike for door and chimney.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 154.

[208] Mackenzie, Voy., p. 238, found a deserted house on the Fraser River, around latitude 55°, measuring 30 by 20 feet. It had three doors, each 3 by 3½ feet; three fireplaces, and beds on either side. Behind the beds was a narrow space, similar to a manger, slightly raised, for storing fish. 'Their houses are well constructed from logs of small trees, supported internally, often over seventy feet long and fifteen feet high, but, unlike those on the coast, the roof is made of bark; their winter homes are smaller and often covered with grass and soil; some even live in ground excavations with only an opening at the top, which serves as both door and chimney.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 154.

[209] 'Quelques peuplades du nord, telles que les Sikanis, enterrent leurs morts.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 339. 'The Sicaunies bury, while the Tacullies, burn their dead.' Harmon's Jour., p. 196. They 'and the Chimmesyans on the coast, and other tribes speaking their language, burn the dead.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 236. See also Dunn's Oregon, pp. 79, 80; Ind. Life, pp. 128, 136; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 362, 363.

[209] 'Some northern tribes, like the Sikanis, bury their dead.' Mofras, Explor., vol. ii., p. 339. 'The Sicaunies bury, while the Tacullies burn their dead.' Harmon's Jour., p. 196. They 'and the Chimmesyans on the coast, along with other tribes that speak their language, burn their dead.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 236. See also Dunn's Oregon, pp. 79, 80; Ind. Life, pp. 128, 136; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 362, 363.

[210] They fire guns as a warning to their friends not to invade their sorrow. Mackenzie's Voy., p. 139.

[210] They shoot their guns as a warning to their friends not to intrude on their grief. Mackenzie's Voy., p. 139.

[211] 'In the winter season, the Carriers often keep their dead in their huts during five or six months, before they will allow them to be burned.' Harmon's Jour., p. 249.

[211] 'In the winter, the Carriers often keep their dead in their huts for five or six months before they allow them to be burned.' Harmon's Jour., p. 249.

[212] 'She must frequently put her hands through the flames and lay them upon his bosom, to show her continued devotion.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 239. They have a custom of mourning over the grave of the dead; their expressions of grief are generally exceedingly vociferous. Ind. Life, pp. 185, 186.

[212] 'She often has to put her hands in the flames and place them on his chest to demonstrate her ongoing loyalty.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 239. They have a tradition of grieving at the gravesite of the deceased, and their expressions of sorrow are usually very loud. Ind. Life, pp. 185, 186.

[213] 'On the end of a pole stuck in front of the lodge.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 237.

[213] 'At the end of a pole positioned in front of the lodge.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 237.

[214] Women cut off a joint of one of their fingers. Men only cut off their hair close to their heads, but also frequently cut and scratch their faces and arms. Harmon's Jour., p. 182. With some sharp instrument they 'force back the flesh beyond the first joint, which they immediately amputate.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 148.

[214] Women cut off part of one of their fingers. Men typically cut their hair very short, but they also often cut and scratch their faces and arms. Harmon's Jour., p. 182. Using a sharp tool, they 'push back the skin past the first joint, which they then quickly amputate.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 148.

[215] 'The men are completely destitute of beard, and both men and women, are intensely ugly.' Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 320. 'They reminded me of the ideal North American Indian I had read of but never seen.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 239. Distinguished from all other tribes for the frankness and candor of their demeanor, and bold countenances. Simpson's Nar., p. 100. 'Males are of the average hight of Europeans, and well-formed, with regular features, high foreheads, and lighter complexions than those of the other red Indians. The women resemble the men.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 379.

[215] 'The men are completely clean-shaven, and both men and women are quite unattractive.' Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 320. 'They reminded me of the ideal North American Indian I had read about but never seen.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 239. They stand out from all other tribes for their openness and honesty, with bold faces. Simpson's Nar., p. 100. 'Males are about the average height of Europeans and well-built, with regular features, high foreheads, and lighter skin tones compared to other Native Americans. The women resemble the men.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 379.

[216] 'Tunic or shirt reaching to the knees, and very much ornamented with beads, and Hyaqua shells from the Columbia.' Kirby, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 418. The Tenan Kutchins are 'gay with painted faces, feathers in their long hair, patches of red clay at the back of their head.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 239. Jackets like the Eskimos. Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 221. 'Both sexes wear breeches.' Simpson's Nar., p. 103.

[216] 'A tunic or shirt that goes down to the knees and is heavily decorated with beads and Hyaqua shells from the Columbia.' Kirby, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 418. The Tenan Kutchins are 'bright with painted faces, feathers in their long hair, and patches of red clay on the back of their heads.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 239. They wear jackets similar to the Eskimos. Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 221. 'Both men and women wear breeches.' Simpson's Nar., p. 103.

[217] 'The Kutch-a-Kutchin, are essentially traders.' Kirby, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 418. Appear to care more for useful than ornamental articles. Whymper's Alaska, p. 213. 'Dentalium and arenicola shells are transmitted from the west coast in traffic, and are greatly valued.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 391.

[217] 'The Kutch-a-Kutchin are mainly traders.' Kirby, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 418. They seem to value practical items over decorative ones. Whymper's Alaska, p. 213. 'Dentalium and arenicola shells are traded from the west coast and are highly valued.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 391.

[218] Some wear 'wampum (a kind of long, hollow shell) through the septum of the nose.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 270. They pierce the nose and insert shells, which are obtained from the Eskimos at a high price. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 84.

[218] Some wear 'wampum (a type of long, hollow shell) through the septum of the nose.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 270. They pierce the nose and insert shells that they get from the Eskimos for a steep price. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 84.

[219] The Loucheux live in huts 'formed of green branches. In winter their dwellings are partly under ground. The spoils of the moose and reindeer furnish them with meat, clothing, and tents.' Simpson's Nar., pp. 103, 191. The Co-Yukon winter dwellings are made under ground, and roofed over with earth, having a hole for the smoke to escape by, in the same manner as those of the Malemutes and Ingaliks. Whymper's Alaska, pp. 175, 205. Their movable huts are constructed of deer-skin, 'dressed with the hair on, and sewed together, forming two large rolls, which are stretched over a frame of bent poles,' with a side door and smoke-hole at the top. Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 321.

[219] The Loucheux live in huts made from green branches. In winter, their homes are partially underground. The remains of moose and reindeer provide them with meat, clothing, and tents.' Simpson's Nar., pp. 103, 191. The Co-Yukon winter homes are built underground and covered with earth, featuring a hole for the smoke to escape, similar to those of the Malemutes and Ingaliks. Whymper's Alaska, pp. 175, 205. Their portable huts are made from deer skin, 'tanned with the hair still on, and sewn together to form two large rolls, which are stretched over a frame of bent poles,' with a side door and a smoke hole at the top. Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 321.

[220] The Loucheux are 'great gormandizers, and will devour solid fat, or even drink grease, to surfeiting.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 271. 'The bears are not often eaten in summer, as their flesh is not good at that time.' Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 321. Some of their reindeer-pounds are over one hundred years old and are hereditary in the family. Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 394. 'The mode of fishing through the ice practiced by the Russians is much in vogue with them.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 211.

[220] The Loucheux are 'huge eaters and will gobble up solid fat or even drink grease until they are stuffed.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 271. 'Bears aren't usually eaten in the summer since their meat isn't good at that time.' Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 321. Some of their reindeer-pounds are over a hundred years old and passed down through the family. Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 394. 'The ice fishing method used by the Russians is quite popular among them.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 211.

[221] The Kutchins 'have no knowledge of scalping.' 'When a man kills his enemy, he cuts all his joints.' Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, 327. The Loucheux of Peel River and the Eskimos are constantly at war. Hooper's Tuski, p. 273.

[221] The Kutchins "don't know anything about scalping." "When a man kills his enemy, he cuts off all his joints." Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, 327. The Loucheux of Peel River and the Eskimos are always at war. Hooper's Tuski, p. 273.

[222] 'At Peace River the bark is taken off the tree the whole length of the intended canoe, which is commonly about eighteen feet, and is sewed with watupe at both ends.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 207. When the Kutchins discover a leak, 'they go ashore, light a small fire, warm the gum, of which they always carry a supply, turn the canoe bottom upward, and rub the healing balm in a semi-fluid state into the seam until it is again water-tight.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 225. The Tacullies 'make canoes which are clumsily wrought, of the aspin tree, as well as of the bark of the spruce fir.' Harmon's Jour., p. 291. Rafts are employed on the Mackenzie. Simpson's Nar., p. 185. 'In shape the Northern Indian canoe bears some resemblance to a weaver's shuttle; covered over with birch bark.' Hearne's Jour., pp. 97, 98. 'Kanots aus Birkenrinde, auf denen sie die Flüsse u. Seen befahren.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 112. The Kutchin canoe 'is flat-bottomed, is about nine feet long and one broad, and the sides nearly straight up and down like a wall.' Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 323.

[222] 'At Peace River, the bark is removed from the tree along the full length of the intended canoe, which is typically about eighteen feet long, and is sewn with watupe at both ends.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 207. When the Kutchins find a leak, 'they go ashore, start a small fire, warm the gum, which they always carry with them, flip the canoe upside down, and rub the healing balm in a semi-liquid state into the seam until it's water-tight again.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 225. The Tacullies 'make canoes that are clumsily made, using the aspin tree as well as the bark of the spruce fir.' Harmon's Jour., p. 291. Rafts are used on the Mackenzie. Simpson's Nar., p. 185. 'In shape, the Northern Indian canoe somewhat resembles a weaver's shuttle; it's covered with birch bark.' Hearne's Jour., pp. 97, 98. 'Canoes made of birch bark, on which they travel the rivers and lakes.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 112. The Kutchin canoe 'is flat-bottomed, about nine feet long and one foot wide, with sides nearly straight up and down like a wall.' Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 323.

[223] As for instance for a life, the fine is forty beaver-skins, and may be paid in guns at twenty skins each; blankets, equal to ten skins each; powder, one skin a measure; bullets, eighteen for a skin; worsted belts, two skins each. Hooper's Tuski, p. 272. 'For theft, little or no punishment is inflicted; for adultery, the woman only is punished'—sometimes by beating, sometimes by death. Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 325.

[223] For example, a life is valued at forty beaver skins, which can be paid with guns at twenty skins each; blankets at ten skins each; powder, one skin per measure; bullets at eighteen for a skin; and worsted belts at two skins each. Hooper's Tuski, p. 272. 'For theft, there’s little or no punishment; for adultery, only the woman is punished'—sometimes through beating, other times by death. Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 325.

[224] Kutchin 'female chastity is prized, but is nearly unknown.' Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 325. Loucheux mothers had originally a custom of casting away their female children, but now it is only done by the Mountain Indians, Simpson's Nar., p. 187. The Kutchin 'women are much fewer in number and live a much shorter time than the men.' Kirby, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 418. The old people 'are not ill-used, but simply neglected.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 229. The children are carried in small chairs made of birch bark. Id., p. 232. 'In a seat of birch bark.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 384.

[224] Kutchin 'female chastity is valued, but is nearly unheard of.' Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 325. Loucheux mothers used to have a practice of abandoning their daughters, but now it's only done by the Mountain Indians, Simpson's Nar., p. 187. The Kutchin 'women are much fewer and live much shorter lives than the men.' Kirby, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 418. The elderly 'are not mistreated, but simply overlooked.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 229. The children are carried in small chairs made from birch bark. Id., p. 232. 'In a seat of birch bark.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 384.

[225] The Loucheux dances 'abound in extravagant gestures, and demand violent exertion.' Simpson's Nar., p. 100. See Hardisty, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 313. 'Singing is much practiced, but it is, though varied, of a very hum-drum nature.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 318. 'At the festivals held on the meeting of friendly tribes, leaping and wrestling are practised.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 395.

[225] The Loucheux dances are filled with extravagant movements and require intense physical effort.' Simpson's Nar., p. 100. See Hardisty, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 313. 'Singing is widely practiced, but even though it varies, it's quite monotonous.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 318. 'During festivals where friendly tribes come together, jumping and wrestling are performed.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 395.

[226] 'Irrespective of tribe, they are divided into three classes, termed respectively, Chit-sa, Nate-sa, and Tanges-at-sa, faintly representing the aristocracy, the middle classes, and the poorer orders of civilized nations, the former being the most wealthy and the latter the poorest.' Kirby, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 418.

[226] 'Regardless of tribe, they are categorized into three groups, called Chit-sa, Nate-sa, and Tanges-at-sa, which loosely represent the upper class, the middle class, and the lower class of civilized societies, with the former being the wealthiest and the latter the least affluent.' Kirby, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 418.

[227] On Peel River 'they bury their dead on stages.' On the Yukon they burn and suspend the ashes in bags from the top of a painted pole. Kirby, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 419. They of the Yukon 'do not inter the dead, but put them in oblong boxes, raised on posts.' Whymper's Alaska, pp. 207, 211.

[227] On Peel River, "they bury their dead on elevated platforms." On the Yukon, they burn the bodies and hang the ashes in bags from the top of a painted pole. Kirby, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 419. The people of the Yukon "do not bury the dead, but place them in long boxes, elevated on posts." Whymper's Alaska, pp. 207, 211.

[228] The Nootka-Columbians comprehend 'the tribes inhabiting Quadra and Vancouver's Island, and the adjacent inlets of the mainland, down to the Columbia River, and perhaps as far S. as Umpqua River and the northern part of New California.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 221.

[228] The Nootka-Columbians refer to 'the tribes living on Quadra and Vancouver Island, as well as the nearby inlets of the mainland, extending down to the Columbia River, and possibly as far south as the Umpqua River and the northern part of New California.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 221.

[229] Gilbert Malcolm Sproat, a close observer and clear writer, thinks 'this word Nootkah—no word at all—together with an imaginary word, Columbian, denoting a supposed original North American race—is absurdly used to denote all the tribes which inhabit the Rocky Mountains and the western coast of North America, from California inclusively to the regions inhabited by the Esquimaux. In this great tract there are more tribes, differing totally in language and customs, than in any other portion of the American continent; and surely a better general name for them could be found than this meaningless and misapplied term Nootkah Columbian.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 315. Yet Mr Sproat suggests no other name. It is quite possible that Cook, Voy. to the Pacific, vol. ii., p. 288, misunderstood the native name of Nootka Sound. It is easy to criticise any name which might be adopted, and even if it were practicable or desirable to change all meaningless and misapplied geographical names, the same or greater objections might be raised against others, which necessity would require a writer to invent.

[229] Gilbert Malcolm Sproat, a keen observer and clear writer, believes that the term 'Nootkah'—which isn't really a word—along with the made-up term 'Columbian,' meant to signify a supposed original North American race, is ridiculously used to refer to all the tribes living in the Rocky Mountains and the western coast of North America, from California all the way to the areas occupied by the Eskimos. In this vast region, there are more tribes, with completely different languages and customs, than in any other part of the American continent; surely a more appropriate general name could be found than this meaningless and misapplied term Nootkah Columbian. Sproat's Scenes, p. 315. Yet Mr. Sproat doesn’t suggest any other name. It’s quite possible that Cook, Voy. to the Pacific, vol. ii., p. 288, misunderstood the native name for Nootka Sound. It's easy to critique any name that might be chosen, and even if it were feasible or desirable to change all meaningless and misapplied geographical names, the same or even greater objections might arise against others, which would require a writer to create new terms.

[230] Kane's Wand., p. 173; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 441; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 108; the name being given to the people between the region of the Columbia and 53° 30´.

[230] Kane's Wand., p. 173; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 441; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 108; the name refers to the people living between the Columbia region and 53° 30´.

[231] The name Nez Percés, 'pierced noses,' is usually pronounced as if English, Nez Pér-ces.

[231] The name Nez Percés, meaning 'pierced noses,' is typically pronounced in English as Nez Pér-ces.

[232] For particulars and authorities see Tribal Boundaries at end of this chapter.

[232] For details and sources, see Tribal Boundaries at the end of this chapter.

[233] 'The Indian tribes of the North-western Coast may be divided into two groups, the Insular and the Inland, or those who inhabit the islands and adjacent shores of the mainland, and subsist almost entirely by fishing; and those who live in the interior and are partly hunters. This division is perhaps arbitrary, or at least imperfect, as there are several tribes whose affinities with either group are obscure.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 217. See Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 147-8, and Mayne's B. C., p. 242. 'The best division is into coast and inland tribes.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 226.

[233] 'The Native American tribes of the Northwestern Coast can be split into two groups: the Insular and the Inland. The Insular tribes live on the islands and nearby shores of the mainland, relying mostly on fishing for their livelihood. The Inland tribes reside in the interior and are partly hunters. This classification might be somewhat arbitrary or at least not fully accurate since there are several tribes whose connections to either group are unclear.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 217. See Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 147-8, and Mayne's B. C., p. 242. 'The best way to categorize them is by coast and inland tribes.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 226.

[234] 'By far the best looking, most intelligent and energetic people on the N. W. Coast.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 218. Also ranked by Prichard as the finest specimens physically on the coast. Researches, vol. v., p. 433. The Nass people 'were peculiarly comely, strong, and well grown.' Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 207. 'Would be handsome, or at least comely,' were it not for the paint. 'Some of the women have exceedingly handsome faces, and very symmetrical figures.' 'Impressed by the manly beauty and bodily proportions of my islanders.' Poole's Queen Charlotte Isl., pp. 310, 314. Mackenzie found the coast people 'more corpulent and of better appearance than the inhabitants of the interior.' Voy., pp. 322-3; see pp. 370-1. 'The stature (at Burke's Canal) ... was much more stout and robust than that of the Indians further south. The prominence of their countenances and the regularity of their features, resembled the northern Europeans.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 262. A chief of 'gigantic person, a stately air, a noble mien, a manly port, and all the characteristics of external dignity, with a symmetrical figure, and a perfect order of European contour.' Dunn's Oregon, pp. 279, 251, 283, 285. Mayne says, 'their countenances are decidedly plainer' than the southern Indians. B. C., p. 250. 'A tall, well-formed people.' Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 29. 'No finer men ... can be found on the American Continent.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 23. In 55°, 'Son bien corpulentos.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., s. iv., vol. vi., p. 646. 'The best looking Indians we had ever met.' 'Much taller, and in every way superior to the Puget Sound tribes. The women are stouter than the men, but not so good-looking.' Reed's Nar.

[234] 'By far the best-looking, most intelligent, and energetic people on the N.W. Coast.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 218. Also ranked by Prichard as the finest physical specimens on the coast. Researches, vol. v., p. 433. The Nass people 'were notably attractive, strong, and well-built.' Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 207. 'Would be handsome, or at least attractive,' if it weren’t for the paint. 'Some of the women have extremely beautiful faces and very symmetrical figures.' 'Impressed by the masculine beauty and physical proportions of my islanders.' Poole's Queen Charlotte Isl., pp. 310, 314. Mackenzie found the coastal people 'larger and better looking than the inhabitants of the interior.' Voy., pp. 322-3; see pp. 370-1. 'The height (at Burke's Canal) ... was much more robust and sturdy than that of the Indians further south. The prominence of their features and the regularity of their faces resembled northern Europeans.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 262. A chief with 'a giant stature, a dignified presence, a noble appearance, a strong demeanor, and all the traits of external dignity, with a well-proportioned figure and a perfect European outline.' Dunn's Oregon, pp. 279, 251, 283, 285. Mayne states, 'their faces are definitely plainer' than the southern Indians. B. C., p. 250. 'A tall, well-formed people.' Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 29. 'No finer men ... can be found on the American Continent.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 23. In 55°, 'Son bien corpulentos.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., s. iv., vol. vi., p. 646. 'The best-looking Indians we had ever met.' 'Much taller, and in every way superior to the Puget Sound tribes. The women are taller than the men, but not as good-looking.' Reed's Nar.

[235] The Sebassas are 'more active and enterprising than the Millbank tribes.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 273. The Haeeltzuk are 'comparatively effeminate in their appearance.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 223. The Kyganies 'consider themselves more civilised than the other tribes, whom they regard with feelings of contempt.' Id., p. 219. The Chimsyans 'are much more active and cleanly than the tribes to the south.' Id., p. 220. 'I have, as a rule, remarked that the physical attributes of those tribes coming from the north, are superior to those of the dwellers in the south.' Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 40.

[235] The Sebassas are 'more active and ambitious than the Millbank tribes.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 273. The Haeeltzuk seem 'somewhat effeminate in their appearance.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 223. The Kyganies 'think of themselves as more civilized than the other tribes, whom they look down upon.' Id., p. 219. The Chimsyans 'are much more energetic and tidy than the tribes to the south.' Id., p. 220. 'I've generally noticed that the physical traits of tribes from the north are better than those of the inhabitants in the south.' Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 40.

[236] Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 370-1, 322-3; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 262, 320; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 197. 'Regular, and often fine features.' Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 29.

[236] Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 370-1, 322-3; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 262, 320; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 197. 'Regular, and often fine features.' Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 29.

[237] Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 309-10, 322-3, 370-1; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 229. 'Opening of the eye long and narrow.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 197.

[237] Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 309-10, 322-3, 370-1; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 229. 'Opening of the eye long and narrow.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 197.

[238] 'Had it not been for the filth, oil, and paint, with which, from their earliest infancy, they are besmeared from head to foot, there is great reason to believe that their colour would have differed but little from such of the labouring Europeans, as are constantly exposed to the inclemency and alterations of the weather.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 262. 'Between the olive and the copper.' Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 370-1. 'Their complexion, when they are washed free from paint, is as white as that of the people of the S. of Europe.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 218. Skin 'nearly as white as ours.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 314-5. 'Of a remarkable light color.' Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 29. 'Fairer in complexion than the Vancouverians.' 'Their young women's skins are as clear and white as those of Englishwomen.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 23-4. 'Fair in complexion, sometimes with ruddy cheeks.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 197. 'De buen semblante, color blanco y bermejos.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., s. iv., vol. vi., p. 646.

[238] 'If it weren't for the dirt, oil, and paint that cover them from head to toe since they were born, we can reasonably believe their skin color would be quite similar to that of European laborers who are regularly exposed to harsh weather.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 262. 'Between olive and copper.' Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 370-1. 'Their complexion, when they are cleaned of paint, is as white as that of people from Southern Europe.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 218. Skin 'nearly as white as ours.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 314-5. 'Of a remarkable light color.' Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 29. 'Fairer in complexion than the Vancouverians.' 'Their young women have skin as clear and white as Englishwomen.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 23-4. 'Fair in complexion, sometimes with rosy cheeks.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 197. 'De buen semblante, color blanco y bermejos.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., s. iv., vol. vi., p. 646.

[239] Tolmie mentions several instances of the kind, and states that 'amongst the Hydah or Queen Charlotte Island tribes, exist a family of coarse, red-haired, light-brown eyed, square-built people, short-sighted, and of fair complexion.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 229-30.

[239] Tolmie notes several examples of this, saying that 'among the Haida or Queen Charlotte Island tribes, there's a group of stocky, coarse, red-haired people with light brown eyes who are short-sighted and have fair skin.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 229-30.

[240] Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 322-3, 371; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 370; Dunn's Oregon, p. 283; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 315.

[240] Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 322-3, 371; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 370; Dunn's Oregon, p. 283; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 315.

[241] Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 218; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 74. 'What is very unusual among the aborigines of America, they have thick beards, which appear early in life.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 197.

[241] Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 218; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 74. 'What's quite rare among the Native Americans is that they have thick beards, which grow early in life.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 197.

[242] 'After the age of puberty, their bodies, in their natural state, are covered in the same manner as those of the Europeans. The men, indeed, esteem a beard very unbecoming, and take great pains to get rid of it, nor is there any ever to be perceived on their faces, except when they grow old, and become inattentive to their appearance. Every crinous efflorescence on the other parts of the body is held unseemly by them, and both sexes employ much time in their extirpation. The Nawdowessies, and the remote nations, pluck them out with bent pieces of hard wood, formed into a kind of nippers; whilst those who have communication with Europeans procure from them wire, which they twist into a screw or worm; applying this to the part, they press the rings together, and with a sudden twitch draw out all the hairs that are inclosed between them.' Carver's Trav., p. 225.

[242] 'After puberty, their bodies, in their natural state, are covered just like those of Europeans. The men actually find a beard very unattractive and go to great lengths to remove it; there's usually no sign of facial hair until they get older and stop caring about their appearance. They also consider any hair growth on other parts of the body to be unsightly, and both men and women spend a lot of time getting rid of it. The Nawdowessies, along with other remote tribes, remove hair using bent pieces of hard wood fashioned into a kind of tweezers; while those who interact with Europeans get wire from them, which they twist into a screw or worm. They apply this to the area, squeeze the rings together, and with a quick pull, they remove all the hairs trapped between them.' Carver's Trav., p. 225.

[243] Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 220.

[243] Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 220.

[244] Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 370-1; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 226; Dunn's Oregon, p. 287.

[244] Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 370-1; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 226; Dunn's Oregon, p. 287.

[245] Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 232; Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., pp. 218, 220, 223. 'The most northern of these Flat-head tribes is the Hautzuk.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 325.

[245] Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 232; Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., pp. 218, 220, 223. 'The most northern of these Flat-head tribes is the Hautzuk.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 325.

[246] Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., pp. 204, 233. 'This wooden ornament seems to be wore by all the sex indiscriminately, whereas at Norfolk Sound it is confined to those of superior rank.' Dixon's Voy., pp. 225, 208, with a cut. A piece of brass or copper is first put in, and 'this corrodes the lacerated parts, and by consuming the flesh gradually increases the orifice.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 279-80, 408. Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 218; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 276, 279; Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., s. iv., vol. vi., p. 651; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 106; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113, with plate.

[246] Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., pp. 204, 233. 'This wooden ornament appears to be worn by everyone, regardless of gender, while at Norfolk Sound it is reserved for those of higher status.' Dixon's Voy., pp. 225, 208, with an illustration. A piece of brass or copper is inserted first, and 'this corrodes the torn areas, and by gradually eating away at the flesh, it enlarges the hole over time.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 279-80, 408. Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 218; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 276, 279; Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., s. iv., vol. vi., p. 651; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 106; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113, with plate.

[247] Mayne's B. C., pp. 281-2; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 75, 311; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., pp. 45-6; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 279, 285.

[247] Mayne's B. C., pp. 281-2; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 75, 311; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., pp. 45-6; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 279, 285.

[248] Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 82, 106, 310, 322-3; Mayne's B. C., pp. 282, 283; Dunn's Oregon, p. 251.

[248] Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 82, 106, 310, 322-3; Mayne's B. C., pp. 282, 283; Dunn's Oregon, p. 251.

[249] Mayne's B. C., p. 282; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 251, 276, 291; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 263; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 310. 'The men habitually go naked, but when they go off on a journey they wear a blanket.' Reed's Nar. 'Cuero de nutrias y lobo marino ... sombreros de junco bien tejidos con la copa puntiaguda.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., s. iv., vol. vi., p. 646.

[249] Mayne's B. C., p. 282; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 251, 276, 291; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 263; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 310. 'The men usually go without clothes, but when they travel, they wear a blanket.' Reed's Nar. 'Sea otter and sea lion skins ... well-woven rush hats with a pointed top.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., s. iv., vol. vi., p. 646.

[250] Dunn's Oregon, pp. 253, 276-7; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113.

[250] Dunn's Oregon, pp. 253, 276-7; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113.

[251] At Salmon River, 52° 58´, 'their dress consists of a single robe tied over the shoulders, falling down behind, to the heels, and before, a little below the knees, with a deep fringe round the bottom. It is generally made of the bark of the cedar tree, which they prepare as fine as hemp; though some of these garments are interwoven with strips of the sea-otter skin, which give them the appearance of a fur on one side. Others have stripes of red and yellow threads fancifully introduced towards the borders.' Clothing is laid aside whenever convenient. 'The women wear a close fringe hanging down before them about two feet in length, and half as wide. When they sit down they draw this between their thighs.' Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 322-3, 371; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 280, 339.

[251] At Salmon River, 52° 58´, their clothing consists of a single robe tied over the shoulders, reaching down to the heels in the back and falling just below the knees in the front, with a deep fringe around the bottom. It’s usually made from the bark of the cedar tree, which they prepare to be as fine as hemp; although some of these garments are woven with strips of sea-otter skin, giving them a fur-like appearance on one side. Others have stripes of red and yellow threads creatively added to the edges. Clothing is taken off whenever it's convenient. The women wear a close fringe hanging down in front of them about two feet long and half as wide. When they sit, they pull this between their thighs. Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 322-3, 371; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 280, 339.

[252] A house 'erected on a platform, ... raised and supported near thirty feet from the ground by perpendicular spars of a very large size; the whole occupying a space of about thirty-five by fifteen (yards), was covered in by a roof of boards lying nearly horizontal, and parallel to the platform; it seemed to be divided into three different houses, or rather apartments, each having a separate access formed by a long tree in an inclined position from the platform to the ground, with notches cut in it by way of steps, about a foot and a half asunder.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 274. See also pp. 137, 267-8, 272, 284. 'Their summer and winter residences are built of split plank, similar to those of the Chenooks.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 263. 'Ils habitent dans des loges de soixante pieds de long, construites avec des troncs de sapin et recouvertes d'écorces d'arbres.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 337. 'Their houses are neatly constructed, standing in a row; having large images, cut out of wood, resembling idols. The dwellings have all painted fronts, showing imitations of men and animals. Attached to their houses most of them have large potatoe gardens.' Dunn's Oregon, pp. 293-4. See also, pp. 251-2, 273-4, 290; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 89; vol. ii., pp. 253, 255, with cuts on p. 255 and frontispiece. 'Near the house of the chief I observed several oblong squares, of about twenty feet by eight. They were made of thick cedar boards, which were joined with so much neatness, that I at first thought they were one piece. They were painted with hieroglyphics, and figures of different animals,' probably for purposes of devotion, as was 'a large building in the middle of the village.... The ground-plot was fifty feet by forty-five; each end is formed by four stout posts, fixed perpendicularly in the ground. The corner ones are plain, and support a beam of the whole length, having three intermediate props on each side, but of a larger size, and eight or nine feet in height. The two centre posts, at each end, are two and a half feet in diameter, and carved into human figures, supporting two ridge poles on their heads, twelve feet from the ground. The figures at the upper part of this square represent two persons, with their hands upon their knees, as if they supported the weight with pain and difficulty: the others opposite to them stand at their ease, with their hands resting on their hips.... Posts, poles, and figures, were painted red and black, but the sculpture of these people is superior to their painting.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 331. See also pp. 307, 318, 328-30, 339, 345; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 111, 113-4; Reed's Nar.; Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., pp. 127-31.

[252] A house built on a platform, ... raised and supported about thirty feet above the ground by large vertical poles; it occupied a space of roughly thirty-five by fifteen yards, covered by a roof of nearly horizontal boards parallel to the platform. It appeared to be divided into three separate houses, or more accurately, apartments, each with its own access created by a long tree slanted from the platform to the ground, with notches carved into it as steps, spaced about a foot and a half apart.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 274. See also pp. 137, 267-8, 272, 284. 'Their summer and winter homes are made of split planks, similar to those of the Chenooks.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 263. 'They live in lodges sixty feet long, built with cedar trunks and covered with tree bark.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 337. 'Their houses are well-constructed and arranged in a row; they have large wooden images resembling idols. The fronts of the homes are all painted, depicting representations of men and animals. Most of them have large potato gardens attached to their houses.' Dunn's Oregon, pp. 293-4. See also, pp. 251-2, 273-4, 290; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 89; vol. ii., pp. 253, 255, with illustrations on p. 255 and the frontispiece. 'Near the chief’s house, I noticed several rectangular areas, about twenty feet by eight. They were made of thick cedar boards, joined so neatly that I initially thought they were one piece. They were painted with hieroglyphics and images of different animals,' likely for religious purposes, as was 'a large building in the center of the village.... The ground area was fifty feet by forty-five; each end was made of four sturdy posts, fixed upright in the ground. The corner posts are plain and bear a beam of the full length, with three larger intermediate props on each side, standing eight or nine feet tall. The two central posts at each end are two and a half feet in diameter, carved into human figures, supporting two ridge poles on their heads, twelve feet off the ground. The figures at the top of this square show two people with their hands on their knees, as if struggling to hold up the weight with effort: the others facing them stand relaxed, with their hands on their hips.... The posts, poles, and figures were painted red and black, but the sculpture of these people surpasses their painting.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 331. See also pp. 307, 318, 328-30, 339, 345; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 111, 113-4; Reed's Nar.; Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., pp. 127-31.

[253] On food of the Haidahs and the methods of procuring it, see Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 41, 152; Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 306, 313-14, 319-21, 327, 333, 339, 369-70; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 148, 284-5, 315-16; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 273; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 251, 267, 274, 290-1; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 337; Pemberton's Vancouver Island, p. 23; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 263; Reed's Nar.

[253] For information on the food of the Haidahs and how it is obtained, see Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 41, 152; Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 306, 313-14, 319-21, 327, 333, 339, 369-70; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 148, 284-5, 315-16; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 273; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 251, 267, 274, 290-1; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 337; Pemberton's Vancouver Island, p. 23; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 263; Reed's Nar.

[254] Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 339; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 316; Mackenzie's Voy., p. 372-3. 'Once I saw a party of Kaiganys of about two hundred men returning from war. The paddles of the warriors killed in the fight were lashed upright in their various seats, so that from a long distance the number of the fallen could be ascertained; and on each mast of the canoes—and some of them had three—was stuck the head of a slain foe.' Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 30.

[254] Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 339; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 316; Mackenzie's Voy., p. 372-3. 'Once I saw a group of Kaiganys, about two hundred strong, coming back from battle. The paddles of the warriors who had died in the fight were tied upright in their seats, so that from a distance, you could see how many had fallen; and on each mast of the canoes—some had three—was displayed the head of a defeated enemy.' Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 30.

[255] The Kaiganies 'are noted for the beauty and size of their cedar canoes, and their skill in carving. Most of the stone pipes, inlaid with fragments of Haliotis or pearl shells, so common in ethnological collections, are their handiwork. The slate quarry from which the stone is obtained is situated on Queen Charlotte's Island.' Dall's Alaska, p. 411. The Chimsyans 'make figures in stone dressed like Englishmen; plates and other utensils of civilization, ornamented pipe stems and heads, models of houses, stone flutes, adorned with well-carved figures of animals. Their imitative skill is as noticeable as their dexterity in carving.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 317. The supporting posts of their probable temples were carved into human figures, and all painted red and black, 'but the sculpture of these people (52° 40´) is superior to their painting.' Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 330-1; see pp. 333-4. 'One man (near Fort Simpson) known as the Arrowsmith of the north-east coast, had gone far beyond his compeers, having prepared very accurate charts of most parts of the adjacent shores.' Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 207. 'The Indians of the Northern Family are remarkable for their ingenuity and mechanical dexterity in the construction of their canoes, houses, and different warlike or fishing implements. They construct drinking-vessels, tobacco-pipes, &c., from a soft argillaceous stone, and these articles are remarkable for the symmetry of their form, and the exceedingly elaborate and intricate figures which are carved upon them. With respect to carving and a faculty for imitation, the Queen Charlotte's Islanders are equal to the most ingenious of the Polynesian Tribes.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 218. 'Like the Chinese, they imitate literally anything that is given them to do; so that if you give them a cracked gun-stock to copy, and do not warn them, they will in their manufacture repeat the blemish. Many of their slate-carvings are very good indeed, and their designs most curious.' Mayne's B. C., p. 278. See also, Dunn's Oregon, p. 293; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 337, and plate p. 387. The Skidagates 'showed me beautifully wrought articles of their own design and make, and amongst them some flutes manufactured from an unctuous blue slate.... The two ends were inlaid with lead, giving the idea of a fine silver mounting. Two of the keys perfectly represented frogs in a sitting posture, the eyes being picked out with burnished lead.... It would have done credit to a European modeller.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 258. 'Their talent for carving has made them famous far beyond their own country.' Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 29. A square wooden box, holding one or two bushels, is made from three pieces, the sides being from one piece so mitred as to bend at the corners without breaking. 'During their performance of this character of labor, (carving, etc.) their superstitions will not allow any spectator of the operator's work.' Reed's Nar.; Ind. Life, p. 96. 'Of a very fine and hard slate they make cups, plates, pipes, little images, and various ornaments, wrought with surprising elegance and taste.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 197. 'Ils peignent aussi avec le même goût.' Rossi, Souvenirs, p. 298; Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., pp. 74-5.

[255] The Kaiganies are known for their beautiful and large cedar canoes, as well as their exceptional carving skills. Most of the stone pipes, which are decorated with pieces of Haliotis or pearl shells and are commonly found in ethnological collections, are made by them. The slate quarry where the stone is sourced is located on Queen Charlotte's Island.Dall's Alaska, p. 411. The Chimsyans create stone figures dressed like Englishmen; they also make plates and other civilization items, ornately designed pipe stems and heads, models of houses, and stone flutes embellished with skillfully carved animal figures. Their ability to imitate is as impressive as their carving dexterity.Sproat's Scenes, p. 317. The supporting posts of what may be their temples are carved into human figures and all painted red and black, "but the sculpture of these people (52° 40´) is superior to their painting."Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 330-1; see pp. 333-4. "One man (near Fort Simpson) known as the Arrowsmith of the northeast coast, had advanced far beyond his peers, having created very accurate maps of most areas along the nearby shores."Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 207. "The Indians of the Northern Family are notable for their creativity and mechanical skill in making their canoes, houses, and various warlike or fishing tools. They create drinking vessels, tobacco pipes, etc., from a soft clay-like stone, and these items are distinguished by their symmetrical shapes and the extremely intricate designs carved onto them. In terms of carving and imitation ability, the Queen Charlotte's Islanders are on par with the most skilled of the Polynesian tribes."Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 218. "Like the Chinese, they are able to imitate literally anything presented to them; so if you provide them with a cracked gunstock to replicate and do not warn them, they will reproduce the flaw in their version. Many of their slate carvings are indeed very good, and their designs are quite unique."Mayne's B. C., p. 278. See also, Dunn's Oregon, p. 293; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 337, and plate p. 387. The Skidagates showed me beautifully crafted items of their own design, including some flutes made from a smooth blue slate.... The two ends were inlaid with lead, giving them the appearance of fine silver accents. Two of the keys perfectly represented frogs in a sitting position, with their eyes highlighted with polished lead.... It would have impressed a European sculptor."Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 258. "Their carving talent has gained them fame far beyond their own territory."Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 29. A square wooden box that holds one or two bushels is constructed from three pieces, with the sides made from a single piece that is mitred to bend at the corners without breaking. "While they are engaged in this type of work (carving, etc.), their superstitions prevent any observers from watching the work of the operator."Reed's Nar.; Ind. Life, p. 96. "From a very fine and hard slate, they create cups, plates, pipes, small figures, and various ornaments, all crafted with surprising elegance and taste."Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 197. "Ils peignent aussi avec le même goût."Rossi, Souvenirs, p. 298; Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., pp. 74-5.

[256] Mackenzie's Voy., p. 338; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 63; vol. ii., pp. 215-17, 254, 258; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 251, 253, 291, 293. 'They boil the cedar root until it becomes pliable to be worked by the hand and beaten with sticks, when they pick the fibres apart into threads. The warp is of a different material—sinew of the whale, or dried kelp-thread.' Reed's Nar. 'Petatito de vara en cuadro bien vistoso, tejido de palma fina de dos colores blanco y negro que tejido en cuadritos.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., s. iv., vol. vi., pp. 647, 650-1.

[256] Mackenzie's Voy., p. 338; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 63; vol. ii., pp. 215-17, 254, 258; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 251, 253, 291, 293. "They boil the cedar root until it becomes flexible enough to be shaped by hand and pounded with sticks, allowing them to pull the fibers apart into threads. The warp is made from a different material—either whale sinew or dried kelp thread." Reed's Nar. "Petatito de vara en cuadro bien vistoso, tejido de palma fina de dos colores blanco y negro que tejido en cuadritos." Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., s. iv., vol. vi., pp. 647, 650-1.

[257] Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 269, and cuts on pp. 121, 291; Mackenzie's Voy., p. 335; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 204; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 303; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxxv; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 174; Reed's Nar.; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113, with plate. The Bellabellahs 'promised to construct a steam-ship on the model of ours.... Some time after this rude steamer appeared. She was from 20 to 30 feet long, all in one piece—a large tree hollowed out—resembling the model of our steamer. She was black, with painted ports; decked over; and had paddles painted red, and Indians under cover, to turn them round. The steersman was not seen. She was floated triumphantly, and went at the rate of three miles an hour. They thought they had nearly come up to the point of external structure; but then the enginery baffled them; and this they thought they could imitate in time, by perseverance, and the helping illumination of the Great Spirit.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 272. See also, p. 291. 'A canoe easily distanced the champion boat of the American Navy, belonging to the man-of-war Saranac.' Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 29.

[257] Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 269, and cuts on pp. 121, 291; Mackenzie's Voy., p. 335; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 204; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 303; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxxv; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 174; Reed's Nar.; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113, with plate. The Bellabellahs 'promised to build a steamship modeled after ours.... Some time later, this crude steamer appeared. It was about 20 to 30 feet long, made from a single hollowed-out tree, resembling our steamer's design. It was black, with painted windows; had a deck; and featured red paddles operated by Indians hidden underneath. The person steering it was not visible. It was launched triumphantly and traveled at three miles an hour. They believed they had nearly replicated the external structure; but then the machinery stumped them; and they thought they could eventually mimic that, with dedication and the guidance of the Great Spirit.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 272. See also, p. 291. 'A canoe easily outpaced the flagship boat of the American Navy, belonging to the warship Saranac.' Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 29.

[258] Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 219; Macfie's B. C., pp. 429, 437, 458; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 206; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 174; Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 74; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 279, 281-3, 292; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxxv.

[258] Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 219; Macfie's B. C., pp. 429, 437, 458; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 206; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 174; Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 74; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 279, 281-3, 292; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxxv.

[259] Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 374-5; Tolmie and Anderson, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 240-2, 235; Macfie's B. C., p. 429; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 205; Dixon's Voy., p. 227. 'There exists among them a regular aristocracy.' 'The chiefs are always of unquestionable birth, and generally count among their ancestors men who were famous in battle and council.' 'The chief is regarded with all the reverence and respect which his rank, his birth, and his wealth can claim,' but 'his power is by no means unlimited.' Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 30.

[259] Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 374-5; Tolmie and Anderson, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 240-2, 235; Macfie's B. C., p. 429; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 205; Dixon's Voy., p. 227. 'There is a clear aristocracy among them.' 'The chiefs always have undeniable lineage and usually have ancestors who were renowned in battle and politics.' 'The chief is treated with all the honor and respect that his status, lineage, and wealth deserve,' but 'his power is not without limits.' Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 30.

[260] Dunn's Oregon, pp. 273-4, 283; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 263; Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 30; Kane's Wand., p. 220.

[260] Dunn's Oregon, pp. 273-4, 283; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 263; Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 30; Kane's Wand., p. 220.

[261] 'Polygamy is universal, regulated simply by the facilities for subsistence.' Anderson, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 235. See pp. 231-5, and vol. i., pp. 89-90. The women 'cohabit almost promiscuously with their own tribe though rarely with other tribes.' Poole, spending the night with a chief, was given the place of honor, under the same blanket with the chief's daughter—and her father. Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 312-15, 115-16, 155. 'The Indians are in general very jealous of their women.' Dixon's Voy., p. 225-6. 'Tous les individus d'une famille couchent pêle-mêle sur le sol plancheyé de l'habitation.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 144. 'Soon after I had retired ... the chief paid me a visit to insist on my going to his bed-companion, and taking my place himself.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 331. See pp. 300, 371-2. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 263. 'On the weddingday they have a public feast, at which they dance and sing.' Dunn's Oregon, pp. 252-3, 289-90. 'According to a custom of the Bellabollahs, the widow of the deceased is transferred to his brother's harem.' Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 203-4. 'The temporary present of a wife is one of the greatest honours that can be shown there to a guest.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 95.

[261] 'Polygamy is common, simply regulated by the means of support available.' Anderson, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 235. See pp. 231-5, and vol. i., pp. 89-90. The women 'often have casual relationships with members of their own tribe though rarely with those from other tribes.' Poole, while staying the night with a chief, was given the honored place, sharing a blanket with the chief's daughter—and her father. Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 312-15, 115-16, 155. 'The Indians are generally very protective of their women.' Dixon's Voy., p. 225-6. 'All the members of a family sleep closely together on the wooden floor of the dwelling.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 144. 'Soon after I had settled in for the night ... the chief came to visit me to insist that I go to join his bed-companion, taking his place himself.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 331. See pp. 300, 371-2. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 263. 'On the wedding day, they have a public feast where they dance and sing.' Dunn's Oregon, pp. 252-3, 289-90. 'According to a custom of the Bellabollahs, the widow of the deceased is passed on to his brother's harem.' Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 203-4. 'The temporary gift of a wife is one of the highest honors that can be offered to a guest there.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 95.

[262] 'The Queen Charlotte Islanders surpass any people that I ever saw in passionate addiction' to gambling. Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 318-20. See pp. 186-87, 232-33. Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 288, 311. The Sebassas are great gamblers, and 'resemble the Chinooks in their games.' Dunn's Oregon, pp. 25-7, 252-9, 281-3, 293. 'The Indian mode of dancing bears a strange resemblance to that in use among the Chinese.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 82. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 258; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 263; Ind. Life, p. 63.

[262] 'The Queen Charlotte Islanders outdo anyone I've ever seen in their intense love for gambling.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 318-20. See pp. 186-87, 232-33. Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 288, 311. The Sebassas are serious gamblers and 'are similar to the Chinooks in their games.' Dunn's Oregon, pp. 25-7, 252-9, 281-3, 293. 'The way the Indians dance is strangely similar to the style used among the Chinese.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 82. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 258; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 263; Ind. Life, p. 63.

[263] Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 223; Duncan, in Mayne's B. C., pp. 285-8, and in Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 434-7; White's Oregon, p. 246; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 205; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., Nov. 1860, pp. 222-8; Ind. Life, p. 68; Reed's Nar.; Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 79.

[263] Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 223; Duncan, in Mayne's B. C., pp. 285-8, and in Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 434-7; White's Oregon, p. 246; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 205; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., Nov. 1860, pp. 222-8; Ind. Life, p. 68; Reed's Nar.; Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 79.

[264] The Indians of Millbank Sound became exasperated against me, 'and they gave me the name of "Schloapes," i. e., "stingy:" and when near them, if I should spit, they would run and try to take up the spittle in something; for, according as they afterwards informed me, they intended to give it to their doctor or magician; and he would charm my life away.' Dunn's Oregon, pp. 246-7. See pp. 279-80; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 320-1.

[264] The Indians of Millbank Sound were really frustrated with me, and they nicknamed me "Schloapes," which means "stingy." Whenever I was around them and spat, they would run and try to collect my spit in something; they later told me that they meant to give it to their doctor or magician, who would use it to cast a spell to harm me.' Dunn's Oregon, pp. 246-7. See pp. 279-80; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 320-1.

[265] Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 32-4, 53-4; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 367, 274-5.

[265] Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 32-4, 53-4; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 367, 274-5.

[266] Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 385-9.

[266] Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 385-9.

[267] Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 109-10, 116; Anderson, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 242.

[267] Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 109-10, 116; Anderson, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 242.

[268] At about 52° 40´, between the Fraser River and the Pacific, Mackenzie observed the treatment of a man with a bad ulcer on his back. They blew on him and whistled, pressed their fingers on his stomach, put their fists into his mouth, and spouted water into his face. Then he was carried into the woods, laid down in a clear spot, and a fire was built against his back while the doctor scarified the ulcer with a blunt instrument. Voy., pp. 331-33; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 258, 284; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 316-18; Duncan, in Mayne's B. C., 289-91; Reed's Nar., in Olympia Wash. Stand., May 16, 1868.

[268] At about 52° 40´, between the Fraser River and the Pacific, Mackenzie observed how they treated a man with a severe ulcer on his back. They blew on him and whistled, pressed their fingers on his stomach, shoved their fists into his mouth, and splashed water on his face. Then, he was taken into the woods, laid down in a clearing, and a fire was built against his back while the doctor opened the ulcer with a blunt tool. Voy., pp. 331-33; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 258, 284; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 316-18; Duncan, in Mayne's B. C., 289-91; Reed's Nar., in Olympia Wash. Stand., May 16, 1868.

[269] At Boca de Quadra, Vancouver found 'a box about three feet square, and a foot and a half deep, in which were the remains of a human skeleton, which appeared from the confused situation of the bones, either to have been cut to pieces, or thrust with great violence into this small space.' ... 'I was inclined to suppose that this mode of depositing their dead is practised only in respect to certain persons of their society.' Voy., vol. ii., p. 351. At Cape Northumberland, in 54° 45´, 'was a kind of vault formed partly by the natural cavity of the rocks, and partly by the rude artists of the country. It was lined with boards, and contained some fragments of warlike implements, lying near a square box covered with mats and very curiously corded down.' Id., p. 370; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, pp. 106-7. On Queen Charlotte Islands, 'Ces monumens sont de deux espèces: les premiers et les plus simples ne sont composés que d'un seul pilier d'environ dix pieds d'élévation et d'un pied de diamètre, sur le sommet duquel sont fixées des planches formant un plateau; et dans quelques-uns ce plateau est supporté par deux piliers. Le corps, déposé sur cette plate-forme, est recouvert de mousse et de grosses pierres' ... 'Les mausolées de la seconde espèce sont plus composés: quatre poteaux plantés en terre, et élevés de deux pieds seulement au-dessus du sol portent un sarcophage travaillé avec art, et hermétiquement clos.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., pp. 135-6. 'According to another account it appeared that they actually bury their dead; and when another of the family dies, the remains of the person who was last interred, are taken from the grave and burned.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 308. See also pp. 374, 295-98; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., pp. 203-4; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 272, 276, 280; Mayne's B. C., pp. 272, 293; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 235; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 440-41; Dall's Alaska, p. 417.

[269] At Boca de Quadra, Vancouver found "a box about three feet square, and a foot and a half deep, which contained the remains of a human skeleton. The disordered state of the bones suggested that they had either been cut into pieces or forcefully shoved into this small space." ... "I suspected that this method of disposing of the dead is practiced only for certain individuals in their society." Voy., vol. ii., p. 351. At Cape Northumberland, at 54° 45´, "there was a type of vault made partly by the natural hollow of the rocks and partly by the crude work of local artisans. It was lined with boards and contained some fragments of weapons, lying next to a square box covered with mats and intricately tied down." Id., p. 370; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, pp. 106-7. On Queen Charlotte Islands, "These monuments come in two types: the first and simplest consist of a single pillar about ten feet tall and one foot in diameter, on top of which are fixed boards forming a platform; in some cases, this platform is supported by two pillars. The body placed on this platform is covered with moss and large stones" ... "The second type of mausoleum is more elaborate: four posts planted in the ground, rising just two feet above the surface, support a beautifully crafted sarcophagus that is hermetically sealed." Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., pp. 135-6. "According to another account, it seems they actually bury their dead; and when another family member dies, the remains of the most recently buried person are removed from the grave and burned." Mackenzie's Voy., p. 308. See also pp. 374, 295-98; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., pp. 203-4; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 272, 276, 280; Mayne's B. C., pp. 272, 293; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 235; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 440-41; Dall's Alaska, p. 417.

[270] On the coast, at 52° 12´, Vancouver found them 'civil, good-humoured and friendly.' At Cascade Canal, about 52° 24´, 'in traffic they proved themselves to be keen traders, but acted with the strictest honesty;' at Point Hopkins 'they all behaved very civilly and honestly;' while further north, at Observatory Inlet, 'in their countenances was expressed a degree of savage ferocity infinitely surpassing any thing of the sort I had before observed,' presents being scornfully rejected. Voy., vol. ii., pp. 281, 269, 303, 337. The Kitswinscolds on Skeena River 'are represented as a very superior race, industrious, sober, cleanly, and peaceable.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 533. The Chimsyans are fiercer and more uncivilized than the Indians of the South. Sproat's Scenes, p. 317. 'Finer and fiercer men than the Indians of the South.' Mayne's B. C., p. 250. 'They appear to be of a friendly disposition, but they are subject to sudden gusts of passion, which are as quickly composed; and the transition is instantaneous, from violent irritation to the most tranquil demeanor. Of the many tribes ... whom I have seen, these appear to be the most susceptible of civilization.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 375, 322. At Stewart's Lake the natives, whenever there is any advantage to be gained are just as readily tempted to betray each other as to deceive the colonists. Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 466-68, 458-59; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 174. A Kygarnie chief being asked to go to America or England, refused to go where even chiefs were slaves—that is, had duties to perform—while he at home was served by slaves and wives. The Sebassas 'are more active and enterprising than the Milbank tribes, but the greatest thieves and robbers on the coast.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 287, 273. 'All these visitors of Fort Simpson are turbulent and fierce. Their broils, which are invariably attended with bloodshed, generally arise from the most trivial causes.' Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 206. The Kygarnies 'are very cleanly, fierce and daring.' The islanders, 'when they visit the mainland, they are bold and treacherous, and always ready for mischief.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 219. The Kygarnies 'are a very fierce, treacherous race, and have not been improved by the rum and fire-arms sold to them.' Dall's Alaska, p. 411. Queen Charlotte Islanders look upon white men as superior beings, but conceal the conviction. The Skidagates are the most intelligent race upon the islands. Wonderfully acute in reading character, yet clumsy in their own dissimulation.... 'Not revengeful or blood-thirsty, except when smarting under injury or seeking to avert an imaginary wrong.' ... 'I never met with a really brave man among them.' The Acoltas have 'given more trouble to the Colonial Government than any other along the coast.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 83, 151-2, 185-6, 208, 214, 233, 235, 245, 257, 271-72, 289, 309, 320-21. 'Of a cruel and treacherous disposition.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 197. They will stand up and fight Englishmen with their fists. Sproat's Scenes, p. 23. Intellectually superior to the Puget Sound tribes. Reed's Nar. 'Mansos y de buena indole.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., s. iv., vol. vi., p. 646. On Skeena River, 'the worst I have seen in all my travels.' Downie, in B. C. Papers, vol. iii., p. 73. 'As rogues, where all are rogues,' preëminence is awarded them. Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., pp. 74-5.

[270] On the coast, at 52° 12´, Vancouver found them 'civil, good-humored, and friendly.' At Cascade Canal, about 52° 24´, 'in trade they proved themselves to be shrewd traders, but acted with the strictest honesty;' at Point Hopkins 'they all behaved very respectfully and honestly;' while further north, at Observatory Inlet, 'in their expressions was a degree of savage ferocity far beyond anything I had seen before,' with gifts being scornfully rejected. Voy., vol. ii., pp. 281, 269, 303, 337. The Kitswinscolds on Skeena River 'are noted as a very superior race, hardworking, sober, clean, and peaceful.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 533. The Chimsyans are fiercer and more uncivilized than the Indians of the South. Sproat's Scenes, p. 317. 'Finer and fiercer men than the Indians of the South.' Mayne's B. C., p. 250. 'They seem to be of a friendly nature, but they are prone to sudden fits of anger, which they quickly calm; the transition is instant, from violent irritation to the most peaceful demeanor. Of the many tribes ... I have encountered, these seem to be the most open to civilization.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 375, 322. At Stewart's Lake, the locals, whenever there's an advantage to be gained, are just as likely to betray each other as to deceive the colonists. Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 466-68, 458-59; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 174. A Kygarnie chief, when asked to go to America or England, refused to go where even chiefs were slaves—that is, had duties to perform—while he at home was served by slaves and wives. The Sebassas 'are more active and enterprising than the Milbank tribes, but the greatest thieves and robbers on the coast.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 287, 273. 'All these visitors of Fort Simpson are unruly and fierce. Their conflicts, which are always marked by violence, generally arise from the most trivial reasons.' Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 206. The Kygarnies 'are very clean, fierce, and bold.' The islanders, 'when they visit the mainland, are daring and treacherous, always ready for trouble.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 219. The Kygarnies 'are a very fierce, treacherous people, and have not been improved by the rum and firearms sold to them.' Dall's Alaska, p. 411. Queen Charlotte Islanders view white men as superior beings, but hide this belief. The Skidagates are the most intelligent race on the islands. Remarkably skilled at reading character, yet awkward in their own deception.... 'Not vengeful or bloodthirsty, except when feeling hurt or trying to avert an imagined slight.' ... 'I have never met a truly brave man among them.' The Acoltas have 'caused more trouble for the Colonial Government than any other group along the coast.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 83, 151-2, 185-6, 208, 214, 233, 235, 245, 257, 271-72, 289, 309, 320-21. 'Of a cruel and treacherous nature.' Hale's Ethnog., in U.S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 197. They will stand up and fight Englishmen with their fists. Sproat's Scenes, p. 23. Intellectually superior to the Puget Sound tribes. Reed's Nar. 'Mansos y de buena índole.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., s. iv., vol. vi., p. 646. On Skeena River, 'the worst I have seen in all my travels.' Downie, in B. C. Papers, vol. iii., p. 73. 'As rogues, where all are rogues,' they are acknowledged as the most cunning. Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., pp. 74-5.

[271] 'On my arrival at this inlet, I had honoured it with the name of King George's Sound; but I afterward found, that it is called Nootka by the natives.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 288. 'No Aht Indian of the present day ever heard of such a name as Nootkah, though most of them recognize the other words in Cook's account of their language.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 315. Sproat conjectures that the name may have come from Noochee! Noochee! the Aht word for mountain. A large proportion of geographical names originate in like manner through accident.

[271] "When I arrived at this inlet, I named it King George's Sound; but later I discovered that the locals call it Nootka." Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 288. "No Aht Indian today has ever heard of a name like Nootkah, although most recognize other words from Cook's account of their language." Sproat's Scenes, p. 315. Sproat speculates that the name might come from Noochee! Noochee! the Aht word for mountain. Many geographical names originate in similar ways by chance.

[272] For full particulars see Tribal Boundaries at end of this chapter.

[272] For complete details, see Tribal Boundaries at the end of this chapter.

[273] 'The Newatees, mentioned in many books, are not known on the west coast. Probably the Klah-oh-quahts are meant.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 314.

[273] 'The Newatees, referenced in various books, are not recognized on the west coast. It's likely that the Klah-oh-quahts are what’s being referred to.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 314.

[274] There are no Indians in the interior. Fitzwilliam's Evidence, in Hud. B. Co., Rept. Spec. Com., 1857, p. 115.

[274] There are no Native Americans in the interior. Fitzwilliam's Evidence, in Hud. B. Co., Rept. Spec. Com., 1857, p. 115.

[275] The same name is also applied to one of the Sound nations across the strait in Washington.

[275] The same name is also used for one of the Sound nations across the strait in Washington.

[276] The Teets or Haitlins are called by the Tacullies, 'Sa-Chinco' strangers. Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., pp. 73-4.

[276] The Teets or Haitlins are referred to by the Tacullies as 'Sa-Chinco' strangers. Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., pp. 73-4.

[277] Sproat's division into nations, 'almost as distinct as the nations of Europe' is into the Quoquoulth (Quackoll) or Fort Rupert, in the north and north-east; the Kowitchan, or Thongeith, on the east and south; Aht on the west coast; and Komux, a distinct tribe also on the east of Vancouver. 'These tribes of the Ahts are not confederated; and I have no other warrant for calling them a nation than the fact of their occupying adjacent territories, and having the same superstitions and language.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 18-19, 311. Mayne makes by language four nations; the first including the Cowitchen in the harbor and valley of the same name north of Victoria, with the Nanaimo and Kwantlum Indians about the mouth of the Fraser River, and the Songhies; the second comprising the Comoux, Nanoose, Nimpkish, Quawguult, etc., on Vancouver, and the Squawmisht, Sechelt, Clahoose, Ucle-tah, Mama-lil-a-culla, etc., on the main, and islands, between Nanaimo and Fort Rupert; the third and fourth groups include the twenty-four west-coast tribes who speak two distinct languages, not named. Mayne's Vanc. Isl., pp. 243-51. Grant's division gives four languages on Vancouver, viz., the Quackoll, from Clayoquot Sound north to C. Scott, and thence S. to Johnson's Strait; the Cowitchin, from Johnson's Strait to Sanetch Arm; the Tsclallum, or Clellum, from Sanetch to Soke, and on the opposite American shore; and the Macaw, from Patcheena to Clayoquot Sound. 'These four principal languages ... are totally distinct from each other, both in sound, formation, and modes of expression.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 295. Scouler attempts no division into nations or languages. Lond. Geo. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., pp. 221, 224. Mofras singularly designates them as one nation of 20,000 souls, under the name of Ouakich. Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 343. Recent investigations have shown a somewhat different relationship of these languages, which I shall give more particularly in a subsequent volume.

[277] Sproat's classification of nations, 'almost as distinct as the nations of Europe,' includes the Quoquoulth (Quackoll) or Fort Rupert in the north and northeast; the Kowitchan, or Thongeith, in the east and south; Aht on the west coast; and Komux, a separate tribe also in the east of Vancouver. 'These tribes of the Ahts aren't united; and I don't have any stronger justification for calling them a nation than the fact that they occupy neighboring territories and share the same beliefs and language.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 18-19, 311. Mayne divides them into four nations based on language; the first includes the Cowitchen in the harbor and valley with the same name north of Victoria, along with the Nanaimo and Kwantlum Indians near the Fraser River mouth, and the Songhies; the second consists of the Comoux, Nanoose, Nimpkish, Quawguult, etc., on Vancouver, as well as the Squawmisht, Sechelt, Clahoose, Ucle-tah, Mama-lil-a-culla, etc., on the mainland and islands between Nanaimo and Fort Rupert; the third and fourth groups contain the twenty-four west-coast tribes that speak two distinct languages, which are not named. Mayne's Vanc. Isl., pp. 243-51. Grant's classification identifies four languages on Vancouver: the Quackoll, from Clayoquot Sound north to C. Scott, and then south to Johnson's Strait; the Cowitchin, from Johnson's Strait to Sanetch Arm; the Tsclallum, or Clellum, from Sanetch to Soke, and on the opposite American shore; and the Macaw, from Patcheena to Clayoquot Sound. 'These four main languages... are completely distinct from one another, both in sound, structure, and modes of expression.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 295. Scouler does not attempt to divide them into nations or languages. Lond. Geo. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., pp. 221, 224. Mofras uniquely refers to them as one nation of 20,000 people, under the name of Ouakich. Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 343. Recent studies have revealed a slightly different relationship among these languages, which I will detail in a later volume.

[278] See Sproat's Scenes, pp. 272-86, on the 'effects upon savages of intercourse with civilized men.' 'Hitherto, (1856) in Vancouver Island, the tribes who have principally been in intercourse with the white man, have found it for their interest to keep up that intercourse in amity for the purposes of trade, and the white adventurers have been so few in number, that they have not at all interfered with the ordinary pursuits of the natives.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 303.

[278] See Sproat's Scenes, pp. 272-86, on the 'effects on indigenous people of interactions with civilized men.' 'Until now, (1856) in Vancouver Island, the tribes that have mostly interacted with white people have found it beneficial to maintain friendly relations for the sake of trade, and the white adventurers have been so few in number that they haven’t really affected the everyday activities of the natives.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 303.

[279] 'Muy robustos y bien apersonados.' 'De mediana estatura, excepto los Xefes cuya corpulencia se hace notar.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 55, 124. 'The young princess was of low stature, very plump.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 395. Macquilla, the chief was five feet eight inches, with square shoulders and muscular limbs; his son was five feet nine inches. Belcher's Voy., vol. i., pp. 110-12. The seaboard tribes have 'not much physical strength.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 73. 'La gente dicen ser muy robusta.' Perez, Rel. del Viage, MS., p. 20. 'Leur taille est moyenne.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 343. 'In general, robust and well proportioned.' Meares' Voy., p. 249. Under the common stature, pretty full and plump, but not muscular—never corpulent, old people lean—short neck and clumsy body; women nearly the same size as the men. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 301-3. 'Of smaller stature than the Northern Tribes; they are usually fatter and more muscular.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 221. In the north, among the Clayoquots and Quackolls, men are often met of five feet ten inches and over; on the south coast the stature varies from five feet three inches to five feet six inches. Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 297. 'The men are in general from about five feet six to five feet eight inches in height; remarkably straight, of a good form, robust and strong.' Only one dwarf was seen. Jewitt's Nar., pp. 60-61. The Klah-oh-quahts are 'as a tribe physically the finest. Individuals may be found in all the tribes who reach a height of five feet eleven inches, and a weight of 180 pounds, without much flesh on their bodies.' Extreme average height: men, five feet six inches, women, five feet one-fourth inch. 'Many of the men have well-shaped forms and limbs. None are corpulent.' 'The men generally have well-set, strong frames, and, if they had pluck and skill, could probably hold their own in a grapple with Englishmen of the same stature.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 22-3. 'Rather above the middle stature, copper-colored and of an athletic make.' Spark's Life of Ledyard, p. 71; Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 442. 'Spare muscular forms.' Barrett-Lennard's Trav., pp. 44; Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem., pp. 14-22.

[279] 'Very strong and well-built.' 'Of medium height, except for the chiefs whose bulk is noticeable.' Sutil and Mexicana, Viage, pp. 55, 124. 'The young princess was short in stature, very plump.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 395. Macquilla, the chief, was five feet eight inches tall, with broad shoulders and muscular limbs; his son was five feet nine inches. Belcher's Voy., vol. i., pp. 110-12. The coastal tribes have 'not much physical strength.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 73. 'People say they are very robust.' Perez, Rel. del Viage, MS., p. 20. 'Their height is average.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 343. 'In general, robust and well-proportioned.' Meares' Voy., p. 249. Generally, they are of average height, fairly full and plump, but not muscular—never overweight, older people are lean—short neck and sturdy body; women are nearly the same height as men. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 301-3. 'Smaller in stature than the Northern Tribes; they tend to be fatter and more muscular.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 221. In the north, among the Clayoquots and Quackolls, men are often found at five feet ten inches or taller; on the south coast, heights range from five feet three inches to five feet six inches. Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 297. 'Men are generally between five feet six to five feet eight inches tall; notably straight, well-formed, robust, and strong.' Only one dwarf was seen. Jewitt's Nar., pp. 60-61. The Klah-oh-quahts are 'physically the finest tribe. Individuals can be found across all tribes reaching heights of five feet eleven inches and weighing 180 pounds, without much fat on their bodies.' Extreme average height: men, five feet six inches, women, five feet one-quarter inch. 'Many men have well-shaped bodies and limbs. None are overweight.' 'Men generally have solid, strong builds, and if they had courage and skill, could likely hold their own in a struggle with Englishmen of similar height.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 22-3. 'Rather above average height, copper-colored and athletic in build.' Spark's Life of Ledyard, p. 71; Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 442. 'Lean muscular builds.' Barrett-Lennard's Trav., pp. 44; Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem., pp. 14-22.

[280] Limbs small, crooked, or ill-made; large feet; badly shaped, and projecting ankles from sitting so much on their hams and knees. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 301-3. 'Their limbs, though stout and athletic, are crooked and ill-shaped.' Meares' Voy., p. 250. 'Ils ont les membres inférieures légèrement arqués, les chevilles très-saillantes, et la pointe des pieds tournée en dedans, difformité qui provient de la manière dont ils sont assis dans leurs canots.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 343-4. 'Stunted, and move with a lazy waddling gait.' Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 428. 'Skeleton shanks ... not much physical strength ... bow-legged—defects common to the seaboard tribes.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 73-4. All the females of the Northwest Coast are very short-limbed. 'Raro es el que no tiene muy salientes los tobillos y las puntas de los pies inclinadas hácia dentro ... y una especie de entumecimiento que se advierte, particularmente en las mugeres.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 124, 30, 62-3. They have great strength in the fingers. Sproat's Scenes, p. 33. Women, short-limbed, and toe in. Id., p. 22; Mayne's B. C., pp. 282-3. 'The limbs of both sexes are ill-formed, and the toes turned inwards.' 'The legs of the women, especially those of the slaves, are often swollen as if oedematous, so that the leg appears of an uniform thickness from the ankle to the calf,' from wearing a garter. Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 221.

[280] Limbs that are small, crooked, or poorly shaped; large feet; badly formed and protruding ankles from sitting so much on their hams and knees. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 301-3. 'Their limbs, although strong and athletic, are crooked and poorly shaped.' Meares' Voy., p. 250. 'They have slightly arched lower limbs, very protruding ankles, and toes pointing inward, a deformity that comes from the way they sit in their canoes.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 343-4. 'Stunted, and they move with a lazy waddling gait.' Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 428. 'Thin legs ... not much physical strength ... bow-legged—defects common to the coastal tribes.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 73-4. All the women of the Northwest Coast have very short limbs. 'It is rare to find someone without very protruding ankles and toes pointing inward ... and a kind of numbness that is particularly noticeable in women.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 124, 30, 62-3. They have great strength in their fingers. Sproat's Scenes, p. 33. Women, short-limbed, and with toes pointing inward. Id., p. 22; Mayne's B. C., pp. 282-3. 'The limbs of both genders are poorly formed, and the toes point inward.' 'The legs of women, especially those of the slaves, are often swollen as if they have edema, making the leg appear to have uniform thickness from the ankle to the calf,' due to wearing a garter. Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 221.

[281] The different Aht tribes vary in physiognomy somewhat—'faces of the Chinese and Spanish types may be seen.' 'The face of the Ahts is rather broad and flat; the mouth and lips of both men and women are large, though to this there are exceptions, and the cheekbones are broad but not high. The skull is fairly shaped, the eyes small and long, deep set, in colour a lustreless inexpressive black, or very dark hazel, none being blue, grey, or brown.... One occasionally sees an Indian with eyes distinctly Chinese. The nose ... in some instances is remarkably well-shaped.' 'The teeth are regular, but stumpy, and are deficient in enamel at the points,' perhaps from eating sanded salmon. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 19, 27. 'Their faces are large and full, their cheeks high and prominent, with small black eyes; their noses are broad and flat; their lips thick, and they have generally very fine teeth, and of the most brilliant whiteness.' Meares' Voy., pp. 249-50; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 44. 'La fisonomia de estos (Nitinats) era differente de la de los habitantes de Nutka: tenian el cráneo de figura natural, los ojos chicos muy próximos, cargados los párpados.' Many have a languid look, but few a stupid appearance. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 28, 30, 62-3, 124. 'Dull and inexpressive eye.' 'Unprepossessing and stupid countenances.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 74, 80. The Wickinninish have 'a much less open and pleasing expression of countenance' than the Klaizzarts. The Newchemass 'were the most savage looking and ugly men that I ever saw.' 'The shape of the face is oval; the features are tolerably regular, the lips being thin and the teeth very white and even: their eyes are black but rather small, and the nose pretty well formed, being neither flat nor very prominent.' The women 'are in general very well-looking, and some quite handsome.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 76, 77, 61. 'Features that would have attracted notice for their delicacy and beauty, in those parts of the world where the qualities of the human form are best understood.' Meares' Voy., p. 250. Face round and full, sometimes broad, with prominent cheek-bones ... falling in between the temples, the nose flattening at the base, wide nostrils and a rounded point ... forehead low; eyes small, black and languishing; mouth round, with large, round, thickish lips; teeth tolerably equal and well-set, but not very white. Remarkable sameness, a dull phlegmatic want of expression; no pretensions to beauty among the women. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 301-2. See portraits of Nootkas in Belcher's Voy., vol. i., p. 108; Cook's Atlas, pl. 38-9; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, Atlas; Whymper's Alaska, p. 75. 'Long nose, high cheek bones, large ugly mouth, very long eyes, and foreheads villainously low.' 'The women of Vancouver Island have seldom or ever good features; they are almost invariably pug-nosed; they have however, frequently a pleasing expression, and there is no lack of intelligence in their dark hazel eyes.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., pp. 297-8. 'Though without any pretensions to beauty, could not be considered as disagreeable.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 395. 'Have the common facial characteristics of low foreheads, high cheek-bones, aquiline noses, and large mouths.' 'Among some of the tribes pretty women may be seen.' Mayne's B. C., p. 277.

[281] The different Aht tribes have some variations in appearance—'you can see faces that resemble those of Chinese and Spanish people.' 'The Ahts have rather broad and flat faces; both men and women have large mouths and lips, although there are exceptions, and their cheekbones are broad but not high. The skull shape is decent, with small, long, deep-set eyes that are a dull, inexpressive black or very dark hazel, and there are no blue, gray, or brown eyes... Occasionally, you might see an Indian with distinctly Chinese eyes. The nose ... in some cases is well-shaped.' 'Their teeth are even but somewhat stumpy and lack enamel on the tips,' possibly from eating sanded salmon. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 19, 27. 'Their faces are large and full, with high and prominent cheeks; they have small black eyes, broad and flat noses; their lips are thick, and they generally have very nice teeth that are exceptionally white.' Meares' Voy., pp. 249-50; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 44. 'The features of these (Nitinats) were different from those of the inhabitants of Nutka: they had naturally shaped skulls, small eyes that were very close together, and heavy eyelids.' Many appear to have a tired look, but few look dull-witted. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 28, 30, 62-3, 124. 'Dull and unexpressive eyes.' 'Unattractive and dull appearances.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 74, 80. The Wickinninish have 'a less open and appealing facial expression' compared to the Klaizzarts. The Newchemass 'were the most savage-looking and unattractive people I ever saw.' 'Their faces are oval; their features are fairly regular, lips thin, and teeth very white and even: their eyes are black but somewhat small, and their noses are fairly well-shaped, neither flat nor very prominent.' The women 'are generally quite attractive, and some are truly beautiful.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 76, 77, 61. 'Features that would stand out for their delicacy and beauty in regions where the qualities of the human form are best appreciated.' Meares' Voy., p. 250. Faces are round and full, occasionally broad, with prominent cheekbones ... the area between the temples slopes down, the noses flatten at the base, wide nostrils, and a rounded tip ... the foreheads are low; eyes small, black, and droopy; mouths round, with large, thick lips; teeth fairly even and well-aligned, but not very white. There's a noticeable uniformity, a dull, phlegmatic lack of expression; no claims to beauty among the women. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 301-2. See portraits of Nootkas in Belcher's Voy., vol. i., p. 108; Cook's Atlas, pl. 38-9; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, Atlas; Whymper's Alaska, p. 75. 'Long noses, high cheekbones, large unattractive mouths, very long eyes, and very low foreheads.' 'The women of Vancouver Island rarely have good features; they almost always have pug noses; however, they often have a pleasing expression, and their dark hazel eyes show no lack of intelligence.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., pp. 297-8. 'Though they don't claim any beauty, they aren't really unpleasant to look at.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 395. 'They share the common facial characteristics of low foreheads, high cheekbones, aquiline noses, and large mouths.' 'Some tribes have pretty women.' Mayne's B. C., p. 277.

[282] 'Her skin was clean, and being nearly white,' etc. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 395. 'Reddish brown, like that of a dirty copper kettle.' Some, when washed, have 'almost a florid complexion.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., pp. 297, 299. 'Brown, somewhat inclining to a copper cast.' The women are much whiter, 'many of them not being darker than those in some of the Southern parts of Europe.' The Newchemass are much darker than the other tribes. Jewitt's Nar., pp. 61, 77. 'Their complexion, though light, has more of a copper hue' than that of the Haidahs. Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 221. 'Skin white, with the clear complexion of Europe.' Meares' Voy., p. 250. The color hard to tell on account of the paint, but in a few cases 'the whiteness of the skin appeared almost to equal that of Europeans; though rather of that pale effete cast ... of our southern nations.... Their children ... also equalled ours in whiteness.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 303. 'Their complexion is a dull brown,' darker than the Haidahs. 'Cook and Meares probably mentioned exceptional cases.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 23-4. 'Tan blancos como el mejor Español.' Perez, Rel. del Viage, MS., p. 20. 'Por lo que se puede inferir del (color) de los niños, parece menos obscuro que el de los Mexicanos,' but judging by the chiefs' daughters they are wholly white. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 125. 'A dark, swarthy copper-coloured figure.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 143. They 'have lighter complexions than other aborigines of America.' Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 116. 'Sallow complexion, verging towards copper colour.' Barrett-Lennard's Trav., pp. 44-6. Copper-coloured. Spark's Life of Ledyard, p. 71.

[282] 'Her skin was clean, and nearly white,' etc. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 395. 'Reddish brown, like that of a dirty copper kettle.' Some, when washed, have 'almost a florid complexion.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., pp. 297, 299. 'Brown, somewhat tending to a copper tint.' The women are much lighter, 'many of them not darker than those in some of the southern parts of Europe.' The Newchemass are much darker than the other tribes. Jewitt's Nar., pp. 61, 77. 'Their complexion, while light, has more of a copper hue' than that of the Haidahs. Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 221. 'Skin white, with the clear complexion of Europeans.' Meares' Voy., p. 250. The color is hard to determine because of the paint, but in a few cases 'the whiteness of the skin seemed almost to equal that of Europeans; though rather that pale, worn look ... of our southern nations.... Their children ... also matched ours in whiteness.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 303. 'Their complexion is a dull brown,' darker than the Haidahs. 'Cook and Meares likely mentioned exceptional cases.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 23-4. 'Tan blancos como el mejor Español.' Perez, Rel. del Viage, MS., p. 20. 'From what can be inferred about the (color) of the children, they seem less dark than the Mexicans,' but judging by the chiefs' daughters, they are entirely white. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 125. 'A dark, swarthy, copper-colored figure.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 143. They 'have lighter complexions than other Native Americans.' Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 116. 'Sallow complexion, leaning towards copper color.' Barrett-Lennard's Trav., pp. 44-6. Copper-colored. Spark's Life of Ledyard, p. 71.

[283] 'The hair of the natives is never shaven from the head. It is black or dark brown, without gloss, coarse and lank, but not scanty, worn long.... Slaves wear their hair short. Now and then, but rarely, a light-haired native is seen. There is one woman in the Opechisat tribe at Alberni who had curly, or rather wavy, brown hair. Few grey-haired men can be noticed in any tribe. The men's beards and whiskers are deficient, probably from the old alleged custom, now seldom practiced, of extirpating the hairs with small shells. Several of the Nootkah Sound natives (Moouchahts) have large moustaches and whiskers.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 25-7. 'El cabello es largo lacio y grueso, variando su color entre rubio, obscuro, castaño y negro. La barba sale á los mozos con la misma regularidad que á los de otros paises, y llega á ser en los ancianos tan poblada y larga como la de los Turcos; pero los jóvenes parecen imberbes porque se la arrancan con los dedos, ó mas comunmente con pinzas formadas de pequeñas conchas.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 124-5, 57. 'Hair of the head is in great abundance, very coarse, and strong; and without a single exception, black, straight and lank.' No beards at all, or a small thin one on the chin, not from a natural defect, but from plucking. Old men often have beards. Eyebrows scanty and narrow. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 301-3. 'Neither beard, whisker, nor moustache ever adorns the face of the redskin.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 143; Jewitt's Nar., pp. 61, 75, 77. Hair 'invariably either black or dark brown.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 297; Meares' Voy., p. 250; Mayne's B. C., pp. 277-8; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 442; Spark's Life of Ledyard, p. 71.

[283] 'The hair of the natives is never shaved off their heads. It is black or dark brown, lacking shine, coarse and straight, but not sparse, worn long.... Slaves have short hair. Occasionally, but rarely, a light-haired native is seen. There's one woman in the Opechisat tribe at Alberni who has curly, or rather wavy, brown hair. Few grey-haired men can be found in any tribe. Men's beards and whiskers are sparse, probably due to the old custom, now rarely practiced, of removing hair with small shells. Several of the Nootkah Sound natives (Moouchahts) have large mustaches and whiskers.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 25-7. 'The hair is long, straight, and coarse, varying in color from blonde, dark, chestnut to black. Young men's beards grow with the same regularity as in other countries, and in old men, they can be as thick and long as those of Turks; however, young men appear clean-shaven because they pluck them out with their fingers, or more commonly with tweezers made from small shells.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 124-5, 57. 'The hair on the head is very abundant, very coarse, and strong; and without exception, it is black, straight, and lank.' There are no beards at all, or just a small thin one on the chin, not due to a natural deficiency, but from plucking. Old men often have beards. Eyebrows are scanty and narrow. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 301-3. 'Neither beard, whisker, nor mustache ever adorns the face of the redskin.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 143; Jewitt's Nar., pp. 61, 75, 77. Hair is 'invariably either black or dark brown.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 297; Meares' Voy., p. 250; Mayne's B. C., pp. 277-8; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 442; Spark's Life of Ledyard, p. 71.

[284] Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 304-8; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 126-7; Sproat's Scenes, pp. 26-7; Meares' Voy., p. 254; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 442; Jewitt's Nar., pp. 21, 23, 62, 65, 77-8; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 297; Mayne's B. C., pp. 277-8; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 44.

[284] Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 304-8; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 126-7; Sproat's Scenes, pp. 26-7; Meares' Voy., p. 254; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 442; Jewitt's Nar., pp. 21, 23, 62, 65, 77-8; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 297; Mayne's B. C., pp. 277-8; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 44.

[285] Mayne's B. C., pp. 242, 277, with cut of a child with bandaged head, and of a girl with a sugar-loaf head, measuring eighteen inches from the eyes to the summit. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 28-30; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 298; Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 222; Meares' Voy., p. 249; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 441; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 124; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 171; vol. ii., p. 103, cut of three skulls of flattened, conical, and natural form; Kane's Wand., p. 241; Jewitt's Nar., p. 76; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 325; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 45; Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem., p. 115.

[285] Mayne's B. C., pp. 242, 277, featuring an image of a child with a bandaged head and a girl with a sugar-loaf head, measuring eighteen inches from the eyes to the top. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 28-30; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 298; Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 222; Meares' Voy., p. 249; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 441; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 124; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 171; vol. ii., p. 103, featuring an image of three skulls of flattened, conical, and natural forms; Kane's Wand., p. 241; Jewitt's Nar., p. 76; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 325; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 45; Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem., p. 115.

[286] At Valdes Island, 'the faces of some were made intirely white, some red, black, or lead colour.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 307, 341. At Nuñez Gaona Bay, 'se pintan de encarnado y negro.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 30. At Nootka Sound, 'Con esta grasa (de ballena) se untan todo el cuerpo, y despues se pintan con una especie de barniz compuesto de la misma grasa ó aceyte, y de almagre en términos que parece este su color natural.' Chiefs only may paint in varied colors, plebeians being restricted to one.' Id., pp. 125-7. 'Many of the females painting their faces on all occasions, but the men only at set periods.' Vermilion is obtained by barter. Black, their war and mourning color, is made by themselves. Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 442. 'Ces Indiens enduisent leur corps d'huile de baleine, et se peignent avec des ocres.' Chiefs only may wear different colors, and figures of animals. Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 344. 'Rub their bodies constantly with a red paint, of a clayey or coarse ochry substance, mixed with oil.... Their faces are often stained with a black, a brighter red, or a white colour, by way of ornament.... They also strew the brown martial mica upon the paint, which makes it glitter.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 305. 'A line of vermilion extends from the centre of the forehead to the tip of the nose, and from this "trunk line" others radiate over and under the eyes and across the cheeks. Between these red lines white and blue streaks alternately fill the interstices. A similar pattern ornaments chest, arms, and back, the frescoing being artistically arranged to give apparent width to the chest.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 143. 'They paint the face in hideous designs of black and red (the only colours used), and the parting of the hair is also coloured red.' Mayne's B. C., p. 277. 'At great feasts the faces of the women are painted red with vermilion or berry-juice, and the men's faces are blackened with burnt wood. About the age of twenty-five the women cease to use paint.... Some of the young men streak their faces with red, but grown-up men seldom now use paint, unless on particular occasions.... The leader of a war expedition is distinguished by a streaked visage from his black-faced followers.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 27-8. The manner of painting is often a matter of whim. 'The most usual method is to paint the eye-brows black, in form of a half moon, and the face red in small squares, with the arms and legs and part of the body red; sometimes one half of the face is painted red in squares, and the other black; at others, dotted with red spots, or red and black instead of squares, with a variety of other devices, such as painting one half of the face and body red, and the other black.' Jewitt's Nar., p. 64; Meares' Voy., p. 252; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 46; Spark's Life of Ledyard, p. 71.

[286] At Valdes Island, "some people had their faces completely white, others red, black, or lead-colored." Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 307, 341. At Nuñez Gaona Bay, "they paint themselves red and black." Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 30. At Nootka Sound, "They cover their whole body with whale oil, and then they paint themselves with a kind of varnish made from the same oil or grease, mixed with vermilion, so that it looks like their natural color." Only chiefs can paint in various colors, while commoners are limited to one color. Id., pp. 125-7. "Many women paint their faces on all occasions, but men only do so at specific times." Vermilion is obtained through trade. Black, which is their color for war and mourning, is made by them. Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 442. "These Indians cover their bodies with whale oil and paint themselves with ochres." Only chiefs are allowed to wear different colors and animal designs. Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 344. "They constantly rub their bodies with a red paint made from a clay-like or coarse ocher substance mixed with oil.... Their faces are often stained with black, a brighter red, or white for decoration.... They also sprinkle brown micaceous particles on the paint, which makes it glitter." Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 305. "A line of vermilion runs from the center of the forehead to the tip of the nose, and from this 'trunk line' others spread out over and under the eyes and across the cheeks. Between these red lines, white and blue streaks alternate in the gaps. A similar pattern decorates the chest, arms, and back, arranged artistically to give the chest a wider appearance." Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 143. "They paint their faces with hideous designs in black and red (the only colors used), and the parting of the hair is also colored red." Mayne's B. C., p. 277. "At big feasts, women's faces are painted red with vermilion or berry juice, and men's faces are blackened with burnt wood. Around age twenty-five, women stop using paint.... Some young men streak their faces with red, but grown men rarely use paint, except on special occasions.... The leader of a war party is set apart by a streaked face compared to his black-faced followers." Sproat's Scenes, p. 27-8. The way of painting is often based on personal preference. "The most common method is to paint the eyebrows black in a half-moon shape, and the face red in small squares, with arms and legs and part of the body red; sometimes half of the face is painted red in squares, while the other half is black; other times, they are dotted with red spots, or use red and black instead of squares, incorporating various other patterns, like painting one half of the face and body red and the other black." Jewitt's Nar., p. 64; Meares' Voy., p. 252; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 46; Spark's Life of Ledyard, p. 71.

[287] 'The habit of tattooing the legs and arms is common to all the women of Vancouver's Island; the men do not adopt it.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 307. 'No such practice as tattooing exists among these natives.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 27. 'The ornament on which they appear to set the most value, is the nose-jewel, if such an appellation may be given to the wooden stick, which some of them employ for this purpose.... I have seen them projecting not less than eight or nine inches beyond the face on each side; this is made fast or secured in its place by little wedges on each side of it.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 65-6, 75; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 344. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 304-8; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 30, 126-7; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 442; Whymper's Alaska, pp. 37, 74, with cut of mask. Mayne's B. C., p. 268; Kane's Wand., pp. 221-2, and illustration of a hair medicine-cap.

[287] "Tattooing the legs and arms is a common practice among all the women of Vancouver Island; the men do not take part in it." Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 307. "Tattooing does not happen among these natives." Sproat's Scenes, p. 27. "The decoration they seem to value the most is the nose jewel, if you can call it that, referring to the wooden stick some of them use for this purpose.... I've seen them stick out at least eight or nine inches from the face on each side; this is held in place with little wedges on either side." Jewitt's Nar., pp. 65-6, 75; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 344. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 304-8; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 30, 126-7; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 442; Whymper's Alaska, pp. 37, 74, with image of a mask. Mayne's B. C., p. 268; Kane's Wand., pp. 221-2, and a picture of a hair medicine cap.

[288] 'Their cloaks, which are circular capes with a hole in the centre, edged with sea-otter skin, are constructed from the inner bark of the cypress. It turns the rain, is very soft and pliable,' etc. Belcher's Voy., vol. i., p. 112. The usual dress of the Newchemass 'is a kootsuck made of wolf skin, with a number of the tails attached to it ... hanging from the top to the bottom; though they sometimes wear a similar mantle of bark cloth, of a much coarser texture than that of Nootka.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 77-8, 21-3, 56-8, 62-6. 'Their common dress is a flaxen garment, or mantle, ornamented on the upper edge by a narrow strip of fur, and at the lower edge, by fringes or tassels. It passes under the left arm, and is tied over the right shoulder, by a string before, and one behind, near its middle.... Over this, which reaches below the knees, is worn a small cloak of the same substance, likewise fringed at the lower part.... Their head is covered with a cap, of the figure of a truncated cone, or like a flower-pot, made of fine matting, having the top frequently ornamented with a round or pointed knob, or bunch of leathern tassels.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 304-8, 270-1, 280. 'The men's dress is a blanket; the women's a strip of cloth, or shift, and blanket. The old costume of the natives was the same as at present, but the material was different.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 25, 315. 'Their clothing generally consists of skins,' but they have two other garments of bark or dog's hair. 'Their garments of all kinds are worn mantlewise, and the borders of them are fringed' with wampum. Spark's Life of Ledyard, pp. 71-2; Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 533; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 30-1, 38, 56-7, 126-8; Meares' Voy., pp. 251-4; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 297; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 143-4; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 344-5; Whymper's Alaska, p. 37; Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 116; Macfie's Van. Isl., pp. 431, 443; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 46. See portraits in Cook's Atlas, Belcher's Voy., Sutil y Mexicana, Atlas, and Whymper's Alaska.

[288] 'Their cloaks, which are round capes with a hole in the center, trimmed with sea otter fur, are made from the inner bark of the cypress tree. They're great at keeping out the rain and are very soft and flexible,' etc. Belcher's Voy., vol. i., p. 112. The typical outfit of the Newchemass 'is a kootsuck made from wolf skin, with several tails attached ... hanging from top to bottom; although they sometimes wear a similar cloak made of coarser bark cloth than that of Nootka.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 77-8, 21-3, 56-8, 62-6. 'Their common outfit is a flax garment or cloak, decorated on the upper edge with a narrow strip of fur, and with fringes or tassels at the lower edge. It goes under the left arm and ties over the right shoulder, with one string in front and one behind, near the middle.... Over this, which extends below the knees, they wear a small cloak of the same material, also fringed at the bottom.... They cover their heads with a cap shaped like a truncated cone or flower pot, made from fine matting, often topped with a round or pointed knob, or a bunch of leather tassels.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 304-8, 270-1, 280. 'Men wear a blanket; women wear a strip of cloth, or shift, and a blanket. The traditional clothing of the natives was the same as today, but made from different materials.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 25, 315. 'Their clothing generally consists of skins,' but they also have two other pieces made from bark or dog hair. 'All their garments are worn like mantles, with fringes edged in wampum.' Spark's Life of Ledyard, pp. 71-2; Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 533; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 30-1, 38, 56-7, 126-8; Meares' Voy., pp. 251-4; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 297; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 143-4; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 344-5; Whymper's Alaska, p. 37; Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 116; Macfie's Van. Isl., pp. 431, 443; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 46. See portraits in Cook's Atlas, Belcher's Voy., Sutil y Mexicana, Atlas, and Whymper's Alaska.

[289] On the east side of Vancouver was a village of thirty-four houses, arranged in regular streets. The house of the leader 'was distinguished by three rafters of stout timber raised above the roof, according to the architecture of Nootka, though much inferior to those I had there seen, in point of size.' Bed-rooms were separated, and more decency observed than at Nootka Sound. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 346-7, with a view of this village; also pp. 324-5, description of the village on Desolation Sound; p. 338, on Valdes Island; p. 326, view of village on Bute Canal; and vol. iii., pp. 310-11, a peculiarity not noticed by Cook—'immense pieces of timber which are raised, and horizontally placed on wooden pillars, about eighteen inches above the roof of the largest houses in that village; one of which pieces of timber was of a size sufficient to have made a lower mast for a third rate man of war.' See Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 281, 313-19, and Atlas, plate 40. A sort of a duplicate inside building, with shorter posts, furnishes on its roof a stage, where all kinds of property and supplies are stored. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 37-43. 'The planks or boards which they make use of for building their houses, and for other uses, they procure of different lengths, as occasion requires, by splitting them out, with hard wooden wedges from pine logs, and afterwards dubbing them down with their chizzels.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 52-4. Grant states that the Nootka houses are palisade inclosures formed of stakes or young fir-trees, some twelve or thirteen feet high, driven into the ground close together, roofed in with slabs of fir or cedar. Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 299. The Teets have palisaded enclosures. Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 74. 'The chief resides at the upper end, the proximity of his relatives to him being according to their degree of kindred.' Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 443-4; Dunn's Oregon, p. 243; Belcher's Voy., vol. i., p. 112; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 158, 164-5, 167, 320-21; Seemann's Voy. of Herald, vol. i., pp. 105-6. The carved pillars are not regarded by the natives as idols in any sense. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 128-9, 102; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., pp. 47, 73-4. Some houses eighty by two hundred feet. Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 533; Mayne's B. C., p. 296; Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem., pp. 120-1.

[289] On the east side of Vancouver was a village of thirty-four houses, laid out in regular streets. The leader's house was marked by three sturdy rafters raised above the roof, following the Nootka style, though they were much smaller than those I had seen there. Bedrooms were separated, and there was more privacy than at Nootka Sound. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 346-7, with a view of this village; also pp. 324-5, description of the village on Desolation Sound; p. 338, on Valdes Island; p. 326, view of village on Bute Canal; and vol. iii., pp. 310-11, a unique feature not noted by Cook—'huge pieces of timber raised and placed horizontally on wooden posts, about eighteen inches above the roof of the largest houses in that village; one of these timber pieces was large enough to serve as a lower mast for a third-rate warship.' See Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 281, 313-19, and Atlas, plate 40. An inside structure, resembling a duplicate but with shorter posts, provides a platform on its roof for storing various property and supplies. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 37-43. 'The boards they use for building houses and for other purposes are shaped to different lengths as needed, by splitting them with hard wooden wedges from pine logs and then smoothing them down with their chisels.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 52-4. Grant notes that the Nootka houses are enclosed by palisades made of stakes or young fir trees, standing about twelve or thirteen feet high, pushed closely together, and roofed with slabs of fir or cedar. Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 299. The Teets have palisaded enclosures. Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 74. 'The chief lives at one end, with relatives nearby according to their degree of kinship.' Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 443-4; Dunn's Oregon, p. 243; Belcher's Voy., vol. i., p. 112; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 158, 164-5, 167, 320-21; Seemann's Voy. of Herald, vol. i., pp. 105-6. The carved pillars are not viewed by the natives as idols in any way. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 128-9, 102; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., pp. 47, 73-4. Some houses measure eighty by two hundred feet. Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 533; Mayne's B. C., p. 296; Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem., pp. 120-1.

[290] 'Their heads and their garments swarm with vermin, which, ... we used to see them pick off with great composure, and eat.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 305. See also pp. 279-80, 318-24. 'Their mode of living is very simple—their food consisting almost wholly of fish, or fish spawn fresh or dried, the blubber of the whale, seal, or sea-cow, muscles, clams, and berries of various kinds; all of which are eaten with a profusion of train oil.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 58-60, 68-9, 86-8, 94-7, 103. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 52-7, 61, 87, 144-9, 216-70. 'The common business of fishing for ordinary sustenance is carried on by slaves, or the lower class of people;—While the more noble occupation of killing the whale and hunting the sea-otter, is followed by none but the chiefs and warriors.' Meares' Voy., p. 258. 'They make use of the dried fucus giganteus, anointed with oil, for lines, in taking salmon and sea-otters.' Belcher's Voy., vol. i., pp. 112-13. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 17, 26, 45-6, 59-60, 76, 129-30, 134-5; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., pp. 299-300; Mayne's B. C., pp. 252-7; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 165-442; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 239; Pemberton's Vanc. Isl., pp. 28-32; Dunn's Oregon, p. 243; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 338. The Sau-kau-lutuck tribe 'are said to live on the edge of a lake, and subsist principally on deer and bear, and such fish as they can take in the lake.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 158-9; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., pp. 48, 74-5, 76-7, 85-6, 90-1, 144-50, 197-8; vol. ii., p. 111; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 100; Forbes' Vanc. Isl., pp. 54-5; Rattray's Vanc. Isl., pp. 77-8, 82-3; Hud. Bay Co., Rept. Spec. Com., 1857, p. 114.

[290] 'Their heads and clothes are infested with bugs, which, ... we often saw them pick off calmly and eat.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 305. See also pp. 279-80, 318-24. 'Their way of life is very basic—their diet mainly includes fish or fish eggs, fresh or dried, whale blubber, seal or sea-cow, mussels, clams, and various berries; all of which are consumed with a lot of whale oil.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 58-60, 68-9, 86-8, 94-7, 103. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 52-7, 61, 87, 144-9, 216-70. 'The regular fishing done for daily food is carried out by slaves or lower-class folks; while the more prestigious tasks of whaling and hunting sea otters are reserved for chiefs and warriors.' Meares' Voy., p. 258. 'They use dried fucus giganteus, covered in oil, for lines to catch salmon and sea otters.' Belcher's Voy., vol. i., pp. 112-13. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 17, 26, 45-6, 59-60, 76, 129-30, 134-5; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., pp. 299-300; Mayne's B. C., pp. 252-7; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 165-442; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 239; Pemberton's Vanc. Isl., pp. 28-32; Dunn's Oregon, p. 243; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 338. The Sau-kau-lutuck tribe 'are said to live by a lake and mainly survive on deer and bear, along with whatever fish they can catch from the lake.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 158-9; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., pp. 48, 74-5, 76-7, 85-6, 90-1, 144-50, 197-8; vol. ii., p. 111; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 100; Forbes' Vanc. Isl., pp. 54-5; Rattray's Vanc. Isl., pp. 77-8, 82-3; Hud. Bay Co., Rept. Spec. Com., 1857, p. 114.

[291] Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 57, 63, 78; Jewitt's Nar., pp. 78-81; Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 307; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 443; Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 100. 'The native bow, like the canoe and paddle, is beautifully formed. It is generally made of yew or crab-apple wood, and is three and a half feet long, with about two inches at each end turned sharply backwards from the string. The string is a piece of dried seal-gut, deer-sinew, or twisted bark. The arrows are about thirty inches long, and are made of pine or cedar, tipped with six inches of serrated bone, or with two unbarbed bone or iron prongs. I have never seen an Aht arrow with a barbed head.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 82. 'Having now to a great extent discarded the use of the traditional tomahawk and spear. Many of these weapons are, however, still preserved as heirlooms among them.' Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 42. 'No bows and arrows.' 'Generally fight hand to hand, and not with missiles.' Fitzwilliam's Evidence, in Hud. Bay Co. Rept., 1857, p. 115.

[291] Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 57, 63, 78; Jewitt's Nar., pp. 78-81; Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 307; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 443; Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 100. 'The native bow, like the canoe and paddle, is beautifully crafted. It's usually made from yew or crab-apple wood, measuring about three and a half feet long, with the ends sharply curved backward about two inches from the string. The string is made from dried seal gut, deer sinew, or twisted bark. The arrows are roughly thirty inches long, made of pine or cedar, tipped with six inches of serrated bone, or with two unbarbed bone or iron prongs. I've never seen an Aht arrow with a barbed tip.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 82. 'Having largely moved away from using the traditional tomahawk and spear, many of these weapons are still kept as heirlooms among them.' Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 42. 'No bows and arrows.' 'Typically fight hand-to-hand, rather than with projectiles.' Fitzwilliam's Evidence, in Hud. Bay Co. Rept., 1857, p. 115.

[292] The Ahts 'do not take the scalp of the enemy, but cut off his head, by three dexterous movements of the knife ... and the warrior who has taken most heads is most praised and feared.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 186-202. 'Scalp every one they kill.' Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 470, 443, 467. One of the Nootka princes assured the Spaniards that the bravest captains ate human flesh before engaging in battle. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 130. The Nittinahts consider the heads of enemies slain in battle as spolia opima. Whymper's Alaska, pp. 54, 78; Jewitt's Nar., pp. 120-1; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 155-6, 158, 166, 171, vol. ii., p. 251-3. Women keep watch during the night, and tell the exploits of their nation to keep awake. Meares' Voy., p. 267. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 396; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 296; Mayne's B. C., p. 270; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., pp. 41-2, 129-36.

[292] The Ahts don't take the scalp of their enemy; instead, they cut off the head with three skillful knife movements... and the warrior who collects the most heads is the one who gets the most praise and fear. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 186-202. 'Scalp everyone they kill.' Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 470, 443, 467. One of the Nootka princes told the Spaniards that the bravest captains ate human flesh before going into battle. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 130. The Nittinahts view the heads of enemies killed in battle as spolia opima. Whymper's Alaska, pp. 54, 78; Jewitt's Nar., pp. 120-1; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 155-6, 158, 166, 171, vol. ii., p. 251-3. Women stay awake at night, recounting the stories of their nation to keep alert. Meares' Voy., p. 267. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 396; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 296; Mayne's B. C., p. 270; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., pp. 41-2, 129-36.

[293] 'They have no seats.... The rowers generally sit on their hams, but sometimes they make use of a kind of small stool.' Meares' Voy., pp. 263-4. The larger canoes are used for sleeping and eating, being dry and more comfortable than the houses. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 319, 327, and Atlas, pl. 41. 'The most skillful canoe-makers among the tribes are the Nitinahts and the Klah-oh-quahts. They make canoes for sale to other tribes.' 'The baling-dish of the canoes, is always of one shape—the shape of the gable-roof of a cottage.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 85, 87-8; Mayne's B. C., p. 283, and cut on title-page. Canoes not in use are hauled up on the beach in front of their villages. Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 301. 'They keep time to the stroke of the paddle with their songs.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 69-71, 75; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 39, 133; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 144; Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 338. Their canoes 'are believed to supply the pattern after which clipper ships are built.' Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 484, 430. Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 50. Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 533.

[293] 'They don’t have any seats.... The rowers usually sit on their backsides, but sometimes they use a type of small stool.' Meares' Voy., pp. 263-4. The larger canoes are used for sleeping and eating, as they are drier and more comfortable than the houses. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 319, 327, and Atlas, pl. 41. 'The most skilled canoe-makers among the tribes are the Nitinahts and the Klah-oh-quahts. They manufacture canoes to sell to other tribes.' 'The baling dish of the canoes always has one shape—the shape of a cottage's gable roof.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 85, 87-8; Mayne's B. C., p. 283, and cut on title-page. Canoes that aren't in use are pulled up on the beach in front of their villages. Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 301. 'They keep time with their songs to the stroke of the paddle.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 69-71, 75; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 39, 133; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 144; Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 338. Their canoes 'are thought to inspire the design for clipper ships.' Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 484, 430. Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 50. Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 533.

[294] Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 271, 308, 316, 326, 329-30. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 86-9, 317; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 129; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 257-8, which describes a painted and ornamented plate of native copper some one and a half by two and a half feet, kept with great care in a wooden case, also elaborately ornamented. It was the property of the tribe at Fort Rupert, and was highly prized, and only brought out on great occasions, though its use was not discovered. Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 165.

[294] Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 271, 308, 316, 326, 329-30. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 86-9, 317; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 129; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 257-8, which describes a painted and decorated plate made of native copper measuring about one and a half by two and a half feet, stored carefully in an intricately designed wooden case. This plate belonged to the tribe at Fort Rupert and was greatly valued, only brought out for special occasions, although its purpose was not known. Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 165.

[295] Woolen cloths of all degrees of fineness, made by hand and worked in figures, by a method not known. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 325. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 46, 136; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 254; Sproat's Scenes, pp. 88-9; Jewitt's Nar., p. 55; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 442, 451, 483-5; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 344; Pemberton's Vanc. Isl., p. 131; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, pp. 99-100. 'The implement used for weaving, (by the Teets) differed in no apparent respect from the rude loom of the days of the Pharaohs.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 78.

[295] Woolen fabrics of all types of quality, created by hand and designed with patterns, using a technique that's not known. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 325. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 46, 136; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 254; Sproat's Scenes, pp. 88-9; Jewitt's Nar., p. 55; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 442, 451, 483-5; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 344; Pemberton's Vanc. Isl., p. 131; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, pp. 99-100. 'The tool used for weaving, (by the Teets) was no different in any obvious way from the simple loom used in the days of the Pharaohs.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 78.

[296] Sproat's Scenes, pp. 79-81, 89, 96, 111-13; Kane's Wand., pp. 220-1; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 429, 437; Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 284; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 147; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 165-6; Mayne's B. C., 263-5.

[296] Sproat's Scenes, pp. 79-81, 89, 96, 111-13; Kane's Wand., pp. 220-1; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 429, 437; Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 284; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 147; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 165-6; Mayne's B. C., 263-5.

[297] Jewitt's Nar., pp. 78-80; Sproat's Scenes, pp. 19, 55, 78-9, 92. Before the adoption of blankets as a currency, they used small shells from the coast bays for coin, and they are still used by some of the more remote tribes. Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 307. 'Their acuteness in barter is remarkable.' Forbes' Vanc. Isl., p. 25.

[297] Jewitt's Nar., pp. 78-80; Sproat's Scenes, pp. 19, 55, 78-9, 92. Before they started using blankets as currency, they used small shells from the coastal bays as money, and some of the more remote tribes still do. Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 307. 'Their sharpness in trading is impressive.' Forbes' Vanc. Isl., p. 25.

[298] The Ahts 'divide the year into thirteen months, or rather moons, and begin with the one that pretty well answers to our November. At the same time, as their names are applied to each actual new moon as it appears, they are not, by half a month and more (sometimes), identical with our calendar months.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 121-4. 'Las personas mas cultas dividen el año en catorce meses, y cada uno de estos en veinte dias, agregando luego algunos dias intercalares al fin de cada mes. El de Julio, que ellos llaman Satz-tzi-mitl, y es el primero de su año, á mas de sus veinte dias ordinarios tiene tantos intercalares quantos dura la abundancia de lenguados, atunes, etc.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 153-4, 148; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., pp. 295, 304; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 242-4.

[298] The Ahts break the year into thirteen months, or moons, starting with the one that closely corresponds to our November. Since their names are assigned to each new moon as it appears, they don't always line up with our calendar months by at least half a month or more (sometimes). Sproat's Scenes, pp. 121-4. 'The more educated people divide the year into fourteen months, and each of these into twenty days, then they add some intercalary days at the end of each month. July, which they call Satz-tzi-mitl, and is the first of their year, has, in addition to its usual twenty days, as many intercalary days as there are days of abundance for flounder, tuna, etc.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 153-4, 148; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., pp. 295, 304; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 242-4.

[299] 'They shew themselves ingenious sculptors. They not only preserve, with great exactness, the general character of their own faces, but finish the more minute parts, with a degree of accuracy in proportion, and neatness in execution.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 326-7, and Atlas, pl. 40; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 164-5, vol. ii., pp. 257-8, and cut, p. 103; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 444-7, 484; Mayne's B. C., cut on p. 271.

[299] 'They show themselves to be skilled sculptors. They not only capture the general likeness of their own faces with great precision, but also finish the finer details with a high degree of accuracy and neatness in their work.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 326-7, and Atlas, pl. 40; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 164-5, vol. ii., pp. 257-8, and cut, p. 103; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 444-7, 484; Mayne's B. C., cut on p. 271.

[300] 'In an Aht tribe of two hundred men, perhaps fifty possess various degrees of acquired or inherited rank; there may be about as many slaves; the remainder are independent members.' Some of the Klah-oh-quahts 'pay annually to their chief certain contributions, consisting of blankets, skins, etc.' 'A chief's "blue blood" avails not in a dispute with one of his own people; he must fight his battle like a common man.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 113-17, 18-20, 226. Cheslakees, a chief on Johnson's Strait, was inferior but not subordinate in authority to Maquinna, the famous king at Nootka Sound, but the chief at Loughborough's Channel claimed to be under Maquinna. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 346, 331. 'La dignidad de Tays es hereditaria de padres á hijos, y pasa regularmente á estos luego que estan en edad de gobernar, si los padres por ancianidad ú otras causas no pueden seguir mandando.' 'El gobierno de estos naturales puede llamarse Patriarcal; pues el Xefe de la nacion hace á un mismo tiempo los oficios de padre de familia, de Rey y de Sumo Sacerdote.' 'Los nobles gozan de tanta consideracion en Nutka, que ni aun de palabra se atreven los Tayses á reprehenderlos.' 'Todos consideraban á este (Maquinna) como Soberano de las costas, desde la de Buena Esperanza hasta la punta de Arrecifes, con todos los Canales interiores.' To steal, or to know carnally a girl nine years old, is punished with death. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 140, 136, 147, 19, 25. 'There are such men as Chiefs, who are distinguished by the name or title of Acweek, and to whom the others are, in some measure, subordinate. But, I should guess, the authority of each of these great men extends no farther than the family to which he belongs.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 333-4. 'La forme de leur gouvernement est toute patriarcale, et la dignité de chef, héréditaire.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 346. Several very populous villages to the northward, included in the territory of Maquilla, the head chief, were entrusted to the government of the principal of his female relations. The whole government formed a political bond of union similar to the feudal system which formerly obtained in Europe. Meares' Voy., pp. 228-9. 'The king or head Tyee, is their leader in war, in the management of which he is perfectly absolute. He is also president of their councils, which are almost always regulated by his opinion. But he has no kind of power over the property of his subjects.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 138-9, 47, 69, 73. Kane's Wand., pp. 220-1. 'There is no code of laws, nor do the chiefs possess the power or means of maintaining a regular government; but their personal influence is nevertheless very great with their followers.' Douglas, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxiv., p. 246.

[300] 'In a tribe of 200 Aht men, around 50 hold various levels of rank, either through inheritance or achievement; there are probably as many slaves; the rest are independent community members.' Some of the Klah-oh-quahts 'make annual contributions to their chief, which include blankets, skins, and so on.' 'A chief's "noble blood" doesn't help in disputes with his own people; he must fight his battles like anyone else.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 113-17, 18-20, 226. Cheslakees, a chief on Johnson's Strait, had lesser authority than but was not subordinate to Maquinna, the well-known king at Nootka Sound, even though the chief at Loughborough's Channel claimed to be under Maquinna's rule. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 346, 331. 'The dignity of Tays is passed down from parent to child, and typically goes to them once they are old enough to govern, unless the parents cannot rule due to age or other reasons.' 'The governance of these natives can be described as patriarchal; the chief of the nation fulfills the roles of a family father, king, and high priest at the same time.' 'Nobles are held in such high regard in Nutka that even the Tayses do not dare to criticize them verbally.' 'Everyone regarded this (Maquinna) as the Sovereign of the coasts, from Cape of Good Hope to the Reef Point, including all the inland channels.' Stealing or engaging in sexual acts with a girl as young as nine is punishable by death. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 140, 136, 147, 19, 25. 'There are individuals known as Chiefs, recognized by the title of Acweek, to whom others are somewhat subordinate. However, I would estimate that the authority of each of these leaders extends only to their family.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 333-4. 'Their form of government is entirely patriarchal, with the chief's rank being hereditary.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 346. Several large villages to the north, under Maquilla, the head chief's territory, were administered by his principal female relatives. The entire governance resembled a political network similar to the feudal system that existed in Europe. Meares' Voy., pp. 228-9. 'The king or head Tyee is their leader in war and has absolute control over its management. He also presides over their councils, which are usually shaped by his views. However, he lacks any power over the property of his subjects.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 138-9, 47, 69, 73. Kane's Wand., pp. 220-1. 'There is no set of laws, nor do the chiefs have the authority or means to maintain a regular government; nonetheless, their personal influence with their followers remains substantial.' Douglas, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxiv., p. 246.

[301] 'Usually kindly treated, eat of the same food, and live as well as their masters.' 'None but the king and chiefs have slaves.' 'Maquinna had nearly fifty, male and female, in his house.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 73-4. Meares states that slaves are occasionally sacrificed and feasted upon. Voy., p. 255. The Newettee tribe nearly exterminated by kidnappers. Dunn's Oregon, p. 242. 'An owner might bring half a dozen slaves out of his house and kill them publicly in a row without any notice being taken of the atrocity. But the slave, as a rule, is not harshly treated.' 'Some of the smaller tribes at the north of the Island are practically regarded as slave-breeding tribes, and are attacked periodically by stronger tribes.' The American shore of the strait is also a fruitful source of slaves. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 89-92. 'They say that one Flathead slave is worth more than two Roundheads.' Rept. Ind. Aff., 1857, p. 327; Mayne's B. C., p. 284; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 296; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 154-5, 166; Kane's Wand., p. 220; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 131; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 431, 442, 470-1.

[301] 'Generally well treated, eat the same food, and live as well as their masters.' 'Only the king and chiefs have slaves.' 'Maquinna had nearly fifty, both male and female, in his household.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 73-4. Meares mentions that slaves are sometimes sacrificed and feasted upon. Voy., p. 255. The Newettee tribe was nearly wiped out by kidnappers. Dunn's Oregon, p. 242. 'An owner could take half a dozen slaves from his house and kill them publicly in a row without anyone noticing the atrocity. But usually, slaves are not treated harshly.' 'Some of the smaller tribes in the north of the Island are essentially seen as slave-breeding tribes and are periodically attacked by stronger tribes.' The American side of the strait is also a rich source of slaves. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 89-92. 'They say that one Flathead slave is worth more than two Roundheads.' Rept. Ind. Aff., 1857, p. 327; Mayne's B. C., p. 284; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 296; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 154-5, 166; Kane's Wand., p. 220; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 131; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 431, 442, 470-1.

[302] 'The women go to bed first, and are up first in the morning to prepare breakfast,' p. 52. 'The condition of the Aht women is not one of unseemly inferiority,' p. 93. 'Their female relations act as midwives. There is no separate place for lying-in. The child, on being born, is rolled up in a mat among feathers.' 'They suckle one child till another comes,' p. 94. 'A girl who was known to have lost her virtue, lost with it one of her chances of a favourable marriage, and a chief ... would have put his daughter to death for such a lapse,' p. 95. In case of a separation, if the parties belong to different tribes, the children go with the mother, p. 96. 'No traces of the existence of polyandry among the Ahts,' p. 99. The personal modesty of the Aht women when young is much greater than that of the men, p. 315. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 28-30, 50-2, 93-102, 160, 264, 315. One of the chiefs said that three was the number of wives permitted: 'como número necesario para no comunicar con la que estuviese en cinta.' 'Muchos de ellos mueren sin casarse.' 'El Tays no puede hacer uso de sus mugeres sin ver enteramente iluminado el disco de la luna.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 141-6. Women treated with no particular respect in any situation. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 318. Persons of the same crest are not allowed to marry. 'The child again always takes the crest of the mother.' 'As a rule also, descent is traced from the mother, not from the father.' 'Intrigue with the wives of men of other tribes is one of the commonest causes of quarrel among the Indians.' Mayne's B. C., pp. 257-8, 276; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 444-7. The women are 'very reserved and chaste.' Meares' Voy., pp. 251, 258, 265, 268; Kane's Wand., pp. 239-40. The Indian woman, to sooth her child, makes use of a springy stick fixed obliquely in the ground to which the cradle is attached by a string, forming a convenient baby-jumper. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 259; Pemberton's Vanc. Isl., p. 131; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 346-7. 'Where there are no slaves in the tribe or family they perform all the drudgery of bringing firewood, water, &c.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., pp. 298-9, 304. No intercourse between the newly married pair for a period of ten days, p. 129. 'Perhaps in no part of the world is virtue more prized,' p. 74. Jewitt's Nar., pp. 59-60, 74, 127-9; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 101.

[302] 'The women go to bed first and wake up early in the morning to make breakfast,' p. 52. 'The status of the Aht women is not one of shameful inferiority,' p. 93. 'Their female relatives serve as midwives. There isn't a separate place for childbirth. When a baby is born, it is wrapped in a mat among feathers.' 'They breastfeed one child until another is born,' p. 94. 'A girl known to have lost her virginity loses one of her chances for a good marriage, and a chief ... would have killed his daughter for such a mistake,' p. 95. If there's a separation and the individuals are from different tribes, the children go with the mother, p. 96. 'There are no signs of polyandry among the Ahts,' p. 99. The personal modesty of Aht women when young is much greater than that of the men, p. 315. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 28-30, 50-2, 93-102, 160, 264, 315. One of the chiefs mentioned that the permitted number of wives is three: 'as a necessary number to avoid contact with the one who is pregnant.' 'Many of them die unmarried.' 'The Tays cannot engage with their wives until the moon is fully illuminated.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 141-6. Women are treated with no special respect in any situation. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 318. People with the same crest cannot marry. 'The child always takes the crest of the mother.' 'Generally, descent is traced through the mother, not the father.' 'Affairs with the wives of men from other tribes are one of the most common causes of conflict among the Indians.' Mayne's B. C., pp. 257-8, 276; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 444-7. The women are 'very reserved and chaste.' Meares' Voy., pp. 251, 258, 265, 268; Kane's Wand., pp. 239-40. To soothe her child, the Indian woman uses a springy stick fixed at an angle in the ground, to which the cradle is attached by a string, creating a convenient baby jumper. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 259; Pemberton's Vanc. Isl., p. 131; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 346-7. 'Where there are no slaves in the tribe or family, they do all the hard work of gathering firewood, water, etc.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., pp. 298-9, 304. There is no contact between the newly married couple for ten days, p. 129. 'Perhaps nowhere in the world is virtue more valued,' p. 74. Jewitt's Nar., pp. 59-60, 74, 127-9; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 101.

[303] 'When relieved from the presence of strangers, they have much easy and social conversation among themselves.' 'The conversation is frequently coarse and indecent.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 50-1. 'Cantando y baylando al rededor de las hogueras, abandonándose á todos los excesos de la liviandad.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 133.

[303] 'When they are away from strangers, they engage in relaxed and friendly conversations with one another.' 'Their discussions are often crude and inappropriate.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 50-1. 'Singing and dancing around the bonfires, giving in to all the excesses of frivolity.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 133.

[304] Sproat's Scenes, pp. 55-6; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 144.

[304] Sproat's Scenes, pp. 55-6; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 144.

[305] Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 299; Mayne's B. C., pp. 275-6; Pemberton's Vanc. Isl., p. 134; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 444; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 53.

[305] Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 299; Mayne's B. C., pp. 275-6; Pemberton's Vanc. Isl., p. 134; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 444; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 53.

[306] Sproat's Scenes, p. 269. But Lord says 'nothing can be done without it.' Nat., vol. i., p. 168.

[306] Sproat's Scenes, p. 269. But the Lord says 'nothing can be done without it.' Nat., vol. i., p. 168.

[307] The Indian never invites any of the same crest as himself. Macfie's Vanc. Isl., 445. 'They are very particular about whom they invite to their feasts, and, on great occasions, men and women feast separately, the women always taking the precedence.' Duncan, in Mayne's B. C., pp. 263-6; Sproat's Scenes, pp. 59-63.

[307] The Indian never invites anyone with the same crest as himself. Macfie's Vanc. Isl., 445. 'They are very selective about whom they invite to their feasts, and on special occasions, men and women eat separately, with women always going first.' Duncan, in Mayne's B. C., pp. 263-6; Sproat's Scenes, pp. 59-63.

[308] Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 259-60.

[308] Lord's Nat., vol. 1, pp. 259-60.

[309] 'I have never seen an Indian woman dance at a feast, and believe it is seldom if ever done.' Mayne's B. C., pp. 267-9. The women generally 'form a separate circle, and chaunt and jump by themselves.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 306. 'As a rule, the men and women do not dance together; when the men are dancing the women sing and beat time,' but there is a dance performed by both sexes. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 66-7. 'On other occasions a male chief will invite a party of female guests to share his hospitality.' Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 431. 'Las mugeres baylan desayradisimamente; rara vez se prestan á esta diversion.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 152.

[309] 'I have never seen an Indian woman dance at a feast, and I believe it's rare, if it ever happens.' Mayne's B. C., pp. 267-9. The women usually 'form a separate circle and sing and jump on their own.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 306. 'As a rule, men and women don't dance together; when the men are dancing, the women sing and keep the rhythm,' but there is a dance performed by both genders. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 66-7. 'On other occasions, a male chief will invite a group of female guests to share his hospitality.' Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 431. 'Las mujeres bailan muy raramente; rara vez se prestan a esta diversión.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 152.

[310] 'La decencia obliga á pasar en silencio los bayles obscenos de los Mischîmis (common people), especialmente el del impotente á causa de la edad, y el del pobre que no ha podido casarse.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 151-2, 18; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 432-7; Sproat's Scenes, pp. 65-71; Mayne's B. C., pp. 266-7; Jewitt's Nar., p. 389; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 306; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, pp. 99-103.

[310] 'Decency requires us to silently endure the inappropriate dances of the common people, especially those of the elderly who can’t perform due to age, and the poor who haven’t been able to marry.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 151-2, 18; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 432-7; Sproat's Scenes, pp. 65-71; Mayne's B. C., pp. 266-7; Jewitt's Nar., p. 389; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 306; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, pp. 99-103.

[311] Jewitt's Nar., pp. 39, 60, 72-3; Vancouver's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 307-10; Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 310-11.

[311] Jewitt's Nar., pp. 39, 60, 72-3; Vancouver's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 307-10; Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 310-11.

[312] Their music is mostly grave and serious, and in exact concert, when sung by great numbers. 'Variations numerous and expressive, and the cadence or melody powerfully soothing.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 310-11, 283. Dislike European music. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 151-2. 'Their tunes are generally soft and plaintive, and though not possessing great variety, are not deficient in harmony.' Jewitt thinks the words of the songs may be borrowed from other tribes. Jewitt's Nar., p. 72, and specimen of war song, p. 166. Airs consist of five or six bars, varying slightly, time being beaten in the middle of the bar. 'Melody they have none, there is nothing soft, pleasing, or touching in their airs; they are not, however, without some degree of rude harmony.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xviii., p. 306. 'A certain beauty of natural expression in many of the native strains, if it were possible to relieve them from the monotony which is their fault.' There are old men, wandering minstrels, who sing war songs and beg. 'It is remarkable how aptly the natives catch and imitate songs heard from settlers or travelers.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 63-5.

[312] Their music is mostly serious and somber, especially when performed by large groups. 'It features numerous expressive variations, and the cadence or melody is powerfully soothing.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 310-11, 283. They dislike European music. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 151-2. 'Their tunes are generally soft and mournful, and while they don't have much variety, they aren't lacking in harmony.' Jewitt believes the lyrics of the songs may be borrowed from other tribes. Jewitt's Nar., p. 72, and an example of a war song, p. 166. The melodies consist of five or six bars, varying slightly, with the rhythm being marked in the middle of the bar. 'They lack melody; there’s nothing soft, pleasing, or moving in their tunes; however, they do have some level of rough harmony.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xviii., p. 306. 'There is a certain beauty in the natural expression of many of the native melodies, if only they could be freed from their monotony, which is their flaw.' There are elderly men, wandering minstrels, who sing war songs and ask for alms. 'It's notable how well the natives pick up and mimic songs they hear from settlers or travelers.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 63-5.

[313] Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 430-1; Jewitt's Nar., p. 39.

[313] Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 430-1; Jewitt's Nar., p. 39.

[314] 'I have seen the sorcerers at work a hundred times, but they use so many charms, which appear to me ridiculous,—they sing, howl, and gesticulate in so extravagant a manner, and surround their office with such dread and mystery,—that I am quite unable to describe their performances,' pp. 169-70. 'An unlucky dream will stop a sale, a treaty, a fishing, hunting, or war expedition,' p. 175. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 165-75. A chief, offered a piece of tobacco for allowing his portrait to be made, said it was a small reward for risking his life. Kane's Wand., p. 240. Shrewd individuals impose on their neighbors by pretending to receive a revelation, telling them where fish or berries are most abundant. Description of initiatory ceremonies of the sorcerers. Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 446, 433-7, 451. Jewitt's Nar., pp. 98-9. A brave prince goes to a distant lake, jumps from a high rock into the water, and rubs all the skin off his face with pieces of rough bark, amid the applause of his attendants. Description of king's prayers, and ceremonies to bring rain. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 145-6, 37. Candidates are thrown into a state of mesmerism before their initiation. 'Medicus', in Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. v., pp. 227-8; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., pp. 51-3; Californias, Noticias, pp. 61-85.

[314] 'I've seen the sorcerers in action a hundred times, but they use so many charms that seem ridiculous to me—they sing, howl, and move in such an exaggerated way, surrounding their work with so much fear and mystery—that I can hardly describe what they do,' pp. 169-70. 'A bad dream can halt a sale, a treaty, or a fishing, hunting, or war expedition,' p. 175. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 165-75. A chief, who was offered a piece of tobacco for allowing his portrait to be made, said it was a small reward for risking his life. Kane's Wand., p. 240. Clever people trick their neighbors by pretending to have received a vision, telling them where fish or berries are most plentiful. Description of initiation ceremonies of the sorcerers. Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 446, 433-7, 451. Jewitt's Nar., pp. 98-9. A brave prince travels to a distant lake, jumps from a high rock into the water, and scrapes all the skin off his face with pieces of rough bark, all while his attendants applaud him. Description of the king's prayers and ceremonies to bring rain. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 145-6, 37. Candidates are put into a state of mesmerism before their initiation. 'Medicus', in Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. v., pp. 227-8; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., pp. 51-3; Californias, Noticias, pp. 61-85.

[315] They brought for sale 'human skulls, and hands not yet quite stripped of the flesh, which they made our people plainly understand they had eaten; and, indeed, some of them had evident marks that they had been upon the fire.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 271. Slaves are occasionally sacrificed and feasted upon. Meares' Voy., p. 255. 'No todos habian comido la carne humana, ni en todo tiempo, sino solamente los guerreros mas animosos quando se preparaban para salir á campaña.' 'Parece indudable que estos salvages han sido antropófagos.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 130. 'At Nootka Sound, and at the Sandwich Islands, Ledyard witnessed instances of cannibalism. In both places he saw human flesh prepared for food.' Spark's Life of Ledyard, p. 74; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, pp. 104-6. 'Cannibalism, all-though unknown among the Indians of the Columbia, is practised by the savages on the coast to the northward.' Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 310-11. The cannibal ceremonies quoted by Macfie and referred to Vancouver Island, probably were intended for the Haidahs farther north. Vanc. Isl., p. 434. A slave as late as 1850 was drawn up and down a pole by a hook through the skin and tendons of the back, and afterwards devoured. Medicus, in Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. v., p. 223. 'L'anthropophagie á été longtemps en usage ... et peut-être y existe-t-elle encore.... Le chef Maquina ... tuait un prisonnier à chaque lune nouvelle. Tous les chefs étaient invités à cette horrible fête.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 345. 'It is not improbable that the suspicion that the Nootkans are cannibals may be traced to the practice of some custom analagous to the Tzeet-tzaiak of the Haeel tzuk.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., pp. 223-4. 'The horrid practice of sacrificing a victim is not annual, but only occurs either once in three years or else at uncertain intervals.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 156.

[315] They offered for sale 'human skulls and hands that were not completely stripped of flesh, which they made it clear our people understood they had eaten; and, in fact, some of them had visible signs that they had been cooked over fire.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 271. Slaves are sometimes sacrificed and eaten. Meares' Voy., p. 255. 'Not everyone had eaten human flesh, nor at all times, but only the boldest warriors when preparing for battle.' 'It seems undeniable that these savages have been cannibals.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 130. 'At Nootka Sound and the Sandwich Islands, Ledyard saw cases of cannibalism. In both locations, he observed human flesh being prepared for food.' Spark's Life of Ledyard, p. 74; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, pp. 104-6. 'Cannibalism, while unknown among the Indians of the Columbia, is practiced by the savages to the north.' Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 310-11. The cannibal rituals cited by Macfie and mentioned in reference to Vancouver Island likely were aimed at the Haidahs further north. Vanc. Isl., p. 434. A slave as recently as 1850 was hoisted up and down a pole with a hook through the skin and tendons of the back and then eaten. Medicus, in Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. v., p. 223. 'Cannibalism has been practiced for a long time... and perhaps still exists.... Chief Maquina ... killed a prisoner at every new moon. All the chiefs were invited to this horrific feast.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 345. 'It is not unlikely that the belief that the Nootkans are cannibals stems from a practice similar to the Tzeet-tzaiak of the Haeel tzuk.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., pp. 223-4. 'The dreadful act of sacrificing a victim is not annual, but occurs either once every three years or at irregular intervals.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 156.

[316] 'Rheumatism and paralysis are rare maladies.' Syphilis is probably indigenous. Amputation, blood-letting, and metallic medicine not employed. Medicines to produce love are numerous. 'Young and old of both sexes are exposed when afflicted with lingering disease.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 251-7, 282, 213-4. 'Headache is cured by striking the part affected with small branches of the spruce tree.' Doctors are generally chosen from men who have themselves suffered serious maladies. Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 438-40. 'Their cure for rheumatism or similar pains ... is by cutting or scarifying the part affected.' Jewitt's Nar., p. 142. They are sea sick on European vessels. Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 81. Description of ceremonies. Swan, in Mayne's B. C., pp. 261-3, 304. 'The patient is put to bed, and for the most part starved, lest the food should be consumed by his internal enemy.' 'The warm and steam bath is very frequently employed.' Medicus, in Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. v., pp. 226-8.

[316] 'Rheumatism and paralysis are uncommon diseases.' Syphilis is likely native. Amputation, bloodletting, and metallic medicine are not used. There are many medicines designed to create love. 'Young and old of both genders are affected when suffering from chronic illness.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 251-7, 282, 213-4. 'Headaches are treated by striking the affected area with small branches of the spruce tree.' Doctors are usually selected from men who have personally experienced serious illnesses. Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 438-40. 'Their treatment for rheumatism or similar pains ... involves cutting or scarifying the affected area.' Jewitt's Nar., p. 142. They experience seasickness on European ships. Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 81. Description of rituals. Swan, in Mayne's B. C., pp. 261-3, 304. 'The patient is placed in bed, and mostly starved, to prevent food from being taken up by his internal enemy.' 'The warm and steam bath is frequently used.' Medicus, in Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. v., pp. 226-8.

[317] The custom of burning or burying property is wholly confined to chiefs. 'Night is their time for interring the dead.' Buffoon tricks, with a feast and dance, formed part of the ceremony. Jewitt's Nar., pp. 105, 111-2, 136. At Valdes Island, 'we saw two sepulchres built with plank about five feet in height, seven in length, and four in breadth. These boards were curiously perforated at the ends and sides, and the tops covered with loose pieces of plank;' inclosed evidently the relics of many different bodies. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 338-9. 'The coffin is usually an old canoe, lashed round and round, like an Egyptian mummy-case.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 170. 'There is generally some grotesque figure painted on the outside of the box, or roughly sculptured out of wood and placed by the side of it. For some days after death the relatives burn salmon or venison before the tomb.' 'They will never mention the name of a dead man.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., pp. 301-3. 'As a rule, the Indians burn their dead, and then bury the ashes.' 'It was at one time not uncommon for Indians to desert forever a lodge in which one of their family had died.' Mayne's B. C., pp. 271-2, with cut of graves. For thirty days after the funeral, dirges are chanted at sunrise and sunset. Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 447-8. Children frequently, but grown persons never, were found hanging in trees. Meares' Voy., p. 268; Sproat's Scenes, pp. 258-63. The bodies of chiefs are hung in trees on high mountains, while those of the commons are buried, that their souls may have a shorter journey to their residence in a future life. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 139-40. 'The Indians never inter their dead,' and rarely burn them. Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 51.

[317] The practice of burning or burying possessions is strictly for chiefs. 'Night is when they bury the dead.' Silly antics, along with a feast and dance, were part of the ritual. Jewitt's Nar., pp. 105, 111-2, 136. On Valdes Island, 'we saw two tombs constructed from planks, about five feet tall, seven feet long, and four feet wide. These boards were intricately drilled at the ends and sides, and the tops were covered with loose pieces of plank;' evidently containing the remains of many different individuals. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 338-9. 'The coffin is usually an old canoe, tied up tightly, like an Egyptian mummy case.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 170. 'There is usually some quirky figure painted on the outside of the box, or roughly carved out of wood and placed beside it. For several days after a death, relatives burn salmon or venison at the grave.' 'They will never say the name of a deceased person.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., pp. 301-3. 'Generally, the Indians burn their dead and then bury the ashes.' 'At one time, it was not uncommon for Indians to completely abandon a lodge where a family member had died.' Mayne's B. C., pp. 271-2, with a picture of graves. For thirty days following the funeral, dirges are sung at sunrise and sunset. Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 447-8. Children were often found hanging from trees, but adults were never. Meares' Voy., p. 268; Sproat's Scenes, pp. 258-63. The bodies of chiefs are hung in trees on high mountains, while the common people are buried, so their souls can have a shorter journey to their afterlife. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 139-40. 'The Indians never bury their dead,' and rarely burn them. Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 51.

[318] 'As light-fingered as any of the Sandwich Islanders. Of a quiet, phlegmatic, and inactive disposition.' 'A docile, courteous, good-natured people ... but quick in resenting what they look upon as an injury; and, like most other passionate people, as soon forgetting it.' Not curious; indolent; generally fair in trade, and would steal only such articles as they wanted for some purpose. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 272, 308-12, etc. 'Exceedingly hospitable in their own homes, ... lack neither courage nor intelligence.' Pemberton's Vanc. Isl., p. 131. The Kla-iz-zarts 'appear to be more civilized than any of the others.' The Cayuquets are thought to be deficient in courage; and the Kla-os-quates 'are a fierce, bold, and enterprizing people.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 75-7. 'Civil and inoffensive' at Horse Sound. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 307. 'Their moral deformities are as great as their physical ones.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 88. The Nittinahts given to aggressive war, and consequently 'bear a bad reputation.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 74. Not brave, and a slight repulse daunts them. 'Sincere in his friendship, kind to his wife and children, and devotedly loyal to his own tribe,' p. 51. 'In sickness and approaching death, the savage always becomes melancholy,' p. 162. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 30, 36, 52, 91, 119-24, 150-66, 187, 216. 'Comux and Yucletah fellows very savage and uncivilized dogs,' and the Nootkas not to be trusted. 'Cruel, bloodthirsty, treacherous and cowardly.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., pp. 294, 296, 298, 305, 307. Mayne's B. C., p. 246; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 190, 460-1, 472, 477, 484; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 294-6. The Spaniards gave the Nootkas a much better character than voyagers of other nations. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 25, 31-2, 57-9, 63, 99, 107, 133, 149-51, 154-6; Forbes' Vanc. Isl., p. 25; Rattray's Vanc. Isl., pp. 172-3. The Ucultas 'are a band of lawless pirates and robbers, levying black-mail on all the surrounding tribes.' Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 43. 'Bold and ferocious, sly and reserved, not easily provoked, but revengeful.' Spark's Life of Ledyard, p. 72. The Teets have 'all the vices of the coast tribes' with 'none of the redeeming qualities of the interior nations.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 78.

[318] 'As quick-fingered as any of the Sandwich Islanders. They have a calm, laid-back, and inactive nature.' 'A friendly, polite, good-natured people... but quick to react to what they see as an insult; and, like many passionate people, they forget it just as quickly.' They’re not curious; lazy; generally fair in trade, and would only take items that they truly needed for something. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 272, 308-12, etc. 'Extremely welcoming in their homes... they are neither lacking in bravery nor intelligence.' Pemberton's Vanc. Isl., p. 131. The Kla-iz-zarts 'seem to be more civilized than the others.' The Cayuquets are thought to lack courage; and the Kla-os-quates 'are a fierce, bold, and enterprising people.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 75-7. 'Polite and harmless' at Horse Sound. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 307. 'Their moral flaws are as significant as their physical ones.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 88. The Nittinahts are inclined to aggressive war, thus 'they have a bad reputation.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 74. They are not brave, and even a minor setback intimidates them. 'Sincere in friendship, kind to his wife and children, and completely loyal to his own tribe,' p. 51. 'In sickness and facing death, the savage becomes melancholy,' p. 162. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 30, 36, 52, 91, 119-24, 150-66, 187, 216. 'Comux and Yucletah people are very savage and uncivilized,' and the Nootkas are untrustworthy. 'Cruel, bloodthirsty, treacherous, and cowardly.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., pp. 294, 296, 298, 305, 307. Mayne's B. C., p. 246; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 190, 460-1, 472, 477, 484; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 294-6. The Spaniards portrayed the Nootkas much more favorably than voyagers from other nations. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 25, 31-2, 57-9, 63, 99, 107, 133, 149-51, 154-6; Forbes' Vanc. Isl., p. 25; Rattray's Vanc. Isl., pp. 172-3. The Ucultas 'are a group of lawless pirates and robbers, extorting money from all the nearby tribes.' Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 43. 'Bold and fierce, sly and reserved, not easily angered, but vengeful.' Spark's Life of Ledyard, p. 72. The Teets have 'all the vices of the coastal tribes' without 'any of the redeeming qualities of the interior nations.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 78.

[319] 'Those who came within our notice so nearly resembled the people of Nootka, that the best delineation I can offer is a reference to the description of those people' (by Cook), p. 252. At Cape Flattery they closely resembled those of Nootka and spoke the same language, p. 218. At Gray Harbor they seemed to vary in little or no respect 'from those on the sound, and understood the Nootka tongue', p. 83. 'The character and appearance of their several tribes here did not seem to differ in any material respect from each other,' p. 288. Evidence that the country was once much more thickly peopled, p. 254. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 218, 252, 254, 288; vol. ii., p. 83. The Chehalis come down as far as Shoal-water Bay. A band of Klikatats (Sahaptins) is spoken of near the head of the Cowlitz. 'The Makahs resemble the northwestern Indians far more than their neighbors.' The Lummi are a branch of the Clallams. Rept. Ind. Aff., 1854, pp. 240-4. The Lummi 'traditions lead them to believe that they are descendants of a better race than common savages.' The Semianmas 'are intermarried with the north band of the Lummis, and Cowegans, and Quantlums.' The Neuk-wers and Siamanas are called Stick Indians, and in 1852 had never seen a white. 'The Neuk-sacks (Mountain Men) trace from the salt water Indians,' and 'are entirely different from the others.' 'The Loomis appear to be more of a wandering class than the others about Bellingham Bay.' Id., 1857, pp. 327-9. 'They can be divided into two classes—the salt-water and the Stick Indians.' Id., 1857, p. 224. Of the Nisquallies 'some live in the plains, and others on the banks of the Sound.' The Classets have been less affected than the Chinooks by fever and ague. Dunn's Oregon, pp. 231-5. The Clallams speak a kindred language to that of the Ahts. Sproat's Scenes, p. 270. 'El gobierno de estos naturales de la entrada y canales de Fuca, la disposicion interior de las habitaciones las manufacturas y vestidos que usan son muy parecidos á los de los habitantes de Nutka.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 111. The Sound Indians live in great dread of the Northern tribes. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 513. The Makahs deem themselves much superior to the tribes of the interior, because they go out on the ocean. Scammon, in Overland Monthly, vol. vii., pp. 277-8. The Nooksaks are entirely distinct from the Lummi, and some suppose them to have come from the Clallam country. Coleman, in Harper's Mag., vol. xxxix., p. 799. Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 428.

[319] "The people we observed resembled those from Nootka so closely that the best description I can provide is to reference Cook’s account of them," p. 252. At Cape Flattery, they closely resembled the Nootka and spoke the same language, p. 218. At Gray Harbor, they appeared to be almost identical to those from the sound and understood the Nootka language, p. 83. "The character and appearance of the various tribes here didn’t seem to differ significantly from one another," p. 288. There’s evidence that the area was once much more densely populated, p. 254. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 218, 252, 254, 288; vol. ii., p. 83. The Chehalis extend down to Shoal-water Bay. A group of Klikatats (Sahaptins) is mentioned near the head of the Cowlitz. "The Makahs resemble the northwestern Indians much more than their neighbors." The Lummi are part of the Clallams. Rept. Ind. Aff., 1854, pp. 240-4. The Lummi "believe their traditions indicate they are descendants of a superior race, not just ordinary savages." The Semianmas "intermarry with the north band of the Lummis, Cowegans, and Quantlums." The Neuk-wers and Siamanas are known as Stick Indians and hadn't encountered a white person by 1852. "The Neuk-sacks (Mountain Men) trace their origins to the saltwater Indians," and "are completely different from the others." "The Loomis seem to be more of a wandering group compared to others around Bellingham Bay." Id., 1857, pp. 327-9. "They can be categorized into two groups—the saltwater and the Stick Indians." Id., 1857, p. 224. Of the Nisquallies, "some live in the plains, while others are by the banks of the Sound." The Classets have been less affected by fever and ague than the Chinooks. Dunn's Oregon, pp. 231-5. The Clallams speak a similar language to that of the Ahts. Sproat's Scenes, p. 270. "The government of these native peoples at the entrance and canals of Fuca, the interior layout of their homes, and the clothing they wear are very similar to those of the inhabitants of Nootka." Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 111. The Sound Indians live in great fear of the Northern tribes. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 513. The Makahs consider themselves much superior to the interior tribes because they venture out into the ocean. Scammon, in Overland Monthly, vol. vii., pp. 277-8. The Nooksaks are completely separate from the Lummi, and some believe they originate from the Clallam region. Coleman, in Harper's Mag., vol. xxxix., p. 799. Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 428.

[320] At Port Discovery they 'seemed capable of enduring great fatigue.' 'Their cheek-bones were high.' 'The oblique eye of the Chinese was not uncommon.' 'Their countenances wore an expression of wildness, and they had, in the opinion of some of us, a melancholy cast of features.' Some of women would with difficulty be distinguished in colour from those of European race. The Classet women 'were much better looking than those of other tribes.' Portrait of a Tatouche chief. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 317-8, 320, 517-8. 'All are bow-legged.' 'All of a sad-colored, Caravaggio brown.' 'All have coarse, black hair, and are beardless.' Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, p. 32. 'Tall and stout.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 28. Sproat mentions a Clallam slave who 'could see in the dark like a racoon.' Scenes, p. 52. The Classet 'cast of countenance is very different from that of the Nootkians ... their complexion in also much fairer and their stature shorter.' Jewitt's Nar., p. 75. The Nisqually Indians 'are of very large stature; indeed, the largest I have met with on the continent. The women are particularly large and stout.' Kane's Wand., pp. 207, 228, 234. The Nisquallies are by no means a large race, being from five feet five inches to five feet nine inches in height, and weighing from one hundred and thirty to one hundred and eighty pounds. Anderson, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 227. 'De rostro hermoso y da gallarda figura.' Navarrete, in Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. xciv. The Queniults, 'the finest-looking Indians I had ever seen.' Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 78-9. Neuksacks stronger and more athletic than other tribes. Many of the Lummi 'very fair and have light hair.' Rept. Ind. Aff., 1857, p. 328; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 23; Morton's Crania, p. 215, with plate of Cowlitz skull; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 97; Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 252; Murphy and Harned, Puget Sound Directory, pp. 64-71; Clark's Lights and Shadows, pp. 214-15, 224-6.

[320] At Port Discovery, they seemed capable of enduring great fatigue. Their cheekbones were high. The slanted eyes of the Chinese were not uncommon. Their faces had an expression of wildness, and some of us thought they had a sad look to their features. Some women could hardly be distinguished in color from those of European descent. The Classet women were much better looking than those of other tribes. Portrait of a Tatouche chief. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 317-8, 320, 517-8. All are bow-legged. All have a sad-colored, Caravaggio brown. All have coarse, black hair and are beardless. Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, p. 32. Tall and stout. Maurelle's Jour., p. 28. Sproat mentions a Clallam slave who could see in the dark like a raccoon. Scenes, p. 52. The Classet's facial features are very different from those of the Nootkians... their complexion is also much fairer and their stature shorter. Jewitt's Nar., p. 75. The Nisqually Indians are of very large stature; indeed, they are the largest I have met on the continent. The women are particularly large and stout. Kane's Wand., pp. 207, 228, 234. The Nisquallies are by no means a large race, being from five feet five inches to five feet nine inches in height, and weighing from one hundred thirty to one hundred eighty pounds. Anderson, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 227. 'De rostro hermoso y da gallarda figura.' Navarrete, in Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. xciv. The Queniults were the finest-looking Indians I had ever seen. Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 78-9. Neuksacks are stronger and more athletic than other tribes. Many of the Lummi are very fair and have light hair. Rept. Ind. Aff., 1857, p. 328; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 23; Morton's Crania, p. 215, with plate of Cowlitz skull; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 97; Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 252; Murphy and Harned, Puget Sound Directory, pp. 64-71; Clark's Lights and Shadows, pp. 214-15, 224-6.

[321] 'Less bedaubed with paint and less filthy' than the Nootkas. At Port Discovery 'they wore ornaments, though none were observed in their noses.' At Cape Flattery the nose ornament was straight, instead of crescent-shaped, as among the Nootkas. Vancouver supposed their garments to be composed of dog's hair mixed with the wool of some wild animal, which he did not see. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 218, 230, 266. At Port Discovery some had small brass bells hung in the rim of the ears, p. 318. Some of the Skagits were tattooed with lines on the arms and face, and fond of brass rings, pp. 511-12. The Classets 'wore small pieces of an iridescent mussel-shell, attached to the cartilage of their nose, which was in some, of the size of a ten cents piece, and triangular in shape. It is generally kept in motion by their breathing,' p. 517. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 317-20, 334, 404, 444, 511-2, 517-8. The conical hats and stout bodies 'brought to mind representations of Siberian tribes.' Pickering's Races, in Idem., vol. ix., p. 23. The Clallams 'wear no clothing in summer.' Faces daubed with red and white mud. Illustration of head-flattening. Kane's Wand., pp. 180, 207, 210-11, 224. Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., pp. 108-9; Rossi, Souvenirs, p. 299; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 232-3; San Francisco Bulletin, May 24, 1859; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 243; Id., 1857, p. 329; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 430. Above Gray Harbor they were dressed with red deer skins. Navarrete, in Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. xciv: Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 97; Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, p. 32-3; Murphy and Harned, in Puget Sd. Direct., pp. 64-71.

[321] 'Less decorated with paint and less dirty' than the Nootkas. At Port Discovery 'they wore ornaments, though none were seen in their noses.' At Cape Flattery, the nose ornament was straight, unlike the crescent shape among the Nootkas. Vancouver thought their clothing was made from dog hair mixed with the wool of some wild animal he didn't see. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 218, 230, 266. At Port Discovery, some had small brass bells hanging from the rims of their ears, p. 318. Some of the Skagits had tattoos with lines on their arms and face and liked brass rings, pp. 511-12. The Classets 'wore small pieces of iridescent mussel-shell attached to the cartilage of their nose, which in some cases was as big as a ten-cent piece and triangular in shape. It generally moves with their breathing,' p. 517. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 317-20, 334, 404, 444, 511-2, 517-8. Their conical hats and sturdy bodies 'reminded one of depictions of Siberian tribes.' Pickering's Races, in Idem., vol. ix., p. 23. The Clallams 'wear no clothing in summer.' Faces painted with red and white mud. Illustration of head-flattening. Kane's Wand., pp. 180, 207, 210-11, 224. Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., pp. 108-9; Rossi, Souvenirs, p. 299; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 232-3; San Francisco Bulletin, May 24, 1859; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 243; Id., 1857, p. 329; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 430. Above Gray Harbor, they were dressed in red deer skins. Navarrete, in Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. xciv: Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 97; Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, p. 32-3; Murphy and Harned, in Puget Sd. Direct., pp. 64-71.

[322] The Skagit tribe being exposed to attacks from the north, combine dwellings and fort, and build themselves 'enclosures, four hundred feet long, and capable of containing many families, which are constructed of pickets made of thick planks, about thirty feet high. The pickets are firmly fixed into the ground, the spaces between them being only sufficient to point a musket through.... The interior of the enclosure is divided into lodges,' p. 511. At Port Discovery the lodges were 'no more than a few rudely-cut slabs, covered in part by coarse mats,' p. 319. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 319-20, 511, 517. The Clallams also have a fort of pickets one hundred and fifty feet square, roofed over and divided into compartments for families. 'There were about two hundred of the tribe in the fort at the time of my arrival.' 'The lodges are built of cedar like the Chinook lodges, but much larger, some of them being sixty or seventy feet long.' Kane's Wand., pp. 210, 219, 227-9. 'Their houses are of considerable size, often fifty to one hundred feet in length, and strongly built.' Rept. Ind. Aff., 1854, pp. 242-3. 'The planks forming the roof run the whole length of the building, being guttered to carry off the water, and sloping slightly to one end.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 429-30. Well built lodges of timber and plank on Whidbey Island. Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 300. At New Dungeness, 'composed of nothing more than a few mats thrown over cross sticks;' and on Puget Sound 'constructed something after the fashion of a soldier's tent, by two cross sticks about five feet high, connected at each end by a ridge-pole from one to the other, over some of which was thrown a coarse kind of mat; over others a few loose branches of trees, shrubs or grass.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 225, 262. The Queniults sometimes, but not always, whitewash the interior of their lodges with pipe-clay, and then paint figures of fishes and animals in red and black on the white surface. See description and cuts of exterior and interior of Indian lodge in Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 266-7, 330, 338; Crane's Top. Mem., p. 65; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 98; Clark's Lights and Shadows, p. 225.

[322] The Skagit tribe, facing attacks from the north, come together to create combined dwellings and a fort. They build enclosures that are four hundred feet long and can hold many families, made of pickets from thick planks that stand about thirty feet high. The pickets are securely anchored into the ground, with gaps just wide enough to point a musket through.... The inside of the enclosure is divided into lodges. At Port Discovery, the lodges are made of a few rough-cut slabs, partly covered with coarse mats. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 319-20, 511, 517. The Clallams also have a fortified area made of pickets that measures one hundred and fifty feet square, covered overhead and divided into sections for families. 'There were about two hundred members of the tribe in the fort when I arrived.' 'The lodges are made of cedar like the Chinook lodges, but they are much larger, some measuring sixty or seventy feet long.' Kane's Wand., pp. 210, 219, 227-9. 'Their houses are quite large, often ranging from fifty to one hundred feet long and built very sturdily.' Rept. Ind. Aff., 1854, pp. 242-3. 'The planks that form the roof extend the entire length of the building, designed with gutters to divert rainwater, and sloping slightly to one end.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 429-30. Well-constructed lodges made of timber and planks can be found on Whidbey Island. Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 300. In New Dungeness, they consist of little more than some mats draped over cross sticks; and on Puget Sound, they are built somewhat like a soldier's tent, using two cross sticks about five feet high connected at each end by a ridge pole, with coarse mats draped over some parts and loose branches of trees, shrubs, or grass over others. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 225, 262. The Queniults sometimes, but not always, whitewash the inside of their lodges with pipe-clay and then paint red and black figures of fish and animals on the white surface. See description and images of the exterior and interior of Indian lodges in Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 266-7, 330, 338; Crane's Top. Mem., p. 65; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 98; Clark's Lights and Shadows, p. 225.

[323] The Nootsaks, 'like all inland tribes, they subsist principally by the chase.' Coleman, in Harper's Mag., vol. xxxix., pp. 795, 799, 815; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 328. Sturgeon abound weighing 400 to 600 pounds, and are taken by the Clallams by means of a spear with a handle seventy to eighty feet long, while lying on the bottom of the river in spawning time. Fish-hooks are made of cedar root with bone barbs. Their only vegetables are the camas, wappatoo, and fern roots. Kane's Wand., pp. 213-14, 230-4, 289. At Puget Sound, 'men, women and children were busily engaged like swine, rooting up this beautiful verdant meadow in quest of a species of wild onion, and two other roots, which in appearance and taste greatly resembled the saranne.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 225, 234, 262. In fishing for salmon at Port Discovery 'they have two nets, the drawing and casting net, made of a silky grass,' 'or of the fibres of the roots of trees, or of the inner bark of the white cedar.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 147. 'The line is made either of kelp or the fibre of the cypress, and to it is attached an inflated bladder.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 109. At Port Townsend, 'leurs provisions, consistaient en poisson séché au soleil ou boucané; ... tout rempli de sable.' Rossi, Souvenirs, pp. 182-3, 299. The Clallams 'live by fishing and hunting around their homes, and never pursue the whale and seal as do the sea-coast tribes.' Scammon, in Overland Monthly, vol. vii., p. 278. The Uthlecan or candle-fish is used on Fuca Strait for food as well as candles. Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 241. Lamprey eels are dried for food and light by the Nisquallies and Chehalis. 'Cammass root, ... stored in baskets. It is a kind of sweet squills, and about the size of a small onion. It is extremely abundant on the open prairies, and particularly on those which are overflowed by the small streams.' Cut of salmon fishery, p. 335. 'Hooks are made in an ingenious manner of the yew tree.' 'They are chiefly employed in trailing for fish.' Cut of hooks, pp. 444-5. The Classets make a cut in the nose when a whale is taken. Each seal-skin float has a different pattern painted on it, p. 517. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 318-19, 335, 444-5, 517-18. The Chehalis live chiefly on salmon. Id., vol. v., p. 140. According to Swan the Puget Sound Indians sometimes wander as far as Shoalwater Bay in Chinook territory, in the spring. The Queniult Indians are fond of large barnacles, not eaten by the Chinooks of Shoalwater Bay. Cut of a sea-otter hunt. The Indians never catch salmon with a baited hook, but always use the hook as a gaff. N. W. Coast, pp. 59, 87, 92, 163, 264, 271; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., pp. 293-4, 301, 388-9; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 241; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 732-5; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 429. 'They all depend upon fish, berries, and roots for a subsistence, and get their living with great ease.' Starling, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 600-2. The Makahs live 'by catching cod and halibut on the banks north and east of Cape Flattery.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 231. 'When in a state of semi-starvation the beast shows very plainly in them (Stick Indians): they are generally foul feeders, but at such a time they eat anything, and are disgusting in the extreme.' Id., 1858, p. 225; Id., 1860, p. 195; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 97; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 102-5; Hittell, in Hesperian, vol. iii., p. 408; Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, pp. 33-7; Maurelle's Jour., p. 28.

[323] The Nootsaks, like all inland tribes, mainly survive through hunting. Coleman, in Harper's Mag., vol. xxxix., pp. 795, 799, 815; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 328. Sturgeon are plentiful, weighing between 400 and 600 pounds, and are caught by the Clallams using a spear with a 70 to 80-foot handle while they lie at the bottom of the river during spawning season. Fish-hooks are made from cedar roots with bone barbs. Their only vegetables are camas, wappatoo, and fern roots. Kane's Wand., pp. 213-14, 230-4, 289. At Puget Sound, “men, women, and children were actively digging up this beautiful green meadow in search of a type of wild onion and two other roots that looked and tasted a lot like saranne.” Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 225, 234, 262. When fishing for salmon at Port Discovery, “they use two nets, a drawing net and a casting net, made from silky grass,” “or from the fibers of tree roots or the inner bark of the white cedar.” Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 147. “The line is crafted from kelp or cypress fiber, with an inflated bladder attached to it.” Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 109. At Port Townsend, “their provisions consisted of sun-dried or smoked fish; … all filled with sand.” Rossi, Souvenirs, pp. 182-3, 299. The Clallams “support themselves by fishing and hunting around their homes and do not pursue whales and seals like the coastal tribes.” Scammon, in Overland Monthly, vol. vii., p. 278. The Uthlecan or candlefish is eaten in Fuca Strait and also used as a candle. Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 241. Lamprey eels are dried for food and light by the Nisquallies and Chehalis. “Camas root, … stored in baskets. It’s a sweet kind of squill, about the size of a small onion. It’s extremely abundant on the open prairies, especially those flooded by small streams.” Cut of salmon fishery, p. 335. “Hooks are made ingeniously from the yew tree.” “They are mainly used for fishing.” Cut of hooks, pp. 444-5. The Classets make a cut in the nose when they catch a whale. Each seal-skin float has a unique pattern painted on it, p. 517. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 318-19, 335, 444-5, 517-18. The Chehalis mainly live on salmon. Id., vol. v., p. 140. According to Swan, the Puget Sound Indians sometimes travel as far as Shoalwater Bay in Chinook territory during the spring. The Queniult Indians enjoy large barnacles, which are not eaten by the Chinooks of Shoalwater Bay. Cut of a sea-otter hunt. The Indians never catch salmon with a baited hook, but always use the hook as a gaff. N. W. Coast, pp. 59, 87, 92, 163, 264, 271; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., pp. 293-4, 301, 388-9; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 241; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 732-5; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 429. “They entirely rely on fish, berries, and roots for survival, and obtain their food quite easily.” Starling, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 600-2. The Makahs survive “by catching cod and halibut on the banks north and east of Cape Flattery.” Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 231. “When they are semi-starved, it’s very clear in the Stick Indians: they typically eat poorly, but in such times they consume anything and are extremely disgusting.” Id., 1858, p. 225; Id., 1860, p. 195; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 97; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 102-5; Hittell, in Hesperian, vol. iii., p. 408; Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, pp. 33-7; Maurelle's Jour., p. 28.

[324] Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 253. At Gray Harbor the bows were somewhat more circular than elsewhere. Id., vol. ii., p. 84; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 319; Kane's Wand., pp. 209-10.

[324] Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 253. At Gray Harbor, the bows were a bit more rounded than in other places. Id., vol. ii., p. 84; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 319; Kane's Wand., pp. 209-10.

[325] Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 321; Kane's Wand., pp. 231-2; Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 234. 'They have been nearly annihilated by the hordes of northern savages that have infested, and do now, even at the present day, infest our own shores' for slaves. They had fire-arms before our tribes, thus gaining an advantage.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 327; Clark's Lights and Shadows, p. 224.

[325] Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 321; Kane's Wand., pp. 231-2; Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 234. 'They have been nearly wiped out by the waves of northern tribes that have invaded, and still do, even today, invade our own shores' for enslaved people. They had firearms before our tribes, giving them an advantage.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 327; Clark's Lights and Shadows, p. 224.

[326] Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 287.

[326] Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 287.

[327] 'A single thread is wound over rollers at the top and bottom of a square frame, so as to form a continuous woof through which an alternate thread is carried by the hand, and pressed closely together by a sort of wooden comb; by turning the rollers every part of the woof is brought within reach of the weaver; by this means a bag formed, open at each end, which being cut down makes a square blanket.' Kane's Wand., pp. 210-11. Cuts showing the loom and process of weaving among the Nootsaks, also house, canoes, and willow baskets. Coleman, in Harper's Mag., vol. xxxix., pp. 799-800. The Clallams 'have a kind of cur with soft and long white hair, which they shear and mix with a little wool or the ravelings of old blankets.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 431. The Makahs have 'blankets and capes made of the inner bark of the cedar, and edged with fur.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 241-2; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 32. The candle-fish 'furnishes the natives with their best oil, which is extracted by the very simple process of hanging it up, exposed to the sun, which in a few days seems to melt it away.' Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 388. They 'manufacture some of their blankets from the wool of the wild goat.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 231. The Queniults showed 'a blanket manufactured from the wool of mountain sheep, which are to be found on the precipitous slopes of the Olympian Mountains.' Alta California, Feb. 9, 1861, quoted in California Farmer, July 25, 1862; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 97; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 26.

[327] 'A single thread is wrapped around rollers at the top and bottom of a square frame, creating a continuous weave through which a separate thread is carried by hand and pressed tightly with a wooden comb. By turning the rollers, every part of the weave is made accessible to the weaver; this process forms a bag that is open at both ends, which, when cut down, becomes a square blanket.' Kane's Wand., pp. 210-11. There are cuts showing the loom and weaving process among the Nootsaks, as well as images of houses, canoes, and willow baskets. Coleman, in Harper's Mag., vol. xxxix., pp. 799-800. The Clallams 'have a breed of dog with soft, long white hair, which they shear and mix with a little wool or the scraps of old blankets.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 431. The Makahs create 'blankets and capes from the inner bark of the cedar, edged with fur.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 241-2; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 32. The candlefish 'provides the natives with their finest oil, which is obtained by simply hanging it up in the sun, where it seems to melt away in a few days.' Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 388. They 'make some of their blankets from the wool of wild goats.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 231. The Queniults displayed 'a blanket made from the wool of mountain sheep, found on the steep slopes of the Olympic Mountains.' Alta California, Feb. 9, 1861, quoted in California Farmer, July 25, 1862; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 97; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 26.

[328] 'They present a model of which a white mechanic might well be proud.' Description of method of making, and cuts of Queniult, Clallam, and Cowlitz canoes, and a Queniult paddle. Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 79-82. At Port Orchard they 'exactly corresponded with the canoes of Nootka,' while those of some visitors were 'cut off square at each end,' and like those seen below Cape Orford. At Gray Harbor the war canoes 'had a piece of wood rudely carved, perforated, and placed at each end, three feet above the gunwale; through these holes they are able to discharge their arrows.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 264; vol. ii., p. 84. The Clallam boats were 'low and straight, and only adapted to the smoother interior waters.' Scammon, in Overland Monthly, vol. vii., p. 278. Cut showing Nootsak canoes in Harper's Mag., vol. xxxix., p. 799. 'The sides are exceedingly thin, seldom exceeding three-fourths of an inch.' To mend the canoe when cracks occur, 'holes are made in the sides, through which withes are passed, and pegged in such a way that the strain will draw it tighter; the withe is then crossed, and the end secured in the same manner. When the tying is finished, the whole is pitched with the gum of the pine.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 320-1. The Clallams have 'a very large canoe of ruder shape and workmanship, being wide and shovel-nosed,' used for the transportation of baggage. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 243; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 430-1; Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 108; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., pp. 25-6; Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, p. 20; Clark's Lights and Shadows, pp. 224-6.

[328] 'They offer a model that a white mechanic could definitely take pride in.' Description of how to make, and the designs of Queniult, Clallam, and Cowlitz canoes, and a Queniult paddle. Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 79-82. At Port Orchard, they 'exactly matched the canoes of Nootka,' whereas those of some visitors were 'cut square at both ends,' similar to those seen below Cape Orford. At Gray Harbor, the war canoes 'had a piece of wood rudely carved, perforated, and positioned at each end, three feet above the gunwale; through these holes they can shoot their arrows.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 264; vol. ii., p. 84. The Clallam boats were 'low and straight, only suited for the calmer interior waters.' Scammon, in Overland Monthly, vol. vii., p. 278. Cut showing Nootsak canoes in Harper's Mag., vol. xxxix., p. 799. 'The sides are very thin, rarely more than three-fourths of an inch thick.' To repair the canoe when cracks appear, 'holes are drilled in the sides, through which withes are threaded, and pegged so that the tension pulls it tighter; the withe is then crossed, and the end secured the same way. Once the tying is complete, the entire thing is coated with pine gum.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 320-1. The Clallams have 'a large canoe with a rougher shape and construction, being wide and shovel-nosed,' used for transporting cargo. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 243; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 430-1; Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 108; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., pp. 25-6; Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, p. 20; Clark's Lights and Shadows, pp. 224-6.

[329] Kane's Wand., pp. 237-9; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, p. 409; Starling, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 601; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 26.

[329] Kane's Wand., pp. 237-9; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, p. 409; Starling, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 601; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 26.

[330] 'Ils obéissent à un chef, qui n'exerce son pouvoir qu'en temps de guerre.' Rossi, Souvenirs, p. 299. At Gray Harbor 'they appeared to be divided into three different tribes, or parties, each having one or two chiefs.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 84. Wilkes met a squaw chief at Nisqually, who 'seemed to exercise more authority than any that had been met with.' 'Little or no distinction of rank seems to exist among them; the authority of the chiefs is no longer recognized.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 444; vol. v., p. 131. Yellow-cum had become chief of the Makahs from his own personal prowess. Kane's Wand., pp. 237-9; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, pp. 327-8.

[330] 'They follow a leader, who only exerts his power during wartime.' Rossi, Souvenirs, p. 299. At Gray Harbor, 'they seemed to be split into three different tribes, or groups, each led by one or two chiefs.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 84. Wilkes encountered a female chief at Nisqually, who 'appeared to have more authority than anyone else met.' 'There seems to be little or no distinction in rank among them; the authority of the chiefs is no longer acknowledged.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 444; vol. v., p. 131. Yellow-cum had risen to chief of the Makahs due to his own personal strength. Kane's Wand., pp. 237-9; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, pp. 327-8.

[331] Sproat's Scenes, p. 92; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., pp. 242-3; Kane's Wand., pp. 214-15. The Nooksaks 'have no slaves.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, pp. 327-8; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 601. It is said 'that the descendants of slaves obtain freedom at the expiration of three centuries.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 28.

[331] Sproat's Scenes, p. 92; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., pp. 242-3; Kane's Wand., pp. 214-15. The Nooksaks 'don't have any slaves.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, pp. 327-8; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 601. It is claimed 'that the descendants of slaves gain their freedom after three hundred years.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 28.

[332] The Makahs have some marriage ceremonies, 'such as going through the performance of taking the whale, manning a canoe, and throwing the harpoon into the bride's house.' Ind. Aff. Rept., p. 242. The Nooksak women 'are very industrious, and do most of the work, and procure the principal part of their sustenance.' Id., 1857, p. 327. 'The women have not the slightest pretension to virtue.' Id., 1858, p. 225; Siwash Nuptials, in Olympia Washington Standard, July 30, 1870. In matters of trade the opinion of the women is always called in, and their decision decides the bargain. Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 108. 'The whole burden of domestic occupation is thrown upon them.' Cut of the native baby-jumper. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 319-20, 361. At Gray Harbor they were not jealous. At Port Discovery they offered their children for sale. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 231; vol. ii., pp. 83-4. 'Rarely having more than three or four' children. Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 266; Clark's Lights and Shadows, pp. 224-6.

[332] The Makahs have some marriage ceremonies, like performing the whale hunt, paddling a canoe, and throwing the harpoon into the bride's house. Ind. Aff. Rept., p. 242. The Nooksak women are very hardworking, doing most of the labor and providing the main part of their food. Id., 1857, p. 327. The women make no claims to virtue. Id., 1858, p. 225; Siwash Nuptials, in Olympia Washington Standard, July 30, 1870. When it comes to trade, the women's opinions are always sought, and their decisions determine the agreement. Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 108. The entire responsibility for domestic tasks falls on them. Cut of the native baby-jumper. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 319-20, 361. At Gray Harbor, they were not jealous. At Port Discovery, they even offered their children for sale. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 231; vol. ii., pp. 83-4. They rarely have more than three or four children. Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 266; Clark's Lights and Shadows, pp. 224-6.

[333] Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 320, 444; Rossi, Souvenirs, pp. 298-9; San Francisco Bulletin, May 24, 1859.

[333] Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 320, 444; Rossi, Souvenirs, pp. 298-9; San Francisco Bulletin, May 24, 1859.

[334] Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 263, 270. The Lummi 'are a very superstitious tribe, and pretend to have traditions—legends handed down to them by their ancestors.' 'No persuasion or pay will induce them to kill an owl or eat a pheasant.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, pp. 327-8; Kane's Wand., pp. 216-17, 229. No forms of salutation. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., pp. 23-4; Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, pp. 21-2.

[334] Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 263, 270. The Lummi are a very superstitious tribe and claim to have traditions—legends passed down by their ancestors. No amount of persuasion or money will convince them to kill an owl or eat a pheasant. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, pp. 327-8; Kane's Wand., pp. 216-17, 229. No forms of greeting. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., pp. 23-4; Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, pp. 21-2.

[335] Among the Skagits 'Dr. Holmes saw an old man in the last stage of consumption, shivering from the effects of a cold bath at the temperature of 40° Fahrenheit. A favourite remedy in pulmonary consumption is to tie a rope tightly around the thorax, so as to force the diaphram to perform respiration without the aid of the thoracic muscles.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 512. Among the Clallams, to cure a girl of a disease of the side, after stripping the patient naked, the medicine-man, throwing off his blanket, 'commenced singing and gesticulating in the most violent manner, whilst the others kept time by beating with little sticks on hollow wooden bowls and drums, singing continually. After exercising himself in this manner for about half an hour, until the perspiration ran down his body, he darted suddenly upon the young woman, catching hold of her side with his teeth and shaking her for a few minutes, while the patient seemed to suffer great agony. He then relinquished his hold, and cried out that he had got it, at the same time holding his hands to his mouth; after which he plunged them in the water and pretended to hold down with great difficulty the disease which he had extracted.' Kane's Wand., pp. 225-6. Small-pox seemed very prevalent by which many had lost the sight of one eye. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 242. To cure a cold in the face the Queniults burned certain herbs to a cinder and mixing them with grease, anointed the face. Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 265. Among the Nooksaks mortality has not increased with civilization. 'As yet the only causes of any amount are consumption and the old diseases.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 327. At Neah Bay, 'a scrofulous affection pervades the whole tribe.' The old, sick and maimed are abandoned by their friends to die. Id., 1872, p. 350.

[335] Among the Skagits, 'Dr. Holmes saw an old man in the final stage of tuberculosis, shivering from a cold bath at a temperature of 40° Fahrenheit. A common treatment for lung issues is to tie a rope tightly around the chest to force the diaphragm to breathe without using the chest muscles.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 512. Among the Clallams, to treat a girl with a side ailment, after undressing the patient, the medicine-man, tossing off his blanket, 'began singing and gesturing wildly, while the others kept rhythm by hitting hollow wooden bowls and drums, singing all the while. After about half an hour of this, sweating profusely, he suddenly lunged at the young woman, grabbing her side with his teeth and shaking her for a few minutes, while she appeared to be in severe pain. He then let go and declared that he had got it, holding his hands to his mouth; after which he plunged them into the water and pretended to struggle to hold down the disease he had extracted.' Kane's Wand., pp. 225-6. Smallpox seemed quite common, with many losing sight in one eye. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 242. To treat a facial cold, the Queniults burned certain herbs into ashes and mixed them with grease to apply to the face. Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 265. Among the Nooksaks, death rates have not risen with civilization. 'So far, the only significant causes are tuberculosis and the old diseases.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 327. At Neah Bay, 'a scrofulous illness affects the entire tribe.' The old, sick, and disabled are abandoned by their families to die. Id., 1872, p. 350.

[336] Slaves have no right to burial. Kane's Wand., p. 215. At a Queniult burial place 'the different colored blankets and calicoes hung round gave the place an appearance of clothes hung out to dry on a washing day.' Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 267. At Port Orchard bodies were 'wrapped firmly in matting, beneath which was a white blanket, closely fastened round the body, and under this a covering of blue cotton.' At Port Discovery bodies 'are wrapped in mats and placed upon the ground in a sitting posture, and surrounded with stakes and pieces of plank to protect them.' On the Cowlitz the burial canoes are painted with figures, and gifts are not deposited till several months after the funeral. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 323, 347-8, 509-10. Among the Nisquallies bodies of relatives are sometimes disinterred at different places, washed, re-wrapped and buried again in one grave. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 238-9. 'Ornés de rubans de diverses couleurs, de dents de poissons, de chapelets et d'autres brimborions du goût des sauvages.' Rossi, Souvenirs, pp. 74-5. On Penn Cove, in a deserted village, were found 'several sepulchres formed exactly like a centry box. Some of them were open, and contained the skeletons of many young children tied up in baskets.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 254-6, 287; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 242; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 429. A correspondent describes a flathead mummy from Puget Sound preserved in San Francisco. 'The eye-balls are still round under the lid; the teeth, the muscles, and tendons perfect, the veins injected with some preserving liquid, the bowels, stomach and liver dried up, but not decayed, all perfectly preserved. The very blanket that entwines him, made of some threads of bark and saturated with a pitchy substance, is entire.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 693; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 32.

[336] Slaves have no right to burial. Kane's Wand., p. 215. At a Queniult burial site, 'the different colored blankets and fabrics hanging around made the place look like clothes hung out to dry on laundry day.' Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 267. At Port Orchard, bodies were 'wrapped tightly in matting, with a white blanket securely fastened around the body, and underneath this, a layer of blue cotton.' At Port Discovery, bodies 'are wrapped in mats and positioned on the ground in a sitting posture, surrounded by stakes and pieces of plank for protection.' On the Cowlitz, burial canoes are painted with designs, and gifts are not given until several months after the funeral. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 323, 347-8, 509-10. Among the Nisquallies, the bodies of relatives are sometimes exhumed from different places, washed, re-wrapped, and buried again in one grave. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 238-9. 'Decorated with ribbons of various colors, fish teeth, beads, and other trinkets that appeal to the natives.' Rossi, Souvenirs, pp. 74-5. On Penn Cove, in an abandoned village, 'several tombs shaped exactly like a sentry box were discovered. Some were open and held the skeletons of many young children tied up in baskets.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 254-6, 287; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 242; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 429. One correspondent describes a flathead mummy from Puget Sound preserved in San Francisco. 'The eye sockets still hold round eyeballs under the lid; the teeth, muscles, and tendons are intact, the veins filled with some preserving liquid, the bowels, stomach, and liver are dried up but not decayed, all perfectly preserved. The very blanket that wraps him, made of some bark threads and soaked in a pitch-like substance, is complete.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 693; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 32.

[337] 'Their native bashfulness renders all squaws peculiarly sensitive to any public notice or ridicule.' Probably the laziest people in the world. The mails are intrusted with safety to Indian carriers, who are perfectly safe from interference on the part of any Indian they may meet. Kane's Wand., p. 209-16, 227-8, 234, 247-8. 'La mémoire locale et personelle du sauvage est admirable; il n'oublie jamais un endroit ni une personne.' Nature seems to have given him memory to supply the want of intelligence. 'Much inclined to vengeance. Those having means may avert vengeance by payments.' Rossi, Souvenirs, pp. 113, 295-9. 'Perfectly indifferent to exposure; decency has no meaning in their language.' Although always begging, they refuse to accept any article not in good condition, calling it Peeshaaak, a term of contempt. Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., pp. 108-9. Murder of a Spanish boat's crew in latitude 47° 20´. Maurelle's Jour., pp. 29, 31. 'Cheerful and well disposed' at Port Orchard. At Strait of Fuca 'little more elevated in their moral qualities than the Fuegians.' At Nisqually, 'addicted to stealing.' 'Vicious and exceedingly lazy, sleeping all day.' The Skagits are catholics, and are more advanced than others in civilization. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 317, 444, 510-11, 517. Both at Gray Harbor and Puget Sound they were uniformly civil and friendly, fair and honest in trade. Each tribe claimed that 'the others were bad people and that the party questioned were the only good Indians in the harbor.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 256; vol. ii., pp. 83-4. 'The Clallam tribe has always had a bad character, which their intercourse with shipping, and the introduction of whiskey, has by no means improved.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 243. 'The superior courage of the Makahs, as well as their treachery, will make them more difficult of management than most other tribes.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 429. The Lummis and other tribes at Bellingham Bay have already abandoned their ancient barbarous habits, and have adopted those of civilization. Coleman, in Harper's Mag., vol. xxxix., pp. 795-7; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., pp. 240-2. 'The instincts of these people are of a very degraded character. They are filthy, cowardly, lazy, treacherous, drunken, avaricious, and much given to thieving. The women have not the slightest pretension to virtue.' The Makahs 'are the most independent Indians in my district—they and the Quilleyutes, their near neighbors.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, pp. 225, 231; Id., 1862, p. 390; Id., 1870, p. 20; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 601; Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, p. 58; Cram's Top. Mem., p. 65.

[337] 'Their natural shyness makes all women particularly sensitive to any public attention or ridicule.' Probably the laziest people in the world. The mail is safely carried by Indian carriers, who are completely secure from any interference by other Indians they might encounter. Kane's Wand., p. 209-16, 227-8, 234, 247-8. 'The local and personal memory of the savage is remarkable; they never forget a place or a person.' Nature seems to have given them memory to compensate for a lack of intelligence. 'They have a strong inclination for revenge. Those with resources can avoid vengeance through payment.' Rossi, Souvenirs, pp. 113, 295-9. 'They are completely indifferent to exposure; decency holds no meaning in their language.' Although they are always begging, they refuse to accept anything that is not in good condition, referring to it as Peeshaaak, a term of contempt. Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., pp. 108-9. Murder of a Spanish boat's crew in latitude 47° 20´. Maurelle's Jour., pp. 29, 31. 'Cheerful and well-disposed' at Port Orchard. In the Strait of Fuca, they are 'only slightly better in their moral qualities than the Fuegians.' At Nisqually, they are 'prone to stealing.' 'Vicious and extremely lazy, sleeping all day.' The Skagits are Catholics and are more advanced than others in terms of civilization. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 317, 444, 510-11, 517. Both at Gray Harbor and Puget Sound, they were consistently polite and friendly, fair and honest in trade. Each tribe claimed that 'the others were bad people and that the group questioned were the only good Indians in the harbor.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 256; vol. ii., pp. 83-4. 'The Clallam tribe has always had a bad reputation, which their interactions with shipping and the introduction of whiskey have not improved.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 243. 'The superior courage of the Makahs, along with their treachery, will make them harder to manage than most other tribes.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 429. The Lummis and other tribes at Bellingham Bay have already abandoned their old barbaric habits and have taken on those of civilization. Coleman, in Harper's Mag., vol. xxxix., pp. 795-7; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., pp. 240-2. 'The instincts of these people are of a very degraded nature. They are dirty, cowardly, lazy, treacherous, drunken, greedy, and very prone to stealing. The women have no claim to virtue whatsoever.' The Makahs 'are the most independent Indians in my region—they and the Quilleyutes, their nearby neighbors.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, pp. 225, 231; Id., 1862, p. 390; Id., 1870, p. 20; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 601; Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, p. 58; Cram's Top. Mem., p. 65.

[338] Perhaps the Cascades might more properly be named as the boundary, since the region of the Dalles, from the earliest records, has been the rendezvous for fishing, trading, and gambling purposes, of tribes from every part of the surrounding country, rather than the home of any particular nation.

[338] Maybe the Cascades should more accurately be called the boundary, since the area of the Dalles has been a gathering place for fishing, trading, and gambling for tribes from all around, rather than being the home of any specific nation.

[339] For details see Tribal Boundaries at the end of this chapter. The Chinooks, Clatsops, Wakiakums and Cathlamets, 'resembling each other in person, dress, language, and manners.' The Chinooks and Wakiakums were originally one tribe, and Wakiakum was the name of the chief who seceded with his adherents. Irving's Astoria, pp. 335-6. 'They may be regarded as the distinctive type of the tribes to the north of the Oregon, for it is in them that the peculiarities of the population of these regions are seen in the most striking manner.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 15-6, 36. All the tribes about the mouth of the Columbia 'appear to be descended from the same stock ... and resemble one another in language, dress, and habits.' Ross' Adven., pp. 87-8. The Cathleyacheyachs at the Cascades differ but little from the Chinooks. Id., p. 111. Scouler calls the Columbia tribes Cathlascons, and considers them 'intimately related to the Kalapooiah Family.' Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 225. The Willamette tribes 'differ very little in their habits and modes of life, from those on the Columbia River.' Hunter's Cap., p. 72. Mofras makes Killimous a general name for all Indians south of the Columbia. Explor., tom. ii., p. 357; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 114-18; Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 133. The Nechecolees on the Willamette claimed an affinity with the Eloots at the Narrows of the Columbia. The Killamucks 'resemble in almost every particular the Clatsops and Chinnooks. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 427, 504. 'Of the Coast Indians that I have seen there seems to be so little difference in their style of living that a description of one family will answer for the whole.' Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 153-4. 'All the natives inhabiting the southern shore of the Straits, and the deeply indented territory as far and including the tide-waters of the Columbia, may be comprehended under the general term of Chinooks.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 25.

[339] For details see Tribal Boundaries at the end of this chapter. The Chinooks, Clatsops, Wakiakums, and Cathlamets all share similarities in appearance, clothing, language, and customs. The Chinooks and Wakiakums were originally one tribe, with Wakiakum as the name of the chief who separated with his followers. Irving's Astoria, pp. 335-6. 'They can be seen as the typical representatives of the tribes north of Oregon, as they most clearly display the unique traits of the population in these areas.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 15-6, 36. All the tribes near the mouth of the Columbia 'seem to come from the same ancestry ... and have similarities in language, clothing, and customs.' Ross' Adven., pp. 87-8. The Cathleyacheyachs at the Cascades are very similar to the Chinooks. Id., p. 111. Scouler refers to the Columbia tribes as Cathlascons and believes they are 'closely related to the Kalapooiah Family.' Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 225. The Willamette tribes 'are very similar in their lifestyles and ways of living to those along the Columbia River.' Hunter's Cap., p. 72. Mofras uses Killimous as a general name for all Native Americans south of the Columbia. Explor., tom. ii., p. 357; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 114-18; Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 133. The Nechecolees on the Willamette claimed a connection with the Eloots at the Columbia Narrows. The Killamucks 'are almost identical to the Clatsops and Chinooks in nearly every regard.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 427, 504. 'Among the Coastal tribes I've encountered, there seems to be so little variation in their way of life that a description of one group serves for all.' Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 153-4. 'All the natives living on the southern shore of the Straits and the deeply indented land extending to and including the tide waters of the Columbia can be collectively referred to as Chinooks.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 25.

[340] 'The race of the Chenooks is nearly run. From a large and powerful tribe ... they have dwindled down to about a hundred individuals, ... and these are a depraved, licentious, drunken set.' Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 108-10. The Willopahs 'may be considered as extinct, a few women only remaining.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 428; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 351; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 239-40; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 354; vol. ii., p. 217; De Smet, Missions de l'Orégon, pp. 163-4; Kane's Wand., pp. 173-6, 196-7; Irving's Astoria, pp. 335-6; Fitzgerald's Hud. B. Co., pp. 170-2; Hines' Oregon, pp. 103-19, 236; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., pp. 52-3; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 36; Palmer's Jour., pp. 84, 87; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 191-2. 'In the Wallamette valley, their favorite country, ... there are but few remnants left, and they are dispirited and broken-hearted.' Robertson's Oregon, p. 130.

[340] 'The Chenook people are nearly extinct. Once a large and powerful tribe, they have dwindled to about a hundred individuals, and these are a depraved, reckless, drunken group.' Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 108-10. The Willopahs 'are basically extinct, with only a few women remaining.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 428; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 351; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 239-40; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 354; vol. ii., p. 217; De Smet, Missions de l'Orégon, pp. 163-4; Kane's Wand., pp. 173-6, 196-7; Irving's Astoria, pp. 335-6; Fitzgerald's Hud. B. Co., pp. 170-2; Hines' Oregon, pp. 103-19, 236; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., pp. 52-3; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 36; Palmer's Jour., pp. 84, 87; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 191-2. 'In the Willamette Valley, their favorite area, there are only a few remnants left, and they are dispirited and heartbroken.' Robertson's Oregon, p. 130.

[341] 'The personal appearance of the Chinooks differs so much from that of the aboriginal tribes of the United States, that it was difficult at first to recognize the affinity.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 27. 'There are no two nations in Europe so dissimilar as the tribes to the north and those to the south of the Columbia.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 88; vol. ii., p. 36. 'Thick set limbs,' north; 'slight,' south. Id., vol. i., p. 88; vol. ii., p. 16. 'Very inferior in muscular power.' Id., vol. ii., pp. 15-16. 'Among the ugliest of their race. They are below the middle size, with squat, clumsy forms.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 198, 216. The men from five feet to five feet six inches high, with well-shaped limbs; the women six to eight inches shorter, with bandy legs, thick ankles, broad, flat feet, loose hanging breasts. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 303-4. 'A diminutive race, generally below five feet five inches, with crooked legs and thick ankles.' 'Broad, flat feet.' Irving's Astoria, pp. 87, 336. 'But not deficient in strength or activity.' Nicolay's Oregon, p. 145. Men 'stout, muscular and strong, but not tall;' women 'of the middle size, but very stout and flabby, with short necks and shapeless limbs.' Ross' Adven., pp. 89-93. At Cape Orford none exceed five feet six inches; 'tolerably well limbed, though slender in their persons.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 204. The Willamette tribes were somewhat larger and better shaped than those of the Columbia and the coast. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 425, 436-7, 504, 508. Hunter's Cap., pp. 70-73; Hines' Voy., pp. 88, 91. 'Persons of the men generally are rather symmetrical; their stature is low, with light sinewy limbs, and remarkably small, delicate hands. The women are usually more rotund, and, in some instances, even approach obesity.' Townsend's Nar., p. 178. 'Many not even five feet.' Franchère's Nar., pp. 240-1. Can endure cold, but not fatigue; sharp sight and hearing, but obtuse smell and taste. 'The women are uncouth, and from a combination of causes appear old at an early age. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 244-5. 'The Indians north of the Columbia are, for the most part good-looking, robust men, some of them having fine, symmetrical, forms. They have been represented as diminutive, with crooked legs and uncouth features. This is not correct; but, as a general rule, the direct reverse is the truth.' Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 154; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 122-3.

[341] 'The way the Chinooks look is so different from the native tribes of the United States that it was hard at first to see their similarities.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 27. 'There are no two nations in Europe as different as the tribes to the north and those to the south of the Columbia.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 88; vol. ii., p. 36. 'Thick-set limbs' in the north; 'slender' in the south. Id., vol. i., p. 88; vol. ii., p. 16. 'Very weak in muscular power.' Id., vol. ii., pp. 15-16. 'Among the least attractive of their kind. They are generally shorter than average, with stocky, awkward builds.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 198, 216. Men are about five to five and a half feet tall, with well-shaped limbs; the women are six to eight inches shorter, with bowed legs, thick ankles, broad, flat feet, and sagging breasts. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 303-4. 'A small race, mostly under five feet five inches, with crooked legs and thick ankles.' 'Broad, flat feet.' Irving's Astoria, pp. 87, 336. 'But they aren't lacking in strength or agility.' Nicolay's Oregon, p. 145. Men are 'sturdy, muscular and strong, but not tall;' women are 'of average height, but very stout and flabby, with short necks and shapeless limbs.' Ross' Adven., pp. 89-93. At Cape Orford, none are taller than five feet six inches; 'fairly well-proportioned, although slender in build.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 204. The Willamette tribes were somewhat larger and better built than those of the Columbia and the coast. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 425, 436-7, 504, 508. Hunter's Cap., pp. 70-73; Hines' Voy., pp. 88, 91. 'Most men have a fairly symmetrical appearance; their stature is low, with lean, sinewy limbs and notably small, delicate hands. The women are usually rounder, and in some cases, even close to being obese.' Townsend's Nar., p. 178. 'Many are even under five feet.' Franchère's Nar., pp. 240-1. They can handle cold well, but not fatigue; have sharp eyesight and hearing, but a poor sense of smell and taste. 'The women are awkward, and due to various factors, seem to age early.' Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 244-5. 'The Indians north of the Columbia are mostly attractive, sturdy men, some having fine, symmetrical builds. They have been described as small, with crooked legs and unattractive features. This is not correct; in general, the opposite is true.' Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 154; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 122-3.

[342] The following terms applied to Chinook complexion are taken from the authors quoted in the preceding note: 'Copper-colored brown;' 'light copper color;' 'light olive;' 'fair complexion.' 'Not dark' when young. 'Rough tanned skins.' 'Dingy copper.' 'Fairer' than eastern Indians. Fairer on the coast than on the Columbia. Half-breeds partake of the swarthy hue of their mothers.

[342] The following terms related to Chinook complexion are taken from the authors mentioned in the previous note: 'Copper-colored brown;' 'light copper color;' 'light olive;' 'fair complexion.' 'Not dark' when they are young. 'Rough tanned skin.' 'Dingy copper.' 'Fairer' than eastern Indians. Fairer on the coast than along the Columbia. Half-breeds inherit the darker tone of their mothers.

[343] 'The Cheenook cranium, even when not flattened, is long and narrow, compressed laterally, keel-shaped, like the skull of the Esquimaux.' Broad and high cheek-bones, with a receding forehead.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 220. 'Skulls ... totally devoid of any peculiar development.' Nose flat, nostrils distended, short irregular teeth; eyes black, piercing and treacherous. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 115, 303. 'Broad faces, low foreheads, lank black hair, wide mouths.' 'Flat noses, and eyes turned obliquely upward at the outer corner.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 198, 216. 'Faces are round, with small, but animated eyes. Their noses are broad and flat at the top, and fleshy at the end, with large nostrils.' Irving's Astoria, p. 336. Portraits of two Calapooya Indians. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 14. South of the Columbia they have 'long faces, thin lips,' but the Calapooyas in Willamette Valley have 'broad faces, low foreheads,' and the Chinooks have 'a wide face, flat nose, and eyes turned obliquely outwards.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 88; vol. ii., pp. 15-16. 'Dull phlegmatic want of expression' common to all adults. Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 145. Women 'well-featured,' with 'light hair, and prominent eyes.' Ross' Adven., pp. 89-93. 'Their features rather partook of the general European character.' Hair long and black, clean and neatly combed. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 204. 'Women have, in general, handsome faces.' 'There are rare instances of high aquiline noses; the eyes are generally black,' but sometimes 'of a dark yellowish brown, with a black pupil.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 425, 436-7. The men carefully eradicate every vestige of a beard. Dunn's Oregon, p. 124. 'The features of many are regular, though often devoid of expression.' Townsend's Nar., p. 178. 'Pluck out the beard at its first appearance.' Kane's Wand., p. 181. Portrait of chief, p. 174. 'A few of the old men only suffer a tuft to grow upon their chins.' Franchère's Nar., p. 240. One of the Clatsops 'had the reddest hair I ever saw, and a fair skin, much freckled.' Gass' Jour., p. 244; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 75. For descriptions and plates of Chinook skulls see Morton's Crania, pp. 202-13; pl. 42-7, 49, 50, and Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., pp. 318-34.

[343] 'The Chinook skull, even when not flattened, is long and narrow, compressed from the sides, and shaped like a keel, similar to the skull of the Eskimos.' They have broad and high cheekbones, with a receding forehead.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 220. 'Skulls ... completely lacking any unique features.' The nose is flat, nostrils are wide, teeth are short and irregular; the eyes are black, piercing, and deceitful. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 115, 303. 'They have broad faces, low foreheads, straight black hair, and wide mouths.' 'Flat noses, and eyes that tilt upward at the outer corners.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 198, 216. 'Their faces are round, with small but expressive eyes. Their noses are broad and flat at the top, fleshy at the tip, with large nostrils.' Irving's Astoria, p. 336. Portraits of two Calapooya Indians. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 14. South of the Columbia, they have 'long faces and thin lips,' but the Calapooyas in the Willamette Valley have 'broad faces and low foreheads,' and the Chinooks have 'wide faces, flat noses, and eyes that point outward.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 88; vol. ii., pp. 15-16. 'A dull, phlegmatic lack of expression' is common among all adults. Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 145. Women are 'well-featured,' with 'light hair and prominent eyes.' Ross' Adven., pp. 89-93. 'Their features generally resemble those of Europeans.' Hair is long and black, clean and neatly styled. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 204. 'Women generally have attractive faces.' 'There are rare cases of high, aquiline noses; the eyes are usually black,' but sometimes 'a dark yellowish-brown, with a black pupil.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 425, 436-7. The men meticulously remove all traces of a beard. Dunn's Oregon, p. 124. 'Many have regular features, though often lack expression.' Townsend's Nar., p. 178. 'They pluck out the beard as soon as it starts to grow.' Kane's Wand., p. 181. Portrait of a chief, p. 174. 'Only a few old men let a tuft grow on their chins.' Franchère's Nar., p. 240. One of the Clatsops 'had the reddest hair I'd ever seen and a fair, heavily freckled skin.' Gass' Jour., p. 244; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 75. For descriptions and images of Chinook skulls see Morton's Crania, pp. 202-13; pl. 42-7, 49, 50, and Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., pp. 318-34.

[344] 'Practiced by at least ten or twelve distinct tribes of the lower country.' Townsend's Nar., pp. 175-6. 'On the coast it is limited to a space of about one hundred and seventy miles, extending between Cape Flattery and Cape Look-out. Inland, it extends up the Columbia to the first rapids, or one hundred and forty miles, and is checked at the falls on the Wallamette.' Belcher's Voy., vol. i., p. 307. The custom 'prevails among all the nations we have seen west of the Rocky Mountains,' but 'diminishes in receding eastward.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 437. 'The Indians at the Dalles do not distort the head.' Kane's Wand., pp. 263, 180-2. 'The Chinooks are the most distinguished for their attachment to this singular usage.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 198. The tribes from the Columbia River to Millbank Sound flatten the forehead, also the Yakimas and Klikitats of the interior. Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 231-2, 249. 'The practice prevails, generally, from the mouth of the Columbia to the Dalles, about one hundred and eighty miles, and from the Straits of Fuca on the north, to Coos Bay.... Northward of the Straits it diminishes gradually to a mere slight compression, finally confined to women, and abandoned entirely north of Milbank Sound. So east of the Cascade Mountains, it dies out in like manner.' Gibbs, in Nott and Gliddon's Indig. Races, p. 337. 'None but such as are of noble birth are allowed to flatten their skulls.' Gray's Hist. Ogn., p. 197.

[344] 'Practiced by at least ten or twelve distinct tribes of the lower country.' Townsend's Nar., pp. 175-6. 'On the coast, it covers an area of about one hundred and seventy miles, stretching between Cape Flattery and Cape Lookout. Inland, it goes up the Columbia River to the first rapids, or one hundred and forty miles, and stops at the falls on the Willamette.' Belcher's Voy., vol. i., p. 307. The custom 'is seen among all the nations we have encountered west of the Rocky Mountains,' but 'decreases as you move east.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 437. 'The Indians at the Dalles do not shape their heads.' Kane's Wand., pp. 263, 180-2. 'The Chinooks are the most well-known for their commitment to this unusual practice.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 198. The tribes from the Columbia River to Millbank Sound flatten their foreheads, as do the Yakimas and Klikitats from the interior. Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 231-2, 249. 'This practice generally occurs from the mouth of the Columbia to the Dalles, about one hundred and eighty miles, and from the Straits of Juan de Fuca in the north down to Coos Bay.... North of the Straits, it gradually reduces to a slight compression, eventually being limited to women, and completely disappears north of Millbank Sound. Similarly, to the east of the Cascade Mountains, it fades away.' Gibbs, in Nott and Gliddon's Indig. Races, p. 337. 'Only those of noble birth are permitted to flatten their skulls.' Gray's Hist. Ogn., p. 197.

[345] All authors who mention the Chinooks have something to say of this custom; the following give some description of the process and its effects, containing, however, no points not included in that given above. Dunn's Oregon, pp. 122-3, 128-30; Ross' Adven., pp. 99-100; Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 167-8, with cut; Chamber's Jour., vol. x., pp. 111-2; Belcher's Voy., vol. i., pp. 307-11, with cuts; Townsend's Nar., pp. 175-6; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 216; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 150; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 294; Irving's Astoria, p. 89; Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 302; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., pp. 110-11, with plate. Females remain longer than the boys. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 476, 437. 'Not so great a deformity as is generally supposed.' Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 142-3, 251-2. 'Looking with contempt even upon the white for having round heads.' Kane's Wand., p. 181, 204, cut. 'As a general thing the tribes that have followed the practice of flattening the skull are inferior in intellect, less stirring and enterprising in their habits, and far more degraded in their morals than other tribes.' Gray's Hist. Ogn., p. 197. Mr. Gray is the only authority I have seen for this injurious effect, except Domenech, who pronounces the flat-heads more subject to apoplexy than others. Deserts, vol. ii., p. 87; Gass' Jour., pp. 224-5; Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 335-7; Morton's Crania Am., pp. 203-13, cut of cradle and of skulls; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 349-50, Atlas, pl. 26; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, pp. 294-5, 328, with cut; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 124; Wilson, in Smithsonian Rept., 1862, p. 287.

[345] Every author who discusses the Chinooks addresses this custom; the following authors provide some descriptions of the process and its effects, although they don't bring up any points not already mentioned above. Dunn's Oregon, pp. 122-3, 128-30; Ross' Adven., pp. 99-100; Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 167-8, with illustration; Chamber's Jour., vol. x., pp. 111-2; Belcher's Voy., vol. i., pp. 307-11, with illustrations; Townsend's Nar., pp. 175-6; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 216; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 150; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 294; Irving's Astoria, p. 89; Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 302; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., pp. 110-11, with plate. Females have a longer duration than the boys. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 476, 437. 'Not as severe a deformity as is generally believed.' Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 142-3, 251-2. 'Looking down on even the white people for having round heads.' Kane's Wand., p. 181, 204, illustration. 'Generally speaking, the tribes that practice skull flattening are less intelligent, less active and ambitious in their habits, and much more morally degraded than other tribes.' Gray's Hist. Ogn., p. 197. Mr. Gray is the only source I have found for this harmful effect, besides Domenech, who claims that flat-heads are more prone to apoplexy than others. Deserts, vol. ii., p. 87; Gass' Jour., pp. 224-5; Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 335-7; Morton's Crania Am., pp. 203-13, illustrations of cradle and skulls; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 349-50, Atlas, pl. 26; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, pp. 294-5, 328, with illustration; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 124; Wilson, in Smithsonian Rept., 1862, p. 287.

[346] The Multnomah women's hair 'is most commonly braided into two tresses falling over each ear in front of the body.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 508-9, 416, 425-6, 437-8. The Clackamas 'tattoo themselves below the mouth, which gives a light blue appearance to the countenance.' Kane's Wand., pp. 241, 184-5, 256. At Cape Orford 'they seemed to prefer the comforts of cleanliness to the painting of their bodies.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 204. On the Columbia 'in the decoration of their persons they surpassed all the other tribes with paints of different colours, feathers and other ornaments.' Id., vol. ii., p. 77. 'Ils mettent toute leur vanité dans leurs colliers et leurs pendants d'oreilles.' De Smet, Miss. de l'Orégon, p. 45. 'Some of these girls I have seen with the whole rim of their ears bored full of holes, into each of which would be inserted a string of these shells that reached to the floor, and the whole weighing so heavy that to save their ears from being pulled off they were obliged to wear a band across the top of the head.' 'I never have seen either men or women put oil or grease of any kind on their bodies.' Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 112, 158-9. See Dunn's Oregon, pp. 115, 123-4; Cox's Adven., pp. 111-12; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 25; Irving's Astoria, pp. 336-8; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 354; Franchère's Nar., p. 244.

[346] The Multnomah women typically braid their hair into two strands that hang over each ear in front of their bodies. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 508-9, 416, 425-6, 437-8. The Clackamas tattoo themselves below the mouth, giving their faces a light blue tint. Kane's Wand., pp. 241, 184-5, 256. At Cape Orford, they seemed to value cleanliness more than body painting. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 204. Along the Columbia, in terms of decoration, they outdid all other tribes with their colorful paints, feathers, and various ornaments. Id., vol. ii., p. 77. 'Ils mettent toute leur vanité dans leurs colliers et leurs pendants d'oreilles.' De Smet, Miss. de l'Orégon, p. 45. 'Some of these girls I have seen with their ears completely bored with holes, each filled with a string of shells that hung down to the floor, so heavy that they had to wear a band across the top of their heads to prevent their ears from being pulled off.' 'I have never seen either men or women apply any kind of oil or grease to their bodies.' Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 112, 158-9. See Dunn's Oregon, pp. 115, 123-4; Cox's Adven., pp. 111-12; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 25; Irving's Astoria, pp. 336-8; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 354; Franchère's Nar., p. 244.

[347] 'These robes are in general, composed of the skins of a small animal, which we have supposed to be the brown mungo.' 'Sometimes they have a blanket woven with the fingers, from the wool of their native sheep.' Every part of the body but the back and shoulders is exposed to view. The Nechecolies had 'larger and longer robes, which are generally of deer skin dressed in the hair.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 392, 425-6, 438, 504-9, 522. 'I have often seen them going about, half naked, when the thermometer ranged between 30° and 40°, and their children barefooted and barelegged in the snow.' 'The lower Indians do not dress as well, nor with as good taste, as the upper.' Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 244-5. The fringed skirt 'is still used by old women, and by all the females when they are at work in the water, and is called by them their siwash coat.' Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 154-5. Ross' Adven., pp. 89-93; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 123-4; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 15-16, 281-2, 288; Townsend's Nar., p. 178; Kane's Wand., pp. 184-5; Franchère's Nar., pp. 242-4. The conical cap reminded Pickering of the Siberian tribes. Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., pp. 25, 39; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 111-12, 126-7; Hines' Voy., p. 107. Collars of bears' claws, for the men, and elks' tusks for the women and children. Irving's Astoria, pp. 336-8; Gass' Jour., pp. 232, 239-40, 242-4, 267, 274, 278, 282.

[347] 'These robes are generally made from the skins of a small animal, which we think is the brown mungo.' 'Sometimes they have a blanket woven by hand from the wool of their local sheep.' Every part of the body except the back and shoulders is exposed. The Nechecolies had 'larger and longer robes, usually made from deer skin with the hair left on.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 392, 425-6, 438, 504-9, 522. 'I've often seen them walking around half-naked when the temperature was between 30° and 40°, with their children barefoot and barelegged in the snow.' 'The lower Indians don’t dress as well or with as much style as the upper ones.' Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 244-5. The fringed skirt 'is still worn by older women and by all the females when they are working in the water, and they call it their siwash coat.' Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 154-5. Ross' Adven., pp. 89-93; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 123-4; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 15-16, 281-2, 288; Townsend's Nar., p. 178; Kane's Wand., pp. 184-5; Franchère's Nar., pp. 242-4. The conical cap reminded Pickering of the Siberian tribes. Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., pp. 25, 39; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 111-12, 126-7; Hines' Voy., p. 107. Men wear collars made of bear claws, while women and children wear elk tusks. Irving's Astoria, pp. 336-8; Gass' Jour., pp. 232, 239-40, 242-4, 267, 274, 278, 282.

[348] 'Their houses seemed to be more comfortable than those at Nootka, the roof having a greater inclination, and the planking being thatched over with the bark of trees. The entrance is through a hole, in a broad plank, covered in such a manner as to resemble the face of a man, the mouth serving the purpose of a door-way. The fire-place is sunk into the earth, and confined from spreading above by a wooden frame.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 77. Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Archives, vol. iii., p. 206, speaks of a palisade enclosure ten or fifteen feet high, with a covered way to the river. 'The Indian huts on the banks of the Columbia are, for the most part, constructed of the bark of trees, pine branches, and brambles, which are sometimes covered with skins or rags.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 260. But 'the Chinooks build their houses of thick and broad planks,' etc. Id. Lewis and Clarke saw a house in the Willamette Valley two hundred and twenty-six feet long, divided into two ranges of large apartments separated by a narrow alley four feet wide. Travels, pp. 502-4, 509, 431-2, 415-16, 409, 392. The door is a piece of board 'which hangs loose by a string, like a sort of pendulum,' and is self-closing. Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 110-11. 'The tribes near the coast remove less frequently than those of the interior.' California, Past, Present and Future, p. 136. 'I never saw more than four fires, or above eighty persons—slaves and all—in the largest house.' Ross' Adven., pp. 98-9; Palmer's Jour., pp. 86, 108; Irving's Astoria, p. 322; Nicolay's Ogn., pp. 144, 148-9; Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 327, from Lewis and Clarke; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 135-7, from Lewis and Clarke; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 144-5, 178-9, 245; Franchère's Nar., pp. 247-8; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 65; Townsend's Nar., p. 181; Kane's Wand., pp. 187-8; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 204, 216-17; Strickland's Hist. Missions, pp. 136-9.

[348] 'Their homes seemed cozier than those at Nootka, with steeper roofs and planking thatched with tree bark. The entrance is through a hole in a wide plank, designed to look like a man's face, with the mouth acting as a doorway. The fireplace is built into the ground and contained by a wooden frame to prevent the fire from spreading. ' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 77. Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Archives, vol. iii., p. 206, mentions a palisade enclosure ten to fifteen feet high, with a covered path leading to the river. 'The Indian huts along the Columbia are mostly made from tree bark, pine branches, and brambles, sometimes covered with animal skins or rags.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 260. But 'the Chinooks build their houses from thick, wide planks,' etc. Id. Lewis and Clarke saw a house in the Willamette Valley that was two hundred and twenty-six feet long, divided into two sections of large rooms separated by a narrow alley four feet wide. Travels, pp. 502-4, 509, 431-2, 415-16, 409, 392. The door is a board 'that hangs loosely by a string, like a kind of pendulum,' and closes by itself. Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 110-11. 'The tribes near the coast move less often than those from the interior.' California, Past, Present and Future, p. 136. 'I never saw more than four fires or over eighty people—slaves included—in the biggest house.' Ross' Adven., pp. 98-9; Palmer's Jour., pp. 86, 108; Irving's Astoria, p. 322; Nicolay's Ogn., pp. 144, 148-9; Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 327, from Lewis and Clarke; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 135-7, from Lewis and Clarke; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 144-5, 178-9, 245; Franchère's Nar., pp. 247-8; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 65; Townsend's Nar., p. 181; Kane's Wand., pp. 187-8; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 204, 216-17; Strickland's Hist. Missions, pp. 136-9.

[349] 'In the summer they resort to the principal rivers and the sea coast, ... retiring to the smaller rivers of the interior during the cold season.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. Bay, p. 83. All small fish are driven into the small coves or shallow waters, 'when a number of Indians in canoes continue splashing the water; while others sink branches of pine. The fish are then taken easily out with scoops or wicker baskets.' Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., pp. 389, 288-9, 384-6, 390-1. Fish 'are not eaten till they become soft from keeping, when they are mashed with water.' In the Willamette Valley they raised corn, beans, and squashes. Hunter's Cap., pp. 70-2. A 'sturgeon, though weighing upwards of three hundred pounds, is, by the single effort of one Indian, jerked into the boat'! Dunn's Oregon, pp. 135, 114-15, 134, 137-9. The Umpquas, to cook salmon, 'all provided themselves with sticks about three feet long, pointed at one end and split at the other. They then apportioned the salmon, each one taking a large piece, and filling it with splinters to prevent its falling to pieces when cooking, which they fastened with great care, into the forked end of the stick; ... then placing themselves around the fire so as to describe a circle, they stuck the pointed end of the stick into the ground, a short distance from the fire, inclining the top towards the flames, so as to bring the salmon in contact with the heat, thus forming a kind of pyramid of salmon over the whole fire.' Hines' Voy., p. 102; Id. Ogn., p. 305. 'There are some articles of food which are mashed by the teeth before being boiled or roasted; this mastication is performed by the women.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 314, 316, 240-2. 'The salmon in this country are never caught with a (baited) hook.' Wilkes' Hist. Ogn., p. 107. 'Turbot and flounders are caught (at Shoalwater Bay) while wading in the water, by means of the feet.' Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 38, 83, 103-8, 140, 163-6, with cuts. On food, see Ross' Adven., vol. i., pp. 94-5, 97, 112-3; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 68-9, 181-3; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 409-15, 422, 425, 430-1, 445, 506; Wells, in Harper's Mag., vol. xiii., pp. 605-7, with cuts; Nicolay's Ogn., pp. 144, 147-8; Palmer's Jour., pp. 84, 105; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 244; Irving's Astoria, pp. 86, 335; Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 329-32; vol. ii., pp. 128-31; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113; Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 89; Ind. Life, p. 165; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 26; Kane's Wand., pp. 185-9; Franchère's Nar., pp. 235-7; Gass' Jour., pp. 224, 230-1, 282-3; Fédix, L'Orégon, pp. 44-5; Stanley's Portraits, pp. 59-62.

[349] 'In the summer, they go to the main rivers and the coast, ... retreating to the smaller rivers inland during the cold months.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. Bay, p. 83. All small fish move into the small coves or shallow waters, 'when a group of Indians in canoes keeps splashing the water; while others lower pine branches. The fish are then easily scooped out with nets or woven baskets.' Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., pp. 389, 288-9, 384-6, 390-1. Fish 'are not eaten until they become soft from being stored, when they are mashed with water.' In the Willamette Valley, they grew corn, beans, and squash. Hunter's Cap., pp. 70-2. A 'sturgeon, although weighing over three hundred pounds, is pulled into the boat by a single Indian'! Dunn's Oregon, pp. 135, 114-15, 134, 137-9. The Umpquas, to prepare salmon, 'all got sticks about three feet long, pointed at one end and split at the other. They then divided the salmon, each taking a large piece, and stuffing it with splinters to keep it from breaking apart while cooking, which they carefully secured into the forked end of the stick; ... then sitting in a circle around the fire, they stuck the pointed end of the stick into the ground, a short distance from the fire, tilting the top towards the flames to cook the salmon, thus forming a pyramid of salmon above the fire.' Hines' Voy., p. 102; Id. Ogn., p. 305. 'Some foods are chewed before boiling or roasting; this chewing is done by the women.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 314, 316, 240-2. 'Salmon in this region are never caught with a (baited) hook.' Wilkes' Hist. Ogn., p. 107. 'Turbot and flounders are caught (at Shoalwater Bay) while wading in the water, using their feet.' Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 38, 83, 103-8, 140, 163-6, with illustrations. For more on food, see Ross' Adven., vol. i., pp. 94-5, 97, 112-3; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 68-9, 181-3; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 409-15, 422, 425, 430-1, 445, 506; Wells, in Harper's Mag., vol. xiii., pp. 605-7, with illustrations; Nicolay's Ogn., pp. 144, 147-8; Palmer's Jour., pp. 84, 105; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 244; Irving's Astoria, pp. 86, 335; Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 329-32; vol. ii., pp. 128-31; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113; Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 89; Ind. Life, p. 165; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 26; Kane's Wand., pp. 185-9; Franchère's Nar., pp. 235-7; Gass' Jour., pp. 224, 230-1, 282-3; Fédix, L'Orégon, pp. 44-5; Stanley's Portraits, pp. 59-62.

[350] For description of the various roots and berries used by the Chinooks as food, see Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 450-5.

[350] For a description of the different roots and berries the Chinooks used as food, see Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 450-5.

[351] The Multnomahs 'are very fond of cold, hot, and vapour baths, which are used at all seasons, and for the purpose of health as well as pleasure. They, however, add a species of bath peculiar to themselves, by washing the whole body with urine every morning.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 509, 409. Eat insects from each other's head, for the animals bite them, and they claim the right to bite back. Kane's Wand., pp. 183-4.

[351] The Multnomahs really enjoy cold, hot, and steam baths, which they use year-round for both health and enjoyment. They also have a unique practice of washing their entire body with urine every morning. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 509, 409. They eat insects from each other's heads because the insects bite them, and they believe they have the right to bite back. Kane's Wand., pp. 183-4.

[352] Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 323-4; vol. ii., p. 13; Irving's Astoria, pp. 324, 338; Ross' Adven., p. 90; Kane's Wand., p. 189; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113, pl. 210½; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 124-5; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 429-31, 509; Hines' Ogn., p. 110; Franchère's Nar., p. 253; Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 206-7, 215-16, 468.

[352] Cox's Adventure., vol. i., pp. 323-4; vol. ii., p. 13; Irving's Astoria, pp. 324, 338; Ross' Adventure., p. 90; Kane's Wandering., p. 189; Catlin's North American Indians, vol. ii., p. 113, pl. 210½; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 124-5; Lewis and Clark's Travels., pp. 429-31, 509; Hines' Oregon., p. 110; Franchère's Narrative., p. 253; Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Archives., vol. iii., pp. 206-7, 215-16, 468.

[353] 'When the conflict is postponed till the next day, ... they keep up frightful cries all night long, and, when they are sufficiently near to understand each other, defy one another by menaces, railleries, and sarcasms, like the heroes of Homer and Virgil.' Franchère's Nar., pp. 251-4; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 322-3; Dunn's Oregon, p. 124; Irving's Astoria, pp. 340-1; Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 88, 105-8; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 354; Stanley's Portraits, pp. 61-2; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, p. 232.

[353] 'When the conflict is pushed to the next day, ... they keep up loud screams all night long, and, when they are close enough to understand each other, they challenge one another with threats, taunts, and sarcasm, just like the heroes in Homer and Virgil.' Franchère's Nar., pp. 251-4; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 322-3; Dunn's Oregon, p. 124; Irving's Astoria, pp. 340-1; Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 88, 105-8; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 354; Stanley's Portraits, pp. 61-2; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, p. 232.

[354] Pickering makes 'the substitution of the water-proof basket, for the square wooden bucket of the straits' the chief difference between this and the Sound Family. Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 25; Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 206; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 77; Ross' Adven., p. 92; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 241, 260; Franchère's Nar., pp. 248-9; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 432-5; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 329-32; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 138-9; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113, pl. 210½, showing cradle, ladles, Wapato diggers, Pautomaugons, or war clubs and pipes. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 248-9; Kane's Wand., pp. 184-5, 188-9.

[354] Pickering points out that the main difference between this and the Sound Family is the use of a water-proof basket instead of the square wooden bucket from the Straits. Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 25; Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 206; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 77; Ross' Adven., p. 92; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 241, 260; Franchère's Nar., pp. 248-9; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 432-5; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 329-32; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 138-9; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113, pl. 210½, showing cradle, ladles, Wapato diggers, Pautomaugons, or war clubs and pipes. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 248-9; Kane's Wand., pp. 184-5, 188-9.

[355] Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 161-3; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 253.

[355] Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 161-3; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 253.

[356] Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 433-5. 'Hollowed out of the cedar by fire, and smoothed off with stone axes.' Kane's Wand., p. 189. At Cape Orford 'their shape much resembled that of a butcher's tray.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 204. 'A human face or a white-headed eagle, as large as life, carved on the prow, and raised high in front.' Ross' Adven., pp. 97-8. 'In landing they put the canoe round, so as to strike the beach stern on.' Franchère's Nar., p. 246. 'The larger canoes on the Columbia are sometimes propelled by short oars.' Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 218. 'Finest canoes in the world.' Wilkes' Hist. Ogn., p. 107; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 252; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 121-2; Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 79-82, with cuts; Irving's Astoria, pp. 86, 324; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 325-7; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 217; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 276-7; Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 535-7; Gass' Jour., p. 279.

[356] Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 433-5. 'Carved out of cedar using fire and finished with stone axes.' Kane's Wand., p. 189. At Cape Orford, 'their shape looked a lot like a butcher's tray.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 204. 'A human face or a white-headed eagle, lifelike in size, carved on the front of the canoe and raised high.' Ross' Adven., pp. 97-8. 'When landing, they turned the canoe around so that the stern hit the beach first.' Franchère's Nar., p. 246. 'The larger canoes on the Columbia are sometimes moved by short oars.' Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 218. 'The best canoes in the world.' Wilkes' Hist. Ogn., p. 107; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 252; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 121-2; Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 79-82, with illustrations; Irving's Astoria, pp. 86, 324; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 325-7; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 217; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 276-7; Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 535-7; Gass' Jour., p. 279.

[357] Dried and pounded salmon, prepared by a method not understood except at the falls, formed a prominent article of commerce, both with coast and interior nations. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 444-7, 413. A fathom of the largest hiaqua shells is worth about ten beaver-skins. A dying man gave his property to his intimate friends 'with a promise on their part to restore them if he recovered.' Franchère's Nar., pp. 244-5, 137; Ross' Adven., pp. 87-8, 95-6; Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 166; Irving's Astoria, p. 322; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 133-4; Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 333; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 392; Kane's Wand., p. 185; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 250; Gass' Jour., p. 227; Morton's Crania Am., pp. 202-14; Fédix, l'Orégon, pp. 44-5.

[357] Dried and ground salmon, made using a method that’s only known at the falls, was a key item of trade for both coastal and inland nations. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 444-7, 413. A fathom of the largest hiaqua shells is worth about ten beaver skins. A dying man gave his belongings to his close friends "with a promise from them to return it if he got better." Franchère's Nar., pp. 244-5, 137; Ross' Adven., pp. 87-8, 95-6; Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 166; Irving's Astoria, p. 322; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 133-4; Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 333; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 392; Kane's Wand., p. 185; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 250; Gass' Jour., p. 227; Morton's Crania Am., pp. 202-14; Fédix, l'Orégon, pp. 44-5.

[358] Have no idea of drawing maps on the sand. 'Their powers of computation ... are very limited.' Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 205, 207; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 493; Ross' Adven., pp. 88-9, 98; Kane's Wand., p. 185.

[358] Have no idea about making maps in the sand. 'Their math skills... are really limited.' Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 205, 207; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 493; Ross' Adven., pp. 88-9, 98; Kane's Wand., p. 185.

[359] The Willamette tribes, nine in number, were under four principal chiefs. Ross' Adven., pp. 235-6, 88, 216. Casanov, a famous chief at Fort Vancouver employed a hired assassin to remove obnoxious persons. Kane's Wand., pp. 173-6; Franchère's Nar., p. 250; Irving's Astoria, pp. 88, 340; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 322-3; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 253; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 443.

[359] The Willamette tribes, totaling nine, were led by four main chiefs. Ross' Adven., pp. 235-6, 88, 216. Casanov, a notorious chief at Fort Vancouver, hired an assassin to eliminate troublesome individuals. Kane's Wand., pp. 173-6; Franchère's Nar., p. 250; Irving's Astoria, pp. 88, 340; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 322-3; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 253; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 443.

[360] 'Live in the same dwelling with their masters, and often intermarry with those who are free.' Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 197, 247. 'Treat them with humanity while their services are useful.' Franchère's Nar., p. 241. Treated with great severity. Kane's Wand., pp. 181-2; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 447; Ross' Adven., pp. 92-3; Irving's Astoria, p. 88; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 305-6; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 129-30; Fitzgerald's Hud. B. Co., pp. 196-7; Stanley's Portraits, pp. 61-2.

[360] 'They live in the same house as their masters and often marry into families of free people.' Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 197, 247. 'They should be treated with kindness as long as their services are useful.' Franchère's Nar., p. 241. They are treated very harshly. Kane's Wand., pp. 181-2; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 447; Ross' Adven., pp. 92-3; Irving's Astoria, p. 88; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 305-6; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 129-30; Fitzgerald's Hud. B. Co., pp. 196-7; Stanley's Portraits, pp. 61-2.

[361] Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 161, 171; Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 211-2. 'In proportion as we approach the rapids from the sea, female impurity becomes less perceptible; beyond this point it entirely ceases.' Cox's Adven., vol. ii., pp. 134, 159; vol. i., pp. 366-7, 318; Wells, in Harper's Mag., vol. xiii., p. 602; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 439-43. Ceremonies of a widow in her endeavors to obtain a new husband. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 124; Ross' Adven., pp. 88, 92-3; Franchère's Nar., pp. 245, 254-5; Hunter's Cap., p. 70; Hines' Voy., p. 113; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 16, 294-5; Irving's Astoria, p. 340; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 132-3; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 231-2; Kane's Wand., pp. 175-7, 182; Gass' Jour., p. 275; Strickland's Hist. Missions, pp. 139-40.

[361] Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 161, 171; Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 211-2. 'As we get closer to the rapids from the sea, signs of female impurity become less noticeable; past this point, it completely stops.' Cox's Adven., vol. ii., pp. 134, 159; vol. i., pp. 366-7, 318; Wells, in Harper's Mag., vol. xiii., p. 602; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 439-43. Ceremonies of a widow trying to find a new husband. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 124; Ross' Adven., pp. 88, 92-3; Franchère's Nar., pp. 245, 254-5; Hunter's Cap., p. 70; Hines' Voy., p. 113; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 16, 294-5; Irving's Astoria, p. 340; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 132-3; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 231-2; Kane's Wand., pp. 175-7, 182; Gass' Jour., p. 275; Strickland's Hist. Missions, pp. 139-40.

[362] 'I saw neither musical instruments, nor dancing, among the Oregon tribes.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 43. 'All extravagantly fond of ardent spirits, and are not particular what kind they have, provided it is strong, and gets them drunk quickly.' Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 155-8, 197-202. 'Not addicted to intemperance.' Franchère's Nar., p. 242. At gambling 'they will cheat if they can, and pride themselves on their success.' Kane's Wand., pp. 190, 196. Seldom cheat, and submit to their losses with resignation. Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 332; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 410, 443-4; Wells, in Harper's Mag., vol. xiii., p. 601, and cut of dance at Coos Bay; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 392-3; vol. v., p. 123; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 77; Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 90-4, 112-13; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 114-15, 121, 125-8, 130-1; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 247-8; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 242; Irving's Astoria, p. 341; Palmer's Jour., p. 86.

[362] 'I didn’t see any musical instruments or dancing among the Oregon tribes.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 43. 'They all have a strong liking for spirits and aren't picky about the type, as long as it’s strong and gets them drunk quickly.' Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 155-8, 197-202. 'Not prone to excessive drinking.' Franchère's Nar., p. 242. In gambling 'they will cheat if they can, and take pride in their success.' Kane's Wand., pp. 190, 196. They rarely cheat and accept their losses with grace. Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 332; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 410, 443-4; Wells, in Harper's Mag., vol. xiii., p. 601, and a depiction of dance at Coos Bay; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 392-3; vol. v., p. 123; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 77; Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 90-4, 112-13; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 114-15, 121, 125-8, 130-1; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 247-8; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 242; Irving's Astoria, p. 341; Palmer's Jour., p. 86.

[363] Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 248; Gass' Jour., pp. 232, 275; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 123-8; Kane's Wand., pp. 205, 255-6; Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 267; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 654.

[363] Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 248; Gass' Jour., pp. 232, 275; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 123-8; Kane's Wand., pp. 205, 255-6; Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 267; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 654.

[364] Doctors, if unsuccessful, are sometimes subjected to rough treatment, but rarely killed, except when they have previously threatened the life of the patient. Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 176-185. At the Dalles an old woman, whose incantations had caused a fatal sickness, was beheaded by a brother of the deceased. Ind. Life, pp. 173-4, 142-3. Whole tribes have been almost exterminated by the small-pox. Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 82, 179. Venereal disease prevalent, and a complete cure is never effected. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 440, 508. Generally succeed in curing venereal disease even in its worst stage. Ross' Adven., pp. 96-9. The unsuccessful doctor killed, unless able to buy his life. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 394. Flatheads more subject to apoplexy than others. Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 87; Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 126-7, 307, 312-15, 335, vol. ii., pp. 94-5; Townsend's Nar., pp. 158, 178-9; Franchère's Nar., p. 250; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 115-9, 127; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., p. 53; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 176, 191-2; Fitzgerald's Hud. B. Co., pp. 171-2; Strickland's Hist. Missions, pp. 139-40.

[364] Doctors, if they fail, sometimes face harsh treatment, but it's rare for them to be killed, unless they have previously threatened the patient’s life. Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 176-185. At the Dalles, an old woman whose spells caused a deadly illness was beheaded by the deceased person's brother. Ind. Life, pp. 173-4, 142-3. Whole tribes have been nearly wiped out by smallpox. Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 82, 179. Venereal disease is common, and a complete cure is never achieved. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 440, 508. They usually manage to cure venereal disease even in its most severe stage. Ross' Adven., pp. 96-9. An unsuccessful doctor may be killed unless he can buy his way out. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 394. Flatheads are more prone to strokes than others. Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 87; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 126-7, 307, 312-15, 335, vol. ii., pp. 94-5; Townsend's Nar., pp. 158, 178-9; Franchère's Nar., p. 250; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 115-9, 127; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., p. 53; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 176, 191-2; Fitzgerald's Hud. B. Co., pp. 171-2; Strickland's Hist. Missions, pp. 139-40.

[365] A chief on the death of his daughter 'had an Indian slave bound hand and foot, and fastened to the body of the deceased, and enclosed the two in another mat, leaving out the head of the living one. The Indian then took the canoe and carried it to a high rock and left it there. Their custom is to let the slave live for three days; then another slave is compelled to strangle the victim by a cord.' Letter, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 71. See also vol. iii., pp. 217-18; vol. vi., pp. 616-23, with plate; vol. v., p. 655. 'The emblem of a squaw's grave is generally a camass-root digger, made of a deer's horns, and fastened on the end of a stick.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., pp. 233-4, vol. iv., p. 394. 'I believe I saw as many as an hundred canoes at one burying place of the Chinooks.' Gass' Jour., p. 274. 'Four stakes, interlaced with twigs and covered with brush,' filled with dead bodies. Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 88. At Coos Bay, 'formerly the body was burned, and the wife of the corpse killed and interred.' Now the body is sprinkled with sand and ashes, the ankles are bent up and fastened to the neck; relatives shave their heads and put the hair on the body with shells and roots, and the corpse is then buried and trampled on by the whole tribe. Wells, in Harper's Mag., vol. xiii., p. 602. 'The canoe-coffins were decorated with rude carved work.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 54. Strangers are paid to join in the lamentations. Ross' Adven., p. 97. Children who die during the head-flattening process are set afloat in their cradles upon the surface of some sacred pool, where the bodies of the old are also placed in their canoes. Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 111. On burial and mourning see also, Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 72-3, 13, 186-9, with cut of canoe on platform. Mofras' Explor., vol. ii., p. 355, and pl. 18 of Atlas; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 423, 429, 509; Kane's Wand., pp. 176-8, 181, 202-5; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 124-5, 335-6, vol. ii., p. 157; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 144, 151-2; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., pp. 281-2, vol. ii., p. 53; Belcher's Voy., vol. i., p. 292; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 255; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 119-20, 131-2; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., pp. 149-50; Fremont's Ogn. and Cal., p. 186; Irving's Astoria, p. 99; Franchère's Nar., p. 106; Palmer's Jour., p. 87; Ind. Life, p. 210; Townsend's Nar., p. 180.

[365] A chief, upon the death of his daughter, had an Indian slave tied up and attached to the body of the deceased, then wrapped them both in another mat, leaving the head of the living one exposed. The Indian then took the canoe, carried it to a high rock, and left it there. Their custom is to let the slave live for three days; after that, another slave is forced to strangle the victim with a cord. Letter, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 71. See also vol. iii., pp. 217-18; vol. vi., pp. 616-23, with plate; vol. v., p. 655. 'The symbol of a woman's grave is usually a camass-root digger made from deer antlers and attached to the end of a stick.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., pp. 233-4, vol. iv., p. 394. 'I believe I saw as many as a hundred canoes at one burial site of the Chinooks.' Gass' Jour., p. 274. 'Four stakes, woven with twigs and covered with brush,' were filled with dead bodies. Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 88. At Coos Bay, 'previously the body was burned, and the wife of the deceased was killed and buried.' Now, the body is sprinkled with sand and ashes, the ankles are bent up and tied to the neck; relatives shave their heads and place the hair on the body along with shells and roots, and then the corpse is buried and walked on by the whole tribe. Wells, in Harper's Mag., vol. xiii., p. 602. 'The canoe-coffins were decorated with crude carvings.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 54. Strangers are paid to join in the mourning. Ross' Adven., p. 97. Children who die during the head-flattening process are set adrift in their cradles on a sacred pool, where the bodies of the elderly are also placed in their canoes. Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 111. For more on burial and mourning, see also Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 72-3, 13, 186-9, with a picture of the canoe on a platform. Mofras' Explor., vol. ii., p. 355, and pl. 18 of Atlas; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 423, 429, 509; Kane's Wand., pp. 176-8, 181, 202-5; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 124-5, 335-6, vol. ii., p. 157; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 144, 151-2; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., pp. 281-2, vol. ii., p. 53; Belcher's Voy., vol. i., p. 292; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 255; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 119-20, 131-2; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., pp. 149-50; Fremont's Ogn. and Cal., p. 186; Irving's Astoria, p. 99; Franchère's Nar., p. 106; Palmer's Jour., p. 87; Ind. Life, p. 210; Townsend's Nar., p. 180.

[366] 'The clumsy thief, who is detected, is scoffed at and despised.' Dunn's Oregon, pp. 130-1, 114. 'The Kalapuya, like the Umkwa, ... are more regular and quiet' than the inland tribes, 'and more cleanly, honest and moral than the' coast tribes. The Chinooks are a quarrelsome, thievish, and treacherous people. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 217, 215, 198, 204. 'A rascally, thieving set.' Gass' Jour., p. 304. 'When well treated, kind and hospitable.' Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 215, 110, 152. At Cape Orford 'pleasing and courteous deportment ... scrupulously honest.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 204-5. Laziness is probably induced by the ease with which they obtain food. Kane's Wand., pp. 181, 185. 'Crafty and intriguing.' Easily irritated, but a trifle will appease him. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 61, 70-1, 77, 88, 90-1, 124-5, 235-6. 'They possess in an eminent degree, the qualities opposed to indolence, improvidence, and stupidity: the chiefs above all, are distinguished for their good sense and intelligence. Generally speaking, they have a ready intellect and a tenacious memory.' 'Rarely resist the temptation of stealing' white men's goods. Franchère's Nar., pp. 241-2, 261. Loquacious, never gay, knavish, impertinent. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 416, 441-2, 504, 523-4. 'Thorough-bred hypocrites and liars.' 'The Killymucks the most roguish.' Industry, patience, sobriety and ingenuity are their chief virtues; thieving, lying, incontinence, gambling and cruelty may be classed among their vices. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 115, 131, 296-7, 302, 304-5, 321, vol. ii., p. 133. At Wishiam 'they were a community of arrant rogues and freebooters.' Irving's Astoria, pp. 322, 342. 'Lying is very common; thieving comparatively rare.' White's Ogn., p. 207. 'Do not appear to possess a particle of natural good feeling.' Townsend's Nar., p. 183. At Coos Bay 'by no means the fierce and warlike race found further to the northward.' Wells, in Harper's Mag., vol. xiii., p. 601. Umqua and Coose tribes are naturally industrious; the Suislaws the most advanced; the Alcea not so enterprising. Sykes, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1860, p. 215. Calapooias, a poor, cowardly, and thievish race. Miller, in Id., 1857, p. 364; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 151; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 87, vol. ii., pp. 16, 36; Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 83; Palmer's Jour., pp. 84, 105; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 249-50; Ind. Life, pp. 1-4, 210; Fitzgerald's Vanc. Isl., p. 196; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 207, etc.

[366] 'The clumsy thief who gets caught is mocked and looked down upon.' Dunn's Oregon, pp. 130-1, 114. 'The Kalapuya, like the Umkwa, ... are calmer and quieter' than the inland tribes, 'and cleaner, more honest, and more moral than the' coastal tribes. The Chinooks are a quarrelsome, thieving, and deceitful group. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 217, 215, 198, 204. 'A sneaky, thieving bunch.' Gass' Jour., p. 304. 'When treated well, they are kind and hospitable.' Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 215, 110, 152. At Cape Orford, 'they show pleasing and courteous behavior ... and are scrupulously honest.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 204-5. Laziness might stem from how easily they get food. Kane's Wand., pp. 181, 185. 'Cunning and scheming.' They get easily irritated, but a small gesture will calm them down. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 61, 70-1, 77, 88, 90-1, 124-5, 235-6. 'They notably possess the qualities that oppose laziness, irresponsibility, and ignorance: the chiefs, in particular, are known for their good sense and intelligence. Generally speaking, they are quick-witted and have a strong memory.' 'They rarely resist the urge to steal' from white people's belongings. Franchère's Nar., pp. 241-2, 261. They are talkative but seldom cheerful, crafty, and rude. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 416, 441-2, 504, 523-4. 'Complete hypocrites and liars.' 'The Killymucks are the most mischievous.' Hard work, patience, sobriety, and creativity are their main virtues; stealing, lying, promiscuity, gambling, and cruelty can be counted among their vices. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 115, 131, 296-7, 302, 304-5, 321, vol. ii., p. 133. At Wishiam 'they were a community of blatant thieves and raiders.' Irving's Astoria, pp. 322, 342. 'Lying is very common; stealing is relatively rare.' White's Ogn., p. 207. 'They don't seem to have an ounce of natural compassion.' Townsend's Nar., p. 183. At Coos Bay, 'they are by no means as fierce and warlike as those found further north.' Wells, in Harper's Mag., vol. xiii., p. 601. Umqua and Coose tribes are naturally hard-working; the Suislaws are the most advanced; the Alcea are less enterprising. Sykes, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1860, p. 215. Calapooias are a poor, cowardly, and thieving people. Miller, in Id., 1857, p. 364; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 151; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 87, vol. ii., pp. 16, 36; Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 83; Palmer's Jour., pp. 84, 105; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 249-50; Ind. Life, pp. 1-4, 210; Fitzgerald's Vanc. Isl., p. 196; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 207, etc.

[367] 'They all resemble each other in general characteristics.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 229. Shushwaps and Salish all one race. Mayne's B. C., p. 296-7. 'The Indians of the interior are, both physically and morally, vastly superior to the tribes of the coast.' Id., p. 242. 'The Kliketat near Mount Rainier, the Walla-Wallas, and the Okanagan ... speak kindred dialects.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 170. The best-supported opinion is that the inland were of the same original stock with the lower tribes. Dunn's Oregon, p. 316. 'On leaving the verge of the Carrier country, near Alexandria, a marked change is at once perceptible.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 77. Inland tribes differ widely from the piscatorial tribes. Ross' Adven., p. 127. 'Those residing near the Rocky Mountains ... are and always have been superior races to those living on the lower Columbia.' Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 654. 'I was particularly struck with their vast superiority (on the Similkameen River, Lat. 49° 30´, Long. 120° 30´) in point of intelligence and energy to the Fish Indians on the Fraser River, and in its neighbourhood.' Palmer, in B. C. Papers, vol. iii., p. 84. Striking contrast noted in passing up the Columbia. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 199.

[367] 'They all have similar general characteristics.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 229. Shushwaps and Salish are all one race. Mayne's B. C., p. 296-7. 'The Indigenous people of the interior are, both physically and morally, vastly superior to the tribes of the coast.' Id., p. 242. 'The Kliketat near Mount Rainier, the Walla-Wallas, and the Okanagan ... speak related dialects.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 170. The most widely accepted view is that the inland people share the same original stock as the lower tribes. Dunn's Oregon, p. 316. 'Upon leaving the edge of the Carrier territory, near Alexandria, a noticeable change is immediately evident.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 77. Inland tribes differ significantly from the fishing tribes. Ross' Adven., p. 127. 'Those living near the Rocky Mountains ... are and always have been superior to those living along the lower Columbia.' Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 654. 'I was particularly impressed by their significant superiority (on the Similkameen River, Lat. 49° 30´, Long. 120° 30´) in terms of intelligence and energy compared to the Fish Indians on the Fraser River and its surroundings.' Palmer, in B. C. Papers, vol. iii., p. 84. A striking contrast noted while traveling up the Columbia. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 199.

[368] 'The Shewhapmuch ... who compose a large branch of the Saeliss family,' known as Nicute-much—corrupted by the Canadians into Couteaux—below the junction of the Fraser and Thompson. Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 76-7. Atnahs is their name in the Takali language, and signifies 'strangers.' 'Differ so little from their southern neighbors, the Salish, as to render a particular description unnecessary.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 205. They were called by Mackenzie the Chin tribe, according to Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 427, but Mackenzie's Chin tribe was north of the Atnahs, being the Nagailer tribe of the Carriers. See Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 257-8, and map.

[368] 'The Shewhapmuch ... who are a significant group within the Saeliss family,' known as Nicute-much—which Canadians have changed to Couteaux—located below the meeting point of the Fraser and Thompson rivers. Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 76-7. They are referred to as Atnahs in the Takali language, meaning 'strangers.' 'They differ so little from their southern neighbors, the Salish, that a specific description isn't needed.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 205. Mackenzie referred to them as the Chin tribe, as noted in Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 427, but Mackenzie's Chin tribe was north of the Atnahs, corresponding to the Nagailer tribe of the Carriers. See Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 257-8, and map.

[369] 'About Okanagan, various branches of the Carrier tribe.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 143. 'Okanagans, on the upper part of Frazer's River.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 170.

[369] 'About Okanagan, different groups of the Carrier tribe.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 143. 'Okanagans, located in the upper part of Fraser River.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 170.

[370] Also known as Flat-bows. 'The poorest of the tribes composing the Flathead nation.' McCormick, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1867, p. 211. 'Speaking a language of their own, it is not easy to imagine their origin; but it appears probable that they once belonged to some more southern tribe, from which they became shut off by the intervention of larger tribes.' Mayne's B. C., p. 297. 'In appearance, character, and customs, they resemble more the Indians east of the Rocky Mountains than those of Lower Oregon.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 205. 'Les Arcs-à-Plats, et les Koetenais sont connus dans le pays sous le nom de Skalzi.' De Smet, Miss. de l'Orégon, p. 80.

[370] Also known as Flat-bows. 'The poorest of the tribes making up the Flathead nation.' McCormick, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1867, p. 211. 'They speak their own language, and it's hard to trace their origin; however, it seems likely that they were once part of a more southern tribe, from which they were separated by larger tribes.' Mayne's B. C., p. 297. 'In terms of appearance, character, and customs, they are more similar to the Indians east of the Rocky Mountains than those from Lower Oregon.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 205. 'Les Arcs-à-Plats, et les Koetenais sont connus dans le pays sous le nom de Skalzi.' De Smet, Miss. de l'Orégon, p. 80.

[371] The origin of the name Flathead, as applied to this nation, is not known, as they have never been known to flatten the head. 'The mass of the nation consists of persons who have more or less of the blood of the Spokanes, Pend d'Oreilles, Nez Perces, and Iroquois.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 207; Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 150; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 108; Stuart's Montana, p. 82. Gass applied the name apparently to tribes on the Clearwater of the Sahaptin family. Jour., p. 224.

[371] The origin of the name Flathead, as used for this group, is unknown, since they have never been known to flatten their heads. 'The majority of the nation consists of individuals who have varying degrees of blood from the Spokanes, Pend d'Oreilles, Nez Perces, and Iroquois.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 207; Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 150; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 108; Stuart's Montana, p. 82. Gass seems to have applied the name to tribes along the Clearwater from the Sahaptin family. Jour., p. 224.

[372] Also called Kalispelms and Ponderas. The Upper Pend d'Oreilles consist of a number of wandering families of Spokanes, Kalispelms proper, and Flatheads. Suckley, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 294; Stevens, in Id., p. 149; Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 210. 'Very similar in manners, etc., to the Flatheads, and form one people with them.' De Smet, Miss. de l'Orégon, p. 32.

[372] Also known as Kalispelms and Ponderas, the Upper Pend d'Oreilles includes several wandering families of Spokanes, actual Kalispelms, and Flatheads. Suckley, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 294; Stevens, in Id., p. 149; Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 210. 'Very similar in customs, etc., to the Flatheads, and they form one people with them.' De Smet, Miss. de l'Orégon, p. 32.

[373] The native name, according to Hale, is Skitsuish, and Coeur d'Alêne, 'Awl heart,' is a nickname applied from the circumstance that a chief used these words to express his idea of the Canadian traders' meanness. Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 210.

[373] The native name, according to Hale, is Skitsuish, and Coeur d'Alêne, 'Awl heart,' is a nickname given because a chief used these words to describe the Canadian traders' greed. Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 210.

[374] Quiarlpi, 'Basket People,' Chaudieres, 'Kettles,' Kettle Falls, Chualpays, Skoielpoi, and Lakes, are some of the names applied to these bands.

[374] Quiarlpi, 'Basket People,' Chaudieres, 'Kettles,' Kettle Falls, Chualpays, Skoielpoi, and Lakes are some of the names given to these groups.

[375] 'Ils s'appellent entre eux les Enfants du Soleil, dans leur langue Spokane.' De Smet, Miss. de l'Orégon, p. 31. 'Differing very little from the Indians at Colville, either in their appearance, habits, or language.' Kane's Wand., p. 307.

[375] 'They call themselves the Children of the Sun, in their Spokane language.' De Smet, Miss. de l'Orégon, p. 31. 'They differ very little from the Indians at Colville, whether in their appearance, habits, or language.' Kane's Wand., p. 307.

[376] So much intermarried with the Yakamas that they have almost lost their nationality.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 236.

[376] They've intermarried with the Yakamas to the point where they've almost lost their identity.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 236.

[377] 'Pierced Noses,' so named by the Canadians, perhaps from the nasal ornaments of the first of the tribe seen, although the custom of piercing the nose has never been known to be prevalent with this people. 'Generally known and distinguished by the name of "black robes," in contradistinction to those who live on fish.' Named Nez Perces from the custom of boring the nose to receive a white shell, like the fluke of an anchor. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 305, 185-6. 'There are two tribes of the Pierced-Nose Indians, the upper and the lower. Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 533-5. 'Though originally the same people, their dialect varies very perceptibly from that of the Tushepaws.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 341. Called Thoiga-rik-kah, Tsoi-gah, 'Cowse-eaters,' by the Snakes. 'Ten times better off to-day than they were then'—'a practical refutation of the time-honored lie, that intercourse with whites is an injury to Indians.' Stuart's Montana, pp. 76-7. 'In character and appearance, they resemble more the Indians of the Missouri than their neighbors, the Salish.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 212; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 54.

[377] 'Pierced Noses,' as the Canadians call them, possibly because of the nose ornaments worn by the first members of the tribe they encountered, even though the tradition of nose piercing is not commonly known among this group. 'Often recognized by the term "black robes," contrasted with those who rely on fish for sustenance.' Named Nez Perces due to the practice of boring the nose to hold a white shell, resembling the fluke of an anchor. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 305, 185-6. 'There are two divisions of the Pierced-Nose Indians, the upper and the lower.' Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 533-5. 'Although they originally belonged to the same group, their dialect is noticeably different from that of the Tushepaws.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 341. Referred to as Thoiga-rik-kah, Tsoi-gah, 'Cowse-eaters,' by the Snake tribe. 'They are doing ten times better today than they were back then'—'a practical counterargument to the long-standing belief that contact with whites harms Native Americans.' Stuart's Montana, pp. 76-7. 'In terms of character and appearance, they are more similar to the Indians of Missouri than to their neighbors, the Salish.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 212; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 54.

[378] 'La tribu Paloose appartient à la nation des Nez-percés et leur ressemble sous tous les rapports.' De Smet, Voy., p. 31.

[378] 'The Paloose tribe belongs to the Nez Perce nation and is similar to them in every way.' De Smet, Voy., p. 31.

[379] The name comes from that of the river. It should be pronounced Wălă-Wălă, very short. Pandosy's Gram., p. 9. 'Descended from slaves formerly owned and liberated by the Nez Perces.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 247. 'Not unlike the Pierced-Noses in general appearance, language, and habits.' Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 533-5. Parts of three different nations at the confluence of the Snake and Columbia. Gass' Jour., pp. 218-19, 'None of the Indians have any permanent habitations' on the south bank of the Columbia about and above the Dalles. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 365. 'Generally camping in winter on the north side of the river.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 223.

[379] The name comes from the river. It should be pronounced Wălă-Wălă, very briefly. Pandosy's Gram., p. 9. 'Descended from former slaves who were owned and freed by the Nez Perces.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 247. 'They resemble the Pierced-Noses in overall appearance, language, and customs.' Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 533-5. Parts of three different nations meet at the junction of the Snake and Columbia rivers. Gass' Jour., pp. 218-19, 'None of the Indians have any permanent homes' on the south bank of the Columbia around and above the Dalles. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 365. 'They typically camp in winter on the north side of the river.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 223.

[380] The name Yakima is a word meaning 'Black Bear' in the Walla Walla dialect. They are called Klikatats west of the mountains. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 407. 'The Klikatats and Yakimas, in all essential peculiarities of character, are identical, and their intercourse is constant.' Id., p. 403, and Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 225. 'Pshawanwappam bands, usually called Yakamas.' The name signifies 'Stony Ground.' Gibbs, in Pandosy's Gram., p. vii. 'Roil-roil-pam, is the Klikatat country.' 'Its meaning is "the Mouse country."' Id. The Yakima valley is a great national rendezvous for these and surrounding nations. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 19, 21. Kliketats, meaning robbers, was first the name given to the Whulwhypums, and then extended to all speaking the same language. For twenty-five years before 1854 they overran the Willamette Valley, but at that time were forced by government to retire to their own country. Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 244-7.

[380] The name Yakima translates to 'Black Bear' in the Walla Walla language. They are referred to as Klikatats on the west side of the mountains. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 407. 'The Klikatats and Yakimas are essentially identical in character, and they interact constantly.' Id., p. 403, and Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 225. 'Pshawanwappam bands, typically called Yakamas.' The name means 'Stony Ground.' Gibbs, in Pandosy's Gram., p. vii. 'Roil-roil-pam is the Klikatat territory.' 'It means "the Mouse country."' Id. The Yakima valley serves as a major gathering spot for these nations and those nearby. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 19, 21. Kliketats, meaning robbers, was initially the name given to the Whulwhypums, but it eventually included all who spoke the same language. For twenty-five years prior to 1854, they dominated the Willamette Valley, but at that time were compelled by the government to return to their homeland. Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 244-7.

[381] Wasco is said to mean 'basin,' and the tribe derives its name, traditionally, from the fact that formerly one of their chiefs, his wife having died, spent much of his time in making cavities or basins in the soft rock for his children to fill with water and pebbles, and thereby amuse themselves. Victor's All over Ogn., pp. 94-5. The word Cayuse is perhaps the French Cailloux, 'pebbles.' Called by Tolmie, 'Wyeilats or Kyoose.' He says their language has an affinity to that of the Carriers and Umpquas. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 249-50. 'Resemble the Walla-Wallas very much.' Kane's Wand., pp. 279-80. 'The imperial tribe of Oregon' claiming jurisdiction over the whole Columbia region. Farnham's Trav., p. 81. The Snakes, Walla-Wallas, and Cayuse meet annually in the Grande Ronde Valley. Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 270. 'Individuals of the pure blood are few, the majority being intermixed with the Nez Perces and the Wallah-Wallahs.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 218-19. The region which I give to the Wascos and Cayuses is divided on Hale's map between the Walla-Wallas, Waiilatpu, and Molele.

[381] Wasco means 'basin,' and the tribe gets its name from a story about one of their chiefs. After his wife died, he spent a lot of time creating small basins in the soft rock for his children to fill with water and pebbles, so they could entertain themselves. Victor's All over Ogn., pp. 94-5. The word Cayuse likely comes from the French word Cailloux, meaning 'pebbles.' Tolmie referred to them as 'Wyeilats or Kyoose.' He mentioned that their language is related to those of the Carriers and Umpquas. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 249-50. 'They resemble the Walla-Wallas quite a bit.' Kane's Wand., pp. 279-80. They are called 'the imperial tribe of Oregon,' claiming authority over the entire Columbia region. Farnham's Trav., p. 81. The Snakes, Walla-Wallas, and Cayuse gather every year in the Grande Ronde Valley. Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 270. 'There are few individuals of pure blood, as most are mixed with the Nez Perces and Walla-Wallas.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 218-19. The area I attribute to the Wascos and Cayuses is split on Hale's map between the Walla-Wallas, Waiilatpu, and Molele.

[382] In the interior the 'men are tall, the women are of common stature, and both are well formed.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 229. 'Of middle height, slender.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 199. The inland tribes of British Columbia, compared with those on the coast, 'are of a better cast, being generally of the middle height.' Id., p. 198. See also p. 206. The Nez Percés and Cayuses 'are almost universally fine-looking, robust men.' In criticising the person of one of that tribe 'one was forcibly reminded of the Apollo Belvidere.' Townsend's Nar., pp. 148, 98. The Klikatat 'stature is low, with light, sinewy limbs.' Id., p. 178; also pp. 158-174. The Walla-Wallas are generally powerful men, at least six feet high, and the Cayuse are still 'stouter and more athletic.' Gairdner, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 256. The Umatillas 'may be a superior race to the "Snakes," but I doubt it.' Barnhart, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, p. 271. The Salish are 'rather below the average size, but are well knit, muscular, and good-looking.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 208. 'Well made and active.' Dunn's Oregon, pp. 311, 327. 'Below the middle hight, with thick-set limbs.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 88, vol. ii., pp. 55-6, 64-5. The Cootonais are above the medium height. Very few Shushwaps reach the height of five feet nine inches. Cox's Adven., vol. ii., pp. 155, 376, vol. i., p. 240. See also on physique of the inland nations, Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 321, 340, 356, 359, 382, 527-8, 556-7; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 475; Dunn, in Cal. Farmer, April 26, 1861; San Francisco Herald, June, 1858; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 309, 414; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 151; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 105-6, and vol. i., frontispiece, cut of a group of Spokanes. De Smet, Voy., pp. 30, 198; Palmer's Jour., p. 54; Ross' Adven., pp. 127, 294; Stuart's Montana, p. 82.

[382] Inside, 'the men are tall, the women are of average height, and both are well-built.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 229. 'Of average height, slender.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 199. The inland tribes of British Columbia, compared to those on the coast, 'are generally better looking, being mostly of average height.' Id., p. 198. See also p. 206. The Nez Percés and Cayuses 'are almost universally good-looking, strong men.' When criticizing the look of someone from that tribe, 'one is strongly reminded of the Apollo Belvedere.' Townsend's Nar., pp. 148, 98. The Klikatat 'are shorter, with light, sinewy limbs.' Id., p. 178; also pp. 158-174. The Walla-Wallas are usually strong men, at least six feet tall, and the Cayuse are even 'bulkier and more athletic.' Gairdner, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 256. The Umatillas 'might be a superior race to the "Snakes," but I have my doubts.' Barnhart, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, p. 271. The Salish are 'somewhat below average height but are well-built, muscular, and attractive.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 208. 'Well-built and energetic.' Dunn's Oregon, pp. 311, 327. 'Below average height, with thick-set limbs.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 88, vol. ii., pp. 55-6, 64-5. The Cootonais are above average height. Very few Shushwaps reach five feet nine inches. Cox's Adven., vol. ii., pp. 155, 376, vol. i., p. 240. See also on the physique of the inland nations, Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 321, 340, 356, 359, 382, 527-8, 556-7; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 475; Dunn, in Cal. Farmer, April 26, 1861; San Francisco Herald, June, 1858; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 309, 414; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 151; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 105-6, and vol. i., frontispiece, image of a group of Spokanes. De Smet, Voy., pp. 30, 198; Palmer's Jour., p. 54; Ross' Adven., pp. 127, 294; Stuart's Montana, p. 82.

[383] The interior tribes have 'long faces, and bold features, thin lips, wide cheek-bones, smooth skins, and the usual tawny complexion of the American tribes.' 'Features of a less exaggerated harshness' than the coast tribes. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 198-9. 'Hair and eyes are black, their cheek bones high, and very frequently they have aquiline noses.' 'They wear their hair long, part it upon their forehead, and let it hang in tresses on each side, or down behind.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 229. Complexion 'a little fairer than other Indians.' Id. The Okanagans are 'better featured and handsomer in their persons, though darker, than the Chinooks or other Indians along the sea-coast.' 'Teeth white as ivory, well set and regular.' The voices of Walla Wallas, Nez Percés, and Cayuses, are strong and masculine. Ross' Adven., pp. 294, 127. The Flatheads (Nez Percés) are 'the whitest Indians I ever saw.' Gass' Jour., p. 189. The Shushwap 'complexion is darker, and of a more muddy, coppery hue than that of the true Red Indian.' Milton and Cheadle's N. W. Pass., p. 335. The Nez Perces darker than the Tushepaws. Dignified and pleasant features. Would have quite heavy beards if they shaved. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 340, 356, 359, 527-8, 556-7, 321. The inland natives are an ugly race, with 'broad faces, low foreheads, and rough, coppery and tanned skins.' The Salish 'features are less regular, and their complexion darker' than the Sahaptins. Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 88, vol. ii., pp. 55-6. Teeth of the river tribes worn down by sanded salmon. Anderson, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 228; Kane's Wand., p. 273. Nez Perces and Cayuses 'are almost universally fine looking, robust men, with strong aquiline features, and a much more cheerful cast of countenance than is usual amongst the race. Some of the women might almost be called beautiful, and none that I have seen are homely.' Some very handsome young girls among the Walla Wallas. The Kliketat features are 'regular, though often devoid of expression.' Townsend's Nar., pp. 78, 148, 158, 178. Flatheads 'comparatively very fair in complexion, ... with oval faces, and a mild, and playful expression of countenance.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 311. The Kayuls had long dark hair, and regular features. Coke's Rocky Mountains, p. 304. Cut and description of a Clickitat skull, in Morton's Crania, p. 214, pl. 48. 'The Flatheads are the ugliest, and most of their women are far from being beauties.' Stuart's Montana, p. 82.

[383] The inland tribes have long faces, bold features, thin lips, wide cheekbones, smooth skin, and the typical tawny complexion of American tribes. They have less extreme harshness in their features compared to the coastal tribes. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 198-9. Their hair and eyes are black, they have high cheekbones, and often aquiline noses. They wear their hair long, part it on their forehead, and let it hang in tresses on each side or down their back. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 229. Their complexion is a bit fairer than other Indians. Id. The Okanagans are better featured and more attractive in appearance, though darker, than the Chinooks or other coastal Indians. They have teeth as white as ivory, well-aligned and regular. The voices of the Walla Wallas, Nez Percés, and Cayuses are strong and masculine. Ross' Adven., pp. 294, 127. The Flatheads (Nez Percés) are the lightest-skinned Indians I've ever seen. Gass' Jour., p. 189. The Shushwap have a darker, muddier, coppery complexion than the true Red Indian. Milton and Cheadle's N. W. Pass., p. 335. The Nez Percés are darker than the Tushepaws, with dignified and pleasant features. They would have quite heavy beards if they shaved. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 340, 356, 359, 527-8, 556-7, 321. The inland natives are considered unattractive, with broad faces, low foreheads, and rough, coppery, tanned skin. The Salish have less regular features and a darker complexion than the Sahaptins. Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 88, vol. ii., pp. 55-6. The teeth of the river tribes are worn down from eating sandy salmon. Anderson, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 228; Kane's Wand., p. 273. The Nez Percés and Cayuses are generally good-looking, robust men with strong aquiline features and a much more cheerful demeanor than is typical among the race. Some of the women could almost be called beautiful, and none I've seen are unattractive. There are some very attractive young girls among the Walla Wallas. The Klikitat have regular features, though often lacking in expression. Townsend's Nar., pp. 78, 148, 158, 178. The Flatheads are comparatively very fair-skinned, with oval faces and a mild, playful expression. Dunn's Oregon, p. 311. The Kayuls have long dark hair and regular features. Coke's Rocky Mountains, p. 304. Cut and description of a Klikitat skull in Morton's Crania, p. 214, pl. 48. The Flatheads are the least attractive, and most of their women are far from being beauties. Stuart's Montana, p. 82.

[384] 'The Sahaptin and Wallawallas compress the head, but not so much as the tribes near the coast. It merely serves with them to make the forehead more retreating, which, with the aquiline nose common to these natives, gives to them occasionally, a physiognomy similar to that represented in the hieroglyphical paintings of Central America.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 214, 205. All the Shushwaps flatten the head more or less. Mayne's B. C., p. 303. 'Il est à remarquer que les tribus établies au-dessus de la jonction de la branche sud de la Colombie, et désignées sous le nom de Têtes Plates, ont renoncé depuis longtemps à cet usage.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 349. 'A roundhead Klickatat woman would be a pariah.' Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, p. 204. Nez Percés 'seldom known to flatten the head.' Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 108. See Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 55-6, 64-5; Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 231-2, 249-51; Townsend's Nar., p. 175; Kane's Wand., p. 263; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 207-8; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 415, with cut. Walla Wallas, Skyuse, and Nez Percés flatten the head and perforate the nose. Farnham's Trav., p. 85; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 374, 359; Gass' Jour., p. 224.

[384] 'The Sahaptin and Wallawalla tribes slightly compress the head, but not as much as those near the coast. This practice only serves to make the forehead more sloped, which, when combined with the hooked nose typical of these people, sometimes gives them a look similar to the figures seen in the ancient paintings of Central America.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 214, 205. All the Shushwaps flatten their heads to some extent. Mayne's B. C., p. 303. 'It's worth noting that the tribes located above the confluence of the southern branch of the Columbia, known as the Flat Heads, have long abandoned this practice.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 349. 'A round-headed Klickitat woman would be regarded as an outcast.' Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, p. 204. Nez Percés are 'rarely known to flatten their heads.' Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 108. See Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 55-6, 64-5; Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 231-2, 249-51; Townsend's Nar., p. 175; Kane's Wand., p. 263; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 207-8; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 415, with illustration. The Walla Wallas, Skyuse, and Nez Percés flatten their heads and pierce their noses. Farnham's Trav., p. 85; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 374, 359; Gass' Jour., p. 224.

[385] Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., pp. 38-9; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 362, 382-3.

[385] Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. 9, pp. 38-9; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 362, 382-3.

[386] The Salish 'profuse in the use of paint.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 207-8, and in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 309. Nez Percés painted in colored stripes. Hines' Voy., p. 173. 'Four Indians (Nez Percés) streaked all over with white mud.' Kane's Wand., p. 291. Walla Walla 'faces painted red.' The Okanagan 'young of both sexes always paint their faces with red and black bars.' Ross' Adven., pp. 127, 294-8. The inland tribes 'appear to have less of the propensity to adorn themselves with painting, than the Indians east of the mountains, but not unfrequently vermilion mixed with red clay, is used not only upon their faces but upon their hair.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 229. Red clay for face paint, obtained at Vermilion Forks of the Similkameen River, in B. C. Palmer, in B. C. Papers, vol. iii., p. 84. Pend d'Oreille women rub the face every morning with a mixture of red and brown powder, which is made to stick by a coating of fish-oil. De Smet, Voy., p. 198.

[386] The Salish were "generous in their use of paint." Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 207-8, and in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 309. Nez Percés adorned themselves with colored stripes. Hines' Voy., p. 173. "Four Indians (Nez Percés) covered all over with white mud." Kane's Wand., p. 291. Walla Walla had "faces painted red." The Okanagan "young of both sexes always paint their faces with red and black stripes." Ross' Adven., pp. 127, 294-8. The inland tribes "seem to have less of a tendency to decorate themselves with paint than the Indians to the east of the mountains, but they do sometimes use vermilion mixed with red clay, not just on their faces but also in their hair." Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 229. Red clay for face paint is sourced from Vermilion Forks of the Similkameen River in B.C. Palmer, in B. C. Papers, vol. iii., p. 84. Pend d'Oreille women apply a mixture of red and brown powder to their faces every morning, which sticks thanks to a layer of fish oil. De Smet, Voy., p. 198.

[387] The Oakinack 'women wear their hair neatly clubbed on each side of the head behind the ears, and ornamented with double rows of the snowy higua, which are among the Oakinackens called Shet-la-cane; but they keep it shed or divided in front. The men's hair is queued or rolled up into a knot behind the head, and ornamented like that of the women; but in front it falls or hangs down loosely before the face, covering the forehead and the eyes, which causes them every now and then to shake the head, or use the hands to uncover their eyes.' Ross' Adven., pp. 294-5. The head of the Nez Perces not ornamented. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 341, 321, 351, 377, 528, 532-3; Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 304; Kane's Wand., p. 274.

[387] The Oakinack women style their hair neatly tied back on each side behind their ears and decorate it with two rows of white higua, known among the Oakinackens as Shet-la-cane; however, they leave the front of their hair split or divided. The men’s hair is gathered into a queue or rolled up into a knot at the back, also decorated like the women’s hair; but in front, it hangs down loosely over their faces, covering their foreheads and eyes, which makes them occasionally shake their heads or use their hands to move it out of their eyes. Ross' Adven., pp. 294-5. The heads of the Nez Perces are not decorated. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 341, 321, 351, 377, 528, 532-3; Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 304; Kane's Wand., p. 274.

[388] The Ootlashoot women wear 'a long shirt of skin, reaching down to the ancles, and tied round the waist.' Few ornaments. The Nez Percés wear 'the buffalo or elk-skin robe decorated with beads, sea-shells, chiefly mother-of-pearl, attached to an otter-skin collar and hung in the hair.' Leggins and moccasins are painted; a plait of twisted grass is worn round the neck. The women wear their long robe without a girdle, but to it 'are tied little pieces of brass and shells, and other small articles.' 'The dress of the female is indeed more modest, and more studiously so than any we have observed, though the other sex is careless of the indelicacy of exposure.' 'The Sokulk females have no other covering but a truss or piece of leather tied round the hips and then drawn tight between the legs.' Three fourths of the Pisquitpaws 'have scarcely any robes at all.' The Chilluckittequaws use skins of wolves, deer, elk, and wild cats. 'Round their neck is put a strip of some skin with the tail of the animal hanging down over the breast.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 321, 340-1, 351, 359, 361, 377, 526, 528, 532-3. Many of the Walla Walla, Nez Percé, and Cayuse females wore robes 'richly garnished with beads, higuas,' etc. The war chief wears as a head-dress the whole skin of a wolf's head, with the ears standing erect. The Okanagans wear in winter long detachable sleeves or mittens of wolf or fox skin, also wolf or bear skin caps when hunting. Men and women dress nearly alike, and are profuse in the use of ornaments. Ross' Adven., p. 127, 294-8; Id., Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 306. The Flatheads often change their clothing and clean it with pipe-clay. They have no regular head-dress. From the Yakima to the Okanagan the men go naked, and the women wear only a belt with a slip passing between the legs. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 133, 148, 240-1, vol. ii., p. 144. Nez Percés better clad than any others, Cayuses well clothed, Walla Wallas naked and half starved. Palmer's Jour., pp. 54, 124, 127-8. At the Dalles, women 'go nearly naked, for they wear little else than what may be termed a breech-cloth, of buckskin, which is black and filthy with dirt.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 409-10, 426, 473. The Kliketat women wear a short pine-bark petticoat tied round the loins. Townsend's Nar., pp. 78, 178, 148. 'Their buffaloe robes and other skins they chiefly procure on the Missouri, when they go over to hunt, as there are no buffaloe in this part of the country and very little other game.' Gass' Jour., pp. 189, 205, 218-19, 295. Tusshepaw 'women wore caps of willow neatly worked and figured.' Irving's Astoria, pp. 315, 317, 319; Id., Bonneville's Adven., p. 301. The Flathead women wear straw hats, used also for drinking and cooking purposes. De Smet, Voy., pp. 45-7, 198. The Shushwaps wear in wet weather capes of bark trimmed with fur, and reaching to the elbows. Moccasins are more common than on the coast, but they often ride barefoot. Mayne's B. C., p. 301. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 229-30; Kane's Wand., p. 264, and cut; Fremont's Ogn. and Cal., pp. 186-7; Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 222; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 153; Franchère's Nar., p. 268; Dunn's Oregon, p. 311; Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 304; Hunt, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., tom. x., 1821, pp. 74-5, 78.

[388] The Ootlashoot women wear "a long shirt made of skin, reaching down to the ankles, and tied around the waist." They have few ornaments. The Nez Percés wear "a buffalo or elk-skin robe decorated with beads, seashells, mainly mother-of-pearl, attached to an otter-skin collar and hung in their hair." Leggings and moccasins are painted, and a braid of twisted grass is worn around the neck. The women wear their long robe without a belt, but to it "are tied small pieces of brass and shells, and other little items." "The female dress is indeed more modest, and more carefully designed than anything we have observed, while the men care less about the exposure of their bodies." "The Sokulk women have no other covering but a strap or piece of leather tied around the hips and drawn tight between the legs." Three-quarters of the Pisquitpaws "wear hardly any robes at all." The Chilluckittequaws use skins from wolves, deer, elk, and wild cats. "Around their necks is a strip of some skin with the animal's tail hanging down over their chests." Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 321, 340-1, 351, 359, 361, 377, 526, 528, 532-3. Many of the Walla Walla, Nez Percé, and Cayuse women wore robes "richly decorated with beads, higuas," etc. The war chief wears a headdress made from the entire skin of a wolf's head, with the ears standing up. The Okanagans wear long detachable sleeves or mittens made from wolf or fox skin in winter, along with wolf or bear skin hats while hunting. Men and women dress almost the same and use a lot of ornaments. Ross' Adven., p. 127, 294-8; Id., Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 306. The Flatheads often change their clothes and clean them with pipe clay. They do not have a regular headdress. From Yakima to Okanagan, men go naked, and women wear just a belt with a piece passing between their legs. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 133, 148, 240-1, vol. ii., p. 144. Nez Percés are better dressed than anyone else, Cayuses are well clothed, while Walla Wallas are naked and half-starved. Palmer's Jour., pp. 54, 124, 127-8. At The Dalles, women "go nearly naked, wearing hardly anything more than what could be called a breech-cloth made of buckskin, which is black and filthy with dirt." Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 409-10, 426, 473. The Kliketat women wear a short pine-bark skirt tied around their waists. Townsend's Nar., pp. 78, 178, 148. "They mainly get their buffalo robes and other skins from Missouri when they go to hunt, as there are no buffalo in this area and very little other game." Gass' Jour., pp. 189, 205, 218-19, 295. Tusshepaw women wore willow caps that were neatly crafted and decorated. Irving's Astoria, pp. 315, 317, 319; Id., Bonneville's Adven., p. 301. The Flathead women wear straw hats, which are also used for drinking and cooking. De Smet, Voy., pp. 45-7, 198. The Shushwaps wear capes made of bark trimmed with fur in wet weather, reaching to the elbows. Moccasins are more common than on the coast, but they often ride barefoot. Mayne's B. C., p. 301. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 229-30; Kane's Wand., p. 264, and cut; Fremont's Ogn. and Cal., pp. 186-7; Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 222; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 153; Franchère's Nar., p. 268; Dunn's Oregon, p. 311; Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 304; Hunt, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., tom. x., 1821, pp. 74-5, 78.

[389] The Sokulk houses 'generally of a square or oblong form, varying in length from fifteen to sixty feet, and supported in the inside by poles or forks about six feet high.' The roof is nearly flat. The Echeloot and Chilluckittequaw houses were of the Chinook style, partially sunk in the ground. The Nez Percés live in houses built 'of straw and mats, in the form of the roof of a house.' One of these 'was one hundred and fifty-six feet long, and about fifteen wide, closed at the ends, and having a number of doors on each side.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 340, 351, 369-70, 381-2, 540. Nez Percé dwellings twenty to seventy feet long and from ten to fifteen feet wide; free from vermin. Flathead houses conical but spacious, made of buffalo and moose skins over long poles. Spokane lodges oblong or conical, covered with skins or mats. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 148, 192, 200. Nez Percé and Cayuse lodges 'composed of ten long poles, the lower ends of which are pointed and driven into the ground; the upper blunt and drawn together at the top by thongs' covered with skins. 'Universally used by the mountain Indians while travelling.' Umatillas live in 'shantys or wigwams of driftwood, covered with buffalo or deer skins.' Klicatats 'in miserable loose hovels.' Townsend's Nar., pp. 104-5, 156, 174. Okanagan winter lodges are long and narrow, 'chiefly of mats and poles, covered over with grass and earth;' dug one or two feet below the surface; look like the roof of a common house set on the ground. Ross' Adven., pp. 313-4. On the Yakima River 'a small canopy, hardly sufficient to shelter a sheep, was found to contain four generations of human beings.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., pp. 34, 37. On the Clearwater 'there are not more than four lodges in a place or village, and these small camps or villages are eight or ten miles apart.' 'Summer lodges are made of willows and flags, and their winter lodges of split pine.' Gass' Jour., pp. 212, 221, 223. 'At Kettle Falls, the lodges are of rush mats.' 'A flooring is made of sticks, raised three or four feet from the ground, leaving the space beneath it entirely open, and forming a cool, airy, and shady place, in which to hang their salmon.' Kane's Wand., pp. 309, 272-3. The Pend d'Oreilles roll their tent-mats into cylindrical bundles for convenience in traveling. Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 215, 238, 282. Barnhart, in Id., 1862, p. 271. The Shushwap den is warm but 'necessarily unwholesome, and redolent ... of anything but roses.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 77. Yakimas, 'rude huts covered with mats.' Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 407. Shushwaps erect rude slants of bark or matting; have no tents or houses. Milton and Cheadle's N. W. Pass., p. 242. From the swamps south of Flatbow Lake, 'the Kootanie Indians obtain the klusquis or thick reed, which is the only article that serves them in the construction of their lodges,' and is traded with other tribes. Sullivan, in Palliser's Explor., p. 15. In winter the Salish cover their mats with earth. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 207. Flag huts of the Walla Wallas. Farnham's Trav., p. 85; Mullan's Rept., pp. 49-50; Palmer's Jour., p. 61; Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 295; Irving's Astoria, pp. 315, 319; Id., Bonneville's Adven., p. 301; De Smet, Voy., p. 185; Id., West. Missions, p. 284; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 105-6. Hunt, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., tom. x., 1821, pp. 74-5, 79.

[389] The Sokulk houses are typically square or rectangular, ranging from fifteen to sixty feet long, and supported inside by poles or forks about six feet high. The roof is nearly flat. The Echeloot and Chilluckittequaw houses are in the Chinook style and are partially built into the ground. The Nez Percés construct houses made of straw and mats, shaped like a roof. One such house measured one hundred and fifty-six feet long and about fifteen feet wide, with closed ends and multiple doors on each side. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 340, 351, 369-70, 381-2, 540. Nez Percé dwellings range from twenty to seventy feet long and ten to fifteen feet wide; they are free from pests. Flathead houses are conical yet spacious, made from buffalo and moose skins over long poles. Spokane lodges can be rectangular or conical, covered with skins or mats. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 148, 192, 200. Nez Percé and Cayuse lodges consist of ten long poles, with pointed ends driven into the ground and blunt tops tied together with thongs, covered with skins. They are universally used by mountain Indians while traveling. Umatillas live in "shanties or wigwams made of driftwood, covered with buffalo or deer skins." Klicatats live in poorly made, loose hovels. Townsend's Nar., pp. 104-5, 156, 174. Okanagan winter lodges are long and narrow, primarily made of mats and poles, covered with grass and earth; they are dug one or two feet below the surface and resemble the roof of an ordinary house lying on the ground. Ross' Adven., pp. 313-4. On the Yakima River, "a small canopy, hardly enough to shelter a sheep, was found to contain four generations of people." Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., pp. 34, 37. Along the Clearwater, "there are usually no more than four lodges in a place or village, and these small camps or villages are eight or ten miles apart." "Summer lodges are made of willows and flags, and their winter lodges from split pine." Gass' Jour., pp. 212, 221, 223. "At Kettle Falls, the lodges are made of rush mats." "They have a floor made of sticks, raised three or four feet off the ground, leaving the space below entirely open, creating a cool, airy, and shady spot ideal for hanging their salmon." Kane's Wand., pp. 309, 272-3. The Pend d'Oreilles roll their tent mats into cylindrical bundles for easier travel. Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 215, 238, 282. Barnhart, in Id., 1862, p. 271. The Shushwap's homes are warm but "necessarily unhealthy, and redolent ... of anything but roses." Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 77. Yakimas have "crude huts covered with mats." Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 407. Shushwaps build simple slants of bark or matting and have no tents or houses. Milton and Cheadle's N. W. Pass., p. 242. From the swamps south of Flatbow Lake, "the Kootanie Indians obtain the klusquis or thick reed, which is the only material they use to build their lodges," and they trade this with other tribes. Sullivan, in Palliser's Explor., p. 15. In winter, the Salish cover their mats with earth. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 207. Flag huts of the Walla Wallas. Farnham's Trav., p. 85; Mullan's Rept., pp. 49-50; Palmer's Jour., p. 61; Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 295; Irving's Astoria, pp. 315, 319; Id., Bonneville's Adven., p. 301; De Smet, Voy., p. 185; Id., West. Missions, p. 284; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 105-6. Hunt, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., tom. x., 1821, pp. 74-5, 79.

[390] Natives begin to assemble at Kettle Falls about three weeks before the salmon begin to run; feuds are laid by; horse-racing, gambling, love-making, etc., occupy the assembly; and the medicine-men are busy working charms for a successful season. The fish are cut open, dried on poles over a small fire, and packed in bales. On the Fraser each family or village fishes for itself; near the mouth large gaff-hooks are used, higher up a net managed between two canoes. All the principal Indian fishing-stations on the Fraser are below Fort Hope. For sturgeon a spear seventy to eighty feet long is used. Cut of sturgeon-fishing. Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 71-6, 181, 184-6. The Pend d'Oreilles 'annually construct a fence which reaches across the stream, and guides the fish into a weir or rack,' on Clarke River, just above the lake. The Walla Walla 'fisheries at the Dalles and the falls, ten miles above, are the finest on the river.' The Yakima weirs constructed 'upon horizontal spars, and supported by tripods of strong poles erected at short distances apart; two of the logs fronting up stream, and one supporting them below;' some fifty or sixty yards long. The salmon of the Okanagan were 'of a small species, which had assumed a uniform red color.' 'The fishery at the Kettle Falls is one of the most important on the river, and the arrangements of the Indians in the shape of drying-scaffolds and store-houses are on a corresponding scale.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 214, 223, 231, 233; Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 407-8. The salmon chief at Kettle Falls distributes the fish among the people, every one, even the smallest child, getting an equal share. Kane's Wand., pp. 311-14. On Des Chutes River 'they spear the fish with barbed iron points, fitted loosely by sockets to the ends of poles about eight feet long,' to which they are fastened by a thong about twelve feet long. Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 90. On the upper Columbia an Indian 'cut off a bit of his leathern shirt, about the size of a small bean; then pulling out two or three hairs from his horse's tail for a line, tied the bit of leather to one end of it, in place of a hook or fly.' Ross' Adven., pp. 132-3. At the mouth of Flatbow River 'a dike of round stones, which runs up obliquely against the main stream, on the west side, for more than one hundred yards in length, resembling the foundation of a wall.' Similar range on the east side, supposed to be for taking fish at low water. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., pp. 165-6. West of the Rocky Mountains they fish 'with great success by means of a kind of large basket suspended from a long cord.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 240-1. On Powder River they use the hook as a gaff. Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 283. A Wasco spears three or four salmon of twenty to thirty pounds each in ten minutes. Remy and Brenchley's Jour., vol. ii., p. 506. No salmon are taken above the upper falls of the Columbia. Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 392. Walla Walla fish-weirs 'formed of two curtains of small willow switches matted together with withes of the same plant, and extending across the river in two parallel lines, six feet asunder. These are supported by several parcels of poles, ... and are either rolled up or let down at pleasure for a few feet.... A seine of fifteen or eighteen feet in length is then dragged down the river by two persons, and the bottom drawn up against the curtain of willows.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 532. Make fishing-nets of flax. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 90. 'The Inland, as well as the Coast, tribes, live to a great extent upon salmon.' Mayne's B. C., p. 242; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., pp. 152-3. Palouse 'live solely by fishing.' Mullan's Rept., p. 49. Salmon cannot ascend to Coeur d'Alêne Lake. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 209-10. Okanagan food 'consists principally of salmon and a small fish which they call carp.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 462. The Walla Wallas 'may well be termed the fishermen of the Skyuse camp.' Farnham's Trav., p. 82.

[390] Locals start gathering at Kettle Falls about three weeks before the salmon run begins; conflicts are set aside while horse racing, gambling, and romance take up their time, and the shamans are busy creating charms for a successful season. The fish are sliced open, dried on poles over a small fire, and packed into bales. On the Fraser River, each family or village fishes for itself; near the mouth, large gaff hooks are used, while farther upstream, nets are handled between two canoes. All the main fishing spots along the Fraser are below Fort Hope. For sturgeon, a spear that’s seventy to eighty feet long is used. Cut of sturgeon-fishing. Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 71-6, 181, 184-6. The Pend d'Oreilles 'build a fence every year that stretches across the stream, guiding fish into a weir or rack' on Clarke River, just above the lake. The Walla Walla 'fisheries at the Dalles and the falls, ten miles upstream, are the best on the river.' The Yakima set up weirs 'using horizontal spars supported by tripods made of strong poles spaced closely together; two of the logs facing upstream, and one supporting them below;' some are about fifty or sixty yards long. The salmon in the Okanagan were 'a smaller species that had turned a uniform red color.' 'The fishery at Kettle Falls is one of the most significant on the river, and the Indians’ preparations, with drying racks and storage houses, are on a large scale.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 214, 223, 231, 233; Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 407-8. The salmon chief at Kettle Falls distributes the fish to the community, with everyone, even the smallest child, getting an equal portion. Kane's Wand., pp. 311-14. On Des Chutes River, 'they spear the fish using barbed iron points, loosely fitted with sockets to the ends of poles about eight feet long,' secured by a twelve-foot long thong. Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 90. In the upper Columbia, an Indian 'cut off a piece of his leather shirt, about the size of a small bean; then he pulled out a couple of hairs from his horse’s tail for a line, tying the piece of leather to one end as a makeshift hook or fly.' Ross' Adven., pp. 132-3. At the mouth of Flatbow River, 'there’s a dike made of round stones that slopes toward the main stream on the west side, extending for over a hundred yards in length, looking like the base of a wall.' A similar setup on the east side is thought to help catch fish during low water. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., pp. 165-6. West of the Rocky Mountains, they fish 'very successfully using a large basket suspended from a long line.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 240-1. On Powder River, they use the hook as a gaff. Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 283. A Wasco can spear three or four salmon weighing twenty to thirty pounds each in just ten minutes. Remy and Brenchley's Jour., vol. ii., p. 506. No salmon are found above the upper falls of the Columbia. Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 392. Walla Walla fish weirs 'are made of two curtains of small willow branches woven together with strips of the same plant, extending across the river in two parallel lines, six feet apart. These are supported by several bundles of poles, ... and can either be rolled up or let down a few feet as needed.... A seine of fifteen or eighteen feet long is then dragged downstream by two people, pulling the bottom against the willow curtain.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 532. They make fishing nets from flax. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 90. 'Both Inland and Coast tribes rely heavily on salmon for sustenance.' Mayne's B. C., p. 242; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., pp. 152-3. The Palouse 'live entirely by fishing.' Mullan's Rept., p. 49. Salmon cannot get to Coeur d'Alêne Lake. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 209-10. Okanagan people eat 'mainly salmon and a small fish they call carp.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 462. The Walla Wallas 'can rightly be called the fishermen of the Skyuse camp.' Farnham's Trav., p. 82.

[391] The Shushwaps formerly crossed the mountains to the Assinniboine territory. The Okanagans when hunting wear wolf or bear skin caps; there is no bird or beast whose voice they cannot imitate. War and hunting were the Nez Percé occupation; cross the mountains for buffalo. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 148, 219, 297-8, 305. The chief game of the Nez Percés is the deer, 'and whenever the ground will permit, the favourite hunt is on horseback.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 555. The Salish live by the chase, on elk, moose, deer, big-horn and bears; make two trips annually, spring to fall, and fall to mid-winter, across the mountains, accompanied by other nations. The Pend d'Oreilles hunt deer in the snow with clubs; have distinct localities for hunting each kind of game. Nez Percés, Flatheads, Coeurs d'Alêne, Spokanes, Pend d'Oreilles, etc., hunt together. Yakimas formerly joined the Flatheads in eastern hunt. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 207-8, 212-15, 218, 225-6. 'Two hunts annually across the mountains—one in April, for the bulls, from which they return in June and July; and another, after about a month's recruit, to kill cows, which have by that time become fat.' Stevens, Gibbs, and Suckley, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 415, 408, 296-7, vol. xii., p. 134. Kootenais live by the chase principally. Hutchins, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 455. Spokanes rather indolent in hunting; hunting deer by fire. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 197, vol. ii., pp. 46-7. The Kootenais 'seldom hunt;' there is not much to shoot except wild fowl in fall. Trap beaver and carriboeuf on a tributary of the Kootanie River. Palliser's Explor., pp. 10, 15, 73. Flatheads 'follow the buffalo upon the headwaters of Clarke and Salmon rivers.' Nez Percé women accompany the men to the buffalo-hunt. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 107, 311. Kootenais cross the mountains for buffalo. Mayne's B. C., p. 297. Coeurs d'Alêne ditto. Mullan's Rept., p. 49. Half of the Nez Percés 'usually make a trip to the buffalo country for three months.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 494. Shushwaps 'live by hunting the bighorns, mountain goats, and marmots.' Milton and Cheadle's N. W. Pass., p. 242. Buffalo never pass to west of the Rocky Mountains. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 179; Kane's Wand., p. 328; De Smet, Voy., pp. 31, 45, 144-5; Ind. Life, pp. 23-4, 34-41; Franchère's Nar., pp. 268-9; Hunt, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., tom. x., 1821, pp. 77-82; Stuart, in Id., tom. xii., pp. 25, 35-6; Joset, in Id., tom. cxxiii., 1849, pp. 334-40.

[391] The Shushwaps used to cross the mountains into Assinniboine territory. The Okanagans wear wolf or bear skin caps while hunting; there's no bird or animal whose call they can't imitate. War and hunting were the main activities of the Nez Percé people; they crossed the mountains to hunt buffalo. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 148, 219, 297-8, 305. The primary game for the Nez Percés is deer, and whenever the terrain allows, they prefer to hunt on horseback. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 555. The Salish people rely on hunting elk, moose, deer, big-horn sheep, and bears; they make two trips each year, one from spring to fall, and another from fall to mid-winter, crossing the mountains with other nations. The Pend d'Oreilles hunt deer in the snow using clubs and have specific areas designated for hunting each type of game. Nez Percés, Flatheads, Coeurs d'Alêne, Spokanes, Pend d'Oreilles, etc., hunt together. The Yakimas used to team up with the Flatheads for hunts in the east. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 207-8, 212-15, 218, 225-6. "They conduct two hunts across the mountains each year—one in April for bulls, returning in June and July; and another, after about a month of rest, to hunt cows that have gotten fat by then." Stevens, Gibbs, and Suckley, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 415, 408, 296-7, vol. xii., p. 134. The Kootenais mainly live by hunting. Hutchins, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 455. The Spokanes are somewhat lazy about hunting; they hunt deer using fire. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 197, vol. ii., pp. 46-7. The Kootenais “seldom hunt;” there isn’t much to shoot at except wildfowl in the fall. They trap beaver and caribou on a tributary of the Kootanie River. Palliser's Explor., pp. 10, 15, 73. Flatheads "follow the buffalo near the headwaters of Clarke and Salmon rivers." Nez Percé women join the men on buffalo hunts. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 107, 311. Kootenais cross the mountains to hunt buffalo. Mayne's B. C., p. 297. Coeurs d'Alêne does the same. Mullan's Rept., p. 49. Half of the Nez Percés "usually make a trip to the buffalo country for three months." Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 494. Shushwaps "live by hunting bighorns, mountain goats, and marmots." Milton and Cheadle's N. W. Pass., p. 242. Buffalo do not roam west of the Rocky Mountains. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 179; Kane's Wand., p. 328; De Smet, Voy., pp. 31, 45, 144-5; Ind. Life, pp. 23-4, 34-41; Franchère's Nar., pp. 268-9; Hunt, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., tom. x., 1821, pp. 77-82; Stuart, in Id., tom. xii., pp. 25, 35-6; Joset, in Id., tom. cxxiii., 1849, pp. 334-40.

[392] The Kliketats gather and eat peahay, a bitter root boiled into a jelly; n'poolthla, ground into flour; mamum and seekywa, made into bitter white cakes; kamass; calz, a kind of wild sunflower. Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 247. The Flatheads go every spring to Camass Prairie. De Smet, Voy., p. 183. The Kootenais eat kamash and an edible moss. Id., Missions de l'Orégon, pp. 75-6. 'The Cayooses, Nez Percés, and other warlike tribes assemble (in Yakima Valley) every spring to lay in a stock of the favourite kamass and pelua, or sweet potatoes.' Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 19. Quamash, round, onion-shaped, and sweet, eaten by the Nez Percés. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 330. Couse root dug in April or May; camas in June and July. Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 656. The Skyuses 'main subsistence is however upon roots.' The Nez Percés eat kamash, cowish or biscuit root, jackap, aisish, quako, etc. Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 301, 388. Okanagans live extensively on moss made into bread. The Nez Percés also eat moss. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 462, 494. Pend d'Oreilles at the last extremity live on pine-tree moss; also collect camash, bitter-roots, and sugar pears. Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 211, 214-15. 'I never saw any berry in the course of my travels which the Indians scruple to eat, nor have I seen any ill effect from their doing so.' Kane's Wand., p. 327. The Kootenai food in September 'appears to be almost entirely berries; namely, the "sasketoom" of the Crees, a delicious fruit, and a small species of cherry, also a sweet root which they obtain to the southward.' Blakiston, in Palliser's Explor., p. 73. Flatheads dig konah, 'bitter root' in May. It is very nutritious and very bitter. Pahseego, camas, or 'water seego,' is a sweet, gummy, bulbous root. Stuart's Montana, pp. 57-8. Colvilles cut down pines for their moss (alectoria?). Kamas also eaten. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 34. The Shushwaps eat moss and lichens, chiefly the black lichen, or whyelkine. Mayne's B. C., p. 301; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 127. The Salish in March and April eat popkah, an onion-like bulb; in May, spatlam, a root like vermicelli; in June and July, itwha, like roasted chestnuts; in August, wild fruits; in September, marani, a grain. Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 312.

[392] The Kliketats gather and eat peahay, a bitter root boiled into a jelly; n'poolthla, ground into flour; mamum and seekywa, made into bitter white cakes; kamass; calz, a type of wild sunflower. Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 247. The Flatheads go to Camass Prairie every spring. De Smet, Voy., p. 183. The Kootenais eat kamash and an edible moss. Id., Missions de l'Orégon, pp. 75-6. 'The Cayooses, Nez Percés, and other warlike tribes gather (in Yakima Valley) every spring to stock up on their favorite kamass and pelua, or sweet potatoes.' Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 19. Quamash, round, onion-shaped, and sweet, is eaten by the Nez Percés. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 330. Couse root is dug in April or May; camas in June and July. Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 656. The Skyuses’ main source of food is roots. The Nez Percés eat kamash, cowish or biscuit root, jackap, aisish, quako, and others. Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 301, 388. Okanagans rely heavily on moss made into bread. The Nez Percés also eat moss. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 462, 494. The Pend d’Oreilles, when in dire straits, live on pine-tree moss; they also collect camash, bitter roots, and sugar pears. Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 211, 214-15. 'I never saw any berry during my travels that the Indians hesitated to eat, nor did I observe any negative effects from it.' Kane's Wand., p. 327. Kootenai food in September 'seems to consist almost entirely of berries; specifically, the "sasketoom" from the Crees, a delicious fruit, and a small type of cherry, as well as a sweet root they gather to the south.' Blakiston, in Palliser's Explor., p. 73. Flatheads dig konah, 'bitter root' in May. It is very nutritious and extremely bitter. Pahseego, camas, or 'water seego,' is a sweet, gummy, bulbous root. Stuart's Montana, pp. 57-8. Colvilles cut down pines for their moss (alectoria?). They also eat kamas. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 34. The Shushwaps eat moss and lichens, mainly the black lichen, or whyelkine. Mayne's B. C., p. 301; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 127. The Salish eat popkah, an onion-like bulb, in March and April; in May, spatlam, a root that looks like vermicelli; in June and July, itwha, similar to roasted chestnuts; in August, they gather wild fruits; and in September, marani, a grain. Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 312.

[393] At the Dalles 'during the fishing season, the Indians live entirely on the heads, hearts and offal of the salmon, which they string on sticks, and roast over a small fire.' Besides pine-moss, the Okanagans use the seed of the balsam oriza pounded into meal, called mielito. 'To this is added the siffleurs.' Berries made into cakes by the Nez Percés. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 410, 462, 494. Quamash, 'eaten either in its natural state, or boiled into a kind of soup, or made into a cake, which is then called pasheco.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 330, 353, 365, 369. Women's head-dress serves the Flatheads for cooking, etc. De Smet, Voy., pp. 47, 193-9; Id., Missions de l'Orégon, pp. 75-6. 'The dog's tongue is the only dish-cloth known' to the Okanagans. Pine-moss cooked, or squill-ape, will keep for years. 'At their meals they generally eat separately and in succession—man, woman and child.' Ross' Adven., pp. 132-3, 295, 317-18. 'Most of their food is roasted, and they excel in roasting fish.' Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 231, 107. 'Pine moss, which they boil till it is reduced to a sort of glue or black paste, of a sufficient consistence to take the form of biscuit.' Franchère's Nar., p. 279. Couse tastes like parsnips, is dried and pulverized, and sometimes boiled with meat. Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 656. Root bread on the Clearwater tastes like that made of pumpkins. Gass' Jour., pp. 202-3. Kamas after coming from the kiln is 'made into large cakes, by being mashed, and pressed together, and slightly baked in the sun.' White-root, pulverized with stones, moistened and sun-baked, tastes not unlike stale biscuits. Townsend's Nar., pp. 126-7. Camas and sun-flower seed mixed with salmon-heads caused in the eater great distension of the stomach. Remy and Brenchley's Jour., vol. ii., pp. 509-11. Sowete, is the name of the mixture last named, among the Cayuses. Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 310; Ind. Life, p. 41; Stuart's Montana, pp. 57-8; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 34; Kane's Wand., pp. 272-3; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 214-15.

[393] At the Dalles during the fishing season, the Indigenous people eat only the heads, hearts, and offal of the salmon, which they skewer on sticks and roast over a small fire. Besides pine moss, the Okanagans use the seeds of the balsam oriza pounded into a meal called mielito. To this is added the siffleurs, which are berries made into cakes by the Nez Percés. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 410, 462, 494. Quamash is eaten either raw, boiled into a soup, or made into a cake called pasheco. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 330, 353, 365, 369. Women's head-dresses serve the Flatheads for cooking, etc. De Smet, Voy., pp. 47, 193-9; Id., Missions de l'Orégon, pp. 75-6. The dog's tongue is the only dishcloth the Okanagans know of. Pine moss, when cooked or squill-ape, can last for years. During meals, they usually eat separately and in turn—man, woman, and child. Ross' Adven., pp. 132-3, 295, 317-18. Most of their food is roasted, and they are particularly skilled at roasting fish. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 231, 107. Pine moss is boiled until it turns into a sort of glue or black paste that’s thick enough to form biscuits. Franchère's Nar., p. 279. Couse tastes like parsnips, is dried and ground into powder, and sometimes boiled with meat. Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 656. Root bread from the Clearwater tastes similar to pumpkin bread. Gass' Jour., pp. 202-3. After being taken from the kiln, kamas is shaped into large cakes by being mashed, pressed together, and lightly baked in the sun. White-root, ground with stones, moistened, and sun-baked, has a taste not unlike stale biscuits. Townsend's Nar., pp. 126-7. Mixing camas and sunflower seeds with salmon heads causes significant stomach distension in the eater. Remy and Brenchley's Jour., vol. ii., pp. 509-11. Sowete is the name of the last-mentioned mixture among the Cayuses. Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 310; Ind. Life, p. 41; Stuart's Montana, pp. 57-8; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 34; Kane's Wand., pp. 272-3; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 214-15.

[394] Additional notes and references on procuring food. The Okanagans break up winter quarters in February; wander about in small bands till June. Assemble on the river and divide into two parties of men and two of women for fishing and dressing fish, hunting and digging roots, until October; hunt in small parties in the mountains or the interior for four or six weeks; and then go into winter quarters on the small rivers. Ross' Adven., pp. 314-16. Further south on the Columbia plains the natives collect and dry roots until May; fish on the north bank of the river till September, burying the fish; dig camas on the plains till snow falls; and retire to the foot of the mountains to hunt deer and elk through the winter. The Nez Percés catch salmon and dig roots in summer; hunt deer on snow-shoes in winter; and cross the mountains for buffalo in spring. Sokulks live on fish, roots, and antelope. Eneeshur, Echeloots, and Chilluckittequaw, on fish, berries, roots and nuts. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 444-5, 340-1, 352, 365, 370. Spokanes live on deer, wild fowl, salmon, trout, carp, pine-moss, roots and wild fruit. They have no repugnance to horse-flesh, but never kill horses for food. The Sinapoils live on salmon, camas, and an occasional small deer. The Chaudiere country well stocked with game, fish and fruit. Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 201, vol. ii., p. 145. The Kayuse live on fish, game, and camass bread. De Smet, Voy., pp. 30-1. 'Ils cultivent avec succès le blé, les patates, les pois et plusieurs autres légumes et fruits.' Id., Miss. de l'Orégon., p. 67. Pend d'Oreilles; fish, Kamash, and pine-tree moss. Id., West. Missions, p. 284. 'Whole time was occupied in providing for their bellies, which were rarely full.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 211. Yakimas and Kliketats; Unis or fresh-water muscles, little game, sage-fowl and grouse, kamas, berries, salmon. The Okanagans raise some potatoes. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 404, 408, 413. Kootenais; fish and wild fowl, berries and pounded meat, have cows and oxen. Palliser's Explor., pp. 10, 72. Palouse; fish, birds, and small animals. Umatillas; fish, sage-cocks, prairie-hares. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 97, 105-6. Tushepaws would not permit horses or dogs to be eaten. Irving's Astoria, p. 316. Nez Percés; beaver, elk, deer, white bear, and mountain sheep, also steamed roots. Id., Bonneville's Adven., p. 301. Sahaptin; gather cherries and berries on Clarke River. Gass' Jour., p. 193; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 151; Hines' Voy., p. 167; Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 533-5; Stanley's Portraits, pp. 63-71; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 108; Kane's Wand., pp. 263-4; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 228-31, 309; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 474; Hale's Ethnog., Ib., vol. vi., p. 206.

[394] Additional notes and references on getting food. The Okanagans end their winter stay in February; they move around in small groups until June. They gather by the river and split into two groups of men and two groups of women for fishing and preparing fish, hunting, and digging for roots, until October; they hunt in small groups in the mountains or interior for four to six weeks; then they go into winter quarters by the small rivers. Ross' Adven., pp. 314-16. Further south on the Columbia plains, the natives collect and dry roots until May; they fish on the north bank of the river until September, storing the fish; they dig camas on the plains until snow falls; and then they move to the foot of the mountains to hunt deer and elk through the winter. The Nez Percés catch salmon and dig roots in the summer; they hunt deer on snowshoes in the winter; and they cross the mountains for buffalo in the spring. Sokulks eat fish, roots, and antelope. Eneeshur, Echeloots, and Chilluckittequaw rely on fish, berries, roots, and nuts. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 444-5, 340-1, 352, 365, 370. Spokanes eat deer, wild fowl, salmon, trout, carp, pine moss, roots, and wild fruit. They don’t mind eating horse meat but never kill horses for food. The Sinapoils eat salmon, camas, and occasionally a small deer. The Chaudiere country is rich in game, fish, and fruit. Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 201, vol. ii., p. 145. The Kayuse eat fish, game, and camas bread. De Smet, Voy., pp. 30-1. 'They successfully cultivate wheat, potatoes, peas, and several other vegetables and fruits.' Id., Miss. de l'Orégon., p. 67. Pend d'Oreilles; fish, kamas, and pine tree moss. Id., West. Missions, p. 284. 'Entire time was spent providing for their appetites, which were rarely satisfied.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 211. Yakimas and Kliketats; freshwater mussels, little game, sage-hens, grouse, kamas, berries, salmon. The Okanagans grow some potatoes. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 404, 408, 413. Kootenais; fish and wild fowl, berries, and ground meat, have cows and oxen. Palliser's Explor., pp. 10, 72. Palouse; fish, birds, and small animals. Umatillas; fish, sage-grouse, prairie hares. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 97, 105-6. Tushepaws did not allow horses or dogs to be eaten. Irving's Astoria, p. 316. Nez Percés; beaver, elk, deer, white bear, and mountain sheep, as well as steamed roots. Id., Bonneville's Adven., p. 301. Sahaptin; gather cherries and berries on Clarke River. Gass' Jour., p. 193; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 151; Hines' Voy., p. 167; Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 533-5; Stanley's Portraits, pp. 63-71; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 108; Kane's Wand., pp. 263-4; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 228-31, 309; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 474; Hale's Ethnog., Ib., vol. vi., p. 206.

[395] Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 383, 548; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 230, 312; Townsend's Nar., p. 148; De Smet, Voy., pp. 46-7, 198; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 197-9, 358, vol. ii., pp. 155, 373, 375; Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 295; Palmer's Jour., pp. 54, 58, 59.

[395] Lewis and Clarke's Travels, pp. 383, 548; Parker's Exploration Tour, pp. 230, 312; Townsend's Narrative, p. 148; De Smet, Voyage, pp. 46-7, 198; Cox's Adventures, vol. i., pp. 197-9, 358, vol. ii., pp. 155, 373, 375; Coke's Rocky Mountains, p. 295; Palmer's Journal, pp. 54, 58, 59.

[396] The Okanagan weapon is called a Spampt. Ross' Adven., pp. 318-19; Id., Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 306-8. 'Ils ... faire leurs arcs d'un bois très-élastique, ou de la corne du cerf.' De Smet, Voy., p. 48; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 488; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 405; Townsend's Nar., p. 98; Irving's Astoria, p. 317; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 351; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 106-7, 233; Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 216.

[396] The Okanagan weapon is called a Spampt. Ross' Adven., pp. 318-19; Id., Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 306-8. 'They ... make their bows from a very elastic wood, or from deer horn.' De Smet, Voy., p. 48; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 488; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 405; Townsend's Nar., p. 98; Irving's Astoria, p. 317; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 351; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 106-7, 233; Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 216.

[397] Torture of Blackfeet prisoners; burning with a red-hot gun-barrel, pulling out the nails, taking off fingers, scooping out the eyes, scalping, revolting cruelties to female captives. The disputed right of the Flatheads to hunt buffalo at the eastern foot of the mountains is the cause of the long-continued hostility. The wisest and bravest is annually elected war chief. The war chief carries a long whip and secures discipline by flagellation. Except a few feathers and pieces of red cloth, both the Flathead and Kootenai enter battle perfectly naked. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 232-45, vol. ii., p. 160. The Cayuse and Sahaptin are the most warlike of all the southern tribes. The Nez Percés good warriors, but do not follow war as a profession. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 185-6, 305, 308-12, vol. ii., pp. 93-6, 139. Among the Okanagans 'the hot bath, council, and ceremony of smoking the great pipe before war, is always religiously observed. Their laws, however, admit of no compulsion, nor is the chief's authority implicitly obeyed on these occasions; consequently, every one judges for himself, and either goes or stays as he thinks proper. With a view, however, to obviate this defect in their system, they have instituted the dance, which answers every purpose of a recruiting service.' 'Every man, therefore, who enters within this ring and joins in the dance ... is in honour bound to assist in carrying on the war.' Id., Adven. pp. 319-20. Mock battles and military display for the entertainment of white visitors. Hines' Voy., pp. 173-4. The Chilluckittequaws cut off the forefingers of a slain enemy as trophies. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 375-6. When scouting, 'Flathead chief would ride at full gallop so near the foe as to flap in their faces the eagle's tail streaming behind (from his cap), yet no one dared seize the tail or streamer, it being considered sacrilegious and fraught with misfortune to touch it.' Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 238. A thousand Walla Wallas came to the Sacramento River in 1846, to avenge the death of a young chief killed by an American about a year before. Colton's Three Years in Cal., p. 52. One Flathead is said to be equal to four Blackfeet in battle. De Smet, Voy., pp. 31, 49; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 312-13; Gray's Hist. Ogn., pp. 171-4; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 233-7; Stanley's Portraits, pp. 65-71; Ind. Life, pp. 23-5; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 495.

[397] Torture of Blackfeet prisoners included burning with a red-hot gun barrel, ripping out nails, removing fingers, gouging out eyes, and scalping—horrific acts towards female captives. The ongoing conflict is rooted in the disputed right of the Flatheads to hunt buffalo at the eastern foot of the mountains. Each year, the wisest and bravest person is chosen as the war chief. The war chief wields a long whip to maintain discipline through flagellation. Aside from a few feathers and pieces of red cloth, both the Flathead and Kootenai fight completely naked. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 232-45, vol. ii., p. 160. The Cayuse and Sahaptin are the most warlike of all the southern tribes. The Nez Percés are good warriors, but they don’t pursue war as a profession. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 185-6, 305, 308-12, vol. ii., pp. 93-6, 139. Among the Okanagans, the hot bath, council, and ceremony of smoking the great pipe before war are always observed with seriousness. Their laws, however, allow no coercion, and the chief’s authority is not always followed at these times; therefore, everyone decides for themselves whether to participate or not. To address this issue, they have introduced a dance that serves as a kind of recruiting service. "Every man who enters this circle and joins in the dance... is honor-bound to participate in the war." Id., Adven. pp. 319-20. They staged mock battles and military displays for the entertainment of white visitors. Hines' Voy., pp. 173-4. The Chilluckittequaws would cut off the forefingers of a slain enemy as trophies. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 375-6. When scouting, "the Flathead chief would ride at full gallop close enough to the enemy to wave the eagle's tail streaming behind him (from his cap), yet no one dared to grab the tail or streamer, as it was seen as sacrilegious and likely to bring bad luck." Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 238. A thousand Walla Wallas came to the Sacramento River in 1846 to avenge the death of a young chief killed by an American a year earlier. Colton's Three Years in Cal., p. 52. One Flathead is considered to be as good as four Blackfeet in battle. De Smet, Voy., pp. 31, 49; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 312-13; Gray's Hist. Ogn., pp. 171-4; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 233-7; Stanley's Portraits, pp. 65-71; Ind. Life, pp. 23-5; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 495.

[398] White marl clay used to cleanse skin robes, by making it into a paste, rubbing it on the hide and leaving it to dry, after which it is rubbed off. Saddles usually sit uneasily on the horse's back. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 106, 232-4. 'Mallet of stone curiously carved' among the Sokulks. Near the Cascades was seen a ladder resembling those used by the whites. The Pishquitpaws used 'a saddle or pad of dressed skin, stuffed with goats' hair.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 353, 370, 375, 528. On the Fraser a rough kind of isinglass was at one time prepared and traded to the Hudson Bay Company. Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 177. 'The Sahaptins still make a kind of vase of lava, somewhat in the shape of a crucible, but very wide; they use it as a mortar for pounding the grain, of which they make cakes.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 64, 243. (Undoubtedly an error.) Pend d'Oreilles; 'les femmes ... font des nattes de joncs, des paniers, et des chapeaux sans bords.' De Smet, Voy., p. 199. 'Nearly all (the Shushwaps) use the Spanish wooden saddle, which they make with much skill.' Mayne's B. C., pp. 301-2. 'The saddles for women differ in form, being furnished with the antlers of a deer, so as to resemble the high pommelled saddle of the Mexican ladies.' Franchère's Nar., pp. 269-70; Palmer's Jour., p. 129; Irving's Astoria, p. 317, 365; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 148-9.

[398] White marl clay is used to cleanse skin by turning it into a paste, applying it to the hide, and letting it dry before rubbing it off. Saddles often sit uncomfortably on the horse's back. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 106, 232-4. A 'stone mallet with intricate carvings' was found among the Sokulks. Near the Cascades, a ladder was seen that resembles those used by white people. The Pishquitpaws used 'a saddle or pad made from tanned skin, stuffed with goat hair.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 353, 370, 375, 528. On the Fraser, a rough type of isinglass was once prepared and traded to the Hudson Bay Company. Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 177. 'The Sahaptins still create a kind of vase from lava, somewhat like a crucible but much wider; they use it as a mortar for grinding grain, which they use to make cakes.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 64, 243. (Undoubtedly an error.) Pend d'Oreilles; 'women ... make mats from rushes, baskets, and brimless hats.' De Smet, Voy., p. 199. 'Almost all (the Shushwaps) use the Spanish wooden saddle, which they craft with great skill.' Mayne's B. C., pp. 301-2. 'The saddles for women are designed differently, featuring deer antlers to resemble the high-pommelled saddles of Mexican ladies.' Franchère's Nar., pp. 269-70; Palmer's Jour., p. 129; Irving's Astoria, pp. 317, 365; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 148-9.

[399] 'The white-pine bark is a very good substitute for birch, but has the disadvantage of being more brittle in cold weather.' Suckley, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 296. Yakima boats are 'simply logs hollowed out and sloped up at the ends, without form or finish.' Gibbs, in Id., p. 408. The Flatheads 'have no canoes, but in ferrying streams use their lodge skins, which are drawn up into an oval form by cords, and stretched on a few twigs. These they tow with horses, riding sometimes three abreast.' Stevens, in Id., p. 415. In the Kootenai canoe 'the upper part is covered, except a space in the middle.' The length is twenty-two feet, the bottom being a dead level from end to end. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., pp. 169-70. 'The length of the bottom of the one I measured was twelve feet, the width between the gunwales only seven and one half feet.' 'When an Indian paddles it, he sits at the extreme end, and thus sinks the conical point, which serves to steady the canoe like a fish's tail.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 178-9, 255-7. On the Arrow Lakes 'their form is also peculiar and very beautiful. These canoes run the rapids with more safety than those of any other shape.' Kane's Wand., p. 328. See De Smet, Voy., pp. 35, 187; Irving's Astoria, p. 319; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 375; Hector, in Palliser's Explor., p. 27; Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 208, 214, 223, 238.

[399] 'The white-pine bark is a great alternative to birch, but it has the downside of being more fragile in cold weather.' Suckley, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 296. Yakima boats are 'just logs hollowed out and angled up at the ends, without any particular shape or finish.' Gibbs, in Id., p. 408. The Flatheads 'don’t have canoes, but when crossing streams, they use their lodge skins, which are pulled into an oval shape by cords and stretched over a few twigs. They tow these with horses, sometimes riding three alongside each other.' Stevens, in Id., p. 415. In the Kootenai canoe, 'the upper part is covered, except for a space in the middle.' It measures twenty-two feet long, with a flat bottom from end to end. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., pp. 169-70. 'The bottom length of the one I measured was twelve feet, with a width between the gunwales of only seven and a half feet.' 'When an Indian paddles it, he sits at the very end, which sinks the conical tip, serving to stabilize the canoe like a fish's tail.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 178-9, 255-7. On the Arrow Lakes, 'their shape is also unique and very pretty. These canoes navigate the rapids safer than any other shape.' Kane's Wand., p. 328. See De Smet, Voy., pp. 35, 187; Irving's Astoria, p. 319; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 375; Hector, in Palliser's Explor., p. 27; Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 208, 214, 223, 238.

[400] 'The tradition is that horses were obtained from the southward,' not many generations back. Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 247, 177-8. Individuals of the Walla Wallas have over one thousand horses. Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. Bay, p. 83. Kootenais rich in horses and cattle. Palliser's Explor., pp. 44, 73. Kliketat and Yakima horses sometimes fine, but injured by early usage; deteriorated from a good stock; vicious and lazy. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 405. 'La richesse principale des sauvages de l'ouest consiste en chevaux.' De Smet, Voy., pp. 47, 56. At an assemblage of Walla Wallas, Shahaptains and Kyoots, 'the plains were literally covered with horses, of which there could not have been less than four thousand in sight of the camp.' Ross' Adven., p. 127. The Kootanies about Arrow Lake, or Sinatcheggs have no horses, as the country is not suitable for them. Id., Fur Hunters, vol. ii., pp. 171-2. Of the Spokanes the 'chief riches are their horses, which they generally obtain in barter from the Nez Percés.' Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 200. A Skyuse is poor who has but fifteen or twenty horses. The horses are a fine race, 'as large and of better form and more activity than most of the horses of the States.' Farnham's Trav., p. 82. The Flatheads 'are the most northern of the equestrian tribes.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 153. Many Nez Percés 'have from five to fifteen hundred head of horses.' Palmer's Jour., pp. 128-9. Indians of the Spokane and Flathead tribes 'own from one thousand to four thousand head of horses and cattle.' Stevens' Address, p. 12. The Nez Percé horses 'are principally of the pony breed; but remarkably stout and long-winded.' Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 301; Hastings' Em. Guide, p. 59; Hines' Voy., p. 344; Gass' Jour., p. 295; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 230.

[400] 'The tradition is that horses were acquired from the south,' not so many generations ago. Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 247, 177-8. Members of the Walla Walla tribe have over one thousand horses. Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. Bay, p. 83. The Kootenais are rich in horses and cattle. Palliser's Explor., pp. 44, 73. Klikitat and Yakima horses can sometimes be impressive, but they are harmed by early use; they deteriorated from a good stock and tend to be aggressive and lazy. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 405. 'The main wealth of the natives of the West consists of horses.' De Smet, Voy., pp. 47, 56. At a gathering of Walla Wallas, Shahaptains, and Kootenai, 'the plains were literally covered with horses, with no less than four thousand visible from the camp.' Ross' Adven., p. 127. The Kootenai around Arrow Lake, or Sinatcheggs, have no horses, as the area is unsuitable for them. Id., Fur Hunters, vol. ii., pp. 171-2. Among the Spokanes, 'the main wealth is in their horses, which they generally acquire through trade with the Nez Percés.' Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 200. A Skyuse is considered poor if they have only fifteen or twenty horses. The horses are a remarkable breed, 'larger and better-formed and more agile than most horses in the States.' Farnham's Trav., p. 82. The Flatheads 'are the furthest north of the horse-riding tribes.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 153. Many Nez Percés 'own between five to fifteen hundred horses.' Palmer's Jour., pp. 128-9. Members of the Spokane and Flathead tribes 'possess from one thousand to four thousand horses and cattle.' Stevens' Address, p. 12. The Nez Percé horses 'are mainly of the pony breed, but exceptionally sturdy and enduring.' Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 301; Hastings' Em. Guide, p. 59; Hines' Voy., p. 344; Gass' Jour., p. 295; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 230.

[401] The Chilluckittequaw intercourse seems to be an intermediate trade with the nations near the mouth of the Columbia. The Chopunnish trade for, as well as hunt, buffalo-robes east of the mountains. Course of trade in the Sahaptin county: The plain Indians during their stay on the river from May to September, before they begin fishing, go down to the falls with skins, mats, silk-grass, rushes and chapelell bread. Here they meet the mountain tribes from the Kooskooskie (Clearwater) and Lewis rivers, who bring bear-grass, horses, quamash and a few skins obtained by hunting or by barter from the Tushepaws. At the falls are the Chilluckittequaws, Eneeshurs, Echeloots and Skilloots, the latter being intermediate traders between the upper and lower tribes. These tribes have pounded fish for sale; and the Chinooks bring wappato, sea-fish, berries, and trinkets obtained from the whites. Then the trade begins; the Chopunnish and mountain tribes buy wappato, pounded fish and beads; and the plain Indians buy wappato, horses, beads, etc. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 341, 382, 444-5. Horse-fairs in which the natives display the qualities of their steeds with a view to sell. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 86-7. The Oakinacks make trips to the Pacific to trade wild hemp for hiaqua shells and trinkets. Ross' Adven., pp. 291, 323. Trade conducted in silence between a Flathead and Crow. De Smet, Voy., p. 56. Kliketats and Yakimas 'have become to the neighboring tribes what the Yankees were to the once Western States, the traveling retailers of notions.' Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 403, 406. Cayuses, Walla Wallas, and Nez Percés meet in Grande Ronde Valley to trade with the Snakes. Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 270; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 208; Cox's Adven., vol. ii., pp. 88-9, 156; Palmer's Jour., pp. 46, 54; Dunniway's Capt. Gray's Comp., p. 160; Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 294; Mayne's B. C., p. 299; Gass' Jour., p. 205.

[401] The Chilluckittequaw trade appears to be an intermediary exchange with the nations near the mouth of the Columbia River. The Chopunnish trade for and hunt buffalo robes east of the mountains. The trade route in Sahaptin country: The Plains Indians, during their stay by the river from May to September, before they start fishing, head down to the falls with skins, mats, silk grass, rushes, and chapelell bread. Here they encounter the mountain tribes from the Kooskooskie (Clearwater) and Lewis rivers, who bring bear grass, horses, quamash, and a few skins obtained through hunting or trade with the Tushepaws. At the falls are the Chilluckittequaws, Eneeshurs, Echeloots, and Skilloots, the latter serving as intermediaries between the upper and lower tribes. These tribes have pounded fish for sale; the Chinooks bring wappato, sea fish, berries, and trinkets obtained from the white settlers. Then the trading begins; the Chopunnish and mountain tribes buy wappato, pounded fish, and beads; and the Plains Indians buy wappato, horses, beads, and so on. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 341, 382, 444-5. There are horse fairs where the natives show off their horses' qualities to sell them. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 86-7. The Oakinacks travel to the Pacific to trade wild hemp for hiaqua shells and trinkets. Ross' Adven., pp. 291, 323. Trade is conducted in silence between a Flathead and a Crow. De Smet, Voy., p. 56. Kliketats and Yakimas have become to neighboring tribes what the Yankees were to the once Western States, the traveling retailers of goods. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 403, 406. Cayuses, Walla Wallas, and Nez Percés gather in the Grande Ronde Valley to trade with the Snakes. Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 270; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 208; Cox's Adven., vol. ii., pp. 88-9, 156; Palmer's Jour., pp. 46, 54; Dunniway's Capt. Gray's Comp., p. 160; Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 294; Mayne's B. C., p. 299; Gass' Jour., p. 205.

[402] In calculating time the Okanagans use their fingers, each finger standing for ten; some will reckon to a thousand with tolerable accuracy, but most can scarcely count to twenty. Ross' Adven., p. 324. The Flatheads 'font néanmoins avec précision, sur des écorces d'arbres ou sur des peaux le plan, des pays qu'ils ont parcourus, marquant les distances par journées, demi-journées ou quarts de journées.' De Smet, Voy., p. 205. Count years by snows, months by moons, and days by sleeps. Have names for each number up to ten; then add ten to each; and then add a word to multiply by ten. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 242. Names of the months in the Pisquouse and Salish languages beginning with January;—'cold, a certain herb, snow-gone, bitter-root, going to root-ground, camass-root, hot, gathering berries, exhausted salmon, dry, house-building, snow.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 211. 'Menses computant lunis, ex spkani, sol vel luna et dies per ferias. Hebdomadam unicam per splcháskat, septem dies, plures vero hebdomadas per s'chaxèus, id est, vexillum quod a duce maximo qualibet die dominica suspendebatur. Dies antem in novem dividitur partes.' Mengarini, Grammatica Linguae Selicae, p. 120; Sproat's Scenes, p. 270; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 374.

[402] When keeping track of time, the Okanagans use their fingers, with each finger representing ten. Some can count up to a thousand with reasonable accuracy, but most struggle to count to twenty. Ross' Adven., p. 324. The Flatheads accurately mark the areas they’ve traveled on tree bark or animal skins, indicating distances in days, half-days, or quarter-days. De Smet, Voy., p. 205. They count years by snowfall, months by moons, and days by sleeps. They have names for each number up to ten, then add ten to each number, and finally add a word to multiply by ten. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 242. The names of the months in the Pisquouse and Salish languages start with January: 'cold, a certain herb, snow-gone, bitter-root, going to root-ground, camass-root, hot, gathering berries, exhausted salmon, dry, house-building, snow.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 211. 'They count the moons based on the sun or the moon and days by their holidays. A single week is counted as splcháskat, seven days, while multiple weeks are counted as s'chaxèus, which means flag, as it was displayed by the chief every Sunday. Days are divided into nine parts.' Mengarini, Grammatica Linguae Selicae, p. 120; Sproat's Scenes, p. 270; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 374.

[403] The twelve Oakinack tribes 'form, as it were, so many states belonging to the same union, and are governed by petty chiefs.' The chieftainship descends from father to son; and though merely nominal in authority, the chief is rarely disobeyed. Property pays for all crimes. Ross' Adven., pp. 289-94, 322-3, 327. The Chualpays are governed by the 'chief of the earth' and 'chief of the waters,' the latter having exclusive authority in the fishing-season. Kane's Wand., pp. 309-13. The Nez Percés offered a Flathead the position of head chief, through admiration of his qualities. De Smet, Voy., pp. 50, 171. Among the Kalispels the chief appoints his successor, or if he fails to do so, one is elected. De Smet, Western Miss., p. 297. The Flathead war chief carries a long whip, decorated with scalps and feathers to enforce strict discipline. The principal chief is hereditary. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 241-2, vol. ii., p. 88. The 'camp chief' of the Flatheads as well as the war chief was chosen for his merits. Ind. Life, pp. 28-9. Among the Nez Percés and Wascos 'the form of government is patriarchal. They acknowledge the hereditary principle—blood generally decides who shall be the chief.' Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 652-4. No regularly recognized chief among the Spokanes, but an intelligent and rich man often controls the tribe by his influence. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 475-6. 'The Salish can hardly be said to have any regular form of government.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 207-8. Every winter the Cayuses go down to the Dalles to hold a council over the Chinooks 'to ascertain their misdemeanors and punish them therefor by whipping'! Farnham's Trav., p. 81-2. Among the Salish 'criminals are sometimes punished by banishment from their tribe.' 'Fraternal union and the obedience to the chiefs are truly admirable.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 343-4; Hines' Voy., p. 157; Stanley's Portraits, p. 63; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 311-12; White's Oregon, p. 189; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 108; Joset, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., tom. cxxiii., 1849, pp. 334-40.

[403] The twelve Oakinack tribes act like separate states within the same union and are led by minor chiefs. The leadership is passed down from father to son; although their authority is mostly symbolic, the chief is seldom disobeyed. Property is the basis for all crimes. Ross' Adven., pp. 289-94, 322-3, 327. The Chualpays are led by the 'chief of the earth' and the 'chief of the waters,' with the latter holding exclusive power during the fishing season. Kane's Wand., pp. 309-13. The Nez Percés offered a Flathead the role of head chief out of respect for his abilities. De Smet, Voy., pp. 50, 171. Among the Kalispels, the chief chooses his successor, or if he fails, one is elected. De Smet, Western Miss., p. 297. The Flathead war chief carries a long whip, adorned with scalps and feathers, to enforce strict discipline. The main chief is hereditary. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 241-2, vol. ii., p. 88. The 'camp chief' of the Flatheads, along with the war chief, is selected based on his merits. Ind. Life, pp. 28-9. Among the Nez Percés and Wascos, 'the government structure is patriarchal. They recognize the hereditary principle—blood usually determines who becomes chief.' Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 652-4. There is no officially recognized chief among the Spokanes, but a knowledgeable and wealthy individual often leads the tribe through influence. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 475-6. 'The Salish barely have any established form of government.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 207-8. Every winter, the Cayuses travel to the Dalles to hold a council with the Chinooks 'to investigate their misconduct and punish them by whipping!' Farnham's Trav., pp. 81-2. Among the Salish, 'criminals are sometimes exiled from their tribe.' 'The fraternal unity and obedience to the chiefs are truly commendable.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 343-4; Hines' Voy., p. 157; Stanley's Portraits, p. 63; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 311-12; White's Oregon, p. 189; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 108; Joset, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., tom. cxxiii., 1849, pp. 334-40.

[404] 'Slavery is common with all the tribes.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 83. Sahaptins always make slaves of prisoners of war. The Cayuses have many. Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 654; Palmer's Jour., p. 56. Among the Okanagans 'there are but few slaves ... and these few are adopted as children, and treated in all respects as members of the family.' Ross' Adven., p. 320. The inland tribes formerly practiced slavery, but long since abolished it. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 247. 'Not practised in the interior.' Mayne's B. C., p. 243. Not practiced by the Shushwaps. Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 78.

[404] 'Slavery is common among all the tribes.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 83. The Sahaptins always make slaves of prisoners of war. The Cayuses have many. Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 654; Palmer's Jour., p. 56. Among the Okanagans, 'there are only a few slaves ... and these few are adopted as children and treated in every way as family members.' Ross' Adven., p. 320. The inland tribes used to practice slavery, but have long since abolished it. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 247. 'Not practiced in the interior.' Mayne's B. C., p. 243. Not practiced by the Shushwaps. Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 78.

[405] Each Okanagan 'family is ruled by the joint will or authority of the husband and wife, but more particularly by the latter.' Wives live at different camps among their relatives; one or two being constantly with the husband. Brawls constantly occur when several wives meet. The women are chaste, and attached to husband and children. At the age of fourteen or fifteen the young man pays his addresses in person to the object of his love, aged eleven or twelve. After the old folks are in bed, he goes to her wigwam, builds a fire, and if welcome the mother permits the girl to come and sit with him for a short time. These visits are several times repeated, and he finally goes in the day-time with friends and his purchase money. Ross' Adven., pp. 295-302. The Spokane husband joins his wife's tribe; women are held in great respect; and much affection is shown for children. Among the Nez Percés both men and women have the power of dissolving the marriage tie at pleasure. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 410, 475-6, 486, 495. The Coeurs d'Alêne 'have abandoned polygamy.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 149, 309; Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 406. Pend d'Oreille women less enslaved than in the mountains, but yet have much heavy work, paddle canoes, etc. Generally no marriage among savages. De Smet, Voy., pp. 198-9, 210. The Nez Percés generally confine themselves to two wives, and rarely marry cousins. No wedding ceremony. Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 655. Polygamy not general on the Fraser; and unknown to Kootenais. Cox's Adven., vol. ii., pp. 155, 379, vol. i., pp. 256-9. Nez Percés have abandoned polygamy. Palmer's Jour., pp. 129, 56. Flathead women do everything but hunt and fight. Ind. Life, p. 41. Flathead women 'by no means treated as slaves, but, on the contrary, have much consideration and authority.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 207. 'Rarely marry out of their own nation,' and do not like their women to marry whites. Dunn's Oregon, pp. 313-14. The Sokulk men 'are said to content themselves with a single wife, with whom ... the husband shares the labours of procuring subsistence much more than is usual among savages.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 351; Dunniway's Capt. Gray's Comp., p. 161; Gray's Hist. Ogn., p. 171; Tolmie and Anderson, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 231-5; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 208; De Smet's West. Miss., p. 289.

[405] Each Okanagan family is governed by the shared authority of the husband and wife, but especially by the wife. Wives stay in different camps with their relatives, with one or two always with the husband. Conflicts often arise when several wives gather. The women are faithful and dedicated to their husbands and children. When a young man is around fourteen or fifteen, he approaches the girl he loves, who is usually around eleven or twelve. After the older folks have gone to bed, he visits her wigwam, makes a fire, and if the mother allows, the girl can come out and sit with him for a little while. These visits happen several times, and eventually, he comes during the day with friends and his bride price. Ross' Adven., pp. 295-302. The Spokane husband joins his wife's tribe; women are highly respected, and there’s a lot of affection shown towards children. Among the Nez Percés, both men and women can end a marriage whenever they wish. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 410, 475-6, 486, 495. The Coeurs d'Alêne have moved away from polygamy. Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 149, 309; Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 406. Pend d'Oreille women have more freedom than those in the mountains, but still do a lot of heavy work, like paddling canoes, etc. Generally, there’s no marriage among indigenous peoples. De Smet, Voy., pp. 198-9, 210. The Nez Percés usually limit themselves to two wives and rarely marry cousins. There’s no wedding ceremony. Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 655. Polygamy is not common on the Fraser River and is unknown to the Kootenais. Cox's Adven., vol. ii., pp. 155, 379, vol. i., pp. 256-9. The Nez Percés have moved away from polygamy. Palmer's Jour., pp. 129, 56. Flathead women do everything but hunt and fight. Ind. Life, p. 41. Flathead women are 'not treated as slaves but, on the contrary, are given much consideration and authority.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 207. They 'rarely marry outside their own nation' and prefer their women not to marry white men. Dunn's Oregon, pp. 313-14. The Sokulk men are said to be satisfied with a single wife, with whom they share the work of providing for their family more than is typical among indigenous groups. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 351; Dunniway's Capt. Gray's Comp., p. 161; Gray's Hist. Ogn., p. 171; Tolmie and Anderson, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 231-5; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 208; De Smet's West. Miss., p. 289.

[406] The wife of a young Kootenai left him for another, whereupon he shot himself. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., p. 169. Among the Flatheads 'conjugal infidelity is scarcely known.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 311. The Sahaptins 'do not exhibit those loose feelings of carnal desire, nor appear addicted to the common customs of prostitution.' Gass' Jour., p. 275. Inland tribes have a reputation for chastity, probably due to circumstances rather than to fixed principles. Mayne's B. C., p. 300. Spokanes 'free from the vice of incontinence'. Among the Walla Wallas prostitution is unknown, 'and I believe no inducement would tempt them to commit a breach of chastity.' Prostitution common on the Fraser. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 145, 199-200. Nez Percé women remarkable for their chastity. Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 655.

[406] The wife of a young Kootenai left him for someone else, which caused him to take his own life. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., p. 169. Among the Flatheads, marital infidelity is rarely seen. Dunn's Oregon, p. 311. The Sahaptins 'do not show those casual feelings of sexual desire, nor do they seem to engage in common practices of prostitution.' Gass' Jour., p. 275. Inland tribes have a reputation for being chaste, likely due to their circumstances rather than strict principles. Mayne's B. C., p. 300. Spokanes are 'free from the vice of promiscuity.' Among the Walla Wallas, prostitution is unheard of, 'and I don't think anything would tempt them to break their chastity.' Prostitution is common on the Fraser. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 145, 199-200. Nez Percé women are noted for their chastity. Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 655.

[407] In the Salish family on the birth of a child wealthy relatives make presents of food and clothing. The Nez Percé mother gives presents but receives none on such an occasion. The Flatheads and Pend d'Oreilles bandage the waist and legs of infants with a view to producing broad-shouldered, small-waisted and straight-limbed adults. Tolmie and Anderson, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 231-2. Among the Walla Wallas 'when traveling a hoop, bent over the head of the child, protects it from injury.' The confinement after child-birth continues forty days. At the first menstruation the Spokane woman must conceal herself two days in the forest; for a man to see her would be fatal; she must then be confined for twenty days longer in a separate lodge. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 426-8, 485. The Okanagan mother is not allowed to prepare her unborn infant's swaddling clothes, which consist of a piece of board, a bit of skin, a bunch of moss, and a string. Ross' Adven., pp. 324-30. 'Small children, not more than three years old, are mounted alone and generally upon colts.' Younger ones are carried on the mother's back 'or suspended from a high knob upon the forepart of their saddles.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 98. Houses among the Chopunnish 'appropriated for women who are undergoing the operation of the menses.' 'When anything is to be conveyed to these deserted females, the person throws it to them forty or fifty paces off, and then retires.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 539; Townsend's Nar., p. 78; Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 655.

[407] In the Salish family, when a child is born, wealthy relatives give gifts of food and clothing. The Nez Percé mother gives gifts but doesn’t receive any on such an occasion. The Flatheads and Pend d'Oreilles wrap infants' waists and legs to ensure they grow up to be broad-shouldered, small-waisted, and straight-limbed adults. Tolmie and Anderson, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 231-2. Among the Walla Wallas, 'when traveling, a hoop bent over the child's head protects it from harm.' After childbirth, the mother isolates herself for forty days. When a Spokane woman has her first menstruation, she must hide in the forest for two days; if a man sees her, it would be disastrous; she must then remain confined for an additional twenty days in a separate lodge. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 426-8, 485. The Okanagan mother is not allowed to make her unborn child's swaddling clothes, which include a piece of wood, a piece of skin, some moss, and a string. Ross' Adven., pp. 324-30. 'Small children, no older than three, ride alone and usually on colts.' Younger ones are carried on their mother's back 'or hung from a high knob on the front of their saddles.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 98. Houses among the Chopunnish are 'set aside for women who are experiencing their period.' 'When anything needs to be delivered to these isolated women, the person tosses it to them from forty or fifty paces away and then leaves.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 539; Townsend's Nar., p. 78; Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 655.

[408] With the Pend d'Oreilles 'it was not uncommon for them to bury the very old and the very young alive, because, they said, "these cannot take care of themselves, and we cannot take care of them, and they had better die."' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 211; Suckley, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 297; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 328; White's Ogn., p. 96; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 148-9.

[408] With the Pend d'Oreilles, it was common for them to bury the very old and the very young alive because they believed, "they can’t take care of themselves, and we can’t take care of them, so it’s better for them to die." Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 211; Suckley, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 297; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 328; White's Ogn., p. 96; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 148-9.

[409] In the Yakima Valley 'we visited every street, alley, hole and corner of the camp.... Here was gambling, there scalp-dancing; laughter in one place, mourning in another. Crowds were passing to and fro, whooping, yelling, dancing, drumming, singing. Men, women, and children were huddled together; flags flying, horses neighing, dogs howling, chained bears, tied wolves, grunting and growling, all pell-mell among the tents.' Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 28. At Kettle Falls 'whilst awaiting the coming salmon, the scene is one great revel: horse-racing, gambling, love-making, dancing, and diversions of all sorts, occupy the singular assembly; for at these annual gatherings ... feuds and dislikes are for the time laid by.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 72-3.

[409] In the Yakima Valley, "we explored every street, alley, hole, and corner of the camp.... There was gambling, and over there, scalp-dancing; laughter in one spot, mourning in another. Crowds were moving back and forth, whooping, yelling, dancing, drumming, singing. Men, women, and children were gathered together; flags waving, horses neighing, dogs barking, chained bears, tied wolves, grunting and growling, all mixed up among the tents." Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 28. At Kettle Falls, "while waiting for the salmon to arrive, the scene is one big celebration: horse racing, gambling, romance, dancing, and various entertainment keep the unique gathering busy; for at these annual events ... feuds and grievances are set aside for the moment." Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 72-3.

[410] The principal amusement of the Okanagans is gambling, 'at which they are not so quarrelsome as the Spokans and other tribes,' disputes being settled by arbitration. Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 88. A young man at Kettle Falls committed suicide, having lost everything at gambling. Kane's Wand., pp. 309-10. 'Les Indiens de la Colombie ont porté les jeux de hasard au dernier excès. Après avoir perdu tout ce qu'ils ont, ils se mettent eux-mêmes sur le tapis, d'abord une main, ensuite l'autre; s'ils les perdent, les bras, et ainsi de suite tous les membres du corps; la tête suit, et s'ils la perdent, ils deviennent esclaves pour la vie avec leurs femmes et leurs enfants.' De Smet, Voy., pp. 49-50. Many Kooteneais have abandoned gambling. De Smet, West. Miss., p. 300. 'Whatever the poor Indian can call his own, is ruthlessly sacrificed to this Moloch of human weakness.' Ind. Life, p. 42; Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 102-3.

[410] The main entertainment for the Okanagans is gambling, in which they are less quarrelsome than the Spokans and other tribes, with disputes being resolved through arbitration. Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 88. A young man at Kettle Falls took his own life after losing everything to gambling. Kane's Wand., pp. 309-10. 'The Indians of Columbia take gambling to the extreme. After losing everything they own, they even gamble themselves, first one hand, then the other; if they lose those, it's their arms, and so on, until every part of their body is up for grabs; when it comes to their head, if they lose that, they become lifelong slaves along with their wives and children.' De Smet, Voy., pp. 49-50. Many Kooteneais have given up gambling. De Smet, West. Miss., p. 300. 'Everything the poor Indian can claim as his own is fiercely sacrificed to this idol of human weakness.' Ind. Life, p. 42; Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 102-3.

[411] Spokanes; 'one of their great amusements is horse-racing.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 487. Kliketats and Yakimas; 'the racing season is the grand annual occasion of these tribes. A horse of proved reputation is a source of wealth or ruin to his owner. On his speed he stakes his whole stud, his household goods, clothes, and finally his wives; and a single heat doubles his fortune, or sends him forth an impoverished adventurer. The interest, however is not confined to the individual directly concerned; the tribe share it with him, and a common pile of goods, of motley description, apportioned according to their ideas of value, is put up by either party, to be divided among the backers of the winner.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 404, 412. 'Running horses and foot-races by men, women and children, and they have games of chance played with sticks or bones;' do not drink to excess. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 237, 406. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 557; Franchère's Nar., p. 269.

[411] Spokanes; 'one of their great pastimes is horse racing.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 487. Kliketats and Yakimas; 'the racing season is a major annual event for these tribes. A horse with a strong reputation can be a source of wealth or disaster for its owner. The owner's entire stock, household items, clothing, and ultimately their wives can be at stake based on the horse's speed; a single race can either double their fortune or leave them as a broke adventurer. The interest isn't limited to just the individual involved; the whole tribe shares in it, and a common collection of goods, varied in kind, is contributed by both sides to be divided among the supporters of the winner.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 404, 412. 'They have horse racing and foot races involving men, women, and children, along with games of chance played with sticks or bones;' they do not drink excessively. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 237, 406. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 557; Franchère's Nar., p. 269.

[412] Kane's Wand., pp. 310-11.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Kane's Wand., pp. 310-11.

[413] The principal Okanagan amusement is a game called by the voyageurs 'jeu de main,' like our odd and even. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., p. 463. It sometimes takes a week to decide the game. The loser never repines. Ross' Adven., pp. 308-11; Stuart's Montana, p. 71.

[413] The main entertainment in the Okanagan is a game called 'jeu de main' by the voyageurs, similar to our odds and evens. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., p. 463. It can take a week to settle the game. The loser never complains. Ross' Adven., pp. 308-11; Stuart's Montana, p. 71.

[414] Among the Wahowpums 'the spectators formed a circle round the dancers, who, with their robes drawn tightly round the shoulders, and divided into parties of five or six men, perform by crossing in a line from one side of the circle to the other. All the parties, performers as well as spectators, sing, and after proceeding in this way for some time, the spectators join, and the whole concludes by a promiscuous dance and song.' The Walla Wallas 'were formed into a solid column, round a kind of hollow square, stood on the same place, and merely jumped up at intervals, to keep time to the music.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 526, 531. Nez Percés dance round a pole on Sundays, and the chiefs exhort during the pauses. Irving's Bonneville's Adven., pp. 101-2, 245. In singing 'they use hi, ah, in constant repetition, ... and instead of several parts harmonizing, they only take eighths one above another, never exceeding three.' Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 242-3. 'The song was a simple expression of a few sounds, no intelligible words being uttered. It resembled the words ho-ha-ho-ha-ho-ha-ha-ha, commencing in a low tone, and gradually swelling to a full, round, and beautifully modulated chorus.' Townsend's Nar., p. 106. Chualpay scalp-dance. Kane's Wand., p. 315. Religious songs. Dunn's Oregon, pp. 338-40; Palmer's Jour., p. 124.

[414] Among the Wahowpums, the onlookers formed a circle around the dancers, who had their robes tightly wrapped around their shoulders and were divided into groups of five or six men. They moved in a line from one side of the circle to the other. Everyone, both performers and spectators, sang, and after doing this for a while, the spectators joined in, leading to a lively dance and song at the end. The Walla Wallas were organized into a solid line around a sort of hollow square, standing in the same spot and merely jumping at intervals to keep time with the music. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 526, 531. The Nez Percés dance around a pole on Sundays, while the chiefs give speeches during the breaks. Irving's Bonneville's Adven., pp. 101-2, 245. In their singing, they constantly repeat sounds like hi and ah, and instead of harmonizing in several parts, they only stack eighth notes one above the other, never going beyond three. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 242-3. 'The song was a simple expression of a few sounds, with no intelligible words being spoken. It resembled the phrases ho-ha-ho-ha-ho-ha-ha-ha, starting in a low tone and gradually rising to a full, rich, and beautifully blended chorus.' Townsend's Nar., p. 106. Chualpay scalp-dance. Kane's Wand., p. 315. Religious songs. Dunn's Oregon, pp. 338-40; Palmer's Jour., p. 124.

[415] De Smet thinks inhaling tobacco smoke may prevent its injurious effects. Voy., p. 207. In all religious ceremonies the pipe of peace is smoked. Ross' Adven., pp. 288-9. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 286; Hines' Voy., p. 184. 'The medicine-pipe is a sacred pledge of friendship among all the north-western tribes.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 220.

[415] De Smet believes that inhaling tobacco smoke might reduce its harmful effects. Voy., p. 207. The pipe of peace is smoked during all religious ceremonies. Ross' Adven., pp. 288-9. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 286; Hines' Voy., p. 184. 'The medicine-pipe is a sacred symbol of friendship among all the northwestern tribes.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 220.

[416] In moving, the girls and small boys ride three or four on a horse with their mothers, while the men drive the herds of horses that run loose ahead. Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 71-3, 306. Horses left for months without a guard, and rarely stray far. They call this 'caging' them. De Smet, Voy., pp. 187, 47, 56. 'Babies of fifteen months old, packed in a sitting posture, rode along without fear, grasping the reins with their tiny hands.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. xii., pt. ii., p. 130, with plate; Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 404-5; Palliser's Rept., p. 73; Farnham's Trav., pp. 81-; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 64; Irving's Astoria, p. 365; Franchère's Nar., pp. 269-71; Cox's Adven., vol. ii., pp. 110-11.

[416] While traveling, girls and young boys ride three or four together on a horse with their mothers, while the men guide the herds of horses that run freely ahead. Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 71-3, 306. Horses left unattended for months rarely wander far. They refer to this as 'caging' them. De Smet, Voy., pp. 187, 47, 56. 'Babies just fifteen months old, seated upright, rode along fearlessly, holding the reins with their little hands.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. xii., pt. ii., p. 130, with plate; Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 404-5; Palliser's Rept., p. 73; Farnham's Trav., pp. 81-; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 64; Irving's Astoria, p. 365; Franchère's Nar., pp. 269-71; Cox's Adven., vol. ii., pp. 110-11.

[417] 'L'aigle ... est le grand oiseau de médecine.' De Smet, Voy., pp. 46, 205; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 494-5; Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 212, and in De Smet's West. Miss., pp. 285-6; Suckley, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 297; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 208-9; Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 64, vol. ii., p. 19; Kane's Wand., pp. 267, 280-1, 318.

[417] 'The eagle ... is the great bird of medicine.' De Smet, Voy., pp. 46, 205; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 494-5; Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 212, and in De Smet's West. Miss., pp. 285-6; Suckley, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 297; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 208-9; Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 64, vol. ii., p. 19; Kane's Wand., pp. 267, 280-1, 318.

[418] Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 343-4; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 241-2; Ross' Adven., pp. 311-12.

[418] Lewis and Clarke's Travels, pp. 343-4; Parker's Exploration Tour, pp. 241-2; Ross' Adventures, pp. 311-12.

[419] The Walla Wallas receive bad news with a howl. The Spokanes 'cache' their salmon. They are willing to change names with any one they esteem. 'Suicide prevails more among the Indians of the Columbia River than in any other portion of the continent which I have visited.' Kane's Wand., pp. 282-3, 307-10. 'Preserve particular order in their movements. The first chief leads the way, the next chiefs follow, then the common men, and after these the women and children.' They arrange themselves in similar order in coming forward to receive visitors. Do not usually know their own age. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 87, 133-4, 242. Distance is calculated by time; a day's ride is seventy miles on horseback, thirty-five miles on foot. Ross' Adven., p. 329. Natives can tell by examining arrows to what tribe they belong. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., p. 167. Kliketats and Yakimas often unwilling to tell their name. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 405. 'D'après toutes les observations que j'ai faites, leur journée équivaut à peu près à cinquante ou soixante milles anglais lorsqu'ils voyagent seuls, et à quinze ou vingt milles seulement lorsqu'ils lèvent leur camps.' De Smet, Voy., p. 205. Among the Nez Percés everything was promulgated by criers. 'The office of crier is generally filled by some old man, who is good for little else. A village has generally several.' Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 286. Habits of worship of the Flatheads in the missions. Dunn's Oregon, pp. 315-6. 'A pack of prick-eared curs, simply tamed prairie wolves, always in attendance.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 71-3.

[419] The Walla Wallas react to bad news with a howl. The Spokanes store their salmon. They are willing to exchange names with anyone they respect. 'Suicide rates are higher among the Indians of the Columbia River than in any other part of the continent that I have visited.' Kane's Wand., pp. 282-3, 307-10. 'They maintain a specific order in their movements. The first chief leads the way, followed by the next chiefs, then the common men, and after them the women and children.' They line up in a similar order when receiving visitors. They usually don’t know their own age. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 87, 133-4, 242. Distance is measured by time; a day's journey is seventy miles on horseback and thirty-five miles on foot. Ross' Adven., p. 329. Natives can determine to which tribe an arrow belongs just by examining it. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., p. 167. Kliketats and Yakimas are often reluctant to share their names. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 405. 'Based on all the observations I have made, their day's travel is roughly equivalent to fifty or sixty English miles when they travel alone, and only fifteen or twenty miles when they set up camp.' De Smet, Voy., p. 205. Among the Nez Percés, announcements were made by criers. 'The position of crier is usually held by an old man who isn’t good for much else. A village typically has several.' Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 286. Worship habits of the Flatheads in the missions. Dunn's Oregon, pp. 315-6. 'A pack of scruffy dogs, merely tamed prairie wolves, always present.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 71-3.

[420] The Nez Percés 'are generally healthy, the only disorders which we have had occasion to remark being of scrophulous kind.' With the Sokulks 'a bad soreness of the eyes is a very common disorder.' 'Bad teeth are very general.' The Chilluckittequaws' diseases are sore eyes, decayed teeth, and tumors. The Walla Wallas have ulcers and eruptions of the skin, and occasionally rheumatism. The Chopunnish had 'scrofula, rheumatism, and sore eyes,' and a few have entirely lost the use of their limbs. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 341, 352, 382, 531, 549. The medicine-man uses a medicine-bag of relics in his incantations. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 240-1. The Okanagan medicine-men are called tlaquillaughs, and 'are men generally past the meridian of life; in their habits grave and sedate.' 'They possess a good knowledge of herbs and roots, and their virtues.' I have often 'seen him throw out whole mouthfuls of blood, and yet not the least mark would appear on the skin.' 'I once saw an Indian who had been nearly devoured by a grizzly bear, and had his skull split open in several places, and several pieces of bone taken out just above the brain, and measuring three-fourths of an inch in length, cured so effectually by one of these jugglers, that in less than two months after he was riding on his horse again at the chase. I have also seen them cut open the belly with a knife, extract a large quantity of fat from the inside, sew up the part again, and the patient soon after perfectly recovered.' The most frequent diseases are 'indigestion, fluxes, asthmas, and consumptions.' Instances of longevity rare. Ross' Adven., pp. 302-8. A desperate case of consumption cured by killing a dog each day for thirty-two days, ripping it open and placing the patient's legs in the warm intestines, administering some barks meanwhile. The Flatheads subject to few diseases; splints used for fractures, bleeding with sharp flints for contusions, ice-cold baths for ordinary rheumatism, and vapor bath with cold plunge for chronic rheumatism. Cox's Adven., vol. ii., pp. 90-3, vol. i., pp. 248-51. Among the Walla Wallas convalescents are directed to sing some hours each day. The Spokanes require all garments, etc., about the death-bed to be buried with the body, hence few comforts for the sick. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 426-7, 485. The Flatheads say their wounds cure themselves. De Smet, Voy., pp. 198-200. The Wascos cure rattlesnake bites by salt applied to the wound or by whisky taken internally. Kane's Wand., pp. 265, 273, 317-18. A female doctor's throat cut by the father of a patient she had failed to cure. Hines' Voy., p. 190. The office of medicine-men among the Sahaptins is generally hereditary. Men often die from fear of a medicine-man's evil glance. Rival doctors work on the fears of patients to get each other killed. Murders of doctors somewhat rare among the Nez Percés. Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 652-3, 655. Small-pox seems to have come among the Yakimas and Kliketats before direct intercourse with whites. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 405, 408. A Nez Percé doctor killed by a brother of a man who had shot himself in mourning for his dead relative; the brother in turn killed, and several other lives lost. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 239.

[420] The Nez Percés are generally healthy, with the only issues we've noticed being related to scrofula. Among the Sokulks, eye soreness is a very common problem. Bad teeth are widespread. The Chilluckittequaws deal with sore eyes, decayed teeth, and tumors. The Walla Wallas have ulcers and skin eruptions, and occasionally suffer from rheumatism. The Chopunnish experience scrofula, rheumatism, and sore eyes, and some have completely lost the use of their limbs. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 341, 352, 382, 531, 549. The medicine man uses a medicine bag filled with relics during his rituals. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 240-1. The Okanagan medicine men are called tlaquillaughs and are usually older men who are serious and composed. They have a solid understanding of herbs and their properties. I've often seen them spit out mouthfuls of blood without any sign on the skin. Once, I witnessed an Indian who had been almost killed by a grizzly bear, with multiple skull fractures and pieces of bone removed from just above the brain, recover completely thanks to one of these healers, and within two months, he was back to riding his horse. I've also seen them open someone's abdomen with a knife, take out a large amount of fat, stitch the person back up, and the patient would recover quickly. The most common diseases are indigestion, diarrhea, asthma, and tuberculosis. Longevity is rare. Ross' Adven., pp. 302-8. A severe case of tuberculosis was treated by sacrificing a dog every day for thirty-two days, opening it up, and placing the patient's legs in the warm intestines while administering some herbal treatments. The Flatheads have few illnesses; they use splints for fractures, sharp flints for bleeding, ice-cold baths for regular rheumatism, and steam baths with a cold plunge for chronic rheumatism. Cox's Adven., vol. ii., pp. 90-3, vol. i., pp. 248-51. Among the Walla Wallas, recovering patients are encouraged to sing for several hours each day. The Spokanes require that all clothing and items around a dying person be buried with the body, which means few comforts for the sick. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 426-7, 485. The Flatheads believe their wounds heal on their own. De Smet, Voy., pp. 198-200. The Wascos treat rattlesnake bites by applying salt to the wound or taking whisky internally. Kane's Wand., pp. 265, 273, 317-18. A female doctor was attacked by the father of a patient she couldn't heal. Hines' Voy., p. 190. The role of medicine men among the Sahaptins is usually passed down through families. Men often die from the fear of a medicine man’s harmful stare. Competing doctors exploit patients' fears to eliminate each other. Murders of doctors are relatively rare among the Nez Percés. Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 652-3, 655. Smallpox seems to have appeared among the Yakimas and Kliketats before they had direct contact with whites. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 405, 408. A Nez Percé doctor was killed by the brother of a man who shot himself in grief for a deceased relative; the brother was killed in return, and several other deaths followed. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 239.

[421] The Sokulks wrap the dead in skins, bury them in graves, cover with earth, and mark the grave by little pickets of wood struck over and about it. On the Columbia below the Snake was a shed-tomb sixty by twelve feet, open at the ends, standing east and west. Recently dead bodies wrapped in leather and arranged on boards at the west end. About the centre a promiscuous heap of partially decayed corpses; and at eastern end a mat with twenty-one skulls arranged in a circle. Articles of property suspended on the inside and skeletons of horses scattered outside. About the Dalles eight vaults of boards eight feet square, and six feet high, and all the walls decorated with pictures and carvings. The bodies were laid east and west. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 344-5, 359-60, 379-80, 557-8. Okanagans observe silence about the death-bed, but the moment the person dies the house is abandoned, and clamorous mourning is joined in by all the camp for some hours; then dead silence while the body is wrapped in a new garment, brought out, and the lodge torn down. Then alternate mourning and silence, and the deceased is buried in a sitting posture in a round hole. Widows must mourn two years, incessantly for some months, then only morning and evening. Ross' Adven., pp. 321-2. Frantic mourning, cutting the flesh, etc., by Nez Percés. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 234-5, 238-9, vol. ii., p. 139. Destruction of horses and other property by Spokanes. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 200-1. A Shushwap widow instigates the murder of a victim as a sacrifice to her husband. The horses of a Walla Walla chief not used after his death. Kane's Wand., pp. 178-9, 264-5, 277, 289. Hundreds of Wasco bodies piled in a small house on an island, just below the Dalles. A Walla Walla chief caused himself to be buried alive in the grave of his last son. Hines' Voy., pp. 159, 184-8. Among the Yakimas and Kliketats the women do the mourning, living apart for a few days, and then bathing. Okanagan bodies strapped to a tree. Stone mounds over Spokane graves. Gibbs and Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 405, 413, vol. xii., pt. i., p. 150. Pend d'Oreilles buried old and young alive when unable to take care of them. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 211, 238. 'High conical stacks of drift-wood' over Walla Walla graves. Townsend's Nar., p. 157. Shushwaps often deposit dead in trees. If in the ground, always cover grave with stones. Mayne's B. C., p. 304. Killing a slave by Wascos. White's Ogn., pp. 260-3. Dances and prayers for three days at Nez Percé chief's burial. Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 283. Burying infant with parents by Flatheads. De Smet, Voy., p. 173. Light wooden pilings about Shushwap graves. Milton and Cheadle's Northw. Pass., p. 242; Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 655; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 104; Palmer, in B. C. Papers, pt. iii., p. 85; Gass' Jour., p. 219; Ind. Life, p. 55; Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 237-8, 260-1.

[421] The Sokulks wrap their dead in skins, bury them in graves, cover them with earth, and mark the graves with little wooden pickets placed around them. Along the Columbia River below the Snake River, there was a shed-tomb measuring sixty by twelve feet, open at both ends and oriented east to west. Recently deceased bodies, wrapped in leather, were arranged on boards at the west end. In the center was a mixed pile of partially decayed corpses, and at the eastern end, a mat displayed twenty-one skulls arranged in a circle. Personal belongings were hanging inside, and horse skeletons were scattered outside. Around the Dalles, there were eight vaults made of boards, each eight feet square and six feet high, with all the walls adorned with pictures and carvings. The bodies were placed east to west. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 344-5, 359-60, 379-80, 557-8. The Okanagans maintain silence at the deathbed, but once the person dies, the house is abandoned, and loud mourning lasts for hours, followed by silence as the body is wrapped in a new garment, brought outside, and the lodge is dismantled. Then there is alternating mourning and silence, with the deceased buried in a seated position in a round pit. Widows are required to mourn for two years, initially without pause for several months, and then only in the morning and evening. Ross' Adven., pp. 321-2. The Nez Percés engage in frantic mourning, including cutting their flesh. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 234-5, 238-9, vol. ii., p. 139. The Spokanes destroy horses and other property. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 200-1. A Shushwap widow incites the murder of a victim as a sacrifice for her husband. The horses belonging to a Walla Walla chief are not used after his death. Kane's Wand., pp. 178-9, 264-5, 277, 289. Hundreds of Wasco bodies are stacked in a small house on an island just below the Dalles. A Walla Walla chief chose to be buried alive in his last son's grave. Hines' Voy., pp. 159, 184-8. Among the Yakimas and Kliketats, women perform the mourning, isolating themselves for a few days before bathing. Okanagan bodies are strapped to trees. Stone mounds mark Spokane graves. Gibbs and Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 405, 413, vol. xii., pt. i., p. 150. The Pend d'Oreilles would bury old and young individuals alive when they could no longer care for them. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 211, 238. High conical stacks of driftwood are placed over Walla Walla graves. Townsend's Nar., p. 157. Shushwaps frequently place their dead in trees. If buried in the ground, they always cover the grave with stones. Mayne's B. C., p. 304. Wascos kill a slave. White's Ogn., pp. 260-3. There are dances and prayers lasting three days for a Nez Percé chief's burial. Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 283. The Flatheads bury infants with their parents. De Smet, Voy., p. 173. Light wooden posts are placed around Shushwap graves. Milton and Cheadle's Northw. Pass., p. 242; Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 655; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 104; Palmer, in B. C. Papers, pt. iii., p. 85; Gass' Jour., p. 219; Ind. Life, p. 55; Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 237-8, 260-1.

[422] Sokulks 'of a mild and peaceable disposition,' respectful to old age. Chilluckittequaws 'unusually hospitable and good humoured.' Chopunnish 'the most amiable we have seen. Their character is placid and gentle, rarely moved into passion.' 'They are indeed selfish and avaricious.' Will pilfer small articles. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 338, 341, 351, 376, 556-8, 564. The Flatheads 'se distinguent par la civilité, l'honnétété, et la bonté.' De Smet, Voy., pp. 31-2, 38-40, 47-50, 166-74, 202-4. Flatheads 'the best Indians of the mountains and the plains,—honest, brave, and docile.' Kootenais 'men of great docility and artlessness of character.' Stevens and Hoecken, in De Smet's West. Miss., pp. 281, 284, 290, 300. Coeurs d'Alène selfish and poor-spirited. De Smet, Miss. de l'Orégon, p. 329. In the Walla Wallas 'an air of open unsuspecting confidence,' 'natural politeness,' no obtrusive familiarity. Flatheads 'frank and hospitable.' Except cruelty to captives have 'fewer failings than any of the tribes I ever met.' Brave, quiet, and amenable to their chiefs. Spokanes 'quiet, honest, inoffensive,' but rather indolent. 'Thoughtless and improvident.' Okanagans 'Indolent rascals;' 'an honest and quiet tribe.' Sanspoils dirty, slothful, dishonest, quarrelsome, etc. Coeurs d'Alène 'uniformly honest;' 'more savage than their neighbours.' Kootenais honest, brave, jealous, truthful. Kamloops 'thieving and quarrelling.' Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 145, 148, 192, 199, 239-40, 262-3, 344, vol. ii., pp. 44, 87-8, 109, 145-60. Okanagans active and industrious, revengeful, generous and brave. Ross' Adven., pp. 142, 290-5, 327-9. Skeen 'a hardy, brave people.' Cayuses far more vicious and ungovernable than the Walla Wallas. Nez Percés treacherous and villainous. Kane's Wand., pp. 263, 280, 290, 307-8, 315. Nez Percés 'a quiet, civil, people, but proud and haughty.' Palmer's Jour., pp. 128, 48, 53, 59, 61, 124-7. 'Kind to each other.' 'Cheerful and often gay, sociable, kind and affectionate, and anxious to receive instruction.' 'Lying scarcely known.' Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 97, 105, 232, 239, 303-4, 311-12. Of the Nicutemuchs 'the habitual vindictiveness of their character is fostered by the ceaseless feuds.' 'Nearly every family has a minor vendetta of its own.' 'The races that depend entirely or chiefly on fishing, are immeasurably inferior to those tribes who, with nerves and sinews braced by exercise, and minds comparatively ennobled by frequent excitement, live constantly amid war and the chase.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., pp. 77-80. Inland tribes of British Columbia less industrious and less provident than the more sedentary coast Indians. Mayne's B. C., pp. 301, 297. Sahaptins 'cold, taciturn, high-tempered, warlike, fond of hunting.' Palouse, Yakimas, Kliketats, etc., of a 'less hardy and active temperament' than the Nez Percés. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 199, 210-13. Cayuses 'dreaded by their neighbors on account of their courage and warlike spirit.' Walla Wallas 'notorious as thieves since their first intercourse with whites.' 'Indolent, superstitious, drunken and debauched.' Character of Flatheads, Pend d'Oreilles, Umatillas. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 207-9, 211, 218, 223, 282, 1861, pp. 164-5. Yakimas and Kliketats 'much superior to the river Indians.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 405, 298, 403, 416, vol. xii., pt. i., p. 139. Wascos 'exceedingly vicious.' Hines' Voy., pp. 159, 169. The Nez Percés 'are, certainly, more like a nation of saints than a horde of savages.' Skyuses, Walla Wallas. Irving's Bonneville's Adven., pp. 101, 287, 289-90, 300. Tushepaws; Irving's Astoria, p. 316. Thompson River Indians rather a superior and clever race. Victoria Colonist, Oct., 1860. 'Indians from the Rocky mountains to the falls of Columbia, are an honest, ingenuous, and well disposed people,' but rascals below the falls. Gass' Jour., p. 304. Flathead 'fierceness and barbarity in war could not be exceeded.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 153. Flatheads, Walla Wallas and Nez Percés; Gray's Hist. Ogn., pp. 171, 219. Kootenais; Palliser's Explor., pp. 44, 73. Salish, Walla Wallas; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 88, vol. ii., p. 64. Walla Wallas, Cayuses, and Nez Percés; White's Oregon, p. 174. Walla Wallas, Kootenais; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 85, 178. Flatheads, Nez Percés; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 311, 315, 326-8. Nez Percés; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 109; Franchère's Nar., p. 268. Kayuses, Walla Wallas; Townsend's Nar., p. 156. Sahaptins; Wilkes' Hist. Ogn., p. 106. Nez Percés; Hastings' Emigrants' Guide, p. 59. Flatheads; Ind. Life, pp. ix., x., 25. At Dalles; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 412. Shushwaps; Grant's Ocean to Ocean, pp. 288-304, 313. At Dalles; Hunt, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. x., p. 82; Stuart, in Id., 1821, tom. xii., p. 43. Pend d'Oreilles; Joset, in Id., 1849, tom. cxxiii., pp. 334-40.

[422] Sokulks are 'of a mild and peaceful nature,' showing respect for the elderly. Chilluckittequaws are 'especially warm and friendly.' Chopunnish are 'the friendliest we've encountered. Their character is calm and gentle, rarely stirred into anger.' 'They are indeed self-centered and greedy.' They will steal small items. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 338, 341, 351, 376, 556-8, 564. The Flatheads 'stand out for their civility, honesty, and kindness.' De Smet, Voy., pp. 31-2, 38-40, 47-50, 166-74, 202-4. Flatheads are 'the best Indians of the mountains and plains—honest, brave, and adaptable.' Kootenais are 'people of great gentleness and simplicity.' Stevens and Hoecken, in De Smet's West. Miss., pp. 281, 284, 290, 300. Coeurs d'Alène are selfish and dispirited. De Smet, Miss. de l'Orégon, p. 329. In the Walla Wallas, there is 'an air of open, unsuspecting trust,' 'natural politeness,' with no intrusive familiarity. Flatheads are 'honest and welcoming.' Except for their cruelty towards captives, they have 'fewer faults than any other tribe I've encountered.' Brave, calm, and obedient to their leaders. Spokanes are 'quiet, honest, and harmless,' but somewhat lazy. 'Careless and unprepared.' Okanagans are 'lazy troublemakers;' 'an honest and quiet tribe.' Sanspoils are dirty, lazy, dishonest, quarrelsome, etc. Coeurs d'Alène are 'consistently honest;' 'more savage than their neighbors.' Kootenais are honest, brave, jealous, and truthful. Kamloops are 'thieving and quarrelsome.' Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 145, 148, 192, 199, 239-40, 262-3, 344, vol. ii., pp. 44, 87-8, 109, 145-60. Okanagans are active and hardworking, vengeful, generous, and brave. Ross' Adven., pp. 142, 290-5, 327-9. Skeen is 'a tough, brave people.' Cayuses are much more vicious and unruly than the Walla Wallas. Nez Percés are treacherous and villainous. Kane's Wand., pp. 263, 280, 290, 307-8, 315. Nez Percés are 'a quiet, polite people, but proud and arrogant.' Palmer's Jour., pp. 128, 48, 53, 59, 61, 124-7. 'Kind to each other.' 'Cheerful and often joyful, sociable, kind and affectionate, eager to receive instruction.' 'Lying is rarely known.' Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 97, 105, 232, 239, 303-4, 311-12. Of the Nicutemuchs, 'the habitual desire for revenge in their character is sustained by constant feuds.' 'Almost every family has its own minor vendetta.' 'The races that rely solely or mostly on fishing are vastly inferior to those tribes who, with muscles and tendons strengthened by exercise and minds enriched by frequent excitement, live amidst war and hunting.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., pp. 77-80. The inland tribes of British Columbia are less industrious and less frugal than the more settled coastal Indians. Mayne's B. C., pp. 301, 297. Sahaptins are 'cold, reserved, hot-tempered, warlike, and fond of hunting.' Palouse, Yakimas, Kliketats, etc., have a 'less hardy and less active nature' than the Nez Percés. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 199, 210-13. Cayuses are 'feared by their neighbors for their courage and warlike nature.' Walla Wallas are 'notorious for theft since their first contact with whites.' 'Lazy, superstitious, drunken, and debauched.' Character of Flatheads, Pend d'Oreilles, Umatillas. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 207-9, 211, 218, 223, 282, 1861, pp. 164-5. Yakimas and Kliketats are 'far superior to the river Indians.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 405, 298, 403, 416, vol. xii., pt. i., p. 139. Wascos are 'extremely wicked.' Hines' Voy., pp. 159, 169. The Nez Percés 'are, indeed, more like a nation of saints than a group of savages.' Skyuses, Walla Wallas. Irving's Bonneville's Adven., pp. 101, 287, 289-90, 300. Tushepaws; Irving's Astoria, p. 316. Thompson River Indians are a rather superior and clever race. Victoria Colonist, Oct., 1860. 'Indians from the Rocky Mountains to the falls of the Columbia are an honest, straightforward, and well-disposed people,' but rascals below the falls. Gass' Jour., p. 304. The Flatheads' fierceness and brutality in war could not be surpassed. Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 153. Flatheads, Walla Wallas, and Nez Percés; Gray's Hist. Ogn., pp. 171, 219. Kootenais; Palliser's Explor., pp. 44, 73. Salish, Walla Wallas; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 88, vol. ii., p. 64. Walla Wallas, Cayuses, and Nez Percés; White's Oregon, p. 174. Walla Wallas, Kootenais; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 85, 178. Flatheads, Nez Percés; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 311, 315, 326-8. Nez Percés; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 109; Franchère's Nar., p. 268. Kayuses, Walla Wallas; Townsend's Nar., p. 156. Sahaptins; Wilkes' Hist. Ogn., p. 106. Nez Percés; Hastings' Emigrants' Guide, p. 59. Flatheads; Ind. Life, pp. ix., x., 25. At Dalles; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 412. Shushwaps; Grant's Ocean to Ocean, pp. 288-304, 313. At Dalles; Hunt, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. x., p. 82; Stuart, in Id., 1821, tom. xii., p. 43. Pend d'Oreilles; Joset, in Id., 1849, tom. cxxiii., pp. 334-40.

[423] 'Sometimes there is a tribal name for all who speak the same language; sometimes none, and only names for separate villages; sometimes a name for a whole tribe or family, to which is prefixed a separate word for each dialect, which is generally co-extensive with some valley. Of the first, an instance is found in the Cahrocs, on the Klamath, who are a compact tribe, with no dialects; of the second, in the large tribe on the lower Klamath, who have also no dialects, and yet have no name, except for each village; of the third, in the great family of the Pomos on Russian river, who have many dialects, and a name for each,—as Ballo Ki Pomos, Cahto Pomos, etc.... Some remnants of tribes have three or four names, all in use within a radius of that number of miles; some, again, are merged, or dovetailed, into others; and some never had a name taken from their own language, but have adopted that given them by a neighbor tribe, altogether different in speech.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 328.

[423] 'Sometimes there's a single name for everyone who speaks the same language; other times, there are only names for individual villages; and sometimes there's a name for an entire tribe or family, along with a specific word for each dialect, which usually corresponds to a valley. An example of the first is the Cahrocs on the Klamath, a unified tribe with no dialects; an example of the second is a large tribe on the lower Klamath, which also has no dialects but only village names; for the third, there's the extensive Pomos family along the Russian River, who have many dialects and a name for each—like Ballo Ki Pomos, Cahto Pomos, etc.... Some remnants of tribes have three or four names, all used within a few miles; others are combined into others; and some never had a name from their own language but have taken on the name given by a neighboring tribe, which speaks a completely different language.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 328.

[424] The natives 'when asked to what tribe they belong, give the name of their chief, which is misunderstood by the inquirer to be that of the tribe itself.' Bartlett's Nar., vol. ii., p. 30.

[424] When asked which tribe they belong to, the natives provide the name of their chief, which the person asking interprets as the name of the tribe itself. Bartlett's Nar., vol. ii., p. 30.

[425] 'Every fifteen or twenty miles of country seems to have been occupied by a number of small lodges or septs, speaking a different language or very divergent dialect.' Taylor, in Bancroft's Hand-book Almanac, 1864, p. 29. Beechey counted eleven different dialects in the mission of San Carlos. Voyage, vol. ii., p. 73. 'Almost every 15 or 20 leagues, you find a distinct dialect; so different, that in no way does one resemble the other.' Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 240. 'From the San Joaquin northward to the Klamath there are some hundreds of small tribes.' Henley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 304.

[425] 'Every fifteen or twenty miles of the countryside seems to have been home to a number of small lodges or groups, speaking a different language or very varied dialects.' Taylor, in Bancroft's Hand-book Almanac, 1864, p. 29. Beechey counted eleven different dialects in the San Carlos mission. Voyage, vol. ii., p. 73. 'Almost every 15 or 20 leagues, you find a distinct dialect; so different that none resemble each other.' Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 240. 'From the San Joaquin north to the Klamath, there are hundreds of small tribes.' Henley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 304.

[426] Hale calls them the Lutuami, or Tlamatl, and adds, 'the first of these names is the proper designation of the people in their own language. The second is that by which they are known to the Chinooks, and through them, to the whites.' Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 218.

[426] Hale refers to them as the Lutuami, or Tlamatl, and explains, 'the first of these names is the correct term for the people in their own language. The second is the name they are known by to the Chinooks, and through them, to the whites.' Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 218.

[427] 'There true name is Moüdoc—a word which originated with the Shasteecas, who applied it indefinitely to all wild Indians or enemies.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, 1873, vol. x., p. 535. 'Also called Moahtockna.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, June 22, 1860. 'The word Modoc is a Shasta Indian word, and means all distant, stranger, or hostile Indians, and became applied to these Indians by white men in early days, by hearing the Shastas speak of them.' Steele, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1861, p. 121.

[427] 'Their true name is Moüdoc—a term that originated with the Shasteecas, who used it broadly for all wild Indians or enemies.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, 1873, vol. x., p. 535. 'Also known as Moahtockna.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, June 22, 1860. 'The word Modoc is a Shasta Indian term that refers to all distant, strange, or hostile Indians, and it was adopted by white people in the early days after hearing the Shastas mention them.' Steele, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1861, p. 121.

[428] Speaking of Indians at the junction of the Salmon and Klamath rivers: 'They do not seem to have any generic appellation for themselves, but apply the terms "Kahruk," up, and "Youruk," down, to all who live above or below themselves, without discrimination, in the same manner that the others (at the junction of the Trinity) do "Peh-tsik," and "Poh-lik."' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 151.

[428] Talking about Native Americans at the junction of the Salmon and Klamath rivers: 'They don’t seem to have any specific name for themselves, but use the terms "Kahruk," for those upstream, and "Youruk," for those downstream, to refer to everyone living above or below them, without any distinction, similar to how others at the junction of the Trinity use "Peh-tsik," and "Poh-lik."' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 151.

[429] 'The Bay (Humboldt) Indians call themselves, as we were informed, Wish-osk; and those of the hills Te-ok-a-wilk; but the tribes to the northward denominate both those of the Bay and Eel river, We-yot, or Walla-walloo.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 133.

[429] 'The Bay (Humboldt) Indians refer to themselves as Wish-osk, while those from the hills call themselves Te-ok-a-wilk; however, the tribes to the north refer to both the Bay and Eel River tribes as We-yot or Walla-walloo.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 133.

[430] They are also called Lototen or Tututamy, Totutime, Toutouni, Tootooton, Tutoten, Tototin, Tototutna, etc.

[430] They're also known as Lototen, Tututamy, Totutime, Toutouni, Tootooton, Tutoten, Tototin, Tototutna, and so on.

[431] For further particulars as to location of tribes, see notes on Tribal Boundaries, at the end of this chapter.

[431] For more details about where the tribes are located, check the notes on Tribal Boundaries at the end of this chapter.

[432] Mr. Gibbs, speaking of the tribes seen on the Klamath and Trinity rivers, says: 'In person these people are far superior to any we had met below; the men being larger, more muscular, and with countenances denoting greater force and energy of character, as well as intelligence. Indeed, they approach rather to the races of the plains, than to the wretched "diggers" of the greater part of California.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 140. 'The Indians in the northern portion of California and in Oregon, are vastly superior in stature and intellect to those found in the southern part of California.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, 1856. The Indians on the Trinity 'are of another tribe and nature from those along the Sacramento.' Kelly's Excursion, vol. ii., p. 166. Speaking of the Wallies, they, 'in many respects differ from their brethren in the middle and lower counties of the State. They are lighter colored and more intelligent.' Johnson, in Overland Monthly, 1869, vol. ii., p. 536.

[432] Mr. Gibbs, talking about the tribes seen along the Klamath and Trinity rivers, says: 'In person, these people are far superior to anyone we met downriver; the men are larger, more muscular, and their faces show greater strength and energy of character, as well as intelligence. In fact, they resemble more the races of the plains than the miserable "diggers" found in most of California.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 140. 'The Indians in the northern part of California and in Oregon are significantly taller and smarter than those in the southern part of California.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, 1856. The Indians on the Trinity 'belong to a different tribe and are different in nature from those along the Sacramento.' Kelly's Excursion, vol. ii., p. 166. Speaking of the Wallies, they 'differ in many ways from their relatives in the middle and lower counties of the State. They are lighter in color and more intelligent.' Johnson, in Overland Monthly, 1869, vol. ii., p. 536.

[433] 'The males are tall, averaging in height about five feet eight inches, are well proportioned, athletic, and possess the power of endurance to a great degree.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856. 'The people here (Rogue River) were larger and stronger than those in South California, but not handsomer.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317. Speaking of Indians on the Klamath River, 'their stature is a trifle under the American; they have well-sized bodies, erect and strong-knit.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 328. On the upper Trinity they are 'large and powerful men, of a swarthier complexion, fierce and intractable.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 129. Near Mount Shasta, 'a fine-looking race, being much better proportioned than those more to the northward, and their features more regular.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 254. At Klamath Lake, 'well-grown and muscular.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 277. On the Trinity, 'majestic in person, chivalrous in bearing.' Kelly's Excursion, vol. ii., p. 166.

[433] 'The males are tall, averaging about five feet eight inches, well-built, athletic, and have significant endurance.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856. 'The people here (Rogue River) were larger and stronger than those in Southern California, but not more attractive.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317. Speaking of the Native Americans on the Klamath River, 'their height is slightly below the American average; they have well-proportioned bodies, standing tall and strong.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 328. In the upper Trinity area, they are 'large and powerful, with a darker complexion, fierce and unmanageable.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 129. Near Mount Shasta, 'a good-looking group, much better proportioned than those further north, with more regular features.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 254. At Klamath Lake, 'well-built and muscular.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 277. On the Trinity, 'majestic in stature, gallant in demeanor.' Kelly's Excursion, vol. ii., p. 166.

[434] In the vicinity of Klamath lake 'the squaws are short in comparison with the men, and, for Indians have tolerably regular features.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 277. In the Rogue River region 'some of them are quite pretty, usually well-formed, handsomely developed, small features, and very delicate and well-turned hands and feet.... They are graceful in their movements and gestures, ... always timid and modest.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856. On the Klamath River, 'with their smooth, hazel skins, oval faces, plump and brilliant eyes, some of the young maidens,—barring the tattooed chins,—have a piquant and splendid beauty.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 329. On the Klamath and Trinity Rivers, many of the women 'were exceedingly pretty; having large almond-shaped eyes, sometimes of a hazel color, and with the red showing through the cheeks. Their figures were full, their chests ample; and the younger ones had well-shaped busts, and rounded limbs.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 140. But as to the beauty of women tastes never agree; Mr Kelly in his Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 167, speaking of a band of 'noble-looking Indians' which he met near Trinity River, says that they were 'accompanied by a few squaws, who, strange to say, in this latitude are ugly, ill-favoured, stunted in stature, lumpy in figure, and awkward in gait,' and concerning the Rogue River Indians a lady states that 'among the women ... there were some extremely clumsy figures.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317. The Pit-River Indian girls 'have the smallest and prettiest feet and hands I have ever seen.' Miller's Life amongst the Modocs, p. 374.

[434] Near Klamath Lake, "the women are shorter compared to the men, and generally, the Indians have fairly regular features." Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 277. In the Rogue River area, "some of them are quite pretty, usually well-formed, nicely developed, with small features, and very delicate, well-shaped hands and feet... They move gracefully and their gestures are elegant, ... always shy and modest." Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856. Along the Klamath River, "with their smooth, hazel skin, oval faces, and bright, full eyes, some of the young women—aside from the tattooed chins—exhibit a captivating and stunning beauty." Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 329. On the Klamath and Trinity Rivers, many of the women "were extremely attractive; they had large, almond-shaped eyes, sometimes hazel in color, and their cheeks showed a rosy hue. Their figures were full, their chests generous; and the younger ones possessed well-shaped busts and rounded limbs." Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 140. However, opinions on beauty vary; Mr. Kelly, in his Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 167, remarks about a group of "noble-looking Indians" he encountered near Trinity River, stating that they had "a few women with them who, strangely enough, in this region are unattractive, poorly formed, short in stature, bulky, and awkward in their movements," and a woman commenting on the Rogue River Indians notes that "among the women... there were some very clumsy figures." Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317. The Pit River Indian girls "have the smallest and prettiest feet and hands I have ever seen." Miller's Life amongst the Modocs, p. 374.

[435] At Crescent City, Mr Powers saw some 'broad-faced squaws of an almost African blackness;' the Patawats in the vicinity of Mad River and Humboldt Bay are 'blackskinned, pudgy in stature; well cushioned with adipose tissue;' at Redwood Creek 'like most of the coast tribes they are very dark colored, squat in stature, rather fuller-faced than the interior Indians.' Pomo, MS. At Trinidad Bay 'their persons were in general indifferently, but stoutly made, of a lower stature than any tribe of Indians we had before seen.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 246. At the mouth of Eel River the Weeyots 'are generally repulsive in countenance as well as filthy in person.... Their heads are disproportionately large; their figures, though short, strong and well developed.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 127. Carl Meyer names the Indians he saw at Trinidad Bay, Allequas, or Wood-Indians (Holzindianer). I do not find the name anywhere else, and judging by his description, they appear to differ considerably from the natives seen in the same vicinity by Vancouver or Mr Powers; he, Meyer, says; 'Sie sind von unserm Wuchse, starke und beleibte, kräftige Gestalten. Ihre Haut ist wenig zimmet oder lohfarbig, eher weisslich, wie die der antisischen Inkas gewesen sein soll; bei der Jugend und besonders beim weiblichen Geschlechte schimmert oft ein sanftes Roth auf den Wangen hervor. Ihr Kopf ist wenig gedrückt, die Stirn hoch, der Gesichtswinkel gegen 80 Grad, die Nase römisch gekrümmt, das Auge gross in wenig quadratisch erweiterten Augenhöhlen und intelligent, die Lippen nicht aufgetrieben, das Kinn oval, und Hände und Füsse klein.' Nach dem Sacramento, p. 215.

[435] At Crescent City, Mr. Powers encountered some 'broad-faced women of an almost African blackness;' the Patawats near Mad River and Humboldt Bay are 'black-skinned, stocky; well-padded with body fat;' at Redwood Creek, 'like most of the coastal tribes, they are very dark, short in stature, and have rounder faces than the interior Indians.' Pomo, MS. At Trinidad Bay, 'their bodies were generally of average build but stout, shorter than any tribe of Indians we had seen before.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 246. At the mouth of Eel River, the Weeyots 'are generally unattractive in appearance as well as dirty... Their heads are disproportionately large; their bodies, though short, are strong and well-developed.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 127. Carl Meyer refers to the Indians he saw at Trinidad Bay as Allequas, or Wood-Indians (Holzindianer). I don't find this name anywhere else, and based on his description, they seem to be quite different from the natives seen in the same area by Vancouver or Mr. Powers; Meyer states, 'They are of our height, strong and plump, sturdy figures. Their skin is not very cinnamon or tawny, rather whitish, like that of the ancient Incas; in youth, especially among females, a gentle red often glows on the cheeks. Their heads are not flattened, the forehead is high, the facial angle about 80 degrees, the nose is Roman-shaped, the eyes are large in slightly squared sockets and intelligent, the lips are not protruding, the chin is oval, and the hands and feet are small.' Nach dem Sacramento, p. 215.

[436] At Pitt River they 'have no dress except a buckskin thrown around them.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. Near Mount Shasta 'they can scarcely be said to wear any dress, except a mantle of deer or wolf skin. A few of them had deer-skins belted around their waists, with a highly ornamented girdle.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 255. Near Pitt River, the Indians were nearly naked. Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 61. At Trinidad Bay 'their clothing was chiefly made of the skins of land animals, with a few indifferent small skins of the sea-otter.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 247. 'The men, however, do not wear any covering, except the cold is intense, when indeed they put upon their shoulders the skins of sea-wolves, otters, deer, or other animals.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 16. 'They were clothed, for the most part, in skins.' Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 118. On Smith River they were 'in a complete state of nature, excepting only a kind of apology for an apron, worn by the women, sometimes made of elk's skin, and sometimes of grass.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 313. Among the Weeyots at Eel River the men 'wore a deer-skin robe over the shoulder, and the women a short petticoat of fringe.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 127. On Klamath River their only dress was the fringed petticoat, or at most, a deerskin robe thrown back over the shoulders, in addition. Id., p. 141. 'The primitive dress of the men is simply a buckskin girdle about the loins; of the women, a chemise of the same material, or of braided grass, reaching from the breast to the knees.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 329. 'Were quite naked excepting the maro.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 253. The Klamath Lake Indians 'wear little more than the breech-cloth.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 277. 'They were all well dressed in blankets and buckskin.' Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 70. Carl Meyer, speaking of a tribe he names Allequas, at Trinidad Bay, says: 'der Mann geht im Sommer ganz nackt, im Winter trägt er eine selbst gegerbte Hirsch- oder Rehdecke über die Schultern.' 'Die Allequas-Weiber tragen im Sommer von Bast-Schnüren oder von Rehfellstreifen, im Winter von Pelzwerk oder Gänseflaum verfertigte Schürzen, die bis auf die Knie reichen.' Nach dem Sacramento, p. 217, 219. 'The Klamaths, during the summer go naked, in winter they use the skins of rabbits and wild fowl for a covering.' Thompson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 283.

[436] At Pitt River, they only wear a buckskin draped around them. The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. Near Mount Shasta, they can hardly be said to wear any clothing, except for a mantle made of deer or wolf skin. A few had deer-skins fastened around their waists, decorated with an elaborate belt. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 255. Near Pitt River, the Indians were nearly naked. Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 61. At Trinidad Bay, their clothing was mainly made from the skins of land animals, with a few low-quality small skins of sea otters. Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 247. The men, however, don’t wear any covering unless it’s really cold, at which point they put on the skins of sea wolves, otters, deer, or other animals over their shoulders. Maurelle's Jour., p. 16. For the most part, they wore skins. Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 118. On Smith River, they were 'in a complete state of nature,' except for a kind of makeshift apron worn by the women, sometimes made of elk skin or sometimes of grass. Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 313. Among the Weeyots at Eel River, the men wore deer-skin robes draped over their shoulders, and the women wore short fringed petticoats. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 127. On Klamath River, their only clothing was the fringed petticoat or, at most, a deer-skin robe thrown back over their shoulders. Id., p. 141. The typical dress for men consisted of a simple buckskin belt around the waist, and for women, a chemise made of the same material or braided grass, reaching from the breast down to the knees. Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 329. They were mostly naked except for the maro. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 253. The Klamath Lake Indians wore little more than a breech-cloth. Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 277. They were all well dressed in blankets and buckskin. Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 70. Carl Meyer, speaking of a tribe he names Allequas at Trinidad Bay, says: 'The men go completely naked in summer, and in winter they wear a self-tanned deer or elk hide over their shoulders.' 'The Allequas women wear aprons made of bast strings or strips of deer skin in summer, and in winter, they wear those made of fur or goose down that reach down to the knees.' Nach dem Sacramento, p. 217, 219. 'The Klamaths go naked in summer, and in winter, they use the skins of rabbits and wild fowl for covering.' Thompson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 283.

[437] 'An Indian will trap and slaughter seventy-five rabbits for one of these robes, making it double, with fur inside and out.' Powers' Pomo, MS.

[437] 'An Indian will catch and kill seventy-five rabbits to make one of these coats, crafting it with fur on both the inside and outside.' Powers' Pomo, MS.

[438] Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 204; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 107, 127; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., 282.

[438] Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 204; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 107, 127; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., 282.

[439] Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 282; Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 204.

[439] Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 282; Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 204.

[440] Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 142.

[440] Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 142.

[441] Maurelle's Jour., p. 17; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 127, 142; Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 329; Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317. 'Die Allequas (Trinidad Bay) haben starkes, ziemlich geschmeidiges Haar, das der Männer und der Kinder wird bis auf einen Zoll Länge regelmässig abgebrannt, so dass sie das Aussehen von Titusköpfen erhalten. Zuweilen sieht man die Männer auch mit einem ziemlich langen, durch eine harzige Flüssigkeit gesteiften, aufgerichteten Zopf, der als Schmuck betrachtet, bei festlichen Anlässen, oder im Kriege mit rothen oder weissen Federn geziert wird, und alsdann dem Schopf eines Wiedehopfs gleicht.' Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 215. 'Both men and women part their hair in the middle, the men cut it square on the neck and wear it rather long, the women wear theirs long, plaited in two braids, hanging down the back.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[441] Maurelle's Jour., p. 17; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 127, 142; Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 329; Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317. "The Allequas (Trinidad Bay) have strong, fairly flexible hair, which the men and children trim regularly to about an inch in length, giving them the look of shaved heads. Sometimes, the men sport a relatively long, upright braid stiffened with a resinous substance, which is considered decorative and adorned with red or white feathers during celebrations or in war, resembling the crest of a hoopoe bird." Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 215. "Both men and women part their hair in the middle; men cut it straight across the neck and wear it somewhat long, while women wear theirs long, styled into two braids that hang down their backs." The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[442] Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 127. 'Barthaare haben sie, wie alle Indianer Nord-Amerikas, nur wenig; sie werden ausgerupft, und nur in der Trauer stehen gelassen.' Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, pp. 215-16.

[442] Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 127. 'The Barthaare are sparse, like all the Native Americans of North America; they are plucked out and only left during mourning.' Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, pp. 215-16.

[443] The men tattoo so that they may 'be recognized if stolen by Modocs.' 'With the women it is entirely for ornament.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. At Rogue River the women 'were tattooed on the hands and arms as well as the chin.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317. At Trinidad Bay 'they ornamented their lower lip with three perpendicular columns of punctuation, one from each corner of the mouth and one in the middle, occupying three fifths of the chin.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 247. Maurelle says the same, and adds that a space is left between each line, 'which is much larger in the young than in the older women, whose faces are generally covered with punctures.' Jour., p. 17. At Mad River and Humboldt Bay, the same, 'and also lines of small dots on the backs of their hands.' Powers' Pomo, MS. At mouth of Eel River 'both sexes tattoo; the men on their arms and breasts; the women from inside the under lip down to and beneath the chin. The extent of this disfigurement indicates to a certain extent, the age and condition of the person.' 'In the married women the lines are extended up above the corners of the mouth.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 127, 142. 'I have never observed any particular figures or designs upon their persons; but the tattooing is generally on the chin, though sometimes on the wrist and arm. Tattooing has mostly been on the persons of females, and seems to be esteemed as an ornament, not apparently indicating rank or condition.' Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223. The squaws among the Cahrocs on the Klamath 'tattoo, in blue, three narrow fern-leaves, perpendicularly on the chin.' 'For this purpose they are said to employ soot, gathered from a stove, mingled with the juice of a certain plant.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 329. Among the Shastys the women 'are tattooed in lines from the mouth to the chin.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 218. Among the Allequas at Trinidad bay: 'Die Mädchen werden im fünften Jahre mit einem schwarzen Streifen von beiden Mundwinkeln bis unter das Kinn tättowirt, welchem Striche dann alle fünf Jahre ein parallellaufender beigefügt wird, so dass man an diesen Zeichnungen leicht das Alter jeder Indianerin übersehen kann.... Die Männer bemalen sich bei besondern Anlässen mit einem Tannenfirniss, den sie selbst bereiten, das Gesicht, und zeichnen allerlei geheimnissvolle Figuren und Verzierungen auf Wange, Nase und Stirn, indem sie mit einem hölzernen Stäbchen den noch weichen Firniss auf den einzelnen Stellen von der Haut wegheben.' Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 216.

[443] The men get tattoos so they can 'be recognized if stolen by Modocs.' 'For the women, it's all about decoration.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. At Rogue River, the women 'were tattooed on their hands and arms as well as their chins.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317. At Trinidad Bay, 'they decorated their lower lip with three vertical lines of marks, one from each corner of the mouth and one in the middle, covering three-fifths of the chin.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 247. Maurelle mentions the same thing, adding that there is a space between each line, 'which is much larger for younger women than for older women, whose faces are usually covered in punctures.' Jour., p. 17. At Mad River and Humboldt Bay, the same, 'and also small dots on the backs of their hands.' Powers' Pomo, MS. At the mouth of Eel River, 'both genders get tattoos; the men on their arms and chests; the women from inside the lower lip down to and under the chin. The extent of this tattooing reflects to some degree the age and status of the person.' 'For married women, the lines extend up above the corners of the mouth.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 127, 142. 'I've never seen any specific patterns or designs on their bodies; but the tattooing is generally on the chin, though sometimes on the wrist and arm. Tattooing is mostly found on women and is seen as an ornament, not necessarily indicating rank or status.' Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223. The women among the Cahrocs on the Klamath 'tattoo three narrow fern leaves in blue, vertically on the chin.' 'They supposedly use soot collected from a stove mixed with the juice of a particular plant for this.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 329. Among the Shastys, the women 'are tattooed in lines from the mouth to the chin.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 218. Among the Allequas at Trinidad Bay: 'The girls are tattooed with a black line from both corners of the mouth down to under the chin at the age of five, with a new parallel line added every five years, so it's easy to see the age of each Indian woman by these markings.... The men paint their faces with a pine resin they prepare themselves for special occasions, drawing all sorts of mysterious figures and decorations on their cheeks, noses, and foreheads by lifting the still-soft resin off the skin with a wooden stick.' Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 216.

[444] 'I never saw two alike.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. At Klamath lake they are 'painted from their heads to their waists all colours and patterns.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 277. The Modocs 'paint themselves with various pigments formed from rotten wood, different kinds of earth, &c.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 536. Kane 'took a sketch of a Chastay (Shasta) female slave (among the Chinooks) the lower part of whose face, from the corners of the mouth to the ears and downwards, was tattooed of a bluish colour. The men of this tribe do not tattoo, but paint their faces like other Indians.' Wand., p. 182. Ida Pfeiffer, Second Journ., p. 315, saw Indians on Smith river, who painted their faces 'in a most detestable manner. They first smeared them with fish fat and then they rubbed in the paint, sometimes passing a finger over it in certain lines, so as to produce a pattern.' Miller's Life Amongst the Modocs, p. 361.

[444] 'I never saw two the same.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. At Klamath Lake, they are 'painted from their heads to their waists in all colors and patterns.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 277. The Modocs 'paint themselves with various pigments made from rotten wood, different kinds of earth, etc.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 536. Kane 'made a sketch of a Chastay (Shasta) female slave (among the Chinooks) whose lower face, from the corners of her mouth to her ears and downwards, was tattooed a bluish color. The men of this tribe do not tattoo, but paint their faces like other Indians.' Wand., p. 182. Ida Pfeiffer, Second Journ., p. 315, saw Indians on Smith River who painted their faces 'in a very unpleasant way. They first smeared them with fish fat and then rubbed in the paint, sometimes running a finger over it in certain lines to create a pattern.' Miller's Life Amongst the Modocs, p. 361.

[445] 'No taste in bead work.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. 'In den Ohren tragen die Allequas (at Trinidad bay) Schmucksachen, welche sie theils von den Weissen erhalten, theils aus Holz nachahmen; auch sind diese Gegenstände zuweilen durch Steinchen ersetzt, die talismanische Kräfte besitzen sollen. Nur die in den fernen Bergen wohnenden tragen hölzerne oder auch eiserne Ringe in den Nasenwandungen.' Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 216; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 142; Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317; Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 537; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., plate xiv.

[445] 'No sense in beadwork.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. 'The Allequas (at Trinidad Bay) wear jewelry that they either received from white people or mimic from wood; sometimes these items are replaced by stones believed to have talismanic powers. Only those living in the distant mountains wear wooden or even iron rings in their nostrils.' Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 216; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 142; Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317; Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 537; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., plate xiv.

[446] Maurelle's Jour., p. 18.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Maurelle's Journey., p. 18.

[447] Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 247.

[447] Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 247.

[448] 'The lodges are dome-shaped; like beaver-houses, an arched roof covers a deep pit sunk in the ground, the entrance to which is a round hole.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 278. 'Large round huts, perhaps 20 feet in diameter, with rounded tops, on which was the door by which they descended into the interior.' Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 204. 'The Modoc excavates a circular space from two to four feet deep, then makes over it a conical structure of puncheons, which is strongly braced up with timbers, frequently hewn and a foot square.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 536; Id., vol. ix., p. 156. 'The style was very substantial, the large poles requiring five or six men to lift.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 175. 'Have only an opening at the summit.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 261. On the inside of the door they frequently place a sliding panel. 'The Kailtas build wigwams in a conical shape—as all tribes on the Trinity do—but they excavate no cellars.' Powers' Pomo, MS. See full description of dwellings, by Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223. The entrance is a 'round hole just large enough to crawl into, which is on a level with the surface of the ground, or is cut through the roof.' Johnson, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 536; Miller's Life Amongst the Modocs, p. 377.

[448] 'The lodges are dome-shaped; like beaver lodges, an arched roof covers a deep pit dug into the ground, with a round opening as the entrance.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 278. 'Large round huts, about 20 feet in diameter, have rounded tops, and the door is located on top, allowing access to the interior.' Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 204. 'The Modoc digs a circular area that is two to four feet deep and then builds a conical structure on top of it using cut logs, which are reinforced with timbers, often hewn and a foot square.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 536; Id., vol. ix., p. 156. 'The style is very sturdy, requiring five or six men to lift the large poles.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 175. 'They only have an opening at the top.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 261. On the inside of the door, they often install a sliding panel. 'The Kailtas construct wigwams in a conical shape—just like all tribes on the Trinity do—but they don’t dig any cellars.' Powers' Pomo, MS. See the complete description of dwellings by Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223. The entrance is a 'round hole just big enough to crawl through, which is level with the ground or cut through the roof.' Johnson, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 536; Miller's Life Amongst the Modocs, p. 377.

[449] 'Built of plank, rudely wrought.' The roofs are not 'horizontal like those at Nootka, but rise with a small degree of elevation to a ridge in the middle.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 241-2. Well built, of boards; often twenty feet square; roof pitched over a ridge-pole; ground usually excavated 3 or 4 feet; some cellars floored and walled with stone. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 140. 'The dwellings of the Hoopas were built of large planks, about 1½ inches thick, from two to four feet wide, and from six to twelve feet in length.' Trinity Journal, April, 1857. 'The floors of these huts are perfectly smooth and clean, with a square hole two feet deep in the centre, in which they make their fire.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 17. 'The huts have never but one apartment. The fire is kindled in the centre, the smoke escaping through the crevices in the roof.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856. The houses of the Eurocs and Cahrocs 'are sometimes constructed on the level earth, but oftener they excavate a round cellar, four or five feet deep, and twelve or fifteen feet in diameter.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 530; Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 220; The Shastas and their neighbors, MS.

[449] 'Made of planks, roughly crafted.' The roofs are not 'flat like those at Nootka, but rise slightly to a peak in the center.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 241-2. Well constructed from boards; often twenty feet square; the roof slopes over a ridge-pole; the ground is usually dug out 3 or 4 feet; some basements are floored and walled with stone. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 140. 'The homes of the Hoopas were made of large planks, around 1½ inches thick, varying from two to four feet wide, and from six to twelve feet long.' Trinity Journal, April, 1857. 'The floors of these huts are completely smooth and clean, with a square hole two feet deep in the center, where they build their fire.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 17. 'The huts have only one room. The fire is started in the center, with the smoke escaping through openings in the roof.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856. The houses of the Eurocs and Cahrocs 'are sometimes built on level ground, but more often they dig a round cellar, four or five feet deep, and twelve or fifteen feet across.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 530; Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 220; The Shastas and their neighbors, MS.

[450] Kit Carson says of lodges seen near Klamath lake: 'They were made of the broad leaves of the swamp flag, which were beautifully and intricately woven together.' Peters' Life of Carson, p. 263. 'The wild sage furnishes them shelter in the heat of summer, and, like the Cayote, they burrow in the earth for protection from the inclemencies of winter.' Thompson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 283. 'Their lodges are generally mere temporary structures, scarcely sheltering them from the pelting storm.' Palmer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 262.

[450] Kit Carson describes the lodges near Klamath Lake: 'They were made from the broad leaves of the swamp flag, which were beautifully and intricately woven together.' Peters' Life of Carson, p. 263. 'The wild sage provides them shelter from the summer heat, and, like the coyote, they dig into the ground for protection from the harshness of winter.' Thompson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 283. 'Their lodges are usually just temporary structures, hardly offering any protection from the heavy rain.' Palmer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 262.

[451] 'Slightly constructed, generally of poles.' Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 218. 'The earth in the centre scooped out, and thrown up in a low, circular embankment.' Turner, in Overland Monthly, p. xi., p. 21.

[451] 'Somewhat built, usually with poles.' Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 218. 'The dirt in the middle is dug out and piled up into a low, circular mound.' Turner, in Overland Monthly, p. xi., p. 21.

[452] Powers' Pomo, MS.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Powers' Pomo, Master's.

[453] 'The rocks supply edible shell-fish.' Schumacher's Oregon Antiquities, MS. 'The deer and elk are mostly captured by driving them into traps and pits.' 'Small game is killed with arrows, and sometimes elk and deer are dispatched in the same way.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, April, 1856. 'The elk they usually take in snares.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317. 'The mountain Indians subsisted largely on game, which of every variety was very abundant, and was killed with their bows and arrows, in the use of which they were very expert.' Wiley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1867, p. 497. 'Die Indianer am Pittflusse machen Graben oder Löcher von circa 5 Kubikfuss, bedecken diese mit Zweigen und Gras ganz leicht, sodass die Thiere, wenn sie darüber gejagt werden, hinein fallen und nicht wieder herauskönnen. Wilde Gänse fangen sie mit Netzen ... Nur selten mögen Indianer den grauen Bär jagen.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 181; The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[453] 'The rocks provide edible shellfish.' Schumacher's Oregon Antiquities, MS. 'The deer and elk are mostly caught in traps and pits.' 'Small game is hunted with arrows, and sometimes elk and deer are taken the same way.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, April, 1856. 'They usually catch elk in snares.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317. 'The mountain Indians mostly lived on game, which was abundant and varied, and they were skilled at hunting it with bows and arrows.' Wiley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1867, p. 497. 'The Indians at the Pitt River make ditches or holes about 5 cubic feet, cover them lightly with twigs and grass so that when the animals are chased over them, they fall in and can't get out. They catch wild geese with nets... Rarely do the Indians hunt the gray bear.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 181; The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[454] Schumacher, Oregon Antiquities, MS., classifies their ancient arrow and spear points thus: Long barbs with projections, short barbs with projections, and long and short barbs without projections. 'The point of the spear is composed of a small bone needle, which sits in a socket, and pulls out as soon as the fish starts. A string connecting the spear handle and the center of the bone serves, when pulled, to turn the needle cross wise in the wound.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, March 8, 1861; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 146.

[454] Schumacher, Oregon Antiquities, MS., categorizes their old arrow and spear points like this: long barbs with projections, short barbs with projections, and long and short barbs without projections. 'The spear point has a small bone needle that fits into a socket and pops out as soon as the fish is caught. A string connects the spear handle to the center of the bone, and when pulled, it turns the needle sideways in the wound.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, March 8, 1861; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 146.

[455] The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Hubbard, in Golden Era, April, 1856; Wiley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1867, p. 497. 'In spawning-time the fish school up from Clear Lake in extraordinary numbers, so that the Indians have only to put a slight obstruction in the river, when they can literally shovel them out.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 537; Schumacher's Oregon Antiquities, MS.

[455] The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Hubbard, in Golden Era, April, 1856; Wiley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1867, p. 497. 'During spawning season, the fish gather in huge numbers from Clear Lake, so the Indians just need to set up a small barrier in the river, and they can practically scoop them out.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 537; Schumacher's Oregon Antiquities, MS.

[456] 'The camas is a bulbus root, shaped much like an onion.' Miller's Life Amongst the Modocs, p. 22.

[456] 'The camas is a bulbous root, shaped a lot like an onion.' Miller's Life Amongst the Modocs, p. 22.

[457] 'A root about an inch long, and as large as one's little finger, of a bitter-sweetish and pungent taste, something like ginseng.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 537.

[457] 'A root about an inch long and about the size of a pinky finger, with a bittersweet and strong taste, somewhat similar to ginseng.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 537.

[458] 'An aquatic plant, with a floating leaf, very much like that of a pond-lily, in the centre of which is a pod resembling a poppy-head, full of farinaceous seeds.' Ib. See also Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 222. 'Their principal food is the kamas root, and the seed obtained from a plant growing in the marshes of the lake, resembling, before hulled, a broom-corn seed.' Palmer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 263.

[458] 'An aquatic plant with a floating leaf, quite similar to that of a pond lily, in the center of which is a pod that looks like a poppy seed head, filled with starchy seeds.' Ib. See also Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 222. 'Their main source of food is the kamas root and the seeds from a plant found in the marshes of the lake, which, before being hulled, resembles broom corn seeds.' Palmer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 263.

[459] The Klamaths 'subsist upon roots and almost every living thing within their reach, not excepting reptiles, crickets, ants, etc.' Thompson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 283; Heintzelman, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 391; Roseborough's letter to the author, MS.

[459] The Klamaths survive on roots and just about everything living that they can find, including reptiles, crickets, ants, and so on.' Thompson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 283; Heintzelman, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 391; Roseborough's letter to the author, MS.

[460] Turner, in Overland Monthly, vol. xi., p. 24.

[460] Turner, in Overland Monthly, vol. xi., p. 24.

[461] At Rogue River, 'the men go in the morning into the river, but, like the Malays, bring all the dirt out on their skins that they took in.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317. At Pitt River they are 'disgusting in their habits.' Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 61; The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. 'Of the many hundreds I have seen, there was not one who still observed the aboriginal mode of life, that had not a sweet breath. This is doubtless due to the fact that, before they became civilized, they ate their food cold.' Powers' Pomo, MS. 'They always rise at the first dawn of day, and plunge into the river.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856. 'Their persons are unusually clean, as they use both the sweat-house and the cold-bath constantly.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 142. 'Mit Tagesanbruch begibt sich der Allequa (Trinidad Bay) in jeder Jahreszeit zur nahen Quelle, wo er sich am ganzen Leibe wäscht und in den Strahlen der aufsteigenden Sonne trocknen lässt.' Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 221; Roseborough's letter to the author, MS.

[461] At Rogue River, "the men go into the river in the morning, but, like the Malays, they bring all the dirt back out on their skin." Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317. At Pitt River, they are "disgusting in their habits." Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 61; The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. "Of the many hundreds I have seen, not one who still lived the traditional way had a bad breath. This is probably because, before they became civilized, they ate their food cold." Powers' Pomo, MS. "They always wake up at the first light of day and jump into the river." Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856. "Their bodies are unusually clean, as they regularly use both the sweat lodge and cold baths." Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 142. "At dawn, the Allequa (Trinidad Bay) goes to the nearby spring at all times of the year to wash his whole body and then dries in the rays of the rising sun." Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 221; Roseborough's letter to the author, MS.

[462] Carl Meyer, after describing the bow, adds: 'Fernere Waffen der Allequas sind; das Obsidian-Beil oder Tomahawk, die Keule, die Lanze und der Wurfspiess.' Nach dem Sacramento, p. 218. This statement, I think, may be taken with some allowance, as nowhere else do I find mention of a tomahawk being used by the Californians.

[462] Carl Meyer, after describing the bow, adds: 'Other weapons of the Allequas include the obsidian axe or tomahawk, the club, the spear, and the throwing spear.' Nach dem Sacramento, p. 218. I believe this statement should be taken with a grain of salt, as I find no other references to a tomahawk being used by the Californians.

[463] Schumacher, Oregon Antiquities, MS., speaking of an ancient spear-point, says, 'the pointed teeth show it to have been a very dangerous weapon.' Roseborough's letter to the author, MS. On the Klamath River, 'among the skins used for quivers, I noticed the otter, wild-cat, fisher, fawn, grey fox and others.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 141. Near Mt Shasta, 'bows and arrows are very beautifully made: the former are of yew, and about three feet long ... backed very neatly with sinew, and painted.... The arrows are upwards of thirty inches long.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 255. At Port Trinidad, 'arrows are carried in quivers of wood or bone, and hang from their wrist or neck.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 20. On Pigeon River 'their arrows were in general tipped with copper or iron.' Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 110. The Pit River 'arrows are made in three parts.' Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 61. The Allequas at Trinidad Bay, described by Carl Meyer, carried their arrows either 'schussfertig in der Hand oder in einem über die Schultern geworfenen Köcher aus Fuchs- oder Biberpelz. Der Bogen ist aus einer starken, elastischen Rothtannenwurzel verfertigt, etwa 3½ Fuss lang und auf der Rückseite mit einer Bärensehne überklebt.' Nach dem Sacramento, p. 217. See Mofras, Explor., Atlas, plate xxv. Speaking of the quiver, Mr Powers says: 'in the animal's head they stuff a quantity of grass or moss, as a cushion for the arrow-heads to rest in, which prevents them from being broken.' Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 532. 'Their arrows can only be extracted from the flesh with the knife.' Cutts' Conquest of Cal., p. 170. 'Am oberen Theile (California) ist der Bogen von einer Lage von Hirsch-Sehnen verstärkt und elastisch gemacht. Die Pfeile bestehen aus einem rohrartigen Gewächse von mässiger Länge, an der Spitze mit Obsidian ... versehen, ihre Länge ist 2 Zoll, ihre Breite 1 Zoll und die Dicke 1/3 Zoll, scharfkantig und spitz zulaufend.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 180.

[463] Schumacher, Oregon Antiquities, MS., discussing an ancient spear-point, states, 'the pointed tips indicate it was a very dangerous weapon.' Roseborough's letter to the author, MS. On the Klamath River, 'among the skins used for quivers, I noticed otter, wild cat, fisher, fawn, grey fox, and others.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 141. Near Mt. Shasta, 'bows and arrows are beautifully made: the bows are from yew, about three feet long... neatly backed with sinew and painted.... The arrows are over thirty inches long.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 255. At Port Trinidad, 'arrows are carried in quivers made of wood or bone, hanging from their wrist or neck.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 20. On Pigeon River, 'their arrows were generally tipped with copper or iron.' Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 110. The Pit River 'arrows are made in three sections.' Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 61. The Allequas at Trinidad Bay, described by Carl Meyer, carried their arrows 'ready-to-use in hand or in a quiver made of fox or beaver fur slung over the shoulder. The bow is made from a strong, flexible root of red fir, about 3½ feet long, and reinforced on the back with bear sinew.' Nach dem Sacramento, p. 217. See Mofras, Explor., Atlas, plate xxv. Regarding the quiver, Mr. Powers states: 'inside the animal's head, they stuff a layer of grass or moss to cushion the arrowheads, which prevents them from breaking.' Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 532. 'Their arrows can only be removed from the flesh with a knife.' Cutts' Conquest of Cal., p. 170. 'In the upper part (California), the bow is reinforced with a layer of deer sinew and made flexible. The arrows are made from a tubular plant of moderate length, tipped with obsidian... their length is 2 inches, width is 1 inch, and thickness is 1/3 inches, sharp-edged and pointed.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 180.

[464] Powers' Pomo, MS.; Schumacher's Oregon Antiquities, MS.; The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[464] Powers' Pomo, MS.; Schumacher's Oregon Antiquities, MS.; The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[465] Hist. Mag., vol. iii., p. 214.

[465] Hist. Mag., vol. 3, p. 214.

[466] Johnson, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 536. At Trinidad Bay 'zuweilen werden die Pfeile mit dem Safte des Sumachbaumes vergiftet, und alsdann nur zum Erlegen wilder Raubthiere gebraucht.' Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 218. 'Einige Stämme vergiften die Spitzen ihrer Pfeile auf folgende Weise: Sie reizen nämlich eine Klapperschlange mit einer vorgehaltenen Hirschleber, worin sie beisst, und nachdem nun die Leber mit dem Gifte vollständig imprägnirt ist, wird sie vergraben und muss verfaulen; hierin wird nun die Spitze eingetaucht und dann getrocknet.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 180. The Pitt River Indians 'use the poison of the rattle-snake, by grinding the head of that reptile into an impalpable powder, which is then applied by means of the putrid blood and flesh of the dog to the point of the weapon.' Gross' System of Surgery, vol. i., p. 321. 'The Pitt River Indians poisoned their arrows in a putrid deer's liver. This is a slow poison, however, and sometimes will not poison at all.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Schumacher's Oregon Antiquities, MS.

[466] Johnson, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 536. At Trinidad Bay, 'sometimes the arrows are poisoned with the sap of the sumac tree, and are then only used for hunting wild beasts.' Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 218. 'Some tribes poison the tips of their arrows in the following way: they irritate a rattlesnake by holding out a deer liver, which it bites, and after the liver is fully saturated with the poison, it is buried to decay; the tip is then dipped into this and dried.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 180. The Pitt River Indians 'use the poison of the rattlesnake by grinding the head of that snake into a fine powder, which is then applied to the point of the weapon using the rotten blood and flesh of a dog.' Gross' System of Surgery, vol. i., p. 321. 'The Pitt River Indians poisoned their arrows with a putrid deer's liver. This is a slow poison, however, and sometimes may not poison at all.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Schumacher's Oregon Antiquities, MS.

[467] Among other things seen by Meyer were, 'noch grössere Bogen, die ihnen als bedeutende Ferngeschosse dienen. Ein solcher ist 6 Fuss lang, und der Indianer legt sich auf die Erde, um denselben zu spannen, indem er das rechte Knie in den Bogen einstemmt und mit beiden Armen nachhilft.' The bow and arrow, knife, and war-club, constitute their weapons. In one of their lodges I noticed an elk-skin shield, so constructed as to be impervious to the sharpest arrows. Palmer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 262. Miller mentions a Modoc who was 'painted red, half-naked, and held a tomahawk in his hand.' Life Amongst the Modocs, p. 20.

[467] Among other things Meyer observed were "even larger bows that serve as significant long-range weapons. One of them is 6 feet long, and the Indian lies on the ground to string it, pressing his right knee into the bow and using both arms for assistance." The bow and arrow, knife, and war club make up their weapons. In one of their lodges, I noticed an elk-skin shield designed to withstand the sharpest arrows. Palmer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 262. Miller mentions a Modoc who was "painted red, half-naked, and held a tomahawk in his hand." Life Amongst the Modocs, p. 20.

[468] Salem Statesman, April, 1857.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Salem Statesman, April 1857.

[469] Hence, if we may credit Miller, Life Amongst the Modocs, p. 373, the name Pitt River.

[469] So, if we can trust Miller, Life Amongst the Modocs, p. 373, the name Pitt River.

[470] The Hoopas exacted tribute from all the surrounding tribes. At the time the whites arrived the Chimalaquays were paying them tribute in deer-skins at the rate of twenty-five cents per head. Powers' Pomo, MS. The Hoopahs have a law requiring those situated on the Trinity, above them to pay tribute. Humboldt Times, Nov. 1857; S. F. Evening Bulletin, Nov. 23, 1857.

[470] The Hoopas demanded tribute from all the nearby tribes. When the white settlers arrived, the Chimalaquays were giving them tribute in deer skins at the rate of twenty-five cents per skin. Powers' Pomo, MS. The Hoopahs have a law that requires those living on the Trinity River, upstream from them, to pay tribute. Humboldt Times, Nov. 1857; S. F. Evening Bulletin, Nov. 23, 1857.

[471] The Sassics, Cahrocs, Hoopahs, Klamaths and Rogue River Indians, take no scalps, but decapitate the slain, or cut off their hands and feet. Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317.

[471] The Sassics, Cahrocs, Hoopahs, Klamaths, and Rogue River Indians don’t take scalps; instead, they decapitate the dead or cut off their hands and feet. Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317.

[472] The Veeards on Lower Humboldt Bay 'took elk-horns and rubbed them on stones for days together, to sharpen them into axes and wedges.' Powers' Pomo, MS. On the Klamath river they had 'spoons neatly made of bone and horn.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 146.

[472] The Veeards on Lower Humboldt Bay "took elk antlers and rubbed them on stones for days to sharpen them into axes and wedges." Powers' Pomo, MS. On the Klamath River, they had "spoons carefully made from bone and horn." Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 146.

[473] 'For basket making, they use the roots of pine-trees, the stem of the spice-bush, and ornament with a kind of grass which looks like a palm leaf, and will bleach white. They also stain it purple with elder berries, and green with soapstone.' ... 'The Pitt River Indians excel all others in basket-making, but are not particularly good at bead work.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 204; Johnson, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 536; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 134; Powers' Pomo, MS.

[473] 'For making baskets, they use the roots of pine trees, the stems of spice bushes, and decorate them with a type of grass that looks like palm leaves and can be bleached white. They also dye it purple with elderberries and green with soapstone.' ... 'The Pitt River Indians are the best at basket-making, but they're not that great at beadwork.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 204; Johnson, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 536; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 134; Powers' Pomo, MS.

[474] Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 253; Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 218.

[474] Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 253; Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 218.

[475] The boats formerly used by the Modocs were 'quite rude and unshapely concerns, compared with those of the lower Klamath, but substantial and sometimes large enough to carry 1800 pounds of merchandise.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 532, vol. x., p. 536. 'Blunt at both ends, with a small projection in the stern for a seat.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 142. 'Those on Rogue river were roughly built—some of them scow fashion, with flat bottom.' Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 218. The Pitt River Indians 'used boats made from pine; they burn them out ... about twenty feet long, some very good ones.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[475] The boats that the Modocs used in the past were 'pretty crude and misshapen compared to those of the lower Klamath, but they were sturdy and sometimes large enough to carry 1800 pounds of goods.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 532, vol. x., p. 536. 'They were blunt at both ends, with a small protrusion at the back for a seat.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 142. 'The ones on Rogue River were roughly constructed—some of them were scow-style, with flat bottoms.' Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 218. The Pitt River Indians 'made boats from pine; they burned them out... about twenty feet long, some really good ones.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[476] Chase, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 433. 'A kind of bead made from a shell procured on the coast. These they string and wear about the neck.... Another kind is a shell about an inch long, which looks like a porcupine quill. They are more valuable than the other. They also use them as nose-ornaments.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. 'The unit of currency is a string of the length of a man's arm, with a certain number of the longer shells below the elbow, and a certain number of the shorter ones above.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 329. 'A rare shell, spiral in shape, varying from one to two inches in length, and about the size of a crowquill, called by the natives, Siwash, is used as money.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856.

[476] Chase, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 433. 'There’s a type of bead made from a shell found on the coast. People string them up and wear them around their necks.... Another type is a shell about an inch long, which resembles a porcupine quill. These are considered more valuable than the other. They are also used as nose ornaments.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. 'Currency consists of a string that is the length of a man's arm, with a certain number of the longer shells hanging below the elbow, and a specific number of the shorter ones above.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 329. 'A rare shell, spiral in shape, ranging from one to two inches long, and about the size of a crowquill, referred to by the natives as Siwash, is used as money.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856.

[477] 'The ownership of a (white) deer-skin, constitutes a claim to chieftainship, readily acknowledged by all the dusky race on this coast.' Humboldt Times, Dec., 1860.

[477] 'Owning a (white) deer-skin represents a claim to leadership, easily recognized by all the Indigenous people on this coast.' Humboldt Times, Dec., 1860.

[478] 'Property consists in women, ornaments made of rare feathers and shells, also furs and skins.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856. Their wealth 'consisted chiefly of white deerskins, canoes, the scalp of the red-headed woodpecker, and aliquachiek.' Wiley, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Joint Spec. Com., 1867, p. 497.

[478] 'Property includes women, ornaments made of rare feathers and shells, as well as furs and skins.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March 1856. Their wealth 'mainly consisted of white deerskins, canoes, the scalp of the red-headed woodpecker, and aliquachiek.' Wiley, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Joint Spec. Com., 1867, p. 497.

[479] 'Have no tribal organization, no such thing as public offence.' Roseborough's letter to the author, MS. A Pitt River chief tried the white man's code, but so unpopular was it, that he was obliged to abandon it. The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. Among the Klamath and Trinity tribes the power of the chief 'is insufficient to control the relations of the several villages, or keep down the turbulence of individuals.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 139-140. The Cahrocs, Eurocs, Hoopas, and Kailtas, have a nominal chief for each village, but his power is extremely limited and each individual does as he likes. Among the Tolewas in Del Norte County, money makes the chief. The Modocs and Patawats have an hereditary chieftainship. Powers' Pomo, MS. At Trinidad Bay they were 'governed by a ruler, who directs where they shall go both to hunt and fish.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 18. 'Der Häuptling ist sehr geachtet; er hat über Handel und Wandel, Leben und Tod seiner Unterthanen zu verfügen, und seine Macht vererbt sich auf seinen Erstgebornen.' Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 223. The chief 'obtains his position from his wealth, and usually manages to transmit his effects and with them his honors, to his posterity.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856. Formerly 'the different rancherias had chiefs, or heads, known as Mow-wee-mas, their influence being principally derived from their age, number of relatives, and wealth.' Wiley, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Joint Spec. Com., p. 497.

[479] 'There is no tribal organization, and no such thing as a public offense.' Roseborough's letter to the author, MS. A Pitt River chief tried to follow the white man's laws, but it was so unpopular that he had to give it up. The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. Among the Klamath and Trinity tribes, the chief's authority 'is not enough to manage the relationships of the various villages, or to control the unruliness of individuals.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 139-140. The Cahrocs, Eurocs, Hoopas, and Kailtas have a nominal chief for each village, but his power is very limited, and everyone acts as they wish. Among the Tolewas in Del Norte County, wealth decides who the chief is. The Modocs and Patawats have a hereditary chief. Powers' Pomo, MS. At Trinidad Bay, they were 'led by a ruler who decided where they would go to hunt and fish.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 18. 'The chief is highly respected; he has control over the trade, the lives, and the deaths of his subjects, and his power is passed down to his firstborn.' Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 223. The chief 'gains his position through his wealth and usually manages to pass on his possessions and honors to his descendants.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856. In the past, 'the different rancherias had chiefs, or heads, known as Mow-wee-mas, whose influence mainly came from their age, the number of relatives they had, and their wealth.' Wiley, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Joint Spec. Com., p. 497.

[480] The Cahrocs compound for murder by payment of one string. Among the Patawats the average fine for murdering a man is ten strings, for killing a woman five strings, worth about $100 and $50 respectively. 'An average Patawut's life is considered worth about six ordinary canoes, each of which occupies two Indians probably three months in making, or, in all, tantamount to the labor of one man for a period of three years.' 'The Hoopas and Kailtas also paid for murder, or their life was taken by the relatives of the deceased.' Powers' Pomo, MS. 'They seem to do as they please, and to be only governed by private revenge. If one man kills another the tribe or family of the latter kill the murderer, unless he buy himself off.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[480] The Cahrocs pay a fine of one string for murder. Among the Patawats, the typical fine for killing a man is ten strings, while for a woman it's five strings, valued at about $100 and $50 respectively. 'The average Patawut's life is considered to be worth about six regular canoes, each of which takes two people roughly three months to build, totaling the labor of one person for about three years.' 'The Hoopas and Kailtas also pay for murder, or their life is taken by the relatives of the victim.' Powers' Pomo, MS. 'They seem to act however they want and are mostly driven by personal revenge. If one person kills another, the tribe or family of the victim will kill the murderer unless he pays to get out of it.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[481] Drew's Owyhee Reconnaissance, p. 17.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Drew's Owyhee Recon, p. 17.

[482] The Cahrocs, Eurocs, Hoopahs, and Patawats, all acquire their wives by purchase. The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Powers' Pomo, MS. 'Wenn ein Allequa seine künftige Lebensgefährtin unter den Schönen seines Stammes erwählt hat und sich verheirathen will, muss er dem Mauhemi (chief) eine armslange Muschelschnur vorzeigen.' Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 223. The mountain Indians seldom, if ever, intermarry with those on the coast. Wiley, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Joint Spec. Com., 1867, p. 497; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 127. Buy wives with shell-money. Pfeiffer's Second Journ. Among the Modocs 'the women are offered for sale to the highest buyer.' Meacham's Lecture, in S. F. Alta California, Oct. 6, 1861; Miller's Life Amongst the Modocs.

[482] The Cahrocs, Eurocs, Hoopahs, and Patawats all acquire their wives through purchase. The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Powers' Pomo, MS. 'When an Allequa has chosen his future partner from the beautiful women of his tribe and wants to marry, he must present a shell necklace the length of his arm to the Mauhemi (chief).' Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 223. The mountain Indians rarely, if ever, intermarry with those on the coast. Wiley, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Joint Spec. Com., 1867, p. 497; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 127. Purchase wives with shell money. Pfeiffer's Second Journ. Among the Modocs, 'the women are offered for sale to the highest bidder.' Meacham's Lecture, in S. F. Alta California, Oct. 6, 1861; Miller's Life Amongst the Modocs.

[483] Polygamy is common among the Modocs. Meacham's Lecture, in S. F. Alta California, Oct. 6, 1873. On Pitt River a chief sometimes has five wives. 'The most jealous people in the world.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Roseborough's letter to the author, MS. 'Among the tribes in the north of the State adultery is punished by the death of the child.' Taylor, in California Farmer, March 8, 1861. 'The males have as many wives as they are able to purchase;' adultery committed by a woman is punished with death. Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856. Among the Cahrocs polygamy is not tolerated; among the Modocs polygamy prevails, and the women have considerable privilege. The Hoopa adulterer loses one eye, the adulteress is exempt from punishment. Powers' Pomo, MS. The Weeyots at Eel river 'have as many wives as they please.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 127. At Trinidad Bay 'we found out that they had a plurality of wives.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 19.

[483] Polygamy is common among the Modocs. Meacham's Lecture, in S. F. Alta California, Oct. 6, 1873. On Pitt River, a chief sometimes has five wives. 'They are the most jealous people in the world.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Roseborough's letter to the author, MS. 'Among the tribes in the northern part of the State, adultery is punished by the death of the child.' Taylor, in California Farmer, March 8, 1861. 'Men have as many wives as they can afford to buy;' a woman caught committing adultery is punished with death. Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856. Among the Cahrocs, polygamy is not accepted; among the Modocs, polygamy is common, and the women have significant rights. An adulterer in Hoopa loses one eye, whereas the adulteress does not face punishment. Powers' Pomo, MS. The Weeyots at Eel River 'can have as many wives as they want.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 127. At Trinidad Bay, 'we discovered that they practiced polygamy.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 19.

[484] All the young unmarried women are a common possession. Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 330. The women bewail their virginity for three nights before their marriage. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 173. If we believe Powers, they cannot usually have much to bewail.

[484] All the young unmarried women are shared property. Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 330. The women mourn their virginity for three nights before they get married. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 173. If we trust Powers, they probably don’t have much to mourn about.

[485] Boys are disgraced by work. The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. Women work, while men gamble or sleep. Wiley, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Joint Spec. Com., 1867, p. 497; Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 242; Roseborough's letter to the author, MS.

[485] Boys are embarrassed by work. The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. Women work, while men gamble or sleep. Wiley, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Joint Spec. Com., 1867, p. 497; Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 242; Roseborough's letter to the author, MS.

[486] Kane's Wand., p. 182.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Kane's Wand., p. 182.

[487] For the god Chareya, see Bancroft's Nat. Races, vol. iii., pp. 90, 161.

[487] For the god Chareya, see Bancroft's Nat. Races, vol. iii., pp. 90, 161.

[488] Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 318. The Pitt River Indians 'sing as they gamble and play until they are so hoarse they cannot speak.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[488] Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 318. The Pitt River Indians "sing while they gamble and play until they are so hoarse they can't talk." The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[489] Chase, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 433.

[489] Chase, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 433.

[490] 'They used tobacco, which they smoaked in small wooden pipes, in form of a trumpet, and procured from little gardens, where they had planted it.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 21.

[490] 'They used tobacco, smoking it in small wooden pipes shaped like trumpets, which they grew in small gardens where they had planted it.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 21.

[491] The Pitt River Indians 'give no medicines.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. 'The prevailing diseases are venereal, scrofula and rheumatism.' Many die of consumption. Force, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 157. At the mouth of Eel river 'the principal diseases noticed, were sore eyes and blindness, consumption, and a species of leprosy.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 128. They suffer from a species of lung fever. Geiger, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 289. 'A disease was observed among them (the Shastas) which had the appearance of the leprosy.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 255.

[491] The Pitt River Indians "don't use any medicine." The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. "The common illnesses are sexually transmitted diseases, scrofula, and rheumatism." Many people die from tuberculosis. Force, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 157. At the mouth of Eel River, "the main illnesses noted were sore eyes and blindness, tuberculosis, and a type of leprosy." Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 128. They also suffer from a type of lung fever. Geiger, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 289. "A disease similar to leprosy was seen among them (the Shastas)." Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 255.

[492] 'The only medicine I know of is a root used for poultices, and another root or plant for an emetic.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. 'The root of a parasite fern, found growing on the tops of the fir trees (collque nashul), is the principal remedy. The plant in small doses is expectorant and diurtetic; hence it is used to relieve difficulties of the lungs and kidneys; and, in large doses, it becomes sedative and is an emmenagogue; hence, it relieves fevers, and is useful in uterine diseases, and produces abortions. The squaws use the root extensively for this last mentioned purpose.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856.

[492] 'The only medicine I know of is a root used for poultices, and another root or plant for an emetic.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. 'The root of a parasitic fern, found growing on the tops of fir trees (collque nashul), is the main remedy. The plant, in small doses, acts as an expectorant and diuretic, so it's used to help with lung and kidney issues; in larger doses, it becomes sedative and is used to stimulate menstrual flow; therefore, it helps with fevers and is effective for uterine problems, as well as causing abortions. The women commonly use the root for this last purpose.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856.

[493] A Pitt River doctor told his patient that for his fee 'he must have his horse or he would not let him get well.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 428; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 175.

[493] A doctor from the Pitt River told his patient that to pay his fee, "he needs to bring his horse, or he won't let him get better." The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 428; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 175.

[494] The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Rector, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, p. 261; Ostrander, in Id., 1857, p. 369; Miller, in Id., p. 361.

[494] The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Rector, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, p. 261; Ostrander, in Id., 1857, p. 369; Miller, in Id., p. 361.

[495] Temescal is an Aztec word defined by Molina, Vocabulario, 'Temazcalli, casilla como estufa, adonde se bañan y sudan.' The word was brought to this region and applied to the native sweat-houses by the Franciscan Fathers. Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 72, gives 'sweat-house' in the Chemehuevi language, as pahcaba.

[495] Temescal is an Aztec word defined by Molina in his Vocabulario as 'Temazcalli, a small house like a stove where people bathe and sweat.' The term was brought to this area and used for the native sweat lodges by the Franciscan Fathers. Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 72, provides the term 'sweat-house' in the Chemehuevi language as pahcaba.

[496] Roseborough's letter to the author, MS.; The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317; Powers' Pomo, MS.; Chase, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 432.

[496] Roseborough's letter to the author, MS.; The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317; Powers' Pomo, MS.; Chase, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 432.

[497] Meacham's Lecture on the Modocs, in S. F. Alta California, Oct. 6, 1873; The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[497] Meacham's Lecture on the Modocs, in S. F. Alta California, Oct. 6, 1873; The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[498] On Pitt River they burn their dead and heap stones over the ashes for a monument. 'No funeral ceremonies.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. On the ocean frontier of south Oregon and north California 'the dead are buried with their faces looking to the west.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856. The Patawats and Chillulas bury their dead. The Tolewahs are not allowed to name the dead. Powers' Pomo, MS. 'It is one of the most strenuous Indian laws that whoever mentions the name of a deceased person is liable to a heavy fine, the money being paid to the relatives.' Chase, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 431. 'The bodies had been doubled up, and placed in a sitting posture in holes. The earth, when replaced, formed conical mounds over the heads.' Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 69. 'They bury their dead under the noses of the living, and with them all their worldly goods. If a man of importance, his house is burned and he is buried on its site.' Johnson, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 536. 'The chick or ready money, is placed in the owner's grave, but the bow and quiver become the property of the nearest male relative. Chiefs only receive the honors of a fence, surmounted with feathers, round the grave.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 175. 'Upon the death of one of these Indians they raised a sort of funeral cry, and afterward burned the body within the house of their ruler.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 19.

[498] On Pitt River, they burn their dead and pile stones over the ashes as a monument. 'No funeral ceremonies.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. On the ocean border of southern Oregon and northern California, 'the dead are buried with their faces turned toward the west.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856. The Patawats and Chillulas bury their dead. The Tolewahs are not allowed to say the names of the dead. Powers' Pomo, MS. 'It is one of the most strict Indian laws that whoever mentions the name of a deceased person faces a heavy fine, with the money going to the relatives.' Chase, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 431. 'The bodies had been curled up and placed in a sitting position in holes. The earth, when replaced, formed conical mounds over the heads.' Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 69. 'They bury their dead right in front of the living, taking with them all their belongings. If a person of importance dies, their house is burned, and they are buried at that site.' Johnson, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 536. 'The cash or ready money is placed in the owner's grave, but the bow and quiver become the property of the nearest male relative. Only chiefs receive honors in the form of a fence, topped with feathers, around the grave.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 175. 'When one of these Indians dies, they raise a kind of funeral cry and then burn the body within the house of their leader.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 19.

[499] Muck-a-muck, food. In the Chinook Jargon 'to eat; to bite; food. Muckamuck chuck, to drink water.' Dict. Chinook Jargon, or Indian Trade Language, p. 12.

[499] Muck-a-muck, food. In the Chinook Jargon 'to eat; to bite; food. Muckamuck chuck, to drink water.' Dict. Chinook Jargon, or Indian Trade Language, p. 12.

[500] In the vicinity of Nootka Sound and the Columbia River, the first United States traders with the natives were from Boston; the first English vessels appeared about the same time, which was during the reign of George III. Hence in the Chinook Jargon we find 'Boston, an American; Boston illahie, the United States;' and 'King George, English—King George man, an Englishman.'

[500] Around Nootka Sound and the Columbia River, the first U.S. traders with the local tribes came from Boston; the first English ships showed up around the same time, during the reign of George III. That's why in the Chinook Jargon we find 'Boston, an American; Boston illahie, the United States;' and 'King George, English—King George man, an Englishman.'

[501] 'They will often go three or four miles out of their way, to avoid passing a place which they think to be haunted.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[501] 'They often take a detour of three or four miles to avoid a place they believe is haunted.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[502] The Pitt River Indians 'are very shrewd in the way of stealing, and will beat a coyote. They are full of cunning.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. They 'are very treacherous and bloody in their dispositions.' Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 61. 'The Indians of the North of California stand at the very lowest point of culture.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 316. 'Incapable of treachery, but ready to fight to the death in avenging an insult or injury. They are active and energetic in the extreme.' Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 166. At Klamath Lake they are noted for treachery. Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 205. 'The Tolowas resemble the Hoopas in character, being a bold and masterly race, formidable in battle, aggressive and haughty.' The Patawats are 'extremely timid and inoffensive.' The Chihulas, like most of the coast tribes 'are characterized by hideous and incredible superstitions.' The Modocs 'are rather a cloddish, indolent, ordinarily good-natured race, but treacherous at bottom, sullen when angered, and notorious for keeping punic faith. Their bravery nobody can dispute.' The Yukas are a 'tigerish, truculent, sullen, thievish, and every way bad, but brave race.' Powers' Pomo, MS. On Trinity River 'they have acquired the vices of the whites without any of their virtues.' Heintzelman, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 391. Above the forks of the main Trinity they are 'fierce and intractable.' On the Klamath they 'have a reputation for treachery, as well as revengefulness; are thievish, and much disposed to sulk if their whims are not in every way indulged.' They 'blubber like a schoolboy at the application of a switch.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 139, 141, 176. The Rogue River Indians and Shastas 'are a warlike race, proud and haughty, but treacherous and very degraded in their moral nature.' Miller, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 361. At Rogue River they are 'brave, haughty, indolent, and superstitious.' Ostrander, in Id., 1857, p. 363; Roseborough's letter to the author, MS.

[502] The Pitt River Indians are very clever when it comes to stealing, and they can outsmart a coyote. They are full of trickery. The Shastas and their neighbors are very treacherous and violent by nature. The Indians in Northern California are at the very bottom of the cultural scale. They are incapable of deceit but will fight fiercely to avenge an insult or injury. They are extremely active and energetic. At Klamath Lake, they are known for being treacherous. The Tolowas are similar to the Hoopas in that they are a bold and skilled group, formidable in battle, aggressive, and proud. The Patawats are extremely shy and harmless. The Chihulas, like most coastal tribes, are characterized by bizarre and unbelievable superstitions. The Modocs are somewhat slow-witted, lazy, usually good-natured, but fundamentally treacherous and moody when angered, known for being untrustworthy. Their bravery is undeniable. The Yukas are fierce, aggressive, sullen, dishonest, and all-around unpleasant, but brave. Along the Trinity River, they have picked up the vices of the whites without acquiring any of their virtues. Above the forks of the main Trinity, they are fierce and not easily managed. On the Klamath, they have a reputation for being deceitful and vengeful; they are thieves and tend to sulk if their demands are not fully met. They cry like a schoolboy when punished. The Rogue River Indians and Shastas are a warlike group, proud and haughty, yet treacherous and very degraded in their moral character. At Rogue River, they are brave, proud, lazy, and superstitious.

[503] These are not to be confounded with the Yukas in Round Valley, Tehama County.

[503] These should not be confused with the Yukas in Round Valley, Tehama County.

[504] Spelled Walhalla on some maps.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Spelled Valhalla on some maps.

[505] In the vicinity of Fort Ross, 'Die Indianer sind von mittlerem Wuchse, doch trifft man auch hohe Gestalten unter ihnen an; sie sind ziemlich wohl proportionirt, die Farbe der Haut ist bräunlich, doch ist diese Farbe mehr eine Wirkung der Sonne als angeboren; die Augen und Haare sind schwarz, die letzteren stehen straff.... Beide Geschlechter sind von kräftigem Körperbau.' Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 81. 'Quoique surpris dans un très-grand négligé, ces hommes me parurent beaux, de haute taille, robustes et parfaitement découplés ... traits réguliers ... yeux noirs ... nez aquilin surmonté d'un front élevé, les pommettes des joues arrondies, ... fortes lèvres ... dents blanches et bien rangées ... peau jaune cuivré, un cou annonçant la vigueur et soutenu par de larges épaules ... un air intelligent et fier à la fois.... Je trouvai toutes les femmes horriblement laides.' Laplace, Circumnav., tom. vi., 145-6. At the head of the Eel River 'the average height of these men was not over five feet four or five inches. They were lightly built, with no superfluous flesh, but with very deep chests and sinewy legs.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 119. 'The Clear Lake Indians are of a very degraded caste; their foreheads naturally being often as low as the compressed skulls of the Chinooks, and their forms commonly small and ungainly.' Id., p. 108. At Bodega Bay 'they are an ugly and brutish race, many with negro profiles.' Id., p. 103. 'They are physically an inferior race, and have flat, unmeaning features, long, coarse, straight black hair, big mouths, and very dark skins.' Revere's Tour, p. 120. 'Large and strong, their colour being the same as that of the whole territory.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 47. It is said of the natives of the Sacramento valley, that 'their growth is short and stunted; they have short thick necks, and clumsy heads; the forehead is low, the nose flat with broad nostrils, the eyes very narrow and showing no intelligence, the cheek-bones prominent, and the mouth large. The teeth are white, but they do not stand in even rows: and their heads are covered by short, thick, rough hair.... Their color is a dirty yellowish-brown.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 307. 'This race of Indians is probably inferior to all others on the continent. Many of them are diminutive in stature, but they do not lack muscular strength, and we saw some who were tall and well-formed.... Their complexion is a dark mahogany, or often nearly black, their faces round or square, with features approximating nearer to the African than the Indian. Wide, enormous mouth, noses nearly flat, and hair straight, black, and coarse.... Small, gleaming eyes.' Johnson's Cal. and Ogn., pp. 142-3. Of good stature, strong and muscular. Bryant's Cal., p. 266. 'Rather below the middle stature, but strong, well-knit fellows.... Good-looking, and well limbed.' Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., pp. 81, 111. 'They were in general fine stout men.' A great diversity of physiognomy was noticeable. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., pp. 105, 107. On the Sacramento 'were fine robust men, of low stature, and badly formed.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 198. 'The mouth is very large, and the nose broad and depressed.' 'Chiefly distinguished by their dark color ... broad faces, a low forehead.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 222. 'Their features are coarse, broad, and of a dark chocolate color.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 2, 1860. At Drake's Bay, just above San Francisco, the men are 'commonly so strong of body, that that which two or three of our men could hardly beare, one of them would take vpon his backe, and without grudging carrie it easily away, vp hill and downe hill an English mile together.' Drake's World Encomp., p. 131. 'Los Naturales de este sitio y Puerto son algo trigueños, por lo quemados del Sol, aunque los venidos de la otra banda del Puerto y del Estero ... son mas blancos y corpulentos.' Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 215. 'Ugly, stupid, and savage; otherwise they are well formed, tolerably tall, and of a dark brown complexion. The women are short, and very ugly; they have much of the negro in their countenance.... Very long, smooth, and coal-black hair.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., pp. 282-3. 'They all have a very savage look, and are of a very dark color.' Chamisso, in Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 47. 'Ill made; their faces ugly, presenting a dull, heavy, and stupid countenance.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 13. The Tcholovoni tribe 'differe beaucoup de toutes les autres par les traits du visage par sa physionomie, par un extèrieur assez agréable.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., part iii., p. 6., plate vi., vii., xii. 'The Alchones are of good height, and the Tuluraios were thought to be, generally, above the standard of Englishmen. Their complexion is much darker than that of the South-sea Islanders, and their features far inferior in beauty.' Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 76. At Santa Clara they are 'of a blackish colour, they have flat faces, thick lips, and black, coarse, straight hair.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 98. 'Their features are handsome, and well-proportioned; their countenances are cheerful and interesting.' Morrell's Voy., p. 212. At Placerville they are 'most repulsive-looking wretches.... They are nearly black, and are exceedingly ugly.' Borthwick's Three Years in Cal., p. 128. In the Yosemite Valley 'they are very dark colored,' and 'the women are perfectly hideous.' Kneeland's Wonders of Yosemite, p. 52. The Monos on the east side of the Sierra are 'a fine looking race, straight, and of good height, and appear to be active.' Von Schmidt, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 2-3. At Monterey 'ils sont en général bien faits, mais faibles d'esprit et de corps.' In the vicinity of San Miguel, they are 'généralement d'une couleur foncée, sales et mal faits ... à l'exception tout fois des Indiens qui habitent sur les bords de la rivière des tremblements de terre, et sur la côte voisine. Ceux-ci sont blancs, d'une joli figure, et leurs cheveux tirent sur le roux.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., pp. 332, 163; also quoted in Marmier, Notice sur les Indiens, p. 236. 'Sont généralement petits, faibles ... leur couleur est très-approchante de celle des nègres dont les cheveux ne sont point laineux: ceux de ces peuples sont longs et très-forts.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 281. 'La taille des hommes est plus haute (than that of the Chilians), et leurs muscles mieux prononcés.' The figure of the women 'est plus élevée (than that of the Chilian women), et la forme de leurs membres est plus régulière; elles sont en général d'une stature mieux développée et d'une physionomie moins repoussante.' Rollin, in La Pérouse, Voy., tom. iv., p. 52. At San José 'the men are almost all rather above the middling stature, and well built; very few indeed are what may be called undersized. Their complexions are dark but not negro like ... some seemed to possess great muscular strength; they have very coarse black hair.' Some of the women were more than five feet six inches in height. And speaking of the Californian Indians, in general, 'they are of a middling, or rather of a low stature, and of a dark brown colour, approaching to black ... large projecting lips, and broad, flat, negro-like noses; ... bear a strong resemblance to the negroes.... None of the men we saw were above five feet high ... ill-proportioned ... we had never seen a less pleasing specimen of the human race.' Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 194-5, 164, see plate. And speaking generally of the Californian Indians: 'Die Männer sind im Allgemeinen gut gebaut und von starker Körperbildung,' height 'zwischen fünf Fuss vier Zoll und fünf Fuss zehn oder eilf Zoll.' Complexion 'die um ein klein wenig heller als bei den Mulatten, also weit dunkler ist, als bei den übrigen Indianerstämmen.' Osswald, Californien, p. 62. The coast Indians 'are about five feet and a half in height, and rather slender and feeble,' in the interior they 'are taller and more robust.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 364. 'Cubische Schädelform, niedrige Stirn, breites Gesicht, mit hervorragendem Jochbogen, breite Lippen und grosser Mund, mehr platte Nase und am Innenwinkel herabgezogene Augen.' Wimmel, Californien, pp. v, 177. 'Les Californiens sont presque noirs; la disposition de leur yeux et l'ensemble de leur visage leur donnent avec les européens une ressemblance assez marquée.' Rossi, Souvenirs, pp. 279-80. 'They are small in stature; thin, squalid, dirty, and degraded in appearance. In their habits little better than an ourang-outang, they are certainly the worst type of savage I have ever seen.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 249. 'More swarthy in complexion, and of less stature than those east of the Rocky Mountains ... more of the Asiatic cast of countenance than the eastern tribe.' Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 304. 'Dépasse rarement la hauteur de cinq pieds deux ou trois pouces; leur membres sont grêles et médiocrement musclés. Ils ont de grosses lévres qui se projettent en avant, le nez large et aplati comme les Ethiopiens; leurs cheveux sont noirs, rude et droits.' Auger, Voy. en Cal., p. 165. 'Generally of small stature, robust appearance, and not well formed.' Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., p. 91. 'Schön gewachsen und von schwärtzlich-brauner Farbe.' Mühlenpfordt Mejico, tom. ii., part ii., p. 455. 'Low foreheads and skins as black as Guinea negroes.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 85. 'En naissant les enfants sont presque blancs ... mais ils noircissent en grandissant.' 'Depuis le nord du Rio Sacramento jusqu'au cap San Lucas ... leurs caractères physique, leurs moeurs et leurs usages sont les mêmes.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 263, 367. 'Skin of such a deep reddish-brown that it seems almost black.' Figuier's Human Race, p. 493; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 528; Forbes' Cal., pp. 180-3; Harper's Monthly, vol. xiii., p. 583. 'A fine set of men, who, though belonging to different nationalities, had very much the same outward appearance; so that when you have seen one you seem to have seen them all.' Pim and Seemann's Dottings, p. 15.

[505] Near Fort Ross, "The Native Americans are of medium height, although you can also find some tall individuals among them; they are fairly well-proportioned, with a brownish skin tone that is more a result of sun exposure than inherent; their eyes and hair are black, the latter standing stiff.... Both genders have a robust physique." Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 81. "Although taken by surprise in a very unkempt state, these men appeared handsome, tall, strong, and perfectly shaped... regular features... black eyes... an aquiline nose above a high forehead, round cheekbones,... strong lips... white, well-aligned teeth... yellowish-brown skin, a neck indicating vigor supported by broad shoulders... an intelligent and proud demeanor.... I found all the women horribly unattractive." Laplace, Circumnav., vol. vi., 145-6. At the head of the Eel River, "the average height of these men was around five feet four to five inches. They were lightly built, without excess flesh, yet had deep chests and muscular legs." Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 119. "The Clear Lake Indians belong to a very degraded group; their foreheads are often as low as the compressed skulls of the Chinooks, and their bodies are usually small and awkward." Id., p. 108. At Bodega Bay, "they are an ugly and brutish race, many with African profiles." Id., p. 103. "They are physically an inferior race, characterized by flat, expressionless features, long, coarse, straight black hair, large mouths, and very dark skin." Revere's Tour, p. 120. "Large and strong, with a color that matches the rest of the territory." Maurelle's Jour., p. 47. It's said that the natives of the Sacramento valley "are short and stunted; they have thick necks and awkward heads; low foreheads, flat noses with broad nostrils, narrow eyes lacking intelligence, prominent cheekbones, and large mouths. Their teeth are white but uneven; their heads are covered with short, thick, rough hair.... Their skin is a dirty yellowish-brown." Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 307. "This group of Indians is probably inferior to all others on the continent. Many are short, but they do not lack muscular strength, and we saw some who were tall and well-formed.... Their complexion is a dark mahogany, often nearly black, with round or square faces and features resembling those of Africans more than Native Americans. They have wide mouths, almost flat noses, and straight, coarse, black hair.... Small, shiny eyes." Johnson's Cal. and Ogn., pp. 142-3. Of good stature, strong and muscular. Bryant's Cal., p. 266. "Rather below average height, but strong, well-built individuals.... Good-looking with well-shaped limbs." Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., pp. 81, 111. "They were generally fine, stout men." A noticeable diversity in appearance was evident. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., pp. 105, 107. On the Sacramento "were strong, robust men of short stature, poorly formed." Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 198. "The mouth is very large, and the nose is broad and flattened." "Mainly distinguished by their dark color... broad faces, low foreheads." Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 222. "Their features are coarse, broad, and dark brown." Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 2, 1860. At Drake's Bay, just north of San Francisco, the men are "usually so strong that what two or three of our men could hardly carry, one of them would take on his back and carry easily uphill and downhill for a mile." Drake's World Encomp., p. 131. "The Natives in this area and the Port are somewhat tanned from the sun, although those coming from the other side of the Port and the Estero... are whiter and more robust." Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 215. "Ugly, stupid, and savage; otherwise they are well-formed, fairly tall, and of a dark brown complexion. The women are short and very unattractive; they have quite a bit of African traits in their faces.... Very long, smooth, and coal-black hair." Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., pp. 282-3. "They all have a very savage appearance, and are of a very dark color." Chamisso, in Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 47. "Poorly built; their faces are unattractive, showing a dull, heavy, and stupid expression." Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 13. The Tcholovoni tribe "differs greatly from all the others in facial features and has a somewhat pleasant appearance." Choris, Voy. Pitt., part iii., p. 6., plate vi., vii., xii. "The Alchones are of good height, and the Tuluraios are generally thought to be taller than Englishmen. Their complexion is much darker than that of the South Sea Islanders, and their features are far less beautiful." Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 76. In Santa Clara, they are "of a blackish color, with flat faces, thick lips, and black, coarse, straight hair." Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 98. "Their features are attractive and well-proportioned; their expressions are cheerful and engaging." Morrell's Voy., p. 212. In Placerville, they are "most repulsive-looking wretches.... They are nearly black and extremely ugly." Borthwick's Three Years in Cal., p. 128. In Yosemite Valley, "they are very dark-skinned," and "the women are perfectly hideous." Kneeland's Wonders of Yosemite, p. 52. The Monos on the east side of the Sierra are "a good-looking group, tall, and appear to be active." Von Schmidt, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 2-3. In Monterey, "they are generally well-made, but weak in mind and body." In the San Miguel area, they are "generally dark-colored, dirty, and poorly made... except for the Indians living along the earthquake river and the nearby coast. These are white, good-looking, and their hair has a reddish tint." Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., pp. 332, 163; also quoted in Marmier, Notice sur les Indiens, p. 236. "Generally short, weak... their color is very close to that of Negroes, whose hair is not woolly: theirs is long and very strong." La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 281. "The men's height is greater than that of the Chileans, and their muscles are better defined." The women's stature "is taller than that of Chilian women, and their limbs are more regular; they are generally better developed and have less unattractive features." Rollin, in La Pérouse, Voy., tom. iv., p. 52. In San José, "the men are mostly above average height and well-built; very few can be called undersized. Their complexions are dark but not Negro-like... some seemed to have great muscular strength; they have very coarse black hair." Some of the women were over five feet six inches tall. Speaking of California Indians in general, "they are of average or low stature, dark brown in color, nearing black... with large protruding lips and broad, flat, Negro-like noses;... they bear a strong resemblance to Negroes.... None of the men we saw were above five feet tall... poorly proportioned... we had never seen a less appealing example of the human race." Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 194-5, 164, see plate. Generally discussing California Indians: "The men are generally well-built and strong," height "between five feet four inches and five feet ten or eleven inches." Complexion "is slightly lighter than that of mulattoes, much darker than that of other Indian tribes." Osswald, Californien, p. 62. The coastal Indians "are about five and a half feet tall and rather slender and weak," while those inland "are taller and more robust." Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 364. "Cubic skull shape, low forehead, broad face with prominent cheekbones, wide lips and large mouth, flatter nose, and slanted eyes." Wimmel, Californien, pp. v, 177. "Californians are almost black; their eye arrangement and the overall look of their face show a distinct resemblance to Europeans." Rossi, Souvenirs, pp. 279-80. "They are small in stature; thin, dirty, and squalid in appearance. Their habits are little better than those of an orangutan; they are certainly the worst type of savage I have ever encountered." Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 249. "More swarthy in complexion, and shorter than those east of the Rocky Mountains... more of an Asiatic facial appearance than the eastern tribe." Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 304. "Rarely exceeding five feet two or three inches in height; their limbs are slender and moderately muscular. They have thick lips that jut out, broad and flat noses like Ethiopians; their hair is black, coarse, and straight." Auger, Voy. en Cal., p. 165. "Generally short, robust in appearance, and not well-formed." Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., p. 91. "Well-grown and having a dark brown complexion." Mühlenpfordt Mejico, tom. ii., part ii., p. 455. "Low foreheads and skin as black as that of Guinea Negroes." Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 85. "At birth, the children are nearly white... but they darken as they grow." "From the north of the Sacramento River to Cape San Lucas... their physical characteristics, customs, and practices are the same." Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 263, 367. "Skin of such a deep reddish-brown that it seems almost black." Figuier's Human Race, p. 493; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 528; Forbes' Cal., pp. 180-3; Harper's Monthly, vol. xiii., p. 583. "A fine set of men, who, despite belonging to different nationalities, had very much the same appearance; so that after seeing one, you feel as though you've seen them all." Pim and Seemann's Dottings, p. 15.

[506] On the Sacramento River 'the men universally had some show of a beard, an inch or so in length, but very soft and fine.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 105. 'They had beards and whiskers an inch or two long, very soft and fine.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 198. On Russian River 'they have quite heavy moustaches and beards on the chin, but not much on the cheeks, and they almost all suffer it to grow.' The Clear Lake Indians 'have also considerable beards, and hair on the person.' At the head of South Fork of Eel River, 'they pluck their beards.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 108-119. At Monterey 'plusieurs ont de la barbe; d'autres, suivant les pères missionaires, n'en ont jamais eu, et c'est un question qui n'est pas même décidée dans le pays.' La Pérouse, Voy., vol. ii., p. 282. 'Les Californiens ont la barbe plus fournie que les Chiliens, et les parties génitales mieux garnies: cependant j'ai remarqué, parmi les hommes, un grand nombre d'individus totalement dépourvus de barbe; les femmes ont aussi peu de poil au pénil et aux aisselles.' Rollin, in La Pérouse, Voy., vol. iv., p. 53. 'They have the habit common to all American Indians of extracting the beard and the hair of other parts of their body.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 364. Beards 'short, thin, and stiff.' Bartlett's Nar., vol. ii., p. 34. 'In general very scanty, although occasionally a full flowing beard is observed.' Forbes' Cal., pp. 181-2. 'Beards thin; many shave them close with mussel-shells.' Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., p. 164. 'Ihr Bart ist schwach.' Wimmel, Californien, vol. v. At San Antonio, 'in the olden times, before becoming christians, they pulled out their beards.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, April 27, 1860. Choris in his Voy. Pitt., plates vi., vii., xii., of part iii., draws the Indians with a very slight and scattered beard. 'Pluck out their beard.' Auger, Voy. in Cal., p. 165. 'Wear whiskers.' Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., p. 91. 'Les Indiens qui habitent dans la direction du cap de Nouvel-An (del Año Nuevo) ... ont des moustaches.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 335. Mühlenpfordt mentions that at the death of a relation, 'die Männer raufen Haupthaar und Bart sich aus.' Mejico, vol. ii., part ii., p. 456.

[506] On the Sacramento River, "the men generally had a bit of a beard, about an inch long, but very soft and fine." Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 105. "They had beards and whiskers an inch or two long, very soft and fine." Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 198. On Russian River, "they have quite heavy mustaches and beards on the chin, but not much on the cheeks, and they almost all let it grow." The Clear Lake Indians "also have considerable beards and body hair." At the head of South Fork of Eel River, "they pluck their beards." Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 108-119. At Monterey, "many have beards; others, according to the missionary fathers, have never had them, and it's a question that isn't even settled in the country." La Pérouse, Voy., vol. ii., p. 282. "The Californians have thicker beards than the Chileans, and thicker hair in the genital area; however, I noticed that among the men, a large number were completely lacking in beards; the women also have very little hair in the genital area and armpits." Rollin, in La Pérouse, Voy., vol. iv., p. 53. "They share the common habit of all American Indians of removing beard and hair from other parts of their body." Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 364. Beards "short, thin, and stiff." Bartlett's Nar., vol. ii., p. 34. "In general very sparse, although occasionally a full flowing beard is seen." Forbes' Cal., pp. 181-2. "Beards are thin; many shave them close with mussel shells." Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., p. 164. "Ihr Bart ist schwach." Wimmel, Californien, vol. v. At San Antonio, "in the old days, before becoming Christians, they pulled out their beards." Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, April 27, 1860. Choris in his Voy. Pitt., plates vi., vii., xii., of part iii., depicts the Indians with very sparse and scattered beards. "Pluck out their beard." Auger, Voy. in Cal., p. 165. "Wear whiskers." Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., p. 91. "The Indians who live toward the New Year's Cape (del Año Nuevo) ... have mustaches." Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 335. Mühlenpfordt notes that at the death of a relative, "the men pull out their hair and beard." Mejico, vol. ii., part ii., p. 456.

[507] At Fort Ross 'Die Männer gehen ganz nackt, die Frauen hingegen bedecken nur den mittleren Theil des Körpers von vorne und von hinten mit den Fellen wilder Ziegen; das Haar binden die Männer auf dem Schopfe, die Frauen am Nacken in Büschel zusammen; bisweilen lassen sie es frei herunter wallen; die Männer heften die Büschel mit ziemlich künstlich, aus einer rothen Palme geschnitzten Hölzchen fest.' Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 82. At Clear Lake 'the women generally wear a small round, bowl-shaped basket on their heads; and this is frequently interwoven with the red feathers of the woodpecker, and edged with the plume tufts of the blue quail.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 107. See also p. 68, plate xiv., for plate of ornaments. At Kelsey River, dress 'consists of a deer-skin robe thrown over the shoulders.' Id., p. 122. In the Sacramento Valley 'they were perfectly naked.' Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 111. 'Both sexes have the ears pierced with large holes, through which they pass a piece of wood as thick as a man's finger, decorated with paintings or glass beads.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 307. 'The men go entirely naked; but the women, with intuitive modesty, wear a small, narrow, grass apron, which extends from the waist to the knees, leaving their bodies and limbs partially exposed.' Delano's Life on the Plains, pp. 305, 307. 'They wear fillets around their heads of leaves.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 192. 'The dress of the women is a cincture, composed of narrow slips of fibrous bark, or of strings of 'Californian flax,' or sometimes of rushes.' Men naked. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 108. At Bodega they 'most liberally presented us with plumes of feathers, rosaries of bone, garments of feathers, as also garlands of the same materials, which they wore round their head.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 47. 'The women wore skins of animals about their shoulders and waists;' hair 'clubbed behind.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 436. Around San Francisco Bay: 'in summer many go entirely naked. The women, however, wear a deer-skin, or some other covering about their loins; but skin dresses are not common.' To their ears the women 'attach long wooden cylinders, variously carved, which serve the double purpose of ear-rings and needle-cases.' Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 77. 'All go naked.' Chamisso, in Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 48. 'The men either go naked or wear a simple breech-cloth. The women wear a cloth or strips of leather around their loins.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 33. Three hundred years ago we are told that the men in the vicinity of San Francisco Bay 'for the most part goe naked; the women take a kinde of bulrushes, and kembing it after the manner of hemp, make themselues thereof a loose garment, which being knitte about their middles, hanges downe about their hippes, and so affordes to them a couering of that which nature teaches should be hidden; about their shoulders they weare also the skin of a deere, with the haire vpon it.' The king had upon his shoulders 'a coate of the skins of conies, reaching to his wast; his guard also had each coats of the same shape, but of other skin.... After these in their order, did follow the naked sort of common people, whose haire being long, was gathered into a bunch behind, in which stucke plumes of feathers; but in the forepart onely single feathers like hornes, every one pleasing himselfe in his owne device.' Drake's World Encomp., pp. 121, 126. 'Asi como Adamitas se presentan sin el menor rubor ni vergüenza (esto es, los hombres) y para librarse del frio que todo el año hace en esta Mision (San Francisco), principalmente las mañanas, se embarran con lodo, diciendo que les preserva de él, y en quanto empieza á calentar el Sol se lavan: las mugeres andan algo honestas, hasta las muchachas chiquitas: usan para la honestidad de un delantar que hacen de hilos de tule, ó juncia, que no pasa de la rodilla, y otro atrás amarrados á la cintura que ambos forman como unas enaguas, con que se presentan con alguna honestidad, y en las espaldas se ponen otros semejantes para librarse en alguna manera del frio.' Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 217. At Monterey, and on the coast between Monterey and Santa Barbara the dress 'du plus riche consiste en un manteau da peau de loutre qui couvre ses reins et descend au dessous des sines.... L'habillement des femmes est un manteau de peau de cerf mal tannée.... Les jeunes filles au-dessous de neuf ans n'ont qu'une simple ceinture et les enfans de l'autre sexe sont tout nus.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., pp. 304-5. 'Ils se percent aussi les oreilles, et y portent des ornemens d'un genre et d'un gout trés-variés.' Rollin, in La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 53. 'Those between Monterey and the extreme northern boundary of the Mexican domain, shave their heads close.' Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 239. On the coast between San Diego and San Francisco 'presque tous ... vont entierement nus; ceux qui ont quelques vêtements, n'ont autre chose qu'une casaque faite de courroies de peau de lapins, de lièvres ou de loutres tressés ensemble, et qui ont conservé le poil. Les femmes ont une espèce de tablier de roseaux tressés qui s'attache autour de la taille par un cordon, et pend jusqu'aux genoux; une peau de cerf mal tannée et mal préparée, jetée sur leurs épaules en guise de manteau, compléte leur toilette.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 155; see also Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 227. 'Sont tres peu couverts, et en été, la plupart vont tout nus. Les femmes font usage de peaux de daim pour se couvrir.... Ces femmes portent encore comme vêtement des espèces de couvertures sans envers, faites en plumes tissues ensemble ... il a l'avantage d'être très-chaud.... Elles portent généralement, au lieu de boucles d'oreilles, des morceaux d'os ou de bois en forme de cylindre et sculptés de différentes manières. Ces ornements sont creux et servent également d'étuis pour renfermer leurs aiguilles.' Petit-Thouars, Voy., tom. ii., p. 135. Speaking generally of the Californian Indians, 'both sexes go nearly naked, excepting a sort of wrapper round the waist, only in the coldest part of the winter they throw over their bodies a covering of deer-skin, or the skin of the sea-otter. They also make themselves garments of the feathers of many different kinds of water fowl, particularly ducks and geese, bound together fast in a sort of ropes, which ropes are then united quite close so as to make something like a feather skin.' It is very warm. 'In the same manner they cut the sea-otter skins into small strips, which they twist together, and then join them as they do the feathers, so that both sides have the fur alike.' Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 163-4. See also Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 364, and Forbes' Cal., p. 183. 'Im Winter selbst tragen sie wenig Bekleidung, vielleicht nur eine Hirschhaut, welche sie über die Schulter werfen; Männer, Frauen und Kinder gehen selbst im Winter im Schnee barfuss.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 177; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 249; Patrick, Gilbert, Heald, and Von Schmidt, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, pp. 240-4; Choris, Voy. Pitt., part iii., p. 4, and plate xii.; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., part ii., p. 455; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 239; Shea's Catholic Missions, p. 98; Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223; D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 457; Augur, Voy. en Cal., p. 100. After having collated the above notes I was rather taken aback by meeting the following: 'The general costume of nearly all the Californian Indians gives them rather an interesting appearance; when fully dressed, their hair, which has been loose, is tied up, either with a coronet of silver, or the thongs of skin, ornamented with feathers of the brightest colours; bracelets made in a similar manner are wore; breeches and leggings of doe-skin, sewed, not unfrequently with human hair; a kind of kilt of varied coloured cloth or silk (!), fastened by a scarf, round their waist; ... The women wear a cloth petticoat, dyed either blue or red, doe-skin shirt, and leggings, with feathered bracelets round their waist.' Coulter's Adventures, vol. i., pp. 172-3. Surely Mr Coulter should know an Indian dress from one composed of Mexican cloth and trinkets.

[507] At Fort Ross, "The men go completely naked, while the women only cover the middle part of their bodies with the skins of wild goats from the front and back; the men tie their hair up on top of their heads, while the women gather theirs in bunches at the nape of their necks; sometimes they let their hair hang down freely; the men secure these bunches with quite decorative, red palm-carved sticks." Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 82. At Clear Lake, "the women generally wear a small round, bowl-shaped basket on their heads, which is often interwoven with red woodpecker feathers and edged with the plume tufts of the blue quail." Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 107. See also p. 68, plate xiv., for a plate of ornaments. At Kelsey River, dress "consists of a deer-skin robe thrown over the shoulders." Id., p. 122. In the Sacramento Valley, "they were completely naked." Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 111. "Both sexes have their ears pierced with large holes, through which they pass a piece of wood as thick as a man's finger, decorated with paintings or glass beads." Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 307. "The men go entirely naked; but the women, with intuitive modesty, wear a small, narrow grass apron, which extends from the waist to the knees, leaving their bodies and limbs partially exposed." Delano's Life on the Plains, pp. 305, 307. "They wear fillets of leaves around their heads." Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 192. "The dress of the women is a cincture made of narrow strips of fibrous bark, or strings of 'Californian flax,' or sometimes of rushes." Men naked. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 108. At Bodega, they "generously presented us with plumes of feathers, rosaries made of bone, and garments of feathers, as well as garlands made of the same materials, which they wore around their heads." Maurelle's Jour., p. 47. "The women wore animal skins around their shoulders and waists; their hair was 'clubbed behind.'" Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 436. Around San Francisco Bay, "in summer, many go completely naked. However, the women wear a deer-skin or some other covering around their loins; but skin dresses are not common." To their ears, the women "attach long wooden cylinders, carved in various ways, which serve the double purpose of earrings and needle cases." Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 77. "All go naked." Chamisso, in Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 48. "The men either go naked or wear a simple breech-cloth. The women wear a cloth or strips of leather around their loins." Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 33. Three hundred years ago, we are told that the men near San Francisco Bay "mostly go naked; the women take a kind of bulrushes, and after combing them like hemp, make themselves a loose garment, which they tie around their middles, hanging down about their hips, affording them a covering for what nature teaches should be hidden; around their shoulders, they wear also the skin of a deer, with the hair on it." The king wore "a coat made of rabbit skins, reaching to his waist; his guard also wore coats of the same shape but made of other skins... Following these in order were the naked common people, whose long hair was gathered into a bunch behind, with plumes of feathers stuck in; in the front, only single feathers like horns, each one pleasing himself with his own design." Drake's World Encomp., pp. 121, 126. "As Adamites, they present themselves without the least shame or modesty (that is, the men) and to protect themselves from the cold that prevails all year in this mission (San Francisco), especially in the mornings, they smear themselves with mud, saying it protects them from it; and as soon as the sun starts to warm, they wash it off: the women dress modestly, even the little girls: they use a sort of apron made of rush threads or bulrush, which does not reach above the knee, and another at the back tied at the waist, forming a sort of petticoat, with which they present themselves with some modesty, and on their backs, they put similar ones to protect themselves somewhat from the cold." Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 217. At Monterey, and along the coast between Monterey and Santa Barbara, the richest dress consists of "a coat made of otter skin that covers the loins and extends below the breasts... The women's clothing is a coat made of poorly tanned deer skin... Girls under the age of nine wear only a simple belt and boys of the other sex are completely naked." La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., pp. 304-5. "They also pierce their ears and wear ornaments of various types and styles." Rollin, in La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 53. "Those between Monterey and the far northern boundary of the Mexican domain shave their heads closely." Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 239. Along the coast between San Diego and San Francisco, "almost all... go completely naked; those who have some clothing, have nothing but a jacket made of braided rabbit, hare, or otter skins, which still retains the fur. The women have a kind of apron made of braided reeds, fastened around the waist with a cord, hanging down to the knees; a poorly tanned and prepared deer skin thrown over their shoulders as a mantle completes their outfit." Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 155; see also Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 227. "They are very little covered, and in summer, most go completely naked. The women use deer skin to cover themselves... These women also wear types of coverlets without lining, made of woven feathers... it has the advantage of being very warm... They generally wear, instead of earrings, pieces of bone or wood shaped into cylinders and sculpted in various ways. These ornaments are hollow and serve as cases for their needles." Petit-Thouars, Voy., tom. ii., p. 135. Speaking generally of the Californian Indians, "both sexes go nearly naked, except for a sort of wrap around the waist; only in the coldest part of winter do they throw a covering of deer skin over their bodies, or the skin of the sea-otter. They also make clothing from the feathers of many different types of waterfowl, particularly ducks and geese, bound tightly together in a sort of ropes, which are then united closely to create something like a feather skin." It is very warm. "In the same manner, they cut the sea-otter skins into small strips, twist them together, and then join them like they do with feathers, ensuring both sides have the fur alike." Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 163-4. See also Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 364, and Forbes' Cal., p. 183. "In winter, they wear little clothing, perhaps only a deer skin thrown over their shoulders; men, women, and children even walk barefoot in the snow during winter." Wimmel, Californien, p. 177; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 249; Patrick, Gilbert, Heald, and Von Schmidt, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, pp. 240-4; Choris, Voy. Pitt., part iii., p. 4, and plate xii.; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., part ii., p. 455; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 239; Shea's Catholic Missions, p. 98; Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223; D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 457; Augur, Voy. en Cal., p. 100. After reviewing the above notes, I was somewhat surprised to find the following: "The general costume of nearly all the Californian Indians gives them rather an interesting appearance; when fully dressed, their hair, which has been loose, is tied up, either with a coronet of silver or thongs of skin, ornamented with brightly colored feathers; bracelets made in a similar way are worn; breeches and leggings made of doe skin, often sewn with human hair; a kind of kilt made from various colored cloth or silk (!), fastened with a scarf around the waist; ... The women wear a cloth petticoat, dyed either blue or red, doe-skin shirt, and leggings, with feathered bracelets around their waist." Coulter's Adventures, vol. i., pp. 172-3. Surely Mr. Coulter should recognize an Indian outfit from one made of Mexican fabric and trinkets.

[508] At Bodega the women 'were as much tatooed or punctured as any of the females of the Sandwich islands.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 436. In the Sacramento Valley 'most of the men had some slight marks of tattooing on the breast, disposed like a necklace.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 105. Dana, in a note to Hale, says: 'The faces of the men were colored with black and red paint, fancifully laid on in triangles and zigzag lines. The women were tattooed below the mouth.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 222. 'Most of them had some slight marks of tattooing on their breast; somewhat similar to that of the Chinooks.... The face was usually painted, the upper part of the cheek in the form of a triangle, with a blue-black substance, mixed with some shiny particles that looked like pulverized mica.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., pp. 198, 259. 'Their faces daubed with a thick dark glossy substance like tar, in a line from the outside corners of the eyes to the ends of the mouth, and back from them to the hinge of the jawbone ... some also had their entire foreheads coated over.' Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 111. 'The women are a little tattooed on the chin.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 307. At Monterey and vicinity, 'se peignent le corps en rouge, et en noir lorsqu'ils sont en deuil.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 305. 'Se peignent la peau pour se parer.' Rollin, in La Pérouse, Voy., tom. iv., p. 53. 'This one thing was obserued to bee generall amongst them all, that euery one had his face painted, some with white, some blacke, and some with other colours.' Drake's World Encomp., p. 126. 'Tattooing is practised in these tribes by both sexes, both to ornament the person and to distinguish one clan from another. It is remarkable that the women mark their chins precisely in the same way as the Esquimaux.' Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 77. 'Les indigènes indepéndents de la Haute-Californie sont tatoués ... ces signes servent d'ornement et de distinction, non seulement d'une tribu à une autre tribu, mais encore, d'une famille à une autre famille.' Petit-Thouars, Voy., tom. ii., pp. 134-5. 'Tattooing is also used, but principally among the women. Some have only a double or triple line from each corner of the mouth down to the chin; others have besides a cross stripe extending from one of these stripes to the other; and most have simple long and cross stripes from the chin over the neck down to the breast and upon the shoulders.' Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., p. 167; see plate, p. 169. When dancing, 'ils se peignent sur le corps des lignes régulières, noires, rouges et blanches. Quelques-uns ont la moitié du corps, depuis la tête jusqu'en bas, barbouillée de noir, et l'autre de rouge; le tout croisé par des raies blanches, d'autres se poudrent les cheveux avec du duvet d'oiseaux.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., part iii., p. 4; see also plate xii. 'I have never observed any particular figured designs upon their persons, but the tattooing is generally on the chin, though sometimes on the wrist and arm.' Mostly on the persons of the females. Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223. 'Les femmes seules emploient le tatouage.' Auger, Voy. en Cal., p. 165.

[508] At Bodega, the women 'were as much tattooed or pierced as any of the females from the Sandwich Islands.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 436. In the Sacramento Valley, 'most of the men had some faint marks of tattooing on the breast, arranged like a necklace.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 105. Dana, in a note to Hale, states: 'The faces of the men were colored with black and red paint, applied in fancy designs like triangles and zigzag lines. The women had tattoos below their mouths.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 222. 'Most of them had some faint marks of tattooing on their breast, somewhat similar to that of the Chinooks.... The face was usually painted, with the upper part of the cheek in the shape of a triangle, using a blue-black substance mixed with shiny particles that looked like ground mica.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., pp. 198, 259. 'Their faces were smeared with a thick dark glossy substance resembling tar, forming a line from the outer corners of the eyes to the corners of the mouth, and back to the jawbone ... some also had their entire foreheads covered.' Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 111. 'The women are slightly tattooed on the chin.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 307. In Monterey and nearby areas, 'they paint their bodies red and black when they are in mourning.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 305. 'They paint their skin to adorn themselves.' Rollin, in La Pérouse, Voy., tom. iv., p. 53. 'It was observed that it is common among them all for everyone to have their face painted, some with white, some black, and others with various colors.' Drake's World Encomp., p. 126. 'Tattooing is practiced by both genders in these tribes, both for decoration and to distinguish one clan from another. It is noteworthy that the women mark their chins similarly to the Eskimos.' Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 77. 'The independent natives of Upper California are tattooed ... these markings serve as ornamentation and distinction, not only from one tribe to another but also from one family to another.' Petit-Thouars, Voy., tom. ii., pp. 134-5. 'Tattooing is also used, but mainly among women. Some have only a double or triple line from each corner of the mouth down to the chin; others have additional stripes connecting these lines; and most have long and cross stripes running from the chin over the neck to the breast and on the shoulders.' Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., p. 167; see plate, p. 169. When dancing, 'they paint their bodies with regular lines, black, red, and white. Some have half of their bodies, from head to toe, smeared with black, and the other half red; all crossed with white stripes; others powder their hair with down from birds.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., part iii., p. 4; see also plate xii. 'I have never noticed any specific designs on their bodies, but the tattoos are generally found on the chin, sometimes on the wrist and arm.' Mostly on the bodies of the females. Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223. 'Only women use tattooing.' Auger, Voy. en Cal., p. 165.

[509] 'Il est bien rare qu'un Indien passe la nuit dans sa maison. Vers le soir chacun prend son arc et ses flèches et va se réunir aux autres dans de grandes cavernes, parce-qu'ils craignent d'être attaqués a l'improviste par leurs ennemis et d'être surpris sans défense au milieu de leurs femmes et de leurs enfants.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., pp. 316-7.

[509] "It's quite rare for a Native American to spend the night in their house. In the evening, everyone grabs their bow and arrows and gathers with others in large caves because they fear being unexpectedly attacked by their enemies and caught off guard in the midst of their wives and children." Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., pp. 316-7.

[510] Two authors describe their dwellings as being much smaller than I have stated them to be: 'leur maisons ont quatre pieds de diamètre.' Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 238. Their wigwams have 'une élévation au-dessus du sol de cinq à huit pieds et une circonférence de dix à douze.' Holinski, La Californie, p. 172. The authorities I have followed, and who agree in essential particulars, are: Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., pp. 103, 106; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 198; Pfeiffer's Second Journ., pp. 307-8; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 106; Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 242; Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., pp. 34, 282; Choris, Voy. Pitt., part iii., p. 2; Drake's World Encomp., p. 121; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 30, with cut; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 13, 15; Palou, Noticias, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., vol. vi., pp. 367, 390; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 165; La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 295; Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 306; Gerstäcker's Journ., p. 218; Gilbert, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 242; Patrick, in Id., p. 240; Jewett, in Id., p. 244; Bailey, in Id., 1858, p. 299; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 248; Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., p. 163; Wimmel, Californien, pp. 177, 179; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 365; Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 5; Baer, Stat. und Ethno., p. 72; Kostromitonow, in Id., p. 83; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 239; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., p. 456; Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., p. 91; Roquefeuil's Voy. Round the World, p. 29; Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., pp. 316, 343.

[510] Two authors describe their homes as being much smaller than I claimed: "their houses are four feet in diameter." Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 238. Their wigwams have "a height above the ground of five to eight feet and a circumference of ten to twelve." Holinski, La Californie, p. 172. The sources I've followed, which agree on key points, are: Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., pp. 103, 106; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 198; Pfeiffer's Second Journ., pp. 307-8; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 106; Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 242; Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., pp. 34, 282; Choris, Voy. Pitt., part iii., p. 2; Drake's World Encomp., p. 121; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 30, with cut; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 13, 15; Palou, Noticias, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., vol. vi., pp. 367, 390; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 165; La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 295; Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 306; Gerstäcker's Journ., p. 218; Gilbert, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 242; Patrick, in Id., p. 240; Jewett, in Id., p. 244; Bailey, in Id., 1858, p. 299; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 248; Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., p. 163; Wimmel, Californien, pp. 177, 179; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 365; Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 5; Baer, Stat. und Ethno., p. 72; Kostromitonow, in Id., p. 83; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 239; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., p. 456; Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., p. 91; Roquefeuil's Voy. Round the World, p. 29; Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., pp. 316, 343.

[511] Wilkes, and the majority of writers, assert that the acorns are sweet and palatable in their natural state; Kostromitonow, however, says: 'Nachdem die Eicheln vom Baume gepflückt sind, werden sie in der Sonne gedörrt, darauf gereinigt und in Körben mittelst besonders dazu behauener Steine gestossen, dann wird im Sande oder sonst wo in lockerer Erde eine Grube gegraben, die Eicheln werden hineingeschüttet und mit Wasser übergossen, welches beständig von der Erde eingezogen wird. Dieses Ausspülen wiederholt man so lange bis die Eicheln alle ihre eigenthümliche Bitterkeit verloren haben.' Baer, Stat. und Ethno., p. 84. The acorn bread 'looks and tastes like coarse black clay, strongly resembling the soundings in Hampton roads, and being about as savory and digestible.' Revere's Tour, p. 121. Never having eaten 'coarse black clay,' I cannot say how it tastes, but according to all other authorities, this bread, were it not for the extreme filthiness of those who prepare it, would be by no means disagreeable food.

[511] Wilkes, along with most writers, claims that acorns are sweet and tasty in their natural state; however, Kostromitonow states: 'After the acorns are picked from the tree, they are dried in the sun, then cleaned and crushed in baskets using specially carved stones. Next, a hole is dug in the sand or any loose soil, the acorns are poured in and covered with water, which is constantly absorbed by the earth. This washing process is repeated until the acorns have completely lost their characteristic bitterness.' Baer, Stat. und Ethno., p. 84. The acorn bread 'looks and tastes like coarse black clay, strongly resembling the sediment in Hampton Roads, and is about as flavorful and easy to digest.' Revere's Tour, p. 121. Having never eaten 'coarse black clay,' I can't comment on its taste, but according to other sources, this bread, if not for the extreme uncleanliness of those who make it, wouldn't be unpleasant food at all.

[512] Pinole is an Aztec word, and is applied to any kind of grain or seeds, parched and ground, before being made into dough. 'Pinolli, la harina de mayz y chia, antes que la deslian.' Molina, Vocabulario. The Aztecs made pinole chiefly of maize or Indian corn.

[512] Pinole is an Aztec term that refers to any type of grain or seeds that have been toasted and ground before being formed into dough. 'Pinolli, the flour of corn and chia, before it is dissolved.' Molina, Vocabulary. The Aztecs primarily made pinole from maize or Indian corn.

[513] 'Nos trageron su regalo de tamales grandes de mas de á tercia con su correspondiente grueso, amasados de semillas silvestres muy prietas que parecen brea; los probé y no tienen mal gusto y son muy mantecosos.' Palou, Noticias, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vii., p. 68. Among the presents given to Drake by the Indians was 'a roote which they call Petáh, whereof they make a kind of meale, and either bake it into bread or eate it raw; broyled fishes, like a pilchard; the seede and downe aforenamed, with such like.' Drake's World Encomp., p. 126. Catch salmon in baskets. 'They neither sow nor reap, but burn their meadows from time to time to increase their fertility.' Chamisso, in Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 48. 'Les rats, les insectes, les serpentes, tout sans exception leur sert de nourriture.... Ils sont trop maladroits et trop paresseux pour chasser.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., part iii., p. 2. 'Entre ellas tienen una especie de semilla negra, y de su harina hacen unos tamales, á modo de bolas, de tamaño de una naranja, que son muy sabrosos, que parecen de almendra tostada muy mantecosa.' Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 216; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 164; Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 116. 'Their fastidiousness does not prompt them to take the entrails out' of fishes and birds. Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 305. 'Live upon various plants in their several seasons, besides grapes, and even use the Artemesia.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., pp. 202, 259. 'Ils trouvent aussi autour d'eux une quantité d'aloès dont ils font un fréquent usage.... Ils utilisent éncore la racine d'une espèce de roseau.... Ils mangent aussi une fleur sucrée qui ressemble à celle de l'églantier d'Espagne, et qui croît dans les endroits marécageux.' Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., pp. 232-3, 237. Were cannibals and their sorcerers still eat human flesh. Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 362, 366-9. The Meewocs 'eat all creatures that swim in the waters, all that fly through the air, and all that creep, crawl, or walk upon the earth, with, perhaps a dozen exceptions.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 324. 'Ils se nourrissent également d'une espèce de gâteaux fabriqués avec du gland, et qu'ils roulent dans le sable avant de le livrer à la cuisson; de là vient qu'ils sont, jeunes encore, les dents usées jusqu'à la racine, et ce n'est pas, comme le dit Malte-Brun, parce qu'ils ont l'habitude de les limer.' Auger, Voy. en Cal., p. 163. 'While I was standing there a couple of pretty young girls came from the woods, with flat baskets full of flower-seed, emitting a peculiar fragrance, which they also prepared for eating. They put some live coals among the seed, and swinging it and throwing it together, to shake the coals and the seed well, and bring them in continual and close contact without burning the latter, they roasted it completely, and the mixture smelled so beautiful and refreshing that I tasted a good handful of it, and found it most excellent.' Gerstaecker's Journ., p. 211. See farther: Humboldt, Pol., tom. i., pp. 324-5; Holinski, La Californie, p. 174; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 106-7, 113; Wimmel, Californien, pp. 179, 181; Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 113; Taylor's El Dorado, vol. i., p. 241; King's Rept., in Taylor's El Dorado, vol. ii., p. 210; Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., p. 163; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 248; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 36; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 103; Petit-Thouars, Voy., tom. ii., pp. 136-7; Fremont's Explor. Ex., pp. 242, 244; Johnson's Cal. and Ogn., p. 142; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 222; Placerville Index, Aug., 1859; Henley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 303; Patrick, McDermott, Gilbert, Benitz, Jannson, Von Schmidt, McAdam, Bowlby, and Jewett, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, pp. 18, 41-4; La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 282; Helper's Land of Gold, pp. 269-70; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iii., pp. 441-2; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 450-1; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., pp. 91-2, 152, 316; Yate's Sketch of the Sacramento Valley in 1842, MS.; D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 457; McDaniels' Early Days of Cal. MS.; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., pp. 339, 346; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., pp. 455-6; Knight's Pioneer Life, MS.

[513] 'They brought us their gift of large tamales, over a third thick, made from very dark wild seeds that look like tar; I tried them and they taste good and are very buttery.' Palou, Noticias, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iv., vol. vii., p. 68. Among the gifts given to Drake by the Native Americans was 'a root they call Petáh, from which they make a kind of meal, and either bake it into bread or eat it raw; broiled fish, like a pilchard; the previously mentioned seeds and down, with similar items.' Drake's World Encomp., p. 126. Catch salmon in baskets. 'They neither sow nor reap, but periodically burn their meadows to enhance their fertility.' Chamisso, in Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 48. 'Rats, insects, snakes, everything without exception serves as their food.... They are too clumsy and too lazy to hunt.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., part iii., p. 2. 'Among these, they have a type of black seed, and from its flour, they make tamales, shaped like balls the size of an orange, which are very tasty and resemble buttery toasted almonds.' Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 216; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 164; Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 116. 'Their fastidiousness does not encourage them to remove the entrails from fish and birds.' Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 305. 'They live on various plants in their different seasons, besides grapes, and even use Artemesia.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., pp. 202, 259. 'They also find around them a lot of aloe, which they use frequently.... They also use the root of a type of reed.... They eat a sweet flower that resembles the rose hip from Spain, which grows in marshy areas.' Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., pp. 232-3, 237. Were cannibals and their sorcerers still eat human flesh. Mofras, Explor., vol. ii., pp. 362, 366-9. The Meewocs 'eat all creatures that swim in the waters, all that fly through the air, and all that creep, crawl, or walk upon the earth, with, perhaps, a dozen exceptions.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 324. 'They also feed on a kind of cake made with acorns, which they roll in sand before cooking; this is why, even when young, their teeth are worn down to the roots, and it’s not, as Malte-Brun says, because they used to file them down.' Auger, Voy. en Cal., p. 163. 'While I was standing there, a couple of pretty young girls came from the woods, with flat baskets full of flower seeds, emitting a peculiar fragrance, which they also prepared for eating. They put some live coals among the seeds, and by shaking and tossing them together to ensure the coals and seeds are mixed well without burning the seeds, they roasted it completely, and the mixture smelled so beautiful and refreshing that I took a good handful of it and found it excellent.' Gerstaecker's Journ., p. 211. See farther: Humboldt, Pol., vol. i., pp. 324-5; Holinski, La Californie, p. 174; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 106-7, 113; Wimmel, Californien, pp. 179, 181; Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 113; Taylor's El Dorado, vol. i., p. 241; King's Rept., in Taylor's El Dorado, vol. ii., p. 210; Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., p. 163; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 248; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 36; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 103; Petit-Thouars, Voy., vol. ii., pp. 136-7; Fremont's Explor. Ex., pp. 242, 244; Johnson's Cal. and Ogn., p. 142; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 222; Placerville Index, Aug., 1859; Henley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 303; Patrick, McDermott, Gilbert, Benitz, Jannson, Von Schmidt, McAdam, Bowlby, and Jewett, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, pp. 18, 41-4; La Pérouse, Voy., vol. ii., p. 282; Helper's Land of Gold, pp. 269-70; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iii., pp. 441-2; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 450-1; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., pp. 91-2, 152, 316; Yate's Sketch of the Sacramento Valley in 1842, MS.; D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 457; McDaniels' Early Days of Cal. MS.; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., pp. 339, 346; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., pp. 455-6; Knight's Pioneer Life, MS.

[514] When the Indian finds a tree stocked by the carpenter bird he 'kindles a fire at its base and keeps it up till the tree falls, when he helps himself to the acorns.' Helper's Land of Gold, p. 269.

[514] When the Native American spots a tree that the woodpecker has filled with acorns, he starts a fire at the bottom and keeps it going until the tree falls, then he collects the acorns. Helper's Land of Gold, p. 269.

[515] Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 75.

[515] Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 75.

[516] 'When a sturgeon is caught, the spinal marrow, which is considered a delicacy, is drawn out whole, through a cut made in the back, and devoured raw.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., pp. 32-3.

[516] 'When a sturgeon is caught, the spinal marrow, which is seen as a delicacy, is pulled out whole through a cut in the back and eaten raw.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., pp. 32-3.

[517] Browne, in Harper's Mag., vol. xxiii., p. 315.

[517] Browne, in Harper's Mag., vol. xxiii., p. 315.

[518] 'They cook the flesh of this animal in holes dug in the ground and curbed up with stone like wells. Over this they build large fires, heat them thoroughly, clean out the coals and ashes, fill them with whale flesh, cover the opening with sticks, leaves, grass and earth, and thus bake their repast.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 366-7. 'Ils font rôtir cette chair dans des trous creusés en terre.' Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 237.

[518] 'They cook the meat of this animal in holes dug in the ground and lined with stones like wells. They build large fires over these, heat them thoroughly, clear out the coals and ashes, fill the holes with whale meat, cover the openings with sticks, leaves, grass, and dirt, and then bake their meal.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 366-7. 'Ils font rôtir cette chair dans des trous creusés en terre.' Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 237.

[519] Johnson's Cal. and Ogn., p. 132; Powers' Account of John A. Sutter, MS.; and Id., Letter to the author, MS.

[519] Johnson's Cal. and Ogn., p. 132; Powers' Account of John A. Sutter, MS.; and Id., Letter to the author, MS.

[520] 'Reinlichkeit kennen sie nicht, und in ihren Hütten sind die diversesten Parasiten vertreten.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 177. 'I have seen them eating the vermin which they picked from each other's heads, and from their blankets. Although they bathe frequently, they lay for hours in the dirt, basking in the sun, covered with dust.' Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 305. 'In their persons they are extremely dirty.' Eat lice like the Tartars. Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 76-7. 'Very filthy, and showed less sense of decency in every respect than any we had ever met with.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 106.

[520] 'They don’t know cleanliness, and their huts are filled with all kinds of parasites.' Wimmel, California, p. 177. 'I've seen them eating the bugs they picked off each other’s heads and their blankets. Even though they bathe often, they lie for hours in the dirt, soaking up the sun, covered in dust.' Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 305. 'They are very dirty in their personal hygiene.' They eat lice like the Tartars. Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 76-7. 'Very filthy, and showed less sense of decency in every way than anyone we had ever encountered.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 106.

[521] 'Ein Bogen mit Pfeilen und ein Spiess sind ihre Waffen; alles dieses wird meistens aus jungem Tannenholz verfertigt. Die Spitzen der Pfeile und Spiesse bestehen aus scharfen, künstlich behauenen Steinen, zur Bogensehne nehmen sie die Sehnen wilder Ziegen; ausserdem führen sie in Kriegszeiten eine Art von Schleuder, mit welcher sie Steine auf eine grosse Entfernung werfen.' Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 89. Bow 'from three to four and a half feet long.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 368. 'Their arms are clubs, spears of hard wood, and the bow and arrow.... Arrows are mostly made of reeds.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, Feb. 22, 1860. 'Die einzige Waffe zur Erlegung des Wildes ist ihnen der Bogen und Pfeil.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 180. 'Their only arms were bows and arrows.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 222. Bows 'about thirty inches long ... arrows are a species of reed ... spears are pointed with bone.' Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 306. 'The quiver of dressed deer-skin, holds both bow and arrows.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 123. 'The point (of the arrow) itself is a piece of flint chipped down into a flat diamond shape, about the size of a diamond on a playing-card; the edges are very sharp, and are notched to receive the tendons with which it is firmly secured to the arrow.' Borthwick's Three Years in Cal., p. 131. 'Arrows are pointed with flint, as are also their spears, which are very short. They do not use the tomahawk or scalping knife.' Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., p. 91. 'Leurs armes sont l'arc et les flèches armées d'un silex très-artistement travaillé.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 305. 'Ces arcs sont encore garnis, au milieu, d'une petite lanière de cuir, qui a pour object d'empêcher la flèche de dévier de la position qu'on lui donne en la posant sur l'arc.... Ils prétendent que cette précaution rend leurs coups encore plus sûrs. Les flèches sont moins longues que l'arc, elles ont ordinairement de 80 à 85 centimètres de long, elles sont faites d'un bois très-léger et sont égales en grosseur à chaque extrémité ... l'autre extrémité de la flèche est garnie, sur quatre faces, de barbes en plumes qui ont 10 centimètres de longueur sur 0,015 millimètres de hauteur.' Petit-Thouars, Voy., tom. ii., p. 138. They 'maintain armories to make their bows, and arrows, and lances.' Arrows 'are tipped with barbed obsidian heads ... the shaft is ornamented with rings of the distinguishing paint of the owner's rancheria. Their knives and spear-points are made of obsidian and flint.' Arrows are of two kinds, 'one short and light for killing game, and the other a war-shaft measuring a cloth-yard in length.' Revere's Tour, pp. 121-2. 'Ces flèches offrent peu de danger à une certaine distance, à cause de la parabole qu'elles sont forcées de décrire, et qui donne à celui que les voit venir la temps de les éviter.' Auger, Voy. en Cal., p. 163. 'La corde, faite avec du chanvre sylvestre, est garnie d'un petit morceau de peau qui en étouffe le sifflement.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 378; see Atlas, plate 25. 'Ihre Waffen bestehen nur in Bogen und Pfeil.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., part ii., p. 455. 'They have no offensive arms at all, except bows and arrows, and these are small and powerless.... Arrows are about two feet long.' Gerstaecker's Journ., p. 212. 'Sometimes the bow is merely of wood and rudely made.' Chamisso, in Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 48. 'Their weapons consist only of bows and arrows; neither the tomahawk nor the spear is ever seen in their hands.' Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 77. 'A portion of the string is covered with downy fur' to deaden the sound. Arrows are invariably pointed with flint. They have 'sometimes wooden barbs.' Javelins pointed with flint, or sometimes simply sharpened at the end. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 109. Arrows were about three feet long, and pointed with flint. Short spears also pointed with flint. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 198. 'Traian unas lanzas cortas con su lengüeta de pedernal tan bien labradas como si fuesen de hierro ó acero, con solo la diferencia de no estar lisas.' Palou, Noticias, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vii., p. 68. 'Los mas de ellos traian varas largas en las manos á modo de lanzas.' Id., p. 61; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 249; Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., p. 165; Life of Gov. L. W. Boggs, by his Son, MS.

[521] 'A bow with arrows and a spear are their weapons; all of this is usually made from young fir wood. The tips of the arrows and spears are made from sharp, skillfully chipped stones, and they use the sinews of wild goats for bowstrings; additionally, during wartime, they carry a type of slingshot to throw stones over long distances.' Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 89. Bow 'from three to four and a half feet long.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 368. 'Their weapons are clubs, hard wood spears, and the bow and arrow.... Arrows are mostly made of reeds.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, Feb. 22, 1860. 'Their only weapon for hunting is the bow and arrow.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 180. 'Their only arms were bows and arrows.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 222. Bows 'about thirty inches long ... arrows are a type of reed ... spears are pointed with bone.' Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 306. 'The quiver made of dressed deer skin holds both bow and arrows.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 123. 'The point (of the arrow) is a piece of flint shaped into a flat diamond, about the size of the diamond on a playing card; the edges are very sharp and notched to hold the tendons that securely attach it to the arrow.' Borthwick's Three Years in Cal., p. 131. 'Arrows are tipped with flint, as are their short spears. They do not use a tomahawk or scalping knife.' Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., p. 91. 'Their weapons are the bow and arrows tipped with very skillfully worked flint.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 305. 'These bows have a small leather strap in the middle to prevent the arrow from deviating from the position it is given when placed on the bow.... They claim this precaution makes their shots even more accurate. The arrows are shorter than the bow, typically 80 to 85 centimeters long, made from very light wood, and are equal in thickness at both ends ... the other end of the arrow is decorated with feathers that have barbs measuring 10 centimeters long and 0.015 millimeters high.' Petit-Thouars, Voy., tom. ii., p. 138. They 'maintain workshops to make their bows, arrows, and lances.' Arrows 'are tipped with barbed obsidian heads ... the shaft is decorated with rings painted in the distinctive colors of the owner's rancheria. Their knives and spear points are made of obsidian and flint.' Arrows come in two types, 'one short and light for hunting, and the other a war shaft measuring a yard long.' Revere's Tour, pp. 121-2. 'These arrows pose little danger at a certain distance due to the arc they are forced to describe, allowing anyone who sees them coming time to avoid them.' Auger, Voy. en Cal., p. 163. 'The string, made from wild hemp, is covered with a small piece of skin to muffle the sound.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 378; see Atlas, plate 25. 'Their weapons consist only of bows and arrows.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., part ii., p. 455. 'They have no offensive weapons at all, except bows and arrows, and these are small and powerless.... Arrows are about two feet long.' Gerstaecker's Journ., p. 212. 'Sometimes the bow is simply wood and roughly made.' Chamisso, in Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 48. 'Their weapons consist solely of bows and arrows; neither the tomahawk nor the spear is ever seen in their hands.' Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 77. 'A portion of the string is covered with soft fur' to muffle the sound. Arrows are always tipped with flint. They 'sometimes have wooden barbs.' Javelins pointed with flint or simply sharpened at the end. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 109. Arrows were about three feet long and pointed with flint. Short spears were also pointed with flint. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 198. 'They carried short spears with flint tips crafted so well they could be mistaken for iron or steel, except that they weren't smooth.' Palou, Noticias, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vii., p. 68. 'Most of them carried long sticks in their hands like spears.' Id., p. 61; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 249; Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., p. 165; Life of Gov. L. W. Boggs, by his Son, MS.

[522] Petit-Thouars, Voy., tom. ii., p. 139.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Petit-Thouars, Voy., vol. ii., p. 139.

[523] Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 164; Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 228. It is impossible to locate with certainty the San Miguel of Fages. There are now several places of the name in California, of which the San Miguel in San Luis Obispo County comes nearest the region in which, to agree with his own narrative, Fages must have been at the time. The cimeter mentioned by him, must have strongly resembled the maquahuitl of the ancient Mexicans, and it was possibly much farther south that he saw it.

[523] Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, vol. ci., p. 164; Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 228. It's impossible to pinpoint the exact location of the San Miguel mentioned by Fages. There are currently several places with that name in California, with the San Miguel in San Luis Obispo County being the closest to the area where, according to his own account, Fages must have been at that time. The scimitar he referred to must have closely resembled the maquahuitl of the ancient Mexicans, and he likely saw it much farther south.

[524] Powers' Pomo, MS.; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 169.

[524] Powers' Pomo, MS.; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 169.

[525] Butte Record, Aug., 1866.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Butte Record, Aug. 1866.

[526] 'Suelen entrar en ella entonando cánticos militares mezclados de extraños alaridos; y acostumbran formarse los campeones en dos lineas muy próximas para empezar disparándose flechazos. Como uno de sus principales ardides consiste en intimidar al enemigo, para conseguirlo procura cada partido que oiga el contrario los preparativos de la batalla.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 170. 'On coming in sight of the enemy they form in an extended line, something like light infantry, and shouting, like bacchanals dance from side to side to prevent the foe from taking deliberate aim.' Revere's Tour, p. 122.

[526] 'They usually enter it singing military songs mixed with strange screams; and the champions typically line up close together to start shooting arrows at each other. One of their main tactics is to intimidate the enemy, which is why each side makes sure the opponent hears the preparations for battle.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 170. 'When they catch sight of the enemy, they form in a long line, similar to light infantry, and shout while dancing from side to side to prevent the foe from taking careful aim.' Revere's Tour, p. 122.

[527] In the vicinity of Fort Ross: 'In ihren Kriegen wird Unerschrockenheit geachtet; gefangene Feinde tödtet man nicht, sondern wechselt sie nach beendigtem Kampfe aus; nie verurtheilt man sie zu Sklaven.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 77. Near Feather River 'they carry off their dead to prevent their being scalped, which next after death they are most fearful of.' Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 83. In the Sacramento Valley 'the Californians differ from the other North American tribes in the absence of the tomahawk and of the practice of scalping.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 108. At Clear Lake, 'they do not scalp the slain.' Revere's Tour, p. 122. In the vicinity of San Francisco 'occasionally, they appear to have eaten pieces of the bodies of their more distinguished adversaries killed in battle.' Soulé's Annals of San Francisco, p. 52. At Monterey, 'lorsqu'ils avaient vaincu et mis à mort sur le champ de bataille des chefs ou des hommes très-courageux, ils en mangeaient quelques morceaux, moins en signe de haine et de vengeance, que comme un hommage qu'ils rendaient à leur valeur, et dans la persuasion qua cette nourriture était propre à augmenter leur courage.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 306. 'Muchos indios armados de arco y flechas y llamándolos vinieron luego y me regularon muchos de ellos flechas, que es entre ellos la mayor demostracion de paz.' Palou, Noticias, in Doc. Mex. Hist., serie iv., tom. vii., p. 53. At Santa Cruz they eat slices of the flesh of a brave fallen enemy, thinking to gain some of his valour. They 'take the scalps of their enemies ... they pluck out the eyes of their enemies.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 370. 'Gefangene werden nicht lange gehalten, sondern gleich getödtet.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 178. In order to intimidate their enemies 'cometen con el propio fin en las primeras víctimas las crueldades mas horrorosas.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 170.

[527] Near Fort Ross: "In their wars, bravery is valued; captured enemies are not killed but exchanged after the battle is over; they are never enslaved." Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 77. Near Feather River, "they take their dead away to stop them from being scalped, which they fear the most after death." Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 83. In the Sacramento Valley, "the Californians are different from other North American tribes in that they don't use tomahawks or practice scalping." Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 108. At Clear Lake, "they do not scalp the dead." Revere's Tour, p. 122. In the vicinity of San Francisco, "sometimes, they seem to have eaten pieces of the bodies of notable enemies killed in battle." Soulé's Annals of San Francisco, p. 52. At Monterey, "when they had defeated and killed brave chiefs or men on the battlefield, they would eat some pieces, not as a sign of hatred or vengeance, but as a tribute to their bravery, believing that this food would help increase their own courage." La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 306. "Many Indians armed with bows and arrows came and offered me many arrows, which is for them the greatest show of peace." Palou, Noticias, in Doc. Mex. Hist., serie iv., tom. vii., p. 53. At Santa Cruz, they eat slices of the flesh of a brave fallen enemy, thinking to gain some of his courage. They "take the scalps of their enemies ... they pluck out the eyes of their enemies." Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 370. "Captives are not held for long but are killed immediately." Wimmel, Californien, p. 178. To intimidate their enemies, "they commit the most horrific cruelties on their first victims." Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 170.

[528] Drake's World Encomp., p. 126.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Drake's World Encomp., p. 126.

[529] 'Make baskets of the bark of trees.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 368. 'Make a very ingenious straw box for keeping their worm bait alive; burying it in the earth, yet not allowing the worms to escape.' Kneeland's Wonders of Yosemite, p. 52. 'Die gewöhnlichste Form für den Korb ist halbconisch, 3 Fuss lang und 18 Zoll breit.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 182. 'Their baskets, made of willows, are perfectly water-tight.' Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 305. 'They sometimes ornament the smaller ones with beads, pearl-shell, feathers, &c.' Revere's Tour, p. 122 'Leurs mortiers de pierre et divers autres utensiles sont artistiquement incrustés de morceaux de nacre de perle ... garnissent leur calebasses et leur cruches d'ouvrages de vannerie brodés avec des fils-déliés qu'elles tirent de diverses racines.' Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 233; Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., p. 165; Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 243; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 107; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 367; Chamisso, in Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 48; Borthwick's Three Years in Cal., p. 131; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 324.

[529] 'Make baskets from tree bark.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 368. 'Create a clever straw box to keep their worm bait alive; bury it in the ground but prevent the worms from escaping.' Kneeland's Wonders of Yosemite, p. 52. 'The most common shape for the basket is half-conical, 3 feet long and 18 inches wide.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 182. 'Their baskets, made of willows, are completely water-tight.' Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 305. 'They sometimes decorate the smaller ones with beads, mother of pearl, feathers, etc.' Revere's Tour, p. 122. 'Their stone mortars and various other utensils are artistically inlaid with pieces of mother of pearl... they adorn their gourds and pitchers with woven designs made from fibers they extract from various roots.' Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 233; Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., p. 165; Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 243; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 107; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 367; Chamisso, in Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 48; Borthwick's Three Years in Cal., p. 131; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 324.

[530] Maurelle's Jour., p. 47. At Clear Lake 'their canoes or rather rafts are made of bundles of the tulé plant.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 107. At San Francisco Bay and vicinity 'the only canoes of the Indians are made of plaited reeds.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 90. 'They do not possess horses or canoes of any kind; they only know how to fasten together bundles of rushes, which carry them over the water by their comparative lightness.' Chamisso, in Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 48. 'Les Indiens font leur pirogues à l'instant où ils veulent entreprendre un voyage par eau; elles sont en roseaux. Lorsque l'on y entre elles s'emplissent à moitié d'eau; de sorte qu'assis, l'on en a jusqu'au gras de la jambe; on les fait aller avec des avirons extrêmement longs, et pointus aux deux extremités.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., part iii., p. 6. Had no boats, but it was reported that they had previously used boats made of rushes. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 103. 'The most rude and sorry contrivances for embarcation I had ever beheld.... They were constructed of rushes and dried grass of a long broad leaf, made up into rolls the length of the canoe, the thickest in the middle and regularly tapering to a point at each end ... appeared to be very ill calculated to contend with wind and waves.... They conducted their canoe or vessel by long double-bladed paddles, like those used by the Esquimaux.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 5. 'The balsas are entirely formed of the bulrush ... commonly the rowers sit on them soaked in water, as they seldom rise above the surface.' Forbes' Cal., p. 191. Build no canoes, but occasionally make use of rafts composed of one or two logs, generally split. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 192. 'The "Balsa" is the only thing of the boat kind known among them. It is constructed entirely of bulrushes ... sit flat upon the craft, soaked in water, plying their paddles ... most of them in all kinds of weather, are either below, or on a level with the water.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 368. 'My opinion is that the Indians of California, previous to the occupation by the Jesuit Fathers had no other boats than those made from the tule, and even as late as 1840, I never knew or heard of an Indian using any other.' Phelps' Letter, MS.

[530] Maurelle's Jour., p. 47. At Clear Lake, "their canoes, or rather rafts, are made of bundles of the tule plant." Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 107. At San Francisco Bay and nearby, "the only canoes the Indians have are made of woven reeds." Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 90. "They have no horses or canoes of any kind; they only know how to tie together bundles of rushes, which allow them to float on the water due to their relative lightness." Chamisso, in Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 48. "The Indians make their canoes just when they want to go on a water journey; these are made from reeds. When they get in, the canoes fill halfway with water, so that when seated, the water reaches the upper part of their legs. They propel them with very long paddles, pointed at both ends." Choris, Voy. Pitt., part iii., p. 6. They had no boats, but it was reported that they had previously used boats made of rushes. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 103. "The rudest and most inadequate forms of boats I had ever seen. They were made of rushes and dried grass from broad leaves, rolled up to the length of the canoe, thickest in the middle and tapering to a point at each end... they seemed poorly designed to handle wind and waves... They navigated their canoe with long double-bladed paddles, similar to those used by the Eskimos." Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 5. "The balsas are entirely made of bulrushes... usually the rowers sit on them, soaked in water, as they rarely rise above the surface." Forbes' Cal., p. 191. They don't build canoes but occasionally use rafts made from one or two logs, usually split. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 192. "The 'Balsa' is the only kind of boat known to them. It’s made entirely of bulrushes... they sit flat on the craft, soaked in water, using their paddles... most of them, in any kind of weather, are either beneath or level with the water." Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 368. "I believe that the Indians of California, before the Jesuit Fathers arrived, had no other boats than those made from tule, and even as late as 1840, I never knew or heard of an Indian using any others." Phelps' Letter, MS.

[531] Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 103; Cronise's Nat. Wealth, p. 23.

[531] Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. 9, p. 103; Cronise's Nat. Wealth, p. 23.

[532] Roquefeuil's Voy., pp. 25-6. Tule is an Aztec word, from tollin, signifying rushes, flags, or reeds. Molina, Vocabulario. Mendoza says that when the ancient Mexicans arrived at the site of Mexico, it was a complete swamp, covered 'con grandes matorrales de enea, que llaman tuli.' Esplicacion del Codice, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 40. That the Spaniards themselves had not boats at this time is also asserted by Kotzebue: 'That no one has yet attempted to build even the simplest canoe in a country which produces a superabundance of the finest wood for the purpose, is a striking proof of the indolence of the Spaniards, and the stupidity of the Indians.' New Voy., vol. ii., p. 90.

[532] Roquefeuil's Voy., pp. 25-6. Tule is an Aztec word, derived from tollin, meaning rushes, flags, or reeds. Molina, Vocabulario. Mendoza states that when the ancient Mexicans reached the location of Mexico, it was entirely a swamp, covered 'with large clusters of bulrushes, known as tuli.' Esplicacion del Codice, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 40. Kotzebue also claims that the Spaniards didn't have boats at that time: 'That no one has yet attempted to build even the simplest canoe in a country that has an abundance of the best wood for it, is a striking indication of the laziness of the Spaniards and the ignorance of the Indians.' New Voy., vol. ii., p. 90.

[533] Phelps' Letter, MS.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Phelps' Letter, MS.

[534] Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 415. 'Sending off a man with great expedition, to vs in a canow.' Drake's World Encomp., p. 119.

[534] Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 415. 'Quickly sending a man off to us in a canoe.' Drake's World Encomp., p. 119.

[535] The shells 'they broke and rubbed down to a circular shape, to the size of a dime, and strung them on a thread of sinews.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, March 2, 1860. 'Three kinds of money were employed ... white shell-beads, or rather buttons, pierced in the centre and strung together, were rated at $5 a yard; periwinkles, at $1 a yard; fancy marine shells, at various prices, from $3 to $10, or $15, according to their beauty.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 325.

[535] The shells were broken and smoothed into a circular shape, the size of a dime, and threaded on sinew. Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, March 2, 1860. 'Three types of money were used ... white shell beads, or buttons, with a hole in the center and strung together, were valued at $5 a yard; periwinkles were $1 a yard; and decorative marine shells were priced between $3 and $10, or $15, depending on their appearance.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 325.

[536] The office of chief is hereditary in the male line only. The widows and daughters of the chiefs are, however, treated with distinction, and are not required to work, as other women. Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 73. In one case near Clear Lake, when 'the males of a family had become extinct and a female only remained, she appointed a chief.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 112. At the Port of Sardinas 'durmió dos noches en la capitana una india anciana, que era señora de estos pueblos, acompañada de muchos Indios.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. xxxii.

[536] The chief's position is passed down only through the male line. However, the widows and daughters of chiefs are treated with respect and are not required to work like other women. Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 73. In one case near Clear Lake, when the male members of a family died out and only a female remained, she appointed a chief. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 112. At the Port of Sardinas, 'an old Indian woman, who was the lady of these towns, spent two nights in the captain's quarters, accompanied by many Indians.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. xxxii.

[537] The Kainameahs had three hereditary chiefs. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 103.

[537] The Kainameahs had three hereditary chiefs. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 103.

[538] In Russian River Valley and the vicinity: 'Die Achtung die man für den Vater hegte, geht häufig auf den Sohn über; aber die Gewalt des Oberhauptes ist im Allgemeinen sehr nichtig; denn es steht einem jeden frei, seinen Geburtsort zu verlassen und einen anderen Aufenthalt zu wählen.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., pp. 77-8. 'Derjenige, der am meisten Anverwandte besitzt, wird als Häuptling oder Tojon anerkannt; in grösseren Wohnsitzen giebt es mehrere solcher Tojone, aber ihre Autorität ist nichts sagend. Sie haben weder das Recht zu befehlen, noch den Ungehorsam zu züchtigen.' Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 86. At Clear Lake chiefdom was hereditary. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 112. See also pp. 103, 110. Among the Gualalas and Gallinomeros, chieftainship was hereditary. The Sanéls live in large huts, each containing 20 or 30 persons related to each other, each of these families has its own government. The Comachos paid voluntary tribute for support of chief. Powers' Pomo, MS. In the Sacramento Valley a chief has more authority than that arising merely from his personal character. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 108. On the coast between San Diego and San Francisco, in the vicinity of San Miguel 'chaque village est gouverné despotiquement par un chef qui est seul arbitre de la paix et de la guerre.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 163. See also Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 227; Jewett, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 244; Gerstaecker's Journ., p. 213; Histoire Chrétienne de la Cal., p. 52; Wimmel, Californien, pp. 177-8.

[538] In the Russian River Valley and the surrounding area: 'The respect held for the father often transfers to the son; however, the authority of the head of the household is generally quite minimal; for everyone is free to leave their birthplace and choose a different place to live.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., pp. 77-8. 'The one who has the most relatives is recognized as the chief or Tojon; in larger settlements, there are several such Tojones, but their authority is insignificant. They have no right to command or to punish disobedience.' Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 86. At Clear Lake, leadership was hereditary. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 112. See also pp. 103, 110. Among the Gualalas and Gallinomeros, leadership was hereditary. The Sanéls live in large huts, each housing 20 or 30 related individuals, and each of these families has its own governance. The Comachos paid voluntary tribute for the support of their chief. Powers' Pomo, MS. In the Sacramento Valley, a chief has more authority than just his personal reputation. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 108. On the coast between San Diego and San Francisco, near San Miguel, 'each village is ruled despotically by a chief who is the sole arbiter of peace and war.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 163. See also Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 227; Jewett, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 244; Gerstaecker's Journ., p. 213; Histoire Chrétienne de la Cal., p. 52; Wimmel, Californien, pp. 177-8.

[539] 'El robo era un delito casi desconocido en ambas naciones. Entre los Runsienes se miraba quasi con indiferencia el homicidio; pero no así entre los Eslenes, los quales castigaban al delinquente con pena de muerte.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 171. 'Im Fall ein Indianer ein Verbrechen in irgend einem Stamme verübt hat, und die Häuptlinge sich bestimmt haben ihn zu tödten, so geschieht dies durch Bogen und Pfeil.' Wimmel, Californien, pp. 177-8; Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. xii., p. 24.

[539] 'Robbery was a crime that was almost unknown in both nations. Among the Runsienes, murder was viewed with indifference; but not so among the Eslenes, who punished the offender with the death penalty.' Sutil and Mexicana, Viage, p. 171. 'If an Indian commits a crime in any tribe, and the chiefs decide to kill him, this is done with bow and arrow.' Wimmel, Californien, pp. 177-8; Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. xii., p. 24.

[540] Drake's World Encomp., pp. 124-6.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Drake's World Encomp., pp. 124-6.

[541] Wimmel, Californien, p. 178.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Wimmel, California, p. 178.

[542] Near San Francisco, 'teniendo muchas mugeres, sin que entre ellas se experimente la menor emulacion.' Palou, Vida de Junipero Serra, p. 217. At Monterey 'la polygamie leur était permise.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 303. In Tuolumne County 'polygamy is practiced.' Healey, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 244. At Clear Lake 'polygamy is practiced only by the chiefs.' Revere's Tour, p. 125. 'Bei manchen Stämmen wird Vielweiberei gestattet.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 178. 'A man often marries a whole family, the mother and her daughters.... No jealousies ever appear among these families of wives.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 367. 'An Indian man may have as many wives as he can keep; but a woman cannot have a plurality of husbands, or men to whom she owes obedience.' Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 224. In the Sacramento Valley 'the men in general have but one wife.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 108. 'Of these Indians it is reported that no one has more than one wife.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 201. 'Entre los Runsienes y Eslenes no era permitido á cada hombre tener mas de una muger.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 170. At Clear Lake and down the coast to San Francisco Bay 'they have but one wife at a time.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 112. In the vicinity of Fort Ross 'es ist nicht erlaubt mehr als eine Frau zu haben.' Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 88. In the country round San Miguel 'non-seulement ce capitaine a le droit d'avoir deux femmes, tandis que les autres Indiens n'en ont qu'une, mais il peut les renvoyer quand cela lui plaît, pour en prendre d'autres dans le village.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 163. See also Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 227.

[542] Near San Francisco, "having many women, with no hint of rivalry among them." Palou, Vida de Junipero Serra, p. 217. In Monterey, "polygamy was allowed." La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 303. In Tuolumne County, "polygamy is practiced." Healey, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 244. At Clear Lake, "polygamy is practiced only by the chiefs." Revere's Tour, p. 125. "In some tribes, polygamy is permitted." Wimmel, Californien, p. 178. "A man often marries an entire family, the mother and her daughters... No jealousy ever arises among these families of wives." Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 367. "An Indian man can have as many wives as he can support; however, a woman cannot have multiple husbands or men to whom she is obligated." Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 224. In the Sacramento Valley, "men generally have only one wife." Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 108. "Reports indicate that no one among these Indians has more than one wife." Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 201. "Among the Runsienes and Eslenes, it was not permitted for each man to have more than one woman." Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 170. At Clear Lake and down the coast to San Francisco Bay, "they have only one wife at a time." Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 112. In the area around Fort Ross, "it is not permitted to have more than one wife." Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 88. In the region around San Miguel, "not only does this captain have the right to have two wives, while the other Indians have only one, but he can send them away whenever he wants, to take others from the village." Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 163. See also Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 227.

[543] At Monterey, 'ils étaient même dans l'usage d'épouser toutes les sœurs d'une famille.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 303. Near Fort Ross, 'die Blutsverwandtschaft wird streng beachtet und es ist nicht gestattet aus dem ersten oder zweiten Grade der Verwandtschaft zu heirathen; selbst im Falle einer Scheidung darf der nächste Anverwandte die Frau nicht ehelichen, doch giebt es auch Ausnahmen.' Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 88. At San Francisco 'no conocen para sus casamientos el parentezco de afinidad; antes bien este los incita á recibir por sus propias mugeres á sus cuñadas, y aun á las suegras, y la costumbre que observan es, que el que logra una muger, tiene por suyas á todas sus hermanas.' Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 217. 'Parentage and other relations of consanguinity are no obstacles to matrimony.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 367. 'Souvent une femme presse son mari d'épouser ses soeurs, et même sa mère, et cette proposition est fréquemment acceptée.' Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 235. 'Este método de comprar las mugeres era comun á entrambas naciones (Runsienes y Eslenes), bien que entre los Runsienes hacia mucho mas solemne el contrato la intervencion de los parientes de los novios, contribuyendo los del varon con su quota, la qual se dividia entre los de la novia al tiempo de entregar á esta.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 171.

[543] In Monterey, "they even had the practice of marrying all the sisters of a family." La Pérouse, Voy., vol. ii., p. 303. Near Fort Ross, "blood relationships are strictly observed and it is not allowed to marry within the first or second degree of kinship; even in the case of a divorce, the closest relative cannot marry the woman, although there are exceptions." Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 88. In San Francisco, "they do not consider the relationship of affinity for marriages; rather, it encourages them to take their sisters-in-law and even mothers-in-law as their own wives, and the custom they follow is that whoever gets a wife considers all her sisters as his." Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 217. "Family ties and other relations of blood are no barriers to marriage." Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 367. "Often, a woman urges her husband to marry her sisters and even her mother, and this proposal is frequently accepted." Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 235. "This method of purchasing women was common to both nations (Russians and Estonians), although among the Russians the contract was much more solemn, involving the relatives of the bride and groom, with the groom's family contributing to a portion that was divided among the bride's family at the time of her delivery." Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 171.

[544] Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223.

[544] Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223.

[545] Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. xii., p. 23.

[545] Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. xii., p. 23.

[546] Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 306. At Santa Cruz, 'the Gentile Indian, when he wishes to marry, goes to the hut of her he desires for a wife, and sitting himself close by her, sighs without speaking a word, and casting at her feet some beads on a string, goes out, and without further ceremony he is married.' Comellas' Letter, in Cal. Farmer, April 5, 1860. At Clear Lake 'rape exists among them in an authorized form, and it is the custom for a party of young men to surprise and ravish a young girl, who becomes the wife of one of them.' Revere's Tour, pp. 125-6.

[546] Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 306. In Santa Cruz, "when a Gentile Indian wants to marry, he goes to the hut of the woman he wants to take as his wife. He sits close to her, sighs without saying a word, and, throwing some beads onto her feet, leaves. Without any further ceremony, he is married." Comellas' Letter, in Cal. Farmer, April 5, 1860. At Clear Lake, "rape occurs among them in an accepted way, and it’s customary for a group of young men to surprise and assault a young girl, who then becomes the wife of one of them." Revere's Tour, pp. 125-6.

[547] Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 234. At Clear Lake 'if the parties separate the children go with the wife.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 112.

[547] Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 234. At Clear Lake, 'if the couples split up, the kids go with the wife.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 112.

[548] Powers' Pomo, MS.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Powers' Pomo, MS.

[549] 'The Yukas are often brutal and cruel to their women and children, especially to the women.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., p. 308. In the vicinity of Fort Ross, 'sie lieben ihre Kinder mit grosser Zärtlichkeit.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 77.

[549] 'The Yukas are often harsh and unkind to their women and children, particularly to the women.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., p. 308. In the area around Fort Ross, 'they love their children with great tenderness.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 77.

[550] Wimmel, Californien, p. 178. 'The practice of abortion, so common among the Chinooks and some other tribes in Oregon, is unknown here.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 112-13.

[550] Wimmel, California, p. 178. 'The practice of abortion, which is quite common among the Chinooks and some other tribes in Oregon, is not known here.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 112-13.

[551] Mr Powers, in his Pomo, MS., makes this assertion upon what he states to be reliable authority.

[551] Mr. Powers, in his Pomo, MS., claims this based on what he describes as trustworthy sources.

[552] For a full account of this custom of the couvade, as it existed in various parts of the world, see Tylor's Researches, pp. 293-302, and Max Müller's Chips, vol. ii., pp. 271-9. For its observance in California, see Venagas, Noticias de Cal., tom. i., p. 94, and Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 367.

[552] For a complete overview of the couvade custom as it was practiced in different parts of the world, check out Tylor's Researches, pp. 293-302, and Max Müller's Chips, vol. ii., pp. 271-9. For information on its practice in California, refer to Venagas, Noticias de Cal., tom. i., p. 94, and Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 367.

[553] 'It was not a thing at all uncommon, in the days of the Indians' ancient prosperity, to see a woman become a mother at twelve or fourteen. An instance was related to me where a girl had borne her first-born at ten, as nearly as her years could be ascertained, her husband, a White Man, being then sixty-odd.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., p. 500.

[553] 'It wasn't unusual at all, during the times of the Indians' ancient prosperity, to see a woman become a mother at twelve or fourteen. I heard of one case where a girl had her first child at around ten years old, her husband, a White man, being in his sixties.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., p. 500.

[554] For further authorities on family and domestic affairs, see: Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 456; Delano's Life on the Plains, pp. 306; Forbes' Cal., p. 190; Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., pp. 317-26. Also quoted in Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., pp. 232-35; Wimmel, Californien, p. 178; Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 223-4; Comellas' Letter, in Cal. Farmer, April 5, 1860; Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 217; Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., pp. 308, 500-6, vol. x., p. 325; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., pp. 106-8; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 170-1; Borthwick's Three Years in Cal., p. 129; La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 303; Rollin, in Id., tom. iv., pp. 57-8; Laplace, Circumnav., tom. vi., p. 145; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 112-13; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., pp. 201, 259; D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 457; Gilbert, McAdam, and Jewett, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, pp. 242-4; Revere's Tour, p. 126; Reid, in Los Angeles Star, 1852; Farnham's Life in Cal., pp. 367-70; Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 77; Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., pp. 83-8.

[554] For more information on families and home life, see: Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., part ii., p. 456; Delano's Life on the Plains, pp. 306; Forbes' Cal., p. 190; Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, vol. ci., pp. 317-26. Also referenced in Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., pp. 232-35; Wimmel, Californien, p. 178; Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 223-4; Comellas' Letter, in Cal. Farmer, April 5, 1860; Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 217; Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., pp. 308, 500-6, vol. x., p. 325; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., pp. 106-8; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 170-1; Borthwick's Three Years in Cal., p. 129; La Pérouse, Voy., vol. ii., p. 303; Rollin, in Id., vol. iv., pp. 57-8; Laplace, Circumnav., vol. vi., p. 145; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 112-13; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., pp. 201, 259; D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 457; Gilbert, McAdam, and Jewett, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, pp. 242-4; Revere's Tour, p. 126; Reid, in Los Angeles Star, 1852; Farnham's Life in Cal., pp. 367-70; Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 77; Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., pp. 83-8.

[555] Every traveler who has seen them dance enters into details of dress, etc.; but no two of these accounts are alike, and the reason of this is that they have no regular figures or costumes peculiar to their dances, but that every man, when his dress is not paint only, wears all the finery he possesses with an utter disregard for uniformity. 'At some of their dances we were told that they avoid particular articles of food, even fowls and eggs.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 113. Dancing is executed at Santa Cruz, by forming a circle, assuming a stooping posture, raising a loud, discordant chant, and, without moving from their places, lifting and lowering a foot, and twisting the body into various contortions. Archives of Santa Cruz Mission. 'In their dances they sometimes wear white masks.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 192. 'Se poudrent les cheveux avec du duvet d'oiseaux.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., part iii., p. 4. When a Wallie chief 'decides to hold a dance in his village, he dispatches messengers to the neighboring rancherias, each bearing a string whereon is tied a certain number of knots. Every morning thereafter the invited chief unties one of the knots, and when the last but one is reached, they joyfully set forth for the dance.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 325. For descriptions of dances of Neeshenams, see Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. xii., pp. 26-7.

[555] Every traveler who has witnessed their dances goes into detail about their clothing, etc.; however, no two accounts are the same. This is because they don’t have consistent styles or costumes for their dances. Instead, every man, when not just painted, wears all the best clothes he has without caring about matching. 'At some of their dances, we were told that they avoid certain foods, even chickens and eggs.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 113. Dancing takes place in Santa Cruz by forming a circle, bending over, raising a loud, jarring chant, and without moving from their spots, lifting and lowering a foot while twisting their bodies in various ways. Archives of Santa Cruz Mission. 'In their dances, they sometimes wear white masks.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 192. 'They powder their hair with down from birds.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., part iii., p. 4. When a Wallie chief 'decides to hold a dance in his village, he sends messengers to the nearby rancherias, each carrying a string with a certain number of knots. Every morning after that, the invited chief unties one of the knots, and when only one knot is left, they joyfully set out for the dance.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 325. For descriptions of Neeshenam dances, see Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. xii., pp. 26-7.

[556] 'Each one had two and sometimes three whistles, made of reeds, in his mouth.' San Francisco Bulletin, Oct. 21, 1858. 'Some had whistles or double flageolets of reed which were stuck into their noses.' Revere's Tour, p. 133. 'The Gentiles do not possess any instrument whatever.' Comellas' Letter, in Cal. Farmer, April 5, 1860. 'Their own original instrument consists of a very primitive whistle, some double, some single, and held in the mouth by one end, without the aid of the fingers; they are about the size and length of a common fife, and only about two notes can be sounded on them.' Cal. Farmer, Oct. 26, 1860.

[556] 'Each one had two or sometimes three whistles made of reeds in his mouth.' San Francisco Bulletin, Oct. 21, 1858. 'Some had whistles or double flageolets made of reed that they put in their noses.' Revere's Tour, p. 133. 'The Gentiles don't have any musical instrument at all.' Comellas' Letter, in Cal. Farmer, April 5, 1860. 'Their own traditional instrument is a very basic whistle, some double, some single, and held in the mouth by one end without using fingers; they're about the size and length of a regular fife, and can only produce about two notes.' Cal. Farmer, Oct. 26, 1860.

[557] 'They use a species of native tobacco of nauseous and sickening odour.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 107. 'They burned the aulone shell for the lime to mix with their tobacco, which they swallowed to make them drunk.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, April 27, 1860. 'A species of tobacco is found on the sandy beaches which the Indians prepare and smoke.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 202. 'Se pusieron á chupar y reparé en ellos la misma ceremonia de esparcir el humo hácia arriba diciendo en cada bocanada unas palabras; solo entendí una que fué esmen que quiere decir sol; observé la misma costumbre de chupar primero el mas principal, luego da la pipa á otro, y da vuelta á otros.' Palou, Noticias, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vii., p. 69; see also p. 77.

[557] 'They use a type of native tobacco that has a disgusting and unpleasant smell.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 107. 'They burned the aulone shell for the lime to mix with their tobacco, which they ingested to get drunk.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, April 27, 1860. 'A type of tobacco is found on the sandy beaches that the Indigenous people prepare and smoke.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 202. 'They began to smoke, and I noticed the same ceremony of blowing smoke upward, saying some words with each puff; I only understood one, which was esmen, meaning sun; I observed the same custom of first taking a puff from the most important pipe, then passing it to another, and then to others.' Palou, Noticias, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vii., p. 69; see also p. 77.

[558] On the subject of amusements, see Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 282. Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 307; Helper's Land of Gold, pp. 271-2; Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., pp. 72, 76-7; Kostromitonow, in Id., pp. 85-92; Holinski, La Californie, p. 173; Comellas' Letter, in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 5, 1860; Wimmel, Californien, p. 178; Drake's World Encomp., p. 128; Revere's Tour, pp. 120-133; San Francisco Bulletin, Oct. 21, 1858, Nov. 29, 1871; Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., pp. 307-8, 501-5, vol. x., pp. 325-7; Power's Pomo, MS.; Laplace, Circumnav., tom. vi., p. 150; Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 127; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iii., pp. 442-6; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 367; Hist. Chrétienne, pp. 53-4; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pp. ii., p. 456; Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. iii., pp. 4-5; La Pérouse, Voy., vol. ii., pp. 306-7.

[558] For information on entertainment, refer to Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 282. Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 307; Helper's Land of Gold, pp. 271-2; Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., pp. 72, 76-7; Kostromitonow, in Id., pp. 85-92; Holinski, La Californie, p. 173; Comellas' Letter, in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 5, 1860; Wimmel, Californien, p. 178; Drake's World Encomp., p. 128; Revere's Tour, pp. 120-133; San Francisco Bulletin, Oct. 21, 1858, Nov. 29, 1871; Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., pp. 307-8, 501-5, vol. x., pp. 325-7; Power's Pomo, MS.; Laplace, Circumnav., tom. vi., p. 150; Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 127; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iii., pp. 442-6; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 367; Hist. Chrétienne, pp. 53-4; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pp. ii., p. 456; Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. iii., pp. 4-5; La Pérouse, Voy., vol. ii., pp. 306-7.

[559] The Meewocs 'believe that their male physicians, who are more properly sorcerers, can sit on a mountain top fifty miles distant from a man they wish to destroy, and compass his death by filliping poison towards him from their finger-ends.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 327.

[559] The Meewocs believe that their male doctors, who are really sorcerers, can sit on a mountain top fifty miles away from someone they want to kill and cause his death by flicking poison at him from their fingertips. Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 327.

[560] 'I incautiously entered one of these caverns during the operation above described, and was in a few moments so nearly suffocated with the heat, smoke, and impure air, that I found it difficult to make my way out.' Bryant's Cal., p. 272.

[560] 'I carelessly walked into one of these caves during the operation mentioned above, and within moments, I was almost suffocated by the heat, smoke, and stale air, making it hard to find my way out.' Bryant's Cal., p. 272.

[561] 'Zur Heilung bedienen sich die Schamane der Kräuter und Wurzeln, grösstentheils aber saugen sie mit dem Munde das Blut aus der kranken Stelle aus, wobei sie Steinchen oder kleine Schlangen in den Mund nehmen und darauf versichern, sie hätten dieselben aus der Wunde herausgezogen.' Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 95; see also pp. 83, 91, 94-5. 'Until now it has not been ascertained that the Indians had any remedy for curing the sick or allaying their sufferings. If they meet with an accident they invariably die.' Comellas' Letter, in Cal. Farmer, April 5, 1860. 'Ring-worm is cured by placing the milk of the poison oak in a circle round the affected part.' Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iii., p. 440. 'Among the Meewocs stomachic affections and severe travail are treated with a plaster of hot ashes and moist earth spread on the stomach.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 327. See further: Petit-Thouars, Voy., tom. ii., p. 140; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 370; Holinski, La Californie, p. 173; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 324; Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 35, 78; San Joaquin Republican, Sept., 1858; La Pérouse, Voy., tom. iv., p. 63; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 103, 107; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 193; Pickering's Races, in Id., vol. ix., p. 109; Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 333; also quoted in Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 237; Kneeland's Wonders of Yosemite, p. 52; Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 284; Powers' Pomo, MS.; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 166; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., p. 94; Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 295; Laplace, Circumnav., tom. vi., p. 152.

[561] 'For healing, shamans use herbs and roots, but mostly, they suck the blood out of the sick area with their mouths, sometimes holding small stones or snakes in their mouths and claiming they pulled them out of the wound.' Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 95; see also pp. 83, 91, 94-5. 'Up till now, it hasn’t been confirmed that the Indians had any treatments for healing the sick or easing their pain. When they have an accident, they usually die.' Comellas' Letter, in Cal. Farmer, April 5, 1860. 'Ringworm is treated by applying the milk from poison oak in a circle around the affected area.' Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iii., p. 440. 'For stomach issues and severe labor pains, the Meewocs use a plaster made of hot ashes and damp earth applied to the stomach.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 327. See also: Petit-Thouars, Voy., tom. ii., p. 140; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 370; Holinski, La Californie, p. 173; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 324; Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 35, 78; San Joaquin Republican, Sept., 1858; La Pérouse, Voy., tom. iv., p. 63; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 103, 107; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 193; Pickering's Races, in Id., vol. ix., p. 109; Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 333; also quoted in Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 237; Kneeland's Wonders of Yosemite, p. 52; Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 284; Powers' Pomo, MS.; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 166; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., p. 94; Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 295; Laplace, Circumnav., tom. vi., p. 152.

[562] 'From north to south, in the present California, up to the Columbia river they burnt the dead in some tribes, and in others buried them. These modes of sepulture differed every few leagues.' Taylor's Indianology, in Cal. Farmer, June 8, 1860. A dead Oleepa was buried by one woman in 'a pit about four feet deep, and ten feet in front of the father's door.' Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 301. At Santa Cruz 'the Gentiles burn the bodies of their warriors and allies who fall in war; those who die of natural death they inter at sundown.' Comellas' Letter, in Cal. Farmer, April 5, 1860. The Indians of the Bay of San Francisco burned their dead with everything belonging to them, 'but those of the more southern regions buried theirs.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 363. In the vicinity of Clear Lake all the tribes with the exception of the Yubas bury their dead. Geiger, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 289.

[562] 'From north to south in present-day California, some tribes burned their dead while others buried them, with practices varying every few miles.' Taylor's Indianology, in Cal. Farmer, June 8, 1860. One woman buried a dead Oleepa 'in a pit about four feet deep, and ten feet in front of the father's door.' Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 301. In Santa Cruz, 'the Gentiles burn the bodies of their warriors and allies who die in battle; those who die of natural causes are buried at sundown.' Comellas' Letter, in Cal. Farmer, April 5, 1860. The Indians around the Bay of San Francisco burned their dead along with all their belongings, 'but those from the more southern areas buried theirs.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 363. Near Clear Lake, all tribes except for the Yubas practiced burial for their dead. Geiger, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 289.

[563] 'Los Runsienes dividian últimamente entre los parientes las pocas cosas que componian la propiedad del difunto. Los Eslenes, al contrario, no solo no repartian cosa alguna, sino que todos sus amigos y súbditos debian contribuir con algunos abalorios que enterraban con el cadáver del fallecido.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 172. 'If a woman dies in becoming a mother, the child, whether living or dead, is buried with its mother.' Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iii., p. 437.

[563] 'The Runsienes recently divided among the relatives the few belongings that made up the deceased's estate. The Eslenes, on the other hand, not only didn’t divide anything, but all their friends and subjects had to contribute some trinkets to be buried with the deceased.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 172. 'If a woman dies giving birth, the child, whether alive or dead, is buried with its mother.' Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iii., p. 437.

[564] 'Die nächsten Anverwandten schneiden sich das Haar ab und werfen es ins Feuer, wobei sie sich mit Steinen an die Brust schlagen, auf den Boden stürzen, ja bisweilen aus besonderer Anhänglichkeit zu dem Verstorbenen sich blutrünstig oder gar zu Tode stossen; doch sind solche Fälle selten.' Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 88. 'The body is consumed upon a scaffold built over a hole, into which the ashes are thrown and covered.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 112. See also: Tehama Gazette, May, 1859; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 171-2; Powers' Pomo, MS.; also in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., p. 502, vol. x., p. 328, vol. xii., p. 28; San Francisco Evening Bulletin, April 4, 1861; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 448-50; La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 306; Placerville Index, 1857; Marmier, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., pp. 230, 236; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iii., p. 437; Wimmel, Californien, p. 178; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 369; Folsom Dispatch, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 9, 1860; Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 225; D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 458; Henley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 242; Forbes' Cal., p. 195.

[564] 'The close relatives cut their hair and throw it into the fire, while they hit their chests with stones, fall to the ground, and sometimes, out of special affection for the deceased, they injure themselves or even die; however, these cases are rare.' Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 88. 'The body is cremated on a platform built over a hole, into which the ashes are thrown and covered.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 112. See also: Tehama Gazette, May, 1859; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 171-2; Powers' Pomo, MS.; also in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., p. 502, vol. x., p. 328, vol. xii., p. 28; San Francisco Evening Bulletin, April 4, 1861; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 448-50; La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 306; Placerville Index, 1857; Marmier, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., pp. 230, 236; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iii., p. 437; Wimmel, Californien, p. 178; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 369; Folsom Dispatch, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 9, 1860; Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 225; D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 458; Henley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 242; Forbes' Cal., p. 195.

[565] In the Russian River Valley the Indians 'sind weichherzig, und von Natur nicht rachsüchtig ... sie erlernen mit Leichtigkeit mancherlei Handarbeiten und Gewerbe.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., pp. 77-8. Near Fort Ross 'sind sie sanft und friedfertig, und sehr fähig, besonders in der Auffassung sinnlicher Gegenstände. Nur in Folge ihrer unmässigen Trägheit und Sorglosigkeit scheinen sie sehr dumm zu seyn.' Kostromitonow, in Id., pp. 81-2. 'They appear ... by no means so stupid' as those at the missions. Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 26. At Bodega Bay 'their disposition is most liberal.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 47. At Clear Lake 'they are docile, mild, easily managed ... roguish, ungrateful, and incorrigibly lazy ... cowardly and cringing towards the whites ... thorough sensualists and most abandoned gamblers ... wretchedly improvident.' Revere's Tour, pp. 120-1. In the Sacramento Valley they are 'excessively jealous of their squaws ... stingy and inhospitable.' Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 114. 'A mirthful race, always disposed to jest and laugh.' Dana, in Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 222. 'Possessed of mean, treacherous, and cowardly traits of character, and the most thievish propensities.' Johnson's Cal. and Ogn., p. 143. In the vicinity of San Francisco Bay 'they are certainly a race of the most miserable beings I ever saw, possessing the faculty of human reason.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 13. 'For the most part an idle, intemperate race.' Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., p. 78. 'They are a people of a tractable, free, and louing nature, without guile or treachery.' Drake's World Encomp., p. 131. 'Bastantes rancherias de gentiles muy mansos y apacibles.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vi., p. 497. 'Son muy mansos, afables, de buenas caras y los mas de ellos barbados.' Palou, Noticias, in Id., tom. vii., p. 59. At Monterey they 'étaient lourds et peu intelligents.' Those living farther from the missions were not without 'une certaine finesse, commune à tous les hommes élevés dans l'état de nature.' Petit-Thouars, Voy., tom. ii., p. 134. 'Ces peuples sont si peu courageux, qu'ils n'opposent jamais aucune résistance aux trois ou quatre soldats qui violent si évidement à leur égard le droit des gens.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 297. 'The Yukas are a tigerish, truculent, sullen, thievish, and every way bad, but brave race.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., p. 306. The Tahtoos were very cowardly and peace-loving. Powers' Pomo, MS. Than the Oleepas 'a more jolly, laughter-loving, careless, and good-natured people do not exist.... For intelligence they are far behind the Indians east of the Rocky Mountains.' Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 297. The Kannimares 'were considered a brave and warlike Indian race.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860. The condition of the Wallas 'is the most miserable that it is possible to conceive; their mode of living, the most abject and destitute known to man.' Henley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 241. The Fresno River Indians 'are peaceable, quiet and industrious.' Henley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 304. A rational, calculating people, generally industrious. Lewis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 291. On the coast range north and east of Mendocino 'they are a timid and generally inoffensive race.' Bailey, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 304. In Placer County they are industrious, honest, and temperate; the females strictly virtuous. Brown, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 243. Lazy, trifling, drunken. Applegate, Ib. In Tuolumne: friendly, generally honest, truthful; men lazy, women industrious. Jewett, Id., p. 244. In the Yosemite Valley, 'though low in the scale of man, they are not the abject creatures generally represented; they are mild, harmless, and singularly honest.' Kneeland's Wonders of Yosemite, p. 52. At Santa Clara they have no ambition, are entirely regardless of reputation and renown. Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 21. In stupid apathy 'they exceed every race of men I have ever known, not excepting the degraded races of Terra del Fuego or Van Dieman's Land.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 97. At Santa Cruz 'they are so inclined to lying that they almost always will confess offences they have not committed;' very lustful and inhospitable. Comellas' Letter, in Cal. Farmer, April 5, 1860. At Kelsey River they are 'amiable and thievish.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 124. 'In general terms, the California Indians are more timid, peaceable, and joyous than any of their neighbors.' Stephens, in Powers' Pomo, MS. 'Their stupidity, insensibility, ignorance, inconstancy, slavery to appetite, excessive sloth and laziness, being absorbed for the time in the stir and din of night-watching and battle, give them a new existence.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 366. 'Faul und jeder Anstrengung abgeneigt.' Osswald, Californien, p. 63. 'Stupidity seemed to be their distinctive character.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 239. 'Loose, lazy, careless, capricious, childish and fickle.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, March 2, 1860. 'They are really the most harmless tribes on the American continent.' Gerstaecker's Nar., p. 212. Revengeful, timid, treacherous and ungrateful. Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 284. 'Cowardly, treacherous, filthy and indolent.' Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223. 'Dull, indolent, phlegmatic, timid and of a gentle, submissive temper.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 199. 'In stature no less than in mind are certainly of a very inferior race of human beings.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 168. 'Pusillanimous.' Forbes' Cal., p. 183. 'Ils sont également extrêmes dans l'expression de la joie et de la colère.' Rollin, in La Pérouse, Voy., tom. iv., p. 58. 'Seemed to be almost of the lowest grade of human beings.' King's Rept., in Bayard Taylor's El Dorado, Appendix, vol. ii., p. 210. 'Die Indianer von Californien sind physisch und moralisch den andern Indianern untergeordnet.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 177. 'Su estupidez mas parece un entorpecimiento de las potencias por falta de accion y por pereza característica, que limitacion absoluta de sus facultades intelectuales; y así quando se las pone en movimiento, y se les dan ideas, no dexan de discernir y de aprender lo que se les enseña.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 164. 'I noticed that all the Indians from Southern to Northern California were low, shiftless, indolent, and cowardly.' Miller's Life Amongst the Modocs, p. 16. Cowardly and treacherous in the extreme. Life of Gov. L. W. Boggs, by his Son, MS.

[565] In the Russian River Valley, the Indians are soft-hearted and naturally not vengeful... they learn many crafts and trades easily. Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., pp. 77-8. Near Fort Ross, they are gentle and peaceful, very capable, especially in understanding sensory things. Only because of their excessive laziness and carelessness do they seem very dull. Kostromitonow, in Id., pp. 81-2. 'They appear ... by no means so stupid' as those at the missions. Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 26. At Bodega Bay, 'their disposition is most liberal.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 47. At Clear Lake, 'they are docile, mild, easily managed ... mischievous, ungrateful, and incorrigibly lazy ... cowardly and cringing towards the whites ... thorough sensualists and notorious gamblers ... wretchedly improvident.' Revere's Tour, pp. 120-1. In the Sacramento Valley, they are 'excessively jealous of their wives ... stingy and unwelcoming.' Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 114. 'A cheerful race, always ready to joke and laugh.' Dana, in Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 222. 'They possess mean, treacherous, cowardly traits and a strong tendency to steal.' Johnson's Cal. and Ogn., p. 143. Around San Francisco Bay, 'they are undoubtedly one of the most miserable groups I have ever seen, possessing the ability of human reason.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 13. 'Mostly an idle, intemperate group.' Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., p. 78. 'They are a people of a kind, free, and loving nature, without deceit or treachery.' Drake's World Encomp., p. 131. 'Many rancherias of very gentle and peaceful people.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vi., p. 497. 'They are very gentle, friendly, good-looking, and most of them bearded.' Palou, Noticias, in Id., tom. vii., p. 59. At Monterey, they 'were heavy and not very bright.' Those living farther from the missions were not without 'a certain cleverness, common to all people raised in a natural state.' Petit-Thouars, Voy., tom. ii., p. 134. 'These people are so cowardly that they never resist the three or four soldiers who blatantly violate their rights.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 297. 'The Yukas are a fierce, sullen, thieving, and generally bad, but brave race.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., p. 306. The Tahtoos were very cowardly and preferred peace. Powers' Pomo, MS. Compared to the Oleepas, 'there is not a more cheerful, laughter-loving, carefree, and kind-hearted people... But in terms of intelligence, they lag far behind the Indians east of the Rocky Mountains.' Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 297. The Kannimares 'were seen as a brave and warlike Indian race.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860. The condition of the Wallas 'is the most miserable imaginable; their way of living is the most abject and destitute known to man.' Henley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 241. The Fresno River Indians 'are peaceful, quiet, and hardworking.' Henley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 304. A rational, calculating group, generally industrious. Lewis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 291. In the coastal range north and east of Mendocino, 'they are a timid and generally harmless race.' Bailey, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 304. In Placer County, they are hardworking, honest, and moderate; the women are strictly virtuous. Brown, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 243. Lazy, trifling, and drunk. Applegate, Ib. In Tuolumne: friendly, generally honest, truthful; men lazy, women hard-working. Jewett, Id., p. 244. In Yosemite Valley, 'though low on the scale of humanity, they are not the miserable beings often depicted; they are mild, harmless, and remarkably honest.' Kneeland's Wonders of Yosemite, p. 52. At Santa Clara, they have no ambitions and do not care about reputation or fame. Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 21. In extreme apathy, 'they surpass every race of humans I have ever known, including the degraded races of Tierra del Fuego or Van Diemen's Land.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 97. At Santa Cruz, 'they are so prone to lying that they nearly always admit to offenses they haven’t committed; very lustful and unwelcoming.' Comellas' Letter, in Cal. Farmer, April 5, 1860. At Kelsey River, they are 'friendly and thieving.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 124. 'In general terms, the California Indians are more timid, peaceful, and joyful than any of their neighbors.' Stephens, in Powers' Pomo, MS. 'Their stupidity, insensitivity, ignorance, inconsistency, slavery to appetite, and excessive laziness, being caught up in the noise and chaos of night-watching and battle, give them a new existence.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 366. 'Lazy and resistant to any effort.' Osswald, Californien, p. 63. 'Stupidity seemed to be their defining characteristic.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 239. 'Loose, lazy, careless, capricious, childish, and fickle.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, March 2, 1860. 'They are truly the most harmless tribes on the American continent.' Gerstaecker's Nar., p. 212. Vengeful, timid, treacherous, and ungrateful. Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 284. 'Cowardly, treacherous, filthy, and lazy.' Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223. 'Dull, lazy, phlegmatic, timid, and of a gentle, submissive nature.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 199. 'In stature as well as in mind, they are certainly from a very inferior race of human beings.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 168. 'Cowardly.' Forbes' Cal., p. 183. 'They express joy and anger to extremes.' Rollin, in La Pérouse, Voy., tom. iv., p. 58. 'They seemed to be almost of the lowest grade of humanity.' King's Rept., in Bayard Taylor's El Dorado, Appendix, vol. ii., p. 210. 'The Indians of California are physically and morally inferior to other Indians.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 177. 'Their stupidity seems more like a hindrance caused by a lack of action and characteristic laziness than an absolute limitation of their intellectual abilities; thus, when they are stimulated and given ideas, they no longer fail to discern and learn what is taught to them.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 164. 'I observed that all the Indians from Southern to Northern California were low, aimless, lazy, and cowardly.' Miller's Life Amongst the Modocs, p. 16. Extremely cowardly and treacherous. Life of Gov. L. W. Boggs, by his Son, MS.

[566] At Santa Catalina 'las mujeres son muy hermosas y honestas, los niños son blancos y rubios y muy risueños.' Salmeron, Relaciones, p. 18, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv. See also Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 140; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 712. At Santa Barbara, 'son mas altos, dispuestos, y membrados, que otros, que antes se avian visto.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 714. On the coast from San Diego to San Francisco they are 'd'une couleur foncée, de petite taille, et assez mal faits.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 153; see also Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 226. At San Luis Rey, 'sont bien faits et d'une taille moyenne.' Id., p. 171; quoted in Marmier, p. 229. An Indian seen at Santa Inez Mission 'was about twenty-seven years old, with a black thick beard, iris of the eyes light chocolate-brown, nose small and round, lips not thick, face long and angular.' Cal. Farmer, May 4, 1860. The Noches 'aunque de buena disposicion son delgados y bastante delicados para andar á pié.' Garces, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., p. 295. 'Well proportioned in figure, and of noble appearance.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 45. 'The women (of the Diegeños) are beautifully developed, and superbly formed, their bodies as straight as an arrow.' Michler, in Emory's U. S. and Mex., Bound. Survey, vol. i., p. 107. The Cahuillas 'are a filthy and miserable-looking set, and great beggars, presenting an unfavorable contrast to the Indian upon the Colorado.' Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 134.

[566] At Santa Catalina, "the women are very beautiful and honest, the children are fair-skinned and blond and very cheerful." Salmeron, Relaciones, p. 18, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iii., tom. iv. See also Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 140; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 712. At Santa Barbara, "they are taller, well-built, and more muscular than others previously seen." Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 714. Along the coast from San Diego to San Francisco, they are "of a dark color, short, and somewhat poorly formed." Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 153; see also Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 226. At San Luis Rey, "they are well-formed and of average height." Id., p. 171; quoted in Marmier, p. 229. An Indian seen at Santa Inez Mission "was about twenty-seven years old, with a thick black beard, light chocolate-brown eyes, a small round nose, not thick lips, and a long angular face." Cal. Farmer, May 4, 1860. The Noches "though good-natured, are thin and quite delicate for walking." Garces, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series ii., tom. i., p. 295. "Well-proportioned in figure, and of noble appearance." Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 45. "The women (of the Diegeños) are beautifully developed and superbly formed, their bodies as straight as an arrow." Michler, in Emory's U. S. and Mex., Bound. Survey, vol. i., p. 107. The Cahuillas "are a filthy and miserable-looking group, and great beggars, presenting an unfavorable contrast to the Indian from the Colorado." Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 134.

[567] The ordinary cloak descends to the waist: 'le chef seul en a une qui lui tombe jusqu'au jarret, et c'est là la seule marque de distinction.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 172; see also Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 229.

[567] The regular cloak goes down to the waist: 'only the leader has one that goes all the way down to the ankle, and that's the only sign of distinction.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, vol. ci., p. 172; see also Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 229.

[568] These capes Father Crespi describes as being 'unos capotillos hechos de pieles de liebres y conejos de que hacen tiras y tercidas como mecate; cosen uno con otro y las defienden del frio cubriéndolas por la honestidad.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vi., pp. 291-2; see also Id., p. 312.

[568] These capes that Father Crespi describes as "small capes made from rabbit and hare skins, where they make strips and twist them like rope; they sew one to another and protect them from the cold by covering them for modesty.” Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vi., pp. 291-2; see also Id., p. 312.

[569] The lobo marino of the Spanish is the common seal and sea calf of the English; le veau marin and phoque commun of the French; vecchio marino of the Italians; Meerwolf and Meerhund of the Germans; Zee-Hund of the Dutch; Sael-hund of the Danes; Sial of the Swedes; and moelrhon of the Welsh. Knight's Eng. Encyc. Nat. Hist., vol. iv., p. 299.

[569] The lobo marino in Spanish refers to the common seal and sea calf in English; le veau marin and phoque commun in French; vecchio marino in Italian; Meerwolf and Meerhund in German; Zee-Hund in Dutch; Sael-hund in Danish; Sial in Swedish; and moelrhon in Welsh. Knight's Eng. Encyc. Nat. Hist., vol. iv., p. 299.

[570] Reid, in Los Angeles Star.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Reid, in Los Angeles Star.

[571] Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 18.

[571] Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iii., vol. iv., p. 18.

[572] This hair turban or coil 'sirve de bolsa para guardar en la cabeza los abalorios y demas chucherias que se les dá.' Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 215. The same custom seems to prevail among the Cibolos of New Mexico, as Marmier, in his additional chapter in the French edition of Bryant's Cal., p. 258, says: 'les hommes du peuple tressent leurs cheveux avec des cordons, et y placent le peu d'objets qu'ils possèdent, notamment la corne qui renferme leur tabac à fumer.'

[572] This hair turban or coil "serves as a pouch to hold the beads and other trinkets given to them." Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 215. The same custom seems to be common among the Cibolos of New Mexico, as Marmier, in his additional chapter in the French edition of Bryant's Cal., p. 258, states: "the men of the people braid their hair with cords and place the few objects they have in it, particularly the horn that holds their smoking tobacco."

[573] On the subject of dress see also Navarrete, Introd., in Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. lxiv.; Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 79; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 45; Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 240; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 138; Garces, in Doc. Mex. Hist., serie ii., tom. i., p. 294; Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 229.

[573] For information on clothing, see also Navarrete, Introd., in Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. lxiv.; Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 79; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 45; Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 240; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 138; Garces, in Doc. Mex. Hist., serie ii., tom. i., p. 294; Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 229.

[574] On the Los Angeles Coast: 'La ranchería se compone de veinte casas hechas de zacate de forma esférica á modo de uno media naranja con su respiradero en lo alto por donde les entra la luz y tiene salida el humo.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vi., p. 314; Hoffmann, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. v., p. 149.

[574] On the Los Angeles Coast: 'The village consists of twenty houses made of straw, shaped like half an orange, with a vent at the top that lets in light and allows smoke to escape.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vi., p. 314; Hoffmann, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. v., p. 149.

[575] 'Partiéron de allí el 9, entráron en una ensenada espaciosa, y siguiendo la costa viéron en ella un pueblo de Indios junto á la mar con casas grandes á manera de las de Nueva-España.' Navarrete, Introd., in Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. xxix., xxxi., xxxvi. The accounts of Cabrillo's voyage are so confused that it is impossible to know the exact locality in which he saw the people he describes. On this point compare Cabrillo, Relacion, in Col. Doc. Hist. Florida, tom. i., p. 173; Browne's Lower Cal., pp. 18, 19; Burney's Chron. Hist. Discov., vol. i., pp. 221-5; Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 154-5; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 329; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 210-11; Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 18; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 306. 'Nur um die Meerenge von Santa Barbara fand man, 1769, die Bewohner ein wenig gesittigter. Sie bauten grosse Häuser von pyramidaler Form, in Dörfer vereint.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., pp. 454-5.

[575] 'They left there on the 9th, entered a spacious cove, and following the coast, they saw a village of Indians by the sea with large houses similar to those in New Spain.' Navarrete, Introd., in Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. xxix., xxxi., xxxvi. The accounts of Cabrillo's voyage are so confusing that it's impossible to determine the exact location where he saw the people he describes. On this point, compare Cabrillo, Relacion, in Col. Doc. Hist. Florida, vol. i., p. 173; Browne's Lower Cal., pp. 18, 19; Burney's Chron. Hist. Discov., vol. i., pp. 221-5; Clavigero, Storia della Cal., vol. i., pp. 154-5; Humboldt, Essai Pol., vol. i., p. 329; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 210-11; Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iii., vol. iv., p. 18; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 306. 'Only around the Santa Barbara Strait were people found to be a bit more civilized in 1769. They built large pyramid-shaped houses, arranged in villages.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., pp. 454-5.

[576] Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 259; Bancroft's Nat. Races, vol. iii., pp. 163-9.

[576] Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 259; Bancroft's Nat. Races, vol. iii., pp. 163-9.

[577] 'One of their most remarkable superstitions is found in the fact of their not eating the flesh of large game. This arises from their belief that in the bodies of all large animals the souls of certain generations, long since past, have entered.... A term of reproach from a wild tribe to those more tamed is, "they eat venison."' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 215-6; see also Reid, in Los Angeles Star.

[577] 'One of their most interesting superstitions is that they don’t eat the meat of large game. This comes from their belief that the souls of certain ancestors have entered the bodies of these large animals. A way for a wild tribe to insult a more civilized tribe is to say, "they eat venison."' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 215-6; see also Reid, in Los Angeles Star.

[578] 'All their food was either cold or nearly so.... Salt was used very sparingly in their food, from an idea that it had a tendency to turn their hair gray.' Reid, in Los Angeles Star. 'I have seen many instances of their taking a rabbit, and sucking its blood with eagerness, previous to consuming the flesh in a crude state.' Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 239. 'Viven muy regalados con varias semillas, y con la pesca que hacen en sus balsas de tule ... y queriendoles dar cosa de comida, solian decir, que de aquello no, que lo que querian era ropa; y solo con cosa de este género, eran los cambalaches que hacian de su pescado con los Soldados y Arrieros.' Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 79. See also Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 712; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 139; Stanley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 102; Id., 1869, pp. 194-5; Walker, in Id., 1872, p. 67; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 125; Hoffmann, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. v., p. 149; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., vol. i., pp. 82-3.

[578] 'All their food was either cold or nearly so.... They used salt very sparingly, believing it might turn their hair gray.' Reid, in Los Angeles Star. 'I've seen many times when they would catch a rabbit and eagerly suck its blood before eating the raw meat.' Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 239. 'They lived quite lavishly on various seeds and the fish they caught in their tule rafts... and when offered food, they would often say they didn't want that, but rather clothing; and it was only for items like this that they would trade their fish with Soldiers and Teamsters.' Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 79. See also Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 712; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 139; Stanley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 102; Id., 1869, pp. 194-5; Walker, in Id., 1872, p. 67; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 125; Hoffmann, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. v., p. 149; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., vol. i., pp. 82-3.

[579] Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, pp. 83-4.

[579] Palou, Life of Junípero Serra, pp. 83-4.

[580] Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., pp. 306-9.

[580] Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., pp. 306-9.

[581] The baskets, though water-proof, 'were used only for dry purposes. The vessels in use for liquids were roughly made of rushes and plastered outside and in with bitumen or pitch, called by them sanot.' Reid, in Los Angeles Star; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., pp. 454-5; and Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., vol. i., p. 82.

[581] The baskets, while waterproof, were only used for dry things. The containers used for liquids were roughly made from rushes and coated inside and out with bitumen or pitch, which they referred to as sanot. Reid, in Los Angeles Star; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., pp. 454-5; and Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., vol. i., p. 82.

[582] 'Leurs mortiers de pierre et divers autres ustensiles sont incrustés avec beaucoup d'art de morceaux de nacre de perle.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 319. 'Mortars and pestles were made of granite, about sixteen inches wide at the top, ten at the bottom, ten inches high and two thick.' Soapstone pots were 'about an inch in thickness, and procured from the Indians of Santa Catalina; the cover used was of the same material.' Reid, in Los Angeles Star. On the eastern slopes of the San Bernardino Mountains, blankets are made which will easily hold water. Taylor, in San Francisco Bulletin, 1862, also quoted in Shuck's Cal. Scrap Book, p. 405. 'Todas sus obras son primorosas y bien acabadas.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vi., p. 315.

[582] 'Their stone mortars and various other utensils are intricately inlaid with pieces of mother-of-pearl.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, vol. ci., p. 319. 'Mortars and pestles were made of granite, about sixteen inches wide at the top, ten inches at the bottom, ten inches high, and two inches thick.' Soapstone pots were 'about an inch thick and obtained from the Indians of Santa Catalina; the cover was made of the same material.' Reid, in Los Angeles Star. On the eastern slopes of the San Bernardino Mountains, blankets are made that can easily hold water. Taylor, in San Francisco Bulletin, 1862, also quoted in Shuck's Cal. Scrap Book, p. 405. 'All their works are exquisite and well-crafted.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iv., vol. vi., p. 315.

[583] Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., pp. 319-20.

[583] Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, vol. ci., pp. 319-20.

[584] 'The planks were bent and joined by the heat of fire, and then paved with asphaltum, called by them chapapote.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, June 1, 1860.

[584] 'The wooden planks were warped and fused together by the heat of the fire, and then coated with asphalt, which they referred to as chapapote.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, June 1, 1860.

[585] At Santa Catalina Vizcaino saw 'vnas Canoguelas, que ellos vsan, de Tablas bien hechas, como Barquillos, con las Popas, y Proas levantadas, y mas altas, que el Cuerpo de la Barca, ò Canoa.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 712; see also Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 18. On the coast of Los Angeles Father Crespi saw 'canoas hechas de buenas tablas de pino, bien ligadas y de una forma graciosa con dos proas.... Usan remos largos de dos palas y vogan con indecible lijeriza y velocidad.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vi., p. 315. At San Diego Palou describes 'balsas de tule, en forma de Canoas, con lo que entran muy adentro del mar.' Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 79; Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 240; Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 228. Description of balsas, which differ in no respect from those used north.

[585] At Santa Catalina, Vizcaino saw "some canoes, which they use, made of well-crafted boards, like small boats, with the stern and bow raised and higher than the body of the boat or canoe." Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., vol. i., p. 712; see also Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iii., vol. iv., p. 18. On the coast of Los Angeles, Father Crespi saw "canoes made of good pine boards, well tied together and with an elegant shape with two bows.... They use long paddles with two blades and row with incredible lightness and speed." Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iv., vol. vi., p. 315. At San Diego, Palou describes "balsa rafts made of tule, in the shape of canoes, which allow them to go very far into the sea." Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 79; Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 240; Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 228. Description of rafts, which differ in no way from those used in the north.

[586] 'The worth of a rial was put on a string which passed twice and a-half round the hand, i. e., from end of middle finger to wrist. Eight of these strings passed for the value of a silver dollar.' Cal. Farmer, June 1, 1860. 'Eight yards of these beads made about one dollar of our currency.' Id., Jan. 18, 1861.

[586] 'The value of a rial was measured by a string wrapped around the hand two and a half times, meaning from the tip of the middle finger to the wrist. Eight of these strings were equivalent to the value of a silver dollar.' Cal. Farmer, June 1, 1860. 'Eight yards of these beads were worth about one dollar in our currency.' Id., Jan. 18, 1861.

[587] 'If a quarrel occurred between parties of distinct lodges (villages), each chief heard the witnesses produced by his own people; and then, associated with the chief of the opposite side, they passed sentence. In case they could not agree, an impartial chief was called in, who heard the statements made by both, and he alone decided. There was no appeal from his decision.' Reid, in Los Angeles Star.

[587] 'If there was a disagreement between groups from different villages, each chief listened to the witnesses from their own side; then, together with the chief from the other side, they rendered a judgement. If they couldn't reach an agreement, an unbiased chief was brought in to hear both sides, and he made the final decision. There was no way to appeal his ruling.' Reid, in Los Angeles Star.

[588] 'Pour tout ce qui concerne les affaires intérieures, l'influence des devins est bien supérieure à la leur.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 373. At San Diego 'Chaque village est soumis aux ordres absolus d'un chef.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 153; or see Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 226. 'I have found that the captains have very little authority.' Stanley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 194.

[588] 'When it comes to internal matters, the influence of the seers is much greater than theirs.' Mofras, Explor., vol. ii., p. 373. In San Diego, 'Each village is under the absolute orders of a chief.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, vol. ci., p. 153; or see Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 226. 'I've discovered that the captains hold very little power.' Stanley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 194.

[589] Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., pp. 262-9.

[589] Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., pp. 262-9.

[590] Dr. Hoffman states that in the vicinity of San Diego 'their laws allow them to keep as many wives as they can support.' San Francisco Medical Press, vol. vi., p. 150. Fages, speaking of the Indians on the coast from San Diego to San Francisco, says: 'Ces Indiens n'ont qu'une seule femme à la fois, mais ils en changent aussi souvent que cela leur convient.' Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 153. Of those in the vicinity of San Luis Rey the same author says: 'Les chefs de ce district ont le privilége de prendre deux on trois femmes, de les répudier ou de les changer aussi souvent qu'ils le veulent; mais les autres habitants n'en ont qu'une seule et ne peuvent les répudier qu'en cas d'adultère.' Id., p. 173.

[590] Dr. Hoffman notes that in the San Diego area, "their laws allow them to have as many wives as they can support." San Francisco Medical Press, vol. vi., p. 150. Fages, discussing the Indians along the coast from San Diego to San Francisco, says: "These Indians have only one wife at a time, but they change them as often as it suits them." Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 153. For those near San Luis Rey, the same author states: "The chiefs of this district have the privilege of taking two or three wives, and they can dismiss or change them as often as they want; but the other residents only have one and can only dismiss her in cases of adultery." Id., p. 173.

[591] 'Les veufs des deux sexes, qui veulent se remarier, ne peuvent le faire qu'avec d'autres veufs.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 173; see also Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 230.

[591] "Widows and widowers who want to remarry can only do so with other widows and widowers." Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, vol. ci., p. 173; see also Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 230.

[592] 'The perverse child, invariably, was destroyed, and the parents of such remained dishonored.' Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 270. 'Ils ne pensent pas à donner d'autre éducation à leurs enfants qu'à enseigner aux fils exactement ce que faisait leur père; quant aux filles, elles ont le droit de choisir l'occupation qui leur convient le mieux.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1814, tom. ci., p. 153.

[592] 'The troublesome child was always destroyed, and the parents of such children were left in disgrace.' Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 270. 'They don’t think of providing their children with any education other than teaching the sons exactly what their father did; as for the daughters, they have the right to choose the occupation that suits them best.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1814, tom. ci., p. 153.

[593] The intoxicating liquor was 'made from a plant called Pibat, which was reduced to a powder, and mixed with other intoxicating ingredients.' Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 271.

[593] The strong alcohol was made from a plant called Pibat, which was ground into a powder and mixed with other intoxicating substances. Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 271.

[594] Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 215. For other descriptions of ceremony observed at age of puberty, see: Hoffman, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. vi., pp. 150-1; McKinstry, in San Francisco Herald, June, 1853.

[594] Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 215. For more details on ceremonies performed during puberty, check out: Hoffman, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. vi., pp. 150-1; McKinstry, in San Francisco Herald, June, 1853.

[595] 'Pero en la Mision de S. Antonio se pudo algo averiguar, pues avisando á los Padres, que en una de las casas de los Neófitos se habian metido dos Gentiles, el uno con el traje natural de ellos, y el otro con el trage de muger, expresándolo con el nombre de Joya (que dicen llamarlos asi en su lengua nativa) fué luego el P. Misionero con el Cabo y un Soldado á la casa á ver lo que buscaban, y los hallaron en el acto de pecado nefando. Castigáronlos, aunque no con la pena merecida, y afearonles el hecho tan enorme; y respondió el Gentil, que aquella Joya era su muger.... Solo en el tramo de la Canal de Santa Bárbara, se hallan muchos Joyas, pues raro es el Pueblo donde no se vean dos ó tres.' Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 222. 'Así en esta ranchería como en otros de la canal, hemos visto algunos gentiles con traje de muger con sus nagüitas de gamusa, y muy engruesadas y limpias; no hemos podido entender lo que significa, ni á qué fin.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vi., p. 325. See also Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., pp. 283-4; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 371; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 427; Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 173.

[595] 'But in the Mission of St. Anthony, some information was gathered, as the Fathers were notified that two Gentiles had entered one of the Neophytes' homes, one dressed in their traditional attire and the other in women's clothing, referred to by the name Joya (which they say is what they call them in their native language). The missionary Father, along with the Corporal and a Soldier, went to the house to see what they were up to, and they found them in the act of a vile sin. They punished them, although not with the deserved penalty, and reprimanded them for such an awful act; the Gentile replied that this Joya was his wife.... Only in the stretch of the Santa Bárbara Channel are there many Joyas, as it's rare to find a village where two or three can’t be seen.' Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 222. 'Just like in this ranchería and others in the channel, we have seen some Gentiles dressed as women with their soft leather skirts, quite thick and clean; we have not been able to understand what it means, nor what purpose it serves.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vi., p. 325. See also Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., pp. 283-4; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 371; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 427; Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 173.

[596] 'In some tribes the men and the women unite in the dance; in others the men alone trip to the music of the women, whose songs are by no means unpleasant to the ear.' McKinstry, in S. Francisco Herald, June 1853. 'In their religious ceremonial dances they differ much. While, in some tribes, all unite to celebrate them, in others, men alone are allowed to dance, while the women assist in singing.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 214-15.

[596] 'In some tribes, both men and women participate in the dance; in others, only the men dance to the music sung by the women, whose songs are quite pleasant to hear.' McKinstry, in S. Francisco Herald, June 1853. 'In their religious ceremonial dances, they vary significantly. In some tribes, everyone comes together to celebrate, while in others, only men are permitted to dance, and the women help by singing.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 214-15.

[597] 'La danse est exécutée par deux couples au son d'une espèce de flûte, les autres restent simples spectateurs et se contentent d'augmenter le bruit en frappant des roseaux secs.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 176; Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., pp. 289-95; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 214-15; McKinstry, in S. Francisco Herald, June 1853; Reid, in Los Angeles Star; Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vi., p. 322.

[597] 'The dance is performed by two couples to the sound of a type of flute, while the others remain simple spectators and contribute to the noise by striking dry reeds.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, vol. ci., p. 176; Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., pp. 289-95; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 214-15; McKinstry, in S. Francisco Herald, June 1853; Reid, in Los Angeles Star; Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., vol. vi., p. 322.

[598] Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 380. 'When the new year begun, no thought was given to the past; and on this account, even amongst the most intelligent, they could not tell the number of years which had transpired, when desirous of giving an idea of any remote event.' Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 303.

[598] Mofras, Explor., vol. ii., p. 380. 'When the new year started, no one thought about the past; and for this reason, even among the most knowledgeable, they couldn’t say how many years had passed when they wanted to reference any distant event.' Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 303.

[599] 'For Gonorrhœa they used a strong decoction of an herb that grows very plentifully here, and is called by the Spanish "chancel agua," and wild pigeon manure, rolled up into pills. The decoction is a very bitter astringent, and may cure some sores, but that it fails in many, I have undeniable proof. In syphilis they use the actual cautery, a living coal of fire applied to the chancer, and a decoction of an herb, said to be something like sarsaparilla, called rosia.' Hoffman, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. v., p. 152-3.

[599] 'For gonorrhea, they used a strong brew of a herb that grows very abundantly here, called "chancel agua" by the Spanish, and wild pigeon droppings, formed into pills. The brew is a very bitter astringent and may heal some sores, but it definitely fails in many cases, which I can prove. For syphilis, they use actual cautery, applying a live coal to the sore, and a brew of a herb that is said to be similar to sarsaparilla, known as rosia.' Hoffman, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. v., p. 152-3.

[600] I am indebted for the only information of value relating to the medical usages of the southern California tribes, to Boscana's MS., literally translated by Robinson in his Life in Cal., pp. 310-14, and also given in substance in Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 378-9, and to Reid's papers on the Indians of Los Angeles County, in the Los Angeles Star, also quoted in Cal. Farmer, Jan. 11, 1861.

[600] I'm grateful for the only useful information I have about the medical practices of the Southern California tribes, which comes from Boscana's MS., translated by Robinson in his Life in Cal., pp. 310-14, and also summarized in Mofras, Explor., vol. ii., pp. 378-9, as well as Reid's articles on the Indians of Los Angeles County published in the Los Angeles Star, which were also referenced in Cal. Farmer, Jan. 11, 1861.

[601] See Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 377-8, and plate, p. 248, and Hoffmann, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. v., p. 152.

[601] See Mofras, Explor., vol. ii, pp. 377-8, and plate, p. 248, and Hoffmann, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. v, p. 152.

[602] 'The same custom is now in use, but not only applied to deaths, but to their disappointments and adversities in life, thus making public demonstration of their sorrow.' Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., pp. 314-15.

[602] 'The same practice is still around today, not just for deaths, but also for the disappointments and hardships in life, showing a public display of their grief.' Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., pp. 314-15.

[603] California Farmer, May 22, 1863.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ California Farmer, May 22, 1863.

[604] Reid, in Los Angeles Star.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Reid, in Los Angeles Star.

[605] The latitude of which he fixes at 34° 33´.

[605] He sets the latitude at 34° 33´.

[606] Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., pp. 173-4. Quoted almost literally by Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 230.

[606] Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, vol. ci., pp. 173-4. Quoted almost verbatim by Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 230.

[607] Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 317.

[607] Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 317.

[608] In spelling the word Shoshone, I have followed the most common orthography. Many, however, write it Shoshonee, others, Shoshonie, either of which would perhaps give a better idea of the pronunciation of the word, as the accent falls on the final e. The word means 'Snake Indian,' according to Stuart, Montana, p. 80; and 'inland,' according to Ross, Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 249. I apply the name Shoshones to the whole of this family; the Shoshones proper, including the Bannacks, I call the Snakes; the remaining tribes I name collectively Utahs.

[608] When spelling the word Shoshone, I’ve used the most common spelling. However, some people write it as Shoshonee or Shoshonie, both of which might better reflect how the word is pronounced since the emphasis is on the last e. According to Stuart, the word means 'Snake Indian' (see Montana, p. 80), and according to Ross, it means 'inland' (see Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 249). I use the term Shoshones to refer to the entire family; I call the Shoshones proper, including the Bannacks, the Snakes; and I refer to the other tribes as Utahs.

[609] See Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 249; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 228-9; Remy and Brenchley's Journey, vol. i., p. 124; Chandless' Visit, p. 118; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 377; Carvalho's Incid. of Trav., p. 200; Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 178; Beckwith, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 42; Farley's Sanitary Rept., in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. iii., p. 154; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 298; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 88; Hesperian Magazine, vol. x., p. 255; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 197; Prince, quoted in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861; Townsend's Nar., pp. 125, 133; Bryant, Voy. en Cal., pp. 152, 194; Coke's Rocky Mountains, p. 276; Fremont's Explor. Ex., pp. 148, 267; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 312; Figuier's Human Race, p. 484; Burton's City of the Saints, p. 585. Mention is made by Salmeron of a people living south of Utah Lake, who were 'blancas, y rosadas las mejillas como los franceses.' Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 101. Escalante, speaking of Indians seen in the same region, lat. 39° 34´ 37´´, says: 'Eran estos de los barbones, y narices agujeradas, y en su idioma se nombran Tirangapui, Tian los cinco, que con su capitan venieron primero, tan crecida la barba, que parecian padres capuchinos ó belemitas.' Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., p. 476. Wilkes writes, 'Southwest of the Youta Lake live a tribe who are known by the name of the Monkey Indians; a term which is not a mark of contempt, but is supposed to be a corruption of their name.... They are reported to live in fastnesses among high mountains; to have good clothing and houses; to manufacture blankets, shoes, and various other articles, which they sell to the neighboring tribes. Their colour is as light as that of the Spaniards; and the women in particular are very beautiful, with delicate features, and long flowing hair.... Some have attempted to connect these with an account of an ancient Welsh colony, which others had thought they discovered among the Mandans of the Missouri; while others were disposed to believe they might still exist in the Monkeys of the Western Mountains. There is another account which speaks of the Monquoi Indians, who formerly inhabited Lower California, and were partially civilized by the Spanish missionaries, but who have left that country, and of whom all traces have long since been lost.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 502-3. 'On the southern boundary of Utah exists a peculiar race, of whom little is known. They are said to be fair-skinned, and are called the "White Indians;" have blue eyes and straight hair, and speak a kind of Spanish language differing from other tribes.' San Francisco Evening Bulletin, May 15, 1863. Taylor has a note on the subject, in which he says that these fair Indians were doubtless the Moquis of Western New Mexico. Cal. Farmer, June 26, 1863. Although it is evident that this mysterious and probably mythic people belong in no way to the Shoshone family, yet as they are mentioned by several writers as dwelling in a region which is surrounded on all sides by Shoshones, I have given this note, wherefrom the reader can draw his own conclusions.

[609] See Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 249; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 228-9; Remy and Brenchley's Journey, vol. i., p. 124; Chandless' Visit, p. 118; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 377; Carvalho's Incid. of Trav., p. 200; Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 178; Beckwith, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 42; Farley's Sanitary Rept., in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. iii., p. 154; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 298; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 88; Hesperian Magazine, vol. x., p. 255; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 197; Prince, quoted in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861; Townsend's Nar., pp. 125, 133; Bryant, Voy. en Cal., pp. 152, 194; Coke's Rocky Mountains, p. 276; Fremont's Explor. Ex., pp. 148, 267; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 312; Figuier's Human Race, p. 484; Burton's City of the Saints, p. 585. Salmeron mentions a group of people living south of Utah Lake, described as 'white, with rosy cheeks like the French.' Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 101. Escalante describes Indians in the same area, lat. 39° 34´ 37´´, saying: 'They had beards and pierced noses and called themselves Tirangapui, Tian the five, who came first with their captain, with such long beards that they looked like Capuchin or Bethlehem fathers.' Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., p. 476. Wilkes notes, 'Southwest of Utah Lake lives a tribe known as the Monkey Indians; this term is not derogatory but thought to be a modification of their name…. They are said to inhabit remote areas in high mountains, wear good clothing and live in houses; they produce blankets, shoes, and other items, selling them to neighboring tribes. Their skin color is as light as that of the Spaniards, and the women are particularly beautiful, with delicate features and long flowing hair…. Some have tried to link them to an ancient Welsh colony thought to exist among the Mandans of the Missouri; others believe they might still be found in the Monkeys of the Western Mountains. There’s also a report on the Monquoi Indians, who once lived in Lower California and were somewhat civilized by Spanish missionaries, but they have since left that area and all traces of them are long gone.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 502-3. 'On the southern border of Utah exists a unique race, about whom little is known. They are described as fair-skinned and are called the "White Indians;" they have blue eyes and straight hair, and they speak a variant of the Spanish language different from other tribes.' San Francisco Evening Bulletin, May 15, 1863. Taylor notes that these fair Indians were likely the Moquis of Western New Mexico. Cal. Farmer, June 26, 1863. While it's clear that this mysterious and likely mythical group does not belong to the Shoshone family, because they are mentioned by several authors as living in an area surrounded by Shoshones, I’ve included this note for the reader to draw their own conclusions.

[610] Beckwith, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 42; Heap's Cent. Route, p. 102.

[610] Beckwith, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 42; Heap's Cent. Route, p. 102.

[611] Speaking of women: 'their breasts and stomachs were covered with red mastic, made from an earth peculiar to these rocks, which rendered them hideous. Their only covering was a pair of drawers of hare-skin, badly sewn together, and in holes.' Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. ii., p. 386; see also vol. i., p. 127, and vol. ii., pp. 389, 404, 407. 'The women often dress in skirts made of entrails, dressed and sewed together in a substantial way.' Prince, in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861. Hareskins 'they cut into cords with the fur adhering; and braid them together so as to form a sort of cloak with a hole in the middle, through which they thrust their heads.' Farnham's Life and Adven., p. 376. The remaining authorities describe them as naked, or slightly and miserably dressed; see Stansbury's Rept., pp. 82, 202-3; Chandless' Visit, p. 291; Heap's Cent. Route, p. 100; Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 255; Bryant's Cal., p. 194; Forney, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 365; Dodge, Ib., pp. 374-5; Fenton, in Id., 1869, p. 203; Graves, in Id., 1854, p. 178; Burton's City of the Saints, pp. 217-18, 272-3, 581, 585; Fremont's Explor. Ex., pp. 148, 168-9, 212, 218, 225, 227, 267; Bulfinch's Oregon, p. 129; Saxon's Golden Gate, p. 251; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 197; Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 539; Dunn's Oregon, p. 331.

[611] Speaking of women: 'their breasts and stomachs were covered with red mastic, made from a unique earth found in these rocks, which made them look unattractive. Their only clothing was a pair of poorly sewn hare-skin drawers, with holes.' Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. ii., p. 386; see also vol. i., p. 127, and vol. ii., pp. 389, 404, 407. 'The women often wear skirts made of entrails, prepared and sewn together quite sturdily.' Prince, in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861. They cut hare skins into cords with the fur still attached and braid them together to create a sort of cloak with a hole in the middle for their heads.' Farnham's Life and Adven., p. 376. The other sources describe them as naked, or dressed very poorly; see Stansbury's Rept., pp. 82, 202-3; Chandless' Visit, p. 291; Heap's Cent. Route, p. 100; Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 255; Bryant's Cal., p. 194; Forney, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 365; Dodge, Ib., pp. 374-5; Fenton, in Id., 1869, p. 203; Graves, in Id., 1854, p. 178; Burton's City of the Saints, pp. 217-18, 272-3, 581, 585; Fremont's Explor. Ex., pp. 148, 168-9, 212, 218, 225, 227, 267; Bulfinch's Oregon, p. 129; Saxon's Golden Gate, p. 251; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 197; Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 539; Dunn's Oregon, p. 331.

[612] Townsend's Nar., pp. 125, 133; De Smet, Voy., p. 25; Dunn's Oregon, p. 325; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 228-30, 308-9; Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 249-50, 257-8, vol. ii., pp. 22-3; Chandless' Visit, p. 118; Carvalho's Incid. of Trav., p. 200; White's Ogn., p. 377; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 298; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 244, 281.

[612] Townsend's Nar., pp. 125, 133; De Smet, Voy., p. 25; Dunn's Oregon, p. 325; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 228-30, 308-9; Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 249-50, 257-8, vol. ii., pp. 22-3; Chandless' Visit, p. 118; Carvalho's Incid. of Trav., p. 200; White's Ogn., p. 377; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 298; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 244, 281.

[613] 'The ermine is the fur known to the north-west traders by the name of the white weasel, but is the genuine ermine.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 313.

[613] 'The ermine is the fur recognized by the north-west traders as the white weasel, but it is the true ermine.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 313.

[614] Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 312-15.

[614] Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 312-15.

[615] 'On y rencontre aussi des terres métalliques de différentes couleurs, telles que vertes, bleues, jaunes, noires, blanches, et deux sortes d'ocres, l'une pâle, l'autre d'un rouge brillant comme du vermillion. Les Indiens en font très-grand cas; ils s'en servent pour se peindre le corps et le visage.' Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. xii., p. 83.

[615] 'You can also find metallic lands in different colors, like green, blue, yellow, black, white, and two types of ochre, one pale and the other a bright red like vermilion. The Indigenous people value them highly; they use them to paint their bodies and faces.' Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. xii., p. 83.

[616] 'They remain in a semi-dormant, inactive state the entire winter, leaving their lowly retreats only now and then, at the urgent calls of nature, or to warm their burrows.... In the spring they creep from their holes ... poor and emaciated, with barely flesh enough to hide their bones, and so enervated from hard fare and frequent abstinence, that they can scarcely move.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 179. Stansbury mentions lodges in Utah, east of Salt Lake, which were constructed of 'cedar poles and logs of a considerable size, thatched with bark and branches, and were quite warm and comfortable.' Stansbury's Rept., p. 111; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 334; Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 255; Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. i., pp. 80-1, 129, vol. ii., pp. 362, 373; Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 101; Farley, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. iii., p. 154; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 378; Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 538; Heap's Cent. Route, pp. 98-9; De Smet, Voy., p. 28; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 247, vol. ii., pp. 256-7; Coke's Rocky Mountains, p. 257; Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., p. 117; White's Ogn., p. 376; Irving's Astoria, pp. 257, 290; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 305; Fremont's Explor. Ex., 1842-3, pp. 142, 212, 218; Townsend's Nar., p. 136; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 325, 331-2, 337-8; Bulfinch's Oregon, p. 179; Farnham's Trav., pp. 58, 61-2; Simpson's Route to Cal., p. 51; Burton's City of the Saints, p. 573; Knight's Pioneer Life, MS.

[616] 'They stay in a semi-dormant, inactive state all winter, only leaving their lowly homes occasionally, responding to the urgent calls of nature, or to warm their burrows.... In the spring, they emerge from their holes ... thin and malnourished, with hardly enough flesh to cover their bones, and so weakened from scarce food and frequent fasting that they can hardly move.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 179. Stansbury mentions lodges in Utah, east of Salt Lake, which were built with 'cedar poles and large logs, covered with bark and branches, making them quite warm and comfortable.' Stansbury's Rept., p. 111; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 334; Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 255; Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. i., pp. 80-1, 129, vol. ii., pp. 362, 373; Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 101; Farley, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. iii., p. 154; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 378; Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 538; Heap's Cent. Route, pp. 98-9; De Smet, Voy., p. 28; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 247, vol. ii., pp. 256-7; Coke's Rocky Mountains, p. 257; Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., p. 117; White's Ogn., p. 376; Irving's Astoria, pp. 257, 290; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 305; Fremont's Explor. Ex., 1842-3, pp. 142, 212, 218; Townsend's Nar., p. 136; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 325, 331-2, 337-8; Bulfinch's Oregon, p. 179; Farnham's Trav., pp. 58, 61-2; Simpson's Route to Cal., p. 51; Burton's City of the Saints, p. 573; Knight's Pioneer Life, MS.

[617] Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 275; De Smet, Voy., p. 29; Dennison, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 375; Saint-Amant, Voyages, p. 325.

[617] Coke's Rocky Mountains, p. 275; De Smet, Voyages, p. 29; Dennison, in Indian Affairs Report, 1854, p. 375; Saint-Amant, Voyages, p. 325.

[618] 'They eat the seed of two species of Conifers, one about the size of a hazel-nut, the other much smaller. They also eat a small stone-fruit, somewhat red, or black in colour, and rather insipid; different berries, among others, those of Vaccinium. They collect the seed of the Atriplex and Chenopodium, and occasionally some grasses. Among roots, they highly value that of a bushy, yellowish and tolerably large broomrape, which they cook or dry with the base, or root-stock, which is enlarged, and constitutes the most nutritious part. They also gather the napiform root of a Cirsium acaule, which they eat raw or cooked; when cooked, it becomes quite black, resinous as pitch and rather succulent; when raw, it is whitish, soft, and of a pleasant flavour.' Remy and Brenchley's Journey, vol. i., p. 129. The Shoshones of Utah and Nevada 'eat certain roots, which in their native state are rank poison, called Tobacco root, but when put in a hole in the ground, and a large fire burned over them, become wholesome diet.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. vi., p. 697. 'Of the roots used ... the pap-pa, or wild potatoe, is abundant.' Id., vol. iv., p. 222; see also, Id., vol. v., pp. 199-200. At Bear River, 'every living animal, thing, insect, or worm they eat.' Fremont's Explor. Exp., p. 142, see also pp. 148, 160, 173-4, 212, 218-19, 267, 273. Inland savages are passionately fond of salt; those living near the sea detest it. Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. xii., p. 85. The Utahs eat 'the cactus leaf, piñon-nut, and various barks; the seed of the bunch-grass, and of the wheat, or yellow grass, somewhat resembling rye, the rabbit-bush twigs, which are chewed, and various roots and tubers; the soft sego bulb, the rootlet of the cat-tail flag, and of the tule, which when sun-dried and powdered to flour, keeps through the winter and is palatable even to white men.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 581, see also pp. 573, 577. The Pi-Edes 'live principally on lizards, swifts, and horned toads.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865. p. 145; see also Id., 1854, p. 229; 1856, p. 234; 1861, p. 112; 1859, p. 365; 1866, pp. 114; 1869, pp. 203, 216; 1870, pp. 95, 114; 1872, p. 59. The Snakes eat a white-fleshed kind of beaver, which lives on poisonous roots, whose flesh affects white people badly, though the Indians roast and eat it with impunity. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., p. 117, see also vol. i., p. 269-72; Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 539; Farnham's Life and Adven., pp. 371, 376-8; Irving's Bonneville's Adven., pp. 255, 257, 401-2; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 501; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 219; Bryant's Cal., p. 202; Stansbury's Rept., pp. 77, 148, 233; Kelly's Excursion, vol. i., p. 238; Saxon's Golden Gate, p. 251; Smith, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1828, tom. xxxvii., p. 209; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 178-9; Townsend's Nar., p. 144; White's Ogn., p. 376; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 228-31, 309; Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 277; Irving's Astoria, pp. 258, 295; De Smet, Voy., pp. 28-30, 127; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 334; Farnham's Trav., pp. 58, 61; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., pp. 242, 270, vol. ii., pp. 19, 60, 61, 64, 244, 311; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. ii., p. 534; Simpson's Route to Pac., pp. 51-2; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 270, 288-9, 298-9; Bigler's Early Days in Utah and Nevada, MS.

[618] 'They eat the seeds of two types of conifers, one about the size of a hazelnut, the other much smaller. They also eat a small stone fruit that is either reddish or black and quite bland, along with various berries, including those from Vaccinium. They gather the seeds of Atriplex and Chenopodium, and occasionally some grasses. Among roots, they particularly value a bushy, yellowish, and reasonably large broomrape, which they cook or dry with the base, or rootstock, that is swollen and contains the most nutritious part. They also collect the bulbous root of a Cirsium acaule, which they eat raw or cooked; when cooked, it turns dark and becomes sticky like pitch and rather juicy; when raw, it is whitish, soft, and has a pleasant taste.' Remy and Brenchley's Journey, vol. i., p. 129. The Shoshones of Utah and Nevada 'eat certain roots that are toxic in their natural state, known as Tobacco root, but when placed in a hole in the ground and had a large fire burned over them, they become a nutritious food.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. vi., p. 697. 'Of the roots used ... the pap-pa, or wild potato, is plentiful.' Id., vol. iv., p. 222; see also, Id., vol. v., pp. 199-200. At Bear River, 'they eat every living animal, creature, insect, or worm.' Fremont's Explor. Exp., p. 142, see also pp. 148, 160, 173-4, 212, 218-19, 267, 273. Inland people are very fond of salt; those near the sea dislike it. Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. xii., p. 85. The Utahs consume 'the cactus leaf, piñon nut, and various barks; the seeds of bunchgrass and yellow grass, which resembles rye, the rabbit-bush twigs that are chewed, as well as different roots and tubers; the soft sego bulb, the rootlet of the cat-tail flag, and of the tule, which when sun-dried and ground into flour, can be stored through the winter and is tasty enough even for white people.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 581, see also pp. 573, 577. The Pi-Edes 'primarily survive on lizards, swifts, and horned toads.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865. p. 145; see also Id., 1854, p. 229; 1856, p. 234; 1861, p. 112; 1859, p. 365; 1866, pp. 114; 1869, pp. 203, 216; 1870, pp. 95, 114; 1872, p. 59. The Snakes consume a type of white-fleshed beaver that lives on poisonous roots, whose meat adversely affects white people, although the Indians roast and eat it without any issues. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., p. 117, see also vol. i., p. 269-72; Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 539; Farnham's Life and Adven., pp. 371, 376-8; Irving's Bonneville's Adven., pp. 255, 257, 401-2; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 501; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 219; Bryant's Cal., p. 202; Stansbury's Rept., pp. 77, 148, 233; Kelly's Excursion, vol. i., p. 238; Saxon's Golden Gate, p. 251; Smith, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1828, tom. xxxvii., p. 209; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 178-9; Townsend's Nar., p. 144; White's Ogn., p. 376; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 228-31, 309; Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 277; Irving's Astoria, pp. 258, 295; De Smet, Voy., pp. 28-30, 127; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 334; Farnham's Trav., pp. 58, 61; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., pp. 242, 270, vol. ii., pp. 19, 60, 61, 64, 244, 311; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. ii., p. 534; Simpson's Route to Pac., pp. 51-2; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 270, 288-9, 298-9; Bigler's Early Days in Utah and Nevada, MS.

[619] The Wararereeks are 'dirty in their camps, in their dress, and in their persons.' Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 250. The persons of the Piutes are 'more disgusting than those of the Hottentots. Their heads are white with the germs of crawling filth.' Farnham's Trav., p. 58. 'A filthy tribe—the prey of idleness and vermin.' Farnham's Life and Adven., p. 325. Bryant says, of the Utahs between Salt Lake and Ogden's Hole, 'I noticed the females hunting for the vermin in the heads and on the bodies of their children; finding which they ate the animals with an apparent relish.' Bryant's Cal., p. 154. The Snakes 'are filthy beyond description.' Townsend's Nar., p. 137. 'J'ai vu les Sheyennes, les Serpents, les Youts, etc., manger la vermine les uns des autres à pleins peignes.' De Smet, Voy., p. 47. 'The Snakes are rather cleanly in their persons.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 61.

[619] The Wararereeks are 'messy in their camps, their clothing, and in their personal hygiene.' Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 250. The appearance of the Piutes is 'more repulsive than that of the Hottentots. Their heads are covered in the germs of crawling filth.' Farnham's Trav., p. 58. 'A filthy tribe—the victims of laziness and pests.' Farnham's Life and Adven., p. 325. Bryant mentions the Utahs between Salt Lake and Ogden's Hole, 'I noticed the women searching for pests in the hair and on the bodies of their children; finding them, they ate the creatures with apparent enjoyment.' Bryant's Cal., p. 154. The Snakes 'are filthy beyond description.' Townsend's Nar., p. 137. 'I saw the Shyennes, the Snakes, the Youts, etc., picking the pests off each other with their combs.' De Smet, Voy., p. 47. 'The Snakes are relatively tidy in their personal hygiene.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 61.

[620] 'A weapon called by the Chippeways, by whom it was formerly used, the poggamoggon.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 309. Bulfinch, Oregon, p. 126, says the stone weighs about two pounds. Salmeron also mentions a similar weapon used by the people living south of Utah Lake; concerning whom see note 187, p. 423.

[620] 'A weapon known as the poggamoggon, which was used by the Chippeways.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 309. Bulfinch, Oregon, p. 126, notes that the stone weighs around two pounds. Salmeron also talks about a similar weapon used by people living south of Utah Lake; for more on this, see note 187, p. 423.

[621] The Utahs 'no usan mas armas que las flechas y algunas lanzas de perdernal, ni tienen otro peto, morrion ni espaldar que el que sacaron del vientre de sus madres.' Escalante, quoted in Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. iii., part iv., p. 126. 'Bows made of the horns of the bighorn ... are formed by cementing with glue flat pieces of the horn together, covering the back with sinewes and glue, and loading the whole with an unusual quantity of ornaments.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 309. At Ogden River, in Utah, they work obsidian splinters 'into the most beautiful and deadly points, with which they arm the end of their arrows.' Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 343. 'Pour toute arme, un arc, des flèches et un bâton pointu.' De Smet, Voy., p. 28. 'Bows and arrows are their (Banattees) only weapons of defence.' Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 251. The arrows of the Pa-Utes 'are barbed with a very clear translucent stone, a species of opal, nearly as hard as the diamond; and, shot from their long bow, are almost as effective as a gunshot.' Fremont's Expl. Ex., p. 267. The Pi-Utes and Pitches 'have no weapon of defence except the club, and in the use of that they are very unskilful.' Farnham's Trav., p. 58. Southwest of Great Salt Lake, 'their arms are clubs, with small bows and arrows made of reeds.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180. The Pi-Utes 'make some weapons of defence, as bows and arrows. The bows are about six feet long; made of the savine (Juniperus sabina).' Farnham's Life and Adven., p. 378; see farther, Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. ii., pp. 291, 261; Stansbury's Rept., p. 232; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 198; Heap's Cent. Route, pp. 56, 72, 77, 84, 99; Palmer's Jour., p. 134; Bulfinch's Oregon, p. 129; Irving's Bonneville's Adven., pp. 146, 255, 400; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 219; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 228-9, 233; Irving's Astoria, p. 279; Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1822, tom. xiii., p. 50; Bigler's Early Days in Utah and Nevada, MS.; Knight's Pioneer Life, MS.

[621] The Utahs use no weapons other than bows and a few spear-like implements, and they have no armor, helmet, or back protection other than what they were born with. Escalante, quoted in Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. iii., part iv., p. 126. 'Bows made from the horns of the bighorn... are created by gluing flat pieces of horn together, covering the back with sinew and glue, and decorating the entire bow with an unusual amount of embellishments.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 309. At Ogden River, in Utah, they shape obsidian shards 'into some of the most beautiful and lethal points, which they use to tip their arrows.' Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 343. 'For all weapons, a bow, arrows, and a sharp stick.' De Smet, Voy., p. 28. 'Bows and arrows are the only means of defense for the Banattees.' Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 251. The arrows of the Pa-Utes 'are fitted with barbs made from a very clear translucent stone that's a type of opal, nearly as hard as a diamond; and, when shot from their long bows, are almost as effective as a gunshot.' Fremont's Expl. Ex., p. 267. The Pi-Utes and Pitches 'have no means of defense other than a club, and they are very unskilled in using it.' Farnham's Trav., p. 58. Southwest of Great Salt Lake, 'their arms include clubs, small bows, and arrows made of reeds.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180. The Pi-Utes 'do create some defensive weapons, like bows and arrows. The bows are about six feet long and made of savine (Juniperus sabina).' Farnham's Life and Adven., p. 378; see further, Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. ii., pp. 291, 261; Stansbury's Rept., p. 232; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 198; Heap's Cent. Route, pp. 56, 72, 77, 84, 99; Palmer's Jour., p. 134; Bulfinch's Oregon, p. 129; Irving's Bonneville's Adven., pp. 146, 255, 400; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 219; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 228-9, 233; Irving's Astoria, p. 279; Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1822, tom. xiii., p. 50; Bigler's Early Days in Utah and Nevada, MS.; Knight's Pioneer Life, MS.

[622] Remy and Brenchley's Jour., vol. ii., p. 407; Heap's Cent. Route, p. 99; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 171.

[622] Remy and Brenchley's Jour., vol. ii., p. 407; Heap's Cent. Route, p. 99; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 171.

[623] 'Taking an enemy's scalp is an honour quite independent of the act of vanquishing him. To kill your adversary is of no importance unless the scalp is brought from the field of battle, and were a warrior to slay any number of his enemies in action, and others were to obtain the scalps or first touch the dead, they would have all the honours, since they have borne off the trophy.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 309; see also p. 265. The Utahs 'will devour the heart of a brave man to increase their courage, or chop it up, boil it in soup, engorge a ladleful, and boast they have drunk the enemy's blood.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 581; see also p. 140. The Utahs never carry arrows when they intend to fight on horseback. Heap's Cent. Route, p. 77; see also p. 100; Remy and Brenchley's Journ., pp. 97, 99; Stansbury's Rept., p. 81; De Smet, Voy., pp. 28-9; Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 275, vol. ii., pp. 93-6; Bulfinch's Oregon, p. 129; Farnham's Trav., p. 36.

[623] 'Taking an enemy's scalp is an honor that stands alone from just defeating him. Killing your opponent doesn't really matter unless you bring back the scalp from the battlefield. If a warrior defeats many enemies but others grab the scalps or are the first to touch the dead bodies, those others get all the recognition because they took the trophy.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 309; see also p. 265. The Utahs 'will eat the heart of a brave man to boost their courage, or chop it up, boil it in soup, and devour a ladleful, proudly claiming they have tasted the enemy's blood.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 581; see also p. 140. The Utahs never carry arrows when they plan to fight on horseback. Heap's Cent. Route, p. 77; see also p. 100; Remy and Brenchley's Journ., pp. 97, 99; Stansbury's Rept., p. 81; De Smet, Voy., pp. 28-9; Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 275, vol. ii., pp. 93-6; Bulfinch's Oregon, p. 129; Farnham's Trav., p. 36.

[624] The pipe of the chief 'was made of a dense transparent green stone, very highly polished, about two and a half inches long, and of an oval figure, the bowl being in the same situation with the stem. A small piece of burnt clay is placed in the bottom of the bowl to separate the tobacco from the end of the stem.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 267. Pots made of 'a stone found in the hills ... which, though soft and white in its natural state, becomes very hard and black after exposure to the fire.' Id., p. 312. 'These vessels, although rude and without gloss, are nevertheless strong, and reflect much credit on Indian ingenuity.' Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 274. Pipe-stems 'resemble a walking-stick more than anything else, and they are generally of ash, and from two-and-a-half to three feet long.' Id., vol. ii., p. 109. 'Cooking vessels very much resembling reversed bee-hives, made of basket work covered with buffalo skins.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 244. Stansbury discovered pieces of broken Indian pottery and obsidian about Salt Lake. Stansbury's Rept., p. 182. The material of baskets 'was mostly willow twig, with a layer of gum, probably from the pine tree.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 573. The Utahs 'manufacture very beautiful and serviceable blankets.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 200. 'Considering that they have nothing but stone hammers and flint knives it is truly wonderful to see the exquisite finish and neatness of their implements of war and hunting, as well as their ear-rings and waist-bands, made of an amalgam of silver and lead.' Prince, in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861. 'Les Indiens en font des jarres, des pots, des plats de diverses formes. Ces vaisseaux communiquent une odeur et une saveur très-agréables à tout ce qu'ils renferment; ce qui provient sans doute de la dissolution de quelque substance bitumineuse contenue dans l'argile.' Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. xii., p. 83. 'The pipes of these Indians are either made of wood or of red earth; sometimes these earthen pipes are exceedingly valuable, and Indians have been known to give a horse in exchange for one of them.' Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. i., p. 130; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 128-32, 228-9, 234.

[624] The chief's pipe was made of a dense, transparent green stone that was highly polished, about two and a half inches long and oval in shape, with the bowl lined up with the stem. A small piece of burnt clay sits at the bottom of the bowl to keep the tobacco separate from the end of the stem. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 267. Pots were made of "a stone found in the hills ... which, although soft and white in its natural state, becomes very hard and black after exposure to fire." Id., p. 312. "These vessels, while rough and without polish, are still strong and showcase the ingenuity of the Indians." Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 274. Pipe stems "look more like walking sticks than anything else, and they are usually made of ash, ranging from two and a half to three feet long." Id., vol. ii., p. 109. "Cooking vessels resembling upside-down beehives, made of basketry covered with buffalo skins." Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 244. Stansbury found pieces of broken Indian pottery and obsidian around Salt Lake. Stansbury's Rept., p. 182. The material for baskets "was mostly willow twigs, with a layer of gum, probably from the pine tree." Burton's City of the Saints, p. 573. The Utahs "make very beautiful and useful blankets." Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 200. "Considering they only have stone hammers and flint knives, it's truly impressive to see the exquisite craftsmanship and neatness of their weapons and hunting tools, as well as their earrings and waistbands, made from a mixture of silver and lead." Prince, in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861. "The Indians make jars, pots, and dishes of various shapes. These containers impart a very pleasant smell and flavor to whatever they hold; this is likely due to the dissolution of some bituminous substance found in the clay." Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. xii., p. 83. "The pipes of these Indians are either made of wood or red earth; sometimes these earthen pipes are extremely valuable, and Indians have been known to trade a horse for one." Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. i., p. 130; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 128-32, 228-9, 234.

[625] Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 274.

[625] Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 274.

[626] Among the Snakes in Idaho garments of four to five beaver-skins were sold for a knife or an awl, and other articles of fur in proportion. Horses were purchased for an axe each. A ship of seventy-four guns might have been loaded with provision, such as dried buffalo, bought with buttons and rings. Articles of real value they thus disposed of cheaply, while articles of comparatively no value, such as Indian head-dress and other curiosities, were held high. A beaver-skin could thus be had for a brass-ring, while a necklace of bears' claws could not be purchased for a dozen of the same rings. Axes, knives, ammunition, beads, buttons and rings, were most in demand. Clothing was of no value; a knife sold for as much as a blanket; and an ounce of vermilion was of more value than a yard of fine cloth. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 257-9. See further, Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 316; Townsend's Nar., pp. 133, 138; Prince, in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861; Farnham's Trav., p. 61.

[626] In Idaho, four to five beaver skins were traded for a knife or an awl, and other fur items were traded in similar proportions. Horses could be bought for a single axe each. A warship with seventy-four guns could have been filled with provisions, like dried buffalo, bought for just buttons and rings. They sold truly valuable items for very little, while items of little worth, like Indian headdresses and other curiosities, were priced very high. A beaver skin could be obtained for a brass ring, whereas a necklace made of bear claws couldn’t be purchased for a dozen of those same rings. Axes, knives, ammunition, beads, buttons, and rings were in greatest demand. Clothing had no real value; a knife could sell for as much as a blanket; and an ounce of vermilion was worth more than a yard of fine cloth. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 257-9. See further, Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 316; Townsend's Nar., pp. 133, 138; Prince, in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861; Farnham's Trav., p. 61.

[627] 'They inflict no penalties for minor offences, except loss of character and disfellowship.' Prince, in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 306-7; Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. i., p. 128.

[627] 'They don't impose any penalties for minor offenses, except for loss of reputation and being excluded from the community.' Prince, in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 306-7; Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. i., p. 128.

[628] 'It is virtuous to seize and ravish the women of tribes with whom they are at war, often among themselves, and to retain or sell them and their children as slaves.' Drews' Owyhee Recon., p. 17. The Pi-Edes 'barter their children to the Utes proper for a few trinkets or bits of clothing, by whom they are again sold to the Navajos for blankets.' Simpson's Route to Cal., p. 45. 'Some of the minor tribes in the southern part of the Territory (Utah), near New Mexico, can scarcely show a single squaw, having traded them off for horses and arms.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 582. 'Viennent trouver les blancs, et leur vendent leurs enfants pour des bagatelles.' De Smet, Voy., p. 29; Knight's Pioneer Life, MS.; Utah, Acts, Resolutions, etc., p. 87.

[628] 'It's considered acceptable to take and abuse women from enemy tribes during conflicts, often fighting among themselves, and to keep or sell them and their children as slaves.' Drews' Owyhee Recon., p. 17. The Pi-Edes 'trade their children to the Utes for small items or pieces of clothing, who then sell them to the Navajos for blankets.' Simpson's Route to Cal., p. 45. 'Some of the smaller tribes in the southern part of the Territory (Utah), near New Mexico, barely have a single woman left, having traded them away for horses and weapons.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 582. 'They come to the whites and sell their children for trivial items.' De Smet, Voy., p. 29; Knight's Pioneer Life, MS.; Utah, Acts, Resolutions, etc., p. 87.

[629] 'A refusal in these lands is often a serious business; the warrior collects his friends, carries off the recusant fair, and after subjecting her to the insults of all his companions espouses her.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 582.

[629] 'In these places, refusing someone can be a big deal; the warrior gathers his friends, takes the unwilling woman away, and after exposing her to the taunts of all his buddies, marries her.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 582.

[630] 'The women are exceedingly virtuous ... they are a kind of mercantile commodity in the hands of their masters. Polygamy prevails among the chiefs, but the number of wives is not unlimited.' Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. i., pp. 123-8. They are given to sensual excesses, and other immoralities. Farnham's Trav., p. 62; see also p. 60. 'Prostitution and illegitimacy are unknown ... they are not permitted to marry until eighteen or twenty years old ... it is a capital offence to marry any of another nation without special sanction from their council and head chief. They allow but one wife.' Prince, in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861. At the time of their confinement the women 'sit apart; they never touch a cooking utensil, although it is not held impure to address them, and they return only when the signs of wrath have passed away.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 573. 'Infidelity of the wife, or prostitution of an unmarried female, is punishable by death.' Davies, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1861, p. 133. 'Our Pi-Ute has a peculiar way of getting a foretaste of connubial bliss, cohabiting experimentally with his intended for two or three days previous to the nuptial ceremony, at the end of which time, either party can stay further proceedings, to indulge other trials until a companion more congenial is found.' Farley, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. iii., p. 155; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 307-8, 315; De Smet, Voy., p. 27.

[630] 'The women are extremely virtuous ... they are treated as a sort of commercial asset by their owners. Polygamy is common among the chiefs, but there’s a limit on the number of wives.' Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. i., pp. 123-8. They indulge in excessive sensual activities and other immoral behaviors. Farnham's Trav., p. 62; see also p. 60. 'Prostitution and illegitimacy are unheard of ... they can't marry until they are eighteen or twenty years old ... it’s a serious crime to marry someone from another nation without explicit permission from their council and head chief. They allow only one wife.' Prince, in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861. During their confinement, the women 'sit separately; they never handle cooking tools, even though it’s not considered impolite to talk to them, and they come back only when the signs of anger have faded.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 573. 'A wife's infidelity or an unmarried woman's prostitution is punishable by death.' Davies, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1861, p. 133. 'Our Pi-Ute has a unique way of sampling married life, by living with his future wife for two or three days before the wedding ceremony, after which either person can halt the plans if they want to explore other options until a more suitable partner is found.' Farley, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. iii., p. 155; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 307-8, 315; De Smet, Voy., p. 27.

[631] The Snakes 'ont une sorte de tabac sauvage qui croît dans les plaines contiguës aux montagnes du Spanish-River, il a les feuilles plus étroites que le nôtre, il est plus agréable à fumer, ses effets étant bien moins violens.' Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. xii., pp. 82-3. The Kinik-kinik 'they obtain from three different plants. One is a Cornus, resembling our Cornus sanguinea; after having detached the epidermic cuticle, they scrape the bark and dry it, when it is ready for use. Another is a Vaccinium with red berries; they gather the leaves to smoke them when dry; the third is a small shrub, the fruit and flower of which I have never seen, but resembles certain species of Daphnads (particularly that of Kauai), the leaves of which are in like manner smoked.' Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. i., p. 130; see also p. 132; Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 250; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 306; Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 174; De Smet, Voy., pp. 25-6; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 228-9, 237, 242-3.

[631] The Snakes have a kind of wild tobacco that grows in the plains near the Spanish-River mountains. Its leaves are narrower than ours, it’s more pleasant to smoke, and its effects are much milder. Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, vol. xii., pp. 82-3. The Kinik-kinik comes from three different plants. One is a Cornus, similar to our Cornus sanguinea; after removing the outer layer, they scrape the bark and dry it, making it ready to use. Another is a Vaccinium with red berries; they pick the leaves to smoke them once dried. The third is a small shrub, the fruit and flowers of which I’ve never seen, but it resembles certain species of Daphne (especially that of Kauai), whose leaves are also smoked. Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. i., p. 130; see also p. 132; Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 250; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 306; Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 174; De Smet, Voy., pp. 25-6; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 228-9, 237, 242-3.

[632] 'En deux occasions diverses, je comptai cinq personnes ainsi montées, dont deux, certes, paraissaient aussi capables, chacune à elle seule, de porter la pauvre bête, que le cheval était à même de supporter leurs poids.' De Smet, Voy., p. 127; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 266, 309-11, 316; Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 178.

[632] 'On two different occasions, I counted five people in that state, two of whom definitely seemed capable, each on their own, of carrying the poor creature, just like the horse could handle their weight.' De Smet, Voy., p. 127; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 266, 309-11, 316; Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 178.

[633] 'With strong constitutions generally, they either die at once or readily recover.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 581. 'There is no lack of pulmonary difficulties among them.' Farley, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. iii., p. 155. Syphilis usually kills them. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 316. 'The convollaria stellata ... is the best remedial plant known among those Indians.' Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 273; Davies, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1861, p. 132; Prince, in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861; Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 276; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 228-9, 240-2.

[633] 'With generally strong health, they either die quickly or recover easily.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 581. 'There are definitely respiratory issues among them.' Farley, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. iii., p. 155. Syphilis often ends their lives. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 316. 'The convollaria stellata ... is the most effective medicinal plant known to those Indians.' Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 273; Davies, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1861, p. 132; Prince, in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861; Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 276; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 228-9, 240-2.

[634] 'The Yutas make their graves high up the kanyons, usually in clefts of rock.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 150. At the obsequies of a chief of the Timpenaguchya tribe 'two squaws, two Pa Yuta children, and fifteen of his best horses composed the "customs."' Id., p. 577. 'When a death takes place, they wrap the body in a skin or hide, and drag it by the leg to a grave, which is heaped up with stones, as a protection against wild beasts.' Id., p. 582; Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. i., pp. 131, 345; De Smet, Voy., p. 28; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 359, 363.

[634] 'The Yutas bury their dead high up in the canyons, usually in rock crevices.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 150. At the funeral of a chief from the Timpenaguchya tribe, 'two women, two Pa Yuta children, and fifteen of his finest horses made up the "customs."' Id., p. 577. 'When someone dies, they wrap the body in a skin or hide and drag it by the leg to a grave, which is piled with stones to protect it from wild animals.' Id., p. 582; Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. i., pp. 131, 345; De Smet, Voy., p. 28; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 359, 363.

[635] The Shoshones of Carson Valley 'are very rigid in their morals.' Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. i., p. 85. At Haw's Ranch, 'honest and trustworthy, but lazy and dirty.' Id., p. 123. These Kusi-Utahs 'were very inoffensive and seemed perfectly guileless.' Id., vol. ii., p. 412. The Pai-uches are considered as mere dogs, the refuse of the lowest order of humanity. Farnham's Life and Adven., p. 376. The Timpanigos Yutas 'are a noble race ... brave and hospitable.' Id., p. 371. The Pi-utes are 'the most degraded and least intellectual Indians known to the trappers.' Farnham's Trav., p. 58. 'The Snakes are a very intelligent race.' Id., p. 62. The Bannacks are 'a treacherous and dangerous race.' Id., p. 76. The Pi-Edes are 'timid and dejected;' the Snakes are 'fierce and warlike;' the Tosawitches 'very treacherous;' the Bannacks 'treacherous;' the Washoes 'peaceable, but indolent.' Simpson's Route to Cal., p. 45-9. The Utahs 'are brave, impudent, and warlike ... of a revengeful disposition.' Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 178. 'Industrious.' Armstrong, in Id., 1856, p. 233. 'A race of men whose cruelty is scarcely a stride removed from that of cannibalism.' Hurt, in Id., p. 231. 'The Pah-utes are undoubtedly the most interesting and docile Indians on the continent.' Dodge, in Id., 1859, p. 374. The Utahs are 'fox-like, crafty, and cunning.' Archuleta, in Id., 1865, p. 167. The Pi-Utes are 'teachable, kind, and industrious ... scrupulously chaste in all their intercourse.' Parker, in Id., 1866, p. 115. The Weber-Utes 'are the most worthless and indolent of any in the Territory.' Head, in Id., p. 123. The Bannocks 'seem to be imbued with a spirit of dash and bravery quite unusual.' Campbell, in Id., p. 120. The Bannacks are 'energetic and industrious.' Danilson, in Id., 1869, p. 288. The Washoes are docile and tractable. Douglas, in Id., 1870, p. 96. The Pi-utes are 'not warlike, rather cowardly, but pilfering and treacherous.' Powell, in Id., 1871, p. 562. The Shoshokoes 'are extremely indolent, but a mild, inoffensive race.' Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 257. The Snakes 'are a thoroughly savage and lazy tribe.' Franchère's Nar., p. 150. The Shoshones are 'frank and communicative.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 306. The Snakes are 'pacific, hospitable and honest.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 325. 'The Snakes are a very intelligent race.' White's Ogn., p. 379. The Pi-utes 'are as degraded a class of humanity as can be found upon the earth. The male is proud, sullen, intensely insolent.... They will not steal. The women are chaste, at least toward their white brethren.' Farley, in San Francisco Medical Jour., vol. iii., p. 154. The Snakes have been considered 'as rather a dull and degraded people ... weak in intellect, and wanting in courage. And this opinion is very probable to a casual observer at first sight, or when seen in small numbers; for their apparent timidity, grave, and reserved habits, give them an air of stupidity. An intimate knowledge of the Snake character will, however, place them on an equal footing with that of other kindred nations, either east or west of the mountains, both in respect to their mental faculties and moral attributes.' Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., p. 151. 'Les Sampectches, les Pagouts et les Ampayouts sont ... un peuple plus misérable, plus dégradé et plus pauvre. Les Français les appellent communément les Dignes-de-pitié, et ce nom leur convient à merveille.' De Smet, Voy., p. 28. The Utahs 'pariassent doux et affables, très-polis et hospitaliers pour les étrangers, et charitables entre eux.' Id., p. 30. 'The Indians of Utah are the most miserable, if not the most degraded, beings of all the vast American wilderness.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 64. The Utahs 'possess a capacity for improvement whenever circumstances favor them.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180. The Snakes are 'la plus mauvaise des races des Peaux-Rouges que j'ai fréquentées. Ils sont aussi paresseux que peu prévoyants.' Saint-Amant, Voy., p. 325. The Shoshones of Idaho are 'highly intelligent and lively ... the most virtuous and unsophisticated of all the Indians of the United States.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, April 27, 1860. The Washoes have 'superior intelligence and aptitude for learning.' Id., June 14, 1861; see also Id., June 26, 1863. The Nevada Shoshones 'are the most pure and uncorrupted aborigines upon this continent ... they are scrupulously clean in their persons, and chaste in their habits ... though whole families live together, of all ages and both sexes, in the same tent, immorality and crime are of rare occurrence.' Prince, in Id., Oct. 18, 1861. The Bannacks 'are cowardly, treacherous, filthy and indolent.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223. 'The Utahs are predatory, voracious and perfidious. Plunderers and murderers by habit ... when their ferocity is not excited, their suspicions are so great as to render what they say unreliable, if they do not remain altogether uncommunicative.' Id., vol. v., pp. 197-8. The Pa-Vants 'are as brave and improvable as their neighbours are mean and vile.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 577. 'The Yuta is less servile, and consequently has a higher ethnic status than the African negro; he will not toil, and he turns at a kick or a blow.' Id., p. 581. The Shoshokoes 'are harmless and exceedingly timid and shy.' Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 538.

[635] The Shoshones of Carson Valley 'are very strict about their morals.' Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. i., p. 85. At Haw's Ranch, 'honest and reliable, but lazy and messy.' Id., p. 123. These Kusi-Utahs 'were very non-threatening and appeared completely innocent.' Id., vol. ii., p. 412. The Pai-uches are regarded as nothing more than worthless beings, the dregs of humanity. Farnham's Life and Adven., p. 376. The Timpanigos Yutas 'are a noble race... courageous and welcoming.' Id., p. 371. The Pi-utes are 'the most degraded and least educated Indians known to the trappers.' Farnham's Trav., p. 58. 'The Snakes are a very intelligent people.' Id., p. 62. The Bannacks are 'a treacherous and dangerous group.' Id., p. 76. The Pi-Edes are 'timid and downcast;' the Snakes are 'fierce and warlike;' the Tosawitches are 'very treacherous;' the Bannacks are 'treacherous;' the Washoes are 'peaceful, but lazy.' Simpson's Route to Cal., p. 45-9. The Utahs 'are brave, bold, and warlike... with a vengeful nature.' Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 178. 'Diligent.' Armstrong, in Id., 1856, p. 233. 'A group of men whose cruelty is almost indistinguishable from that of cannibals.' Hurt, in Id., p. 231. 'The Pah-utes are undoubtedly the most interesting and gentle Indians on the continent.' Dodge, in Id., 1859, p. 374. The Utahs are 'sly, crafty, and cunning.' Archuleta, in Id., 1865, p. 167. The Pi-Utes are 'teachable, kind, and hardworking... scrupulously proper in all their relationships.' Parker, in Id., 1866, p. 115. The Weber-Utes 'are the most useless and lazy of any in the Territory.' Head, in Id., p. 123. The Bannocks 'appear to be full of spirit and bravery, quite unusual.' Campbell, in Id., p. 120. The Bannacks are 'energetic and hardworking.' Danilson, in Id., 1869, p. 288. The Washoes are gentle and manageable. Douglas, in Id., 1870, p. 96. The Pi-utes are 'not warlike, somewhat cowardly, but are thieving and treacherous.' Powell, in Id., 1871, p. 562. The Shoshokoes 'are very lazy, but a mild, non-threatening group.' Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 257. The Snakes 'are a completely savage and lazy tribe.' Franchère's Nar., p. 150. The Shoshones are 'open and communicative.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 306. The Snakes are 'peaceful, friendly and honest.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 325. 'The Snakes are a very intelligent people.' White's Ogn., p. 379. The Pi-utes 'are as degraded a group of humanity as can be found on earth. The men are proud, sullen, extremely disrespectful... They do not steal. The women are chaste, at least towards their white counterparts.' Farley, in San Francisco Medical Jour., vol. iii., p. 154. The Snakes have been considered 'somewhat dull and lower class... weak in intelligence and lacking in courage. And this view is very likely from a casual observer at first glance, or when seen in small groups; for their apparent shyness, serious and reserved behaviors, give them an impression of stupidity. A deeper understanding of the Snake character, however, will place them on par with other related nations, both east and west of the mountains, in terms of their mental abilities and moral qualities.' Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., p. 151. 'The Sampectches, the Pagouts, and the Ampayouts are ... a more wretched, degraded, and impoverished people. The French commonly call them the Dignity-of-pity, and that name fits them remarkably well.' De Smet, Voy., p. 28. The Utahs 'seem gentle and friendly, very polite and welcoming to strangers, and charitable among themselves.' Id., p. 30. 'The Indians of Utah are the most wretched, if not the most degraded, beings in all the vast American wilderness.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 64. The Utahs 'have the ability to improve whenever circumstances permit.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180. The Snakes are 'the worst of the Native American races that I've encountered. They are just as lazy as they are shortsighted.' Saint-Amant, Voy., p. 325. The Shoshones of Idaho are 'very intelligent and lively... the most virtuous and naive of all the Indians in the United States.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, April 27, 1860. The Washoes have 'superior intelligence and talent for learning.' Id., June 14, 1861; see also Id., June 26, 1863. The Nevada Shoshones 'are the most pure and untainted natives on this continent... they are meticulously clean in their appearances and modest in their behaviors... even though whole families of all ages and both genders live together in the same tent, immorality and crime are rare.' Prince, in Id., Oct. 18, 1861. The Bannacks 'are cowardly, deceitful, filthy, and lazy.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223. 'The Utahs are predatory, greedy, and treacherous. They are habitual plunderers and murderers... when their ferocity is not provoked, their suspicions are so high that what they say is unreliable, unless they remain completely silent.' Id., vol. v., pp. 197-8. The Pa-Vants 'are as brave and capable of improvement as their neighbors are low and vile.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 577. 'The Yuta is less submissive, and therefore has a higher ethnic status than the African American; he will not work, and he reacts to a kick or a blow.' Id., p. 581. The Shoshokoes 'are harmless and extremely timid and shy.' Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 538.

[636] The Comanches 'are divided into three principal bands, to wit: the Comanche, the Yamparack and the Tenawa.' Burnet, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 230; 'Ietans, termed by the Spaniards Comanches, and in their own language Na-uni, signifying "life people."' Prichard's Nat. Hist., vol. ii., p. 549. 'The Comanches and the numerous tribes of Chichimecas ... are comprehended by the Spaniards under the vague name of Mecos.' Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 422. 'The tribe called themselves Niyuna.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., pp. 575-6; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 231; Neighbors, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 175; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 115; French's Hist. La., p. 155. 'Se divide en cuatro ramas considerables bajo los nombres de Cuchanticas, Jupes, Yamparicas y Orientales.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 318; see also Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 121. The Jetans or Camanches, as the Spaniards term them, or Padoucas, as they are called by the Pawnees. Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 214.

[636] The Comanches are divided into three main groups: the Comanche, the Yamparack, and the Tenawa. Burnet, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 230; 'Ietans, called Comanches by the Spanish, and in their own language Na-uni, meaning "life people."' Prichard's Nat. Hist., vol. ii., p. 549. 'The Comanches and the many tribes of Chichimecas are grouped by the Spaniards under the general term Mecos.' Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 422. 'The tribe referred to themselves as Niyuna.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., pp. 575-6; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 231; Neighbors, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 175; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 115; French's Hist. La., p. 155. 'Divided into four significant branches known as Cuchanticas, Jupes, Yamparicas, and Orientales.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 318; see also Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 121. The Jetans or Camanches, as they are referred to by the Spaniards, or Padoucas, as named by the Pawnees. Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 214.

[637] Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 76. 'Los Indios yutas, ... son los mismos que los comanches ó cumanches, pues yuta eso quiere decir en la lengua de los lipanes. Por consiguente no se pueden distinguir esos nombres, que aunque de dos lenguas diferentes espresan una misma nacion.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 251. 'The Comanches are a branch of the Shoshones or Snakes.' Ruxton's Adven., p. 244. 'The Pawnees are descended from a cousin-germanship of the same stock.' Edward's Hist. Tex., pp. 108-9. 'Si le sang des Aztéques existe encore sans mélange en Amerique, il doit couler dans les veines des Comanches.' Domenech's Jour., p. 16; see also Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 24; Buschmann, Spuren der Azt. Spr., p. 391.

[637] Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 76. 'The Yuta Indians ... are the same as the Comanches, as yuta means that in the language of the Lipans. Therefore, these names cannot be distinguished, even though they come from two different languages that represent the same nation.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 251. 'The Comanches are a branch of the Shoshones or Snakes.' Ruxton's Adven., p. 244. 'The Pawnees are descended from a cousin lineage of the same stock.' Edward's Hist. Tex., pp. 108-9. 'If the blood of the Aztecs still exists untainted in America, it must run through the veins of the Comanches.' Domenech's Jour., p. 16; see also Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 24; Buschmann, Spuren der Azt. Spr., p. 391.

[638] 'Probably because their winter quarters are always located amid the forests which grow upon the Sierras.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 243.

[638] 'Probably because their winter homes are always situated among the forests that grow on the Sierras.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 243.

[639] Cordero gives the following tribal names, which he says are used among themselves: Vinni ettinenne, Tontos; Segatajenne, Chiricaguis; Tjuiccujenne, Gileños; Iccujenne, Mimbreños; Yutajenne, Faraones; Sejenne, Mescaleros; Cuelcajenne, Llaneros; Lipajenne and Yutajenne, Lipans and Navajos. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 369, 379-385. 'Los pimas gileños llaman á los yavipais taros ó nifores; los jamajabs les llaman yavipais y nosotros apaches.' Garces, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., pp. 265, 352-3. 'Yavipais Tejua que son los indómitos Apaches.' Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 471. 'Yavapais, or Apache Mohaves, as they are more generally called.' Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 217. 'Pueden dividirse en nueve tribus principales ... Tontos, Chirocahues, Gileños, Mimbreños, Faraones, Mezcaleros, Llaneros, Lipanes y Navajoes. Todos hablan un mismo idioma.... No componen una nacion uniforme en sus usos y costumbres, pero coinciden en la major parte de sus inclinaciones, variando en otras con proporcion á los terrenos de su residencia, á las necesidades que padecen.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 314. Apaches, 'their name is said to signify 'men.'' Mescaleros, 'the meaning of the name, probably, is drinkers of mescal.' Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., pp. 118-9. Froebel's Central Amer., pp. 309, 353, 491; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., pp. 161, 223, 425; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 285; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 26; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 351; Ruxton's Adven., p. 194; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 216; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., pp. 212-13; Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 298; Steck, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 108, and Id., 1864, p. 182, 1858, p. 197; Bailey, in Id., 1858, p. 206; Clum, in Id., 1871, p. 42; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 325. Called Coyoteros, because it is believed that 'they feed upon the flesh of the coyote.' Hardy's Trav., p. 430. 'Les Gileños ... avec les Axuas et les Apaches qui viennent de la Sierra Madre sont confondus sous le nom de Pápagos.' Mofras, Explor., tom. i., p. 213; Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Siglos, tom. iii., pp. 79-80. 'Tonto, in Spanish means stupid.' 'Tonto is a Spanish corruption of the original Indian name.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 460; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 5-8; Ayers, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 175; Collins, in Id., 1860, p. 161; Id., 1861, p. 122; Maxwell, in Id., 1863, p. 116; Parker, in Id., 1869, p. 23; Walker, in Id., 1872, p. 53; Clum, in Id., 1871, p. 368; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 214; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 275; Turner, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1852, tom. cxxxv., p. 308.

[639] Cordero lists the following tribal names that he says are used among themselves: Vinni ettinenne, Tontos; Segatajenne, Chiricaguis; Tjuiccujenne, Gileños; Iccujenne, Mimbreños; Yutajenne, Faraones; Sejenne, Mescaleros; Cuelcajenne, Llaneros; Lipajenne and Yutajenne, Lipans and Navajos. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 369, 379-385. 'The Gileños call the Yavipais taros or nifores; the Jamajabs call them Yavipais and we call them Apaches.' Garces, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series ii, vol. i, pp. 265, 352-3. 'Yavipais Tejua are the untamed Apaches.' Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 471. 'Yavapais, known as Apache Mohaves, are generally called.' Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 217. 'They can be divided into nine main tribes ... Tontos, Chirocahues, Gileños, Mimbreños, Faraones, Mezcaleros, Llaneros, Lipanes and Navajos. They all speak the same language.... They do not form a uniform nation in their customs and habits, but they mostly agree in their inclinations, varying in others according to their living conditions and the needs they face.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, vol. v, p. 314. Apaches, 'their name is said to mean 'men.'' Mescaleros, 'the name probably means drinkers of mescal.' Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii, pp. 118-9. Froebel's Central Amer., pp. 309, 353, 491; Froebel, Aus Amerika, vol. ii, pp. 161, 223, 425; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i, p. 285; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 26; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 351; Ruxton's Adven., p. 194; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv, p. 216; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. i, pp. 212-13; Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 298; Steck, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 108, and Id., 1864, p. 182, 1858, p. 197; Bailey, in Id., 1858, p. 206; Clum, in Id., 1871, p. 42; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i, p. 325. Called Coyoteros because it is believed that 'they feed on the flesh of the coyote.' Hardy's Trav., p. 430. 'Les Gileños ... avec les Axuas et les Apaches qui viennent de la Sierra Madre sont confondus sous le nom de Pápagos.' Mofras, Explor., vol. i, p. 213; Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Siglos, vol. iii, pp. 79-80. 'Tonto, in Spanish means stupid.' 'Tonto is a Spanish corruption of the original Indian name.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii, p. 460; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii, pp. 5-8; Ayers, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 175; Collins, in Id., 1860, p. 161; Id., 1861, p. 122; Maxwell, in Id., 1863, p. 116; Parker, in Id., 1869, p. 23; Walker, in Id., 1872, p. 53; Clum, in Id., 1871, p. 368; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 214; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 275; Turner, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1852, vol. cxxxv., p. 308.

[640] 'The Apaches and their congeners belong to the Athapascan family.' Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 84, and in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1852, tom. cxxxv., p. 311; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 10.

[640] 'The Apaches and their related tribes are part of the Athapascan family.' Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 84, and in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1852, tom. cxxxv., p. 311; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 10.

[641] 'The Apaches call the Navajoes Yútahkah. The Navajoes call themselves, as a tribe, Tenúai (man). The appellation Návajo was unquestionably given them by the Spaniards.' Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 217, 218. 'The Navajoes and Apaches are identically one people.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 306; Ruxton's Adven., p. 194; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 229; Poston, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 389. 'Navajoes and Apaches have descended from the same stock.' Carleton, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 134. 'The Navajoes are a Pueblo Indian.' Griner, in Id., p. 329. 'Allied to the Crow Indians.' Fitzpatrick, in Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 133; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 348. 'Most civilized of all the wild Indians of North America.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 372. The Navajoes 'are a division of the ancient Mexicans.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180.

[641] 'The Apaches call the Navajos Yútahkah. The Navajos refer to themselves, as a tribe, as Tenúai (man). The name Návajo was undoubtedly given to them by the Spaniards.' Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 217, 218. 'The Navajos and Apaches are essentially one people.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 306; Ruxton's Adven., p. 194; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 229; Poston, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 389. 'Navajos and Apaches come from the same ancestry.' Carleton, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 134. 'The Navajos are a Pueblo Indian.' Griner, in Id., p. 329. 'Related to the Crow Indians.' Fitzpatrick, in Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 133; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 348. 'The most civilized of all the wild Indians of North America.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 372. The Navajos 'are a branch of the ancient Mexicans.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180.

[642] '"Yumah," signifies "Son of the River," and is only applied to the Indians born on the banks of the Colorado. This nation is composed of five tribes ... among which ... the Yabipaïs (Yampaïs or Yampaos).' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 65. 'The Cajuenches and Cuchans ... belong to two different divisions of one tribe, which forms part of the great nation of the Yumas.' Id., p. 10.

[642] '"Yumah" means "Son of the River" and is only used for the Indians born along the banks of the Colorado. This nation is made up of five tribes ... including ... the Yabipaïs (Yampaïs or Yampaos).' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 65. 'The Cajuenches and Cuchans ... are part of two different divisions of one tribe, which is part of the larger nation of the Yumas.' Id., p. 10.

[643] Cosninos, 'Es ist mehrfach die Ansicht ausgesprochen worden, dass die meisten derselben zu dem Stamme der Apaches gehören, oder vielmehr mit ihnen verwandt sind.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 330-1; Figuier's Human Race, p. 482.

[643] Cosninos, 'It has often been said that most of them belong to the Apache tribe, or are at least related to them.' Möllhausen, Diary, pp. 330-1; Figuier's Human Race, p. 482.

[644] 'The Yampais form a connecting link between the Gila, Colorado, and Pueblo Indians.' Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 98. Yampais are related to the Yumas. Möllhausen, Reisen, tom. i., p. 431. Yampais: 'Unable to separate them from the Tonto-Apaches.' Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 302.

[644] 'The Yampais act as a link between the Gila, Colorado, and Pueblo Indians.' Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 98. Yampais are connected to the Yumas. Möllhausen, Reisen, tom. i., p. 431. Yampais: 'They can't be separated from the Tonto-Apaches.' Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 302.

[645] 'Llaman á estos indios los cruzados, por unas cruces que todos, chicos y grandes se atan del copete, que les viene á caer en la frente; y esto hacen cuando ven á los españoles.' Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iii., p. 31.

[645] 'They call these natives the cross bearers because of the crosses that everyone, both young and old, ties on their heads, which fall onto their foreheads; and they do this when they see the Spaniards.' Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iii., p. 31.

[646] 'Unos dicen que á un lado de estas naciones (Yutas) para hácia al Poniente está la nacion de los nijoras, y otros afirman que no hay tal nacion Nijora, sino que esta palabra nijor quiere decir cautivo, y que los cocomaricopas les dan de noche á las naciones mas inmediatas y les quitan sus hijos, los que cautivan y venden á los pimas y éstos á los españoles; si es asi que hay tal nacion, está en esta inmediacion del rio Colorado para el rio Salado ó rio Verde.' Noticias de la Pimeria, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 838. 'Todos estos cautivos llaman por acá fuera Nijores, aunque hay otra nacion Hijeras á parte.' Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 852.

[646] "Some say that on one side of these nations (Utes), heading west, there is the nation of the Nijoras, while others claim that there is no such nation as Nijora, but that the word nijor means captive, and that the Cocomaricopas take captives from the neighboring nations at night and sell their children to the Pimas, who then sell them to the Spaniards. If such a nation exists, it is located near the Colorado River, up to the Salado or Green River." Noticias de la Pimeria, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 838. "All these captives are referred to around here as Nijores, although there is another nation called Hijeras separately." Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 852.

[647] For further particulars as to location of tribes, see notes on Tribal Boundaries, at the end of this chapter.

[647] For more details on where the tribes are located, refer to the notes on Tribal Boundaries, at the end of this chapter.

[648] 'Besonders fiel uns der Unterschied zwischen den im Gebirge, ähnlich den Wölfen lebenden Yampays und Tontos ... und den von vegetabilischen Stoffen sich nährenden Bewohnern des Colorado-Thales auf, indem erstere nur kleine hässliche Gestalten mit widrigem tückischem Ausdruck der Physiognomie waren, die anderen dagegen wie lauter Meisterwerke der schöpferischen Natur erschienen.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 384.

[648] 'We especially noticed the difference between the Yampays and Tontos, who lived in the mountains like wolves, and the inhabitants of the Colorado Valley, who fed on plant materials. The former were just small, ugly figures with an unpleasant, treacherous look on their faces, while the latter appeared to be masterpieces of creative nature.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 384.

[649] The Navajos are 'of good size, nearly six feet in height, and well proportioned; cheek-bones high and prominent, nose straight and well shaped; hair long and black; eyes black; ... feet small; lips of moderate size; head of medium size and well shaped; forehead not small but retreating.' Lethermann, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 288. 'Fine looking, physically.' 'Most symmetrical figure, combining ease, grace and power, and activity.' And the Comanches 'about five feet ten inches in height, with well proportioned shoulders, very deep chest, and long, thin, but muscular arms.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 49, 305, 15. The Mojave 'men are tall, erect, and finely proportioned. Their features are inclined to European regularity; their eyes large, shaded by long lashes.' The Cuchans are 'a noble race, well formed, active and intelligent.' Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., pp. 110, 114. The Navajos are distinguished 'by the fullness and roundness of their eyes.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 31. 'The Camanches are small of stature ... wear moustaches and heads of long hair.' Pope, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 15. The Comanches 'que da un aspecto bien particular á estas naciones, es la falta completa de cejas, pues ellos se las arrancan; algunos tienen una poca barba.' Berlandier and Thovel, Diario, p. 253. The Yumas 'if left to their natural state, would be fine looking,' but the Hualpais 'were squalid, wretched-looking creatures, with splay feet, large joints and diminutive figures ... features like a toad's.... They present a remarkable contrast to our tall and athletic Mojaves.' The Navajos are 'a fine looking race with bold features.' 'The Mojaves are perhaps as fine a race of men physically, as there is in existence.' Ives' Colorado River, pp. 44, 54, 97-8, 108, 73, 128, 19, 39, 59, 66, plate p. 66. The Comanches are 'de buena estatura.' Beaumont, Crónica de Mechoacan, MS., p. 527. The people between the Colorado and Gila rivers. 'Es gente bien agestada y corpulenta, trigueños de color.' Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851. The Cruzados are described as 'bien agestados y nobles y ellas hermosas de lindos ojos y amorosas.' Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 31; see also Cordoue, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie i., tom. x., p. 446. In New Mexico Allegre describes them as 'corpulentos y briosos, pero mal agestados, las orejas largas ... tienen poco barba.' Allegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 332; and of the same people Alcedo writes 'son de mejor aspecto, color y proporcion que los demás.' Diccionario, tom. iii., p. 184. And Lieut. Möllhausen, who frequently goes into ecstasies over the splendid figures of the lower Colorado people, whom he calls the personification of the ancient gods of the Romans and Greeks, says further that they are 'grosse, schön gewachsene Leute,' and describes their color as 'dunkelkupferfarbig.' Of the women he adds 'Ganz im Gegensatze zu den Männern sind die Weiber der Indianer am Colorado durchgängig klein, untersetzt und so dick, dass ihr Aussehen mitunter an's komische gränzt.' Comparing the Hualapais with the Mojaves he writes 'auf der einen Seite die unbekleideten, riesenhaften und wohlgebildeten Gestalten der Mohaves ... auf der andern Seite dagegen die im Vergleich mit erstern, zwergähnlichen, hagern.... Figuren der Wallpays, mit ihren verwirrten, struppigen Haaren, den kleinen, geschlitzten Augen undmden falschen, gehässigen Ausdruck in ihren Zügen.' The Cosninos he calls 'hässlich und verkümmert.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 331, 382-8; Möllhausen, Reisen, tom. i., pp. 123-4, 199, 215, 274, 293, 318, tom. ii., pp. 43, 37, and plate frontispiece. Möllhausen, Mormonenmädchen, tom. ii., p. 140. The Comanche 'men are about the medium stature, with bright copper-coloured complexions ... the women are short with crooked legs ... far from being as good looking as the men.' In the Colorado Valley 'are the largest and best-formed men I ever saw, their average height being an inch over six feet.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 25, 279. 'Les Comanchés ont la taille haute et élancée, et sont presque aussi blancs que les Européens.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, serie v., No. 96, p. 192. And of the Comanches see further. Dragoon Camp., p. 153. 'Robust, almost Herculean race.' Foote's Texas, vol. i., p. 298. 'Exceedingly handsome.' Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex., vol. ii., p. 308; Hartmann and Millard's Texas, p. 109. 'Women are ugly, crooklegged, stoop-shouldered.' Parker's Notes on Tex., pp. 189, 232, 194; Mexikanische Zustände, tom. i., p. 373; Froebel's Cent. Am., p. 267; see also Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 101; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., pp. 37-8; Domenech, Journ., p. 132. The Yuma 'women are generally fat.' 'The men are large, muscular, and well formed.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., pp. 180, 178. Navajo women are 'much handsomer and have lighter complexions than the men.' Pattie's Pers. Nar., pp. 218-19; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 52; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 7, 10, 24, 65, plate 8. The Navajos have 'light flaxen hair, light blue eyes ... their skin is of the most delicate whiteness.' Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 545; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 203. On the Mojaves see further, Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 138; Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18; Cal. Mercantile Jour., vol. i., p. 227, plate; Clum, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 363. And on the Yumas. Poston, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 387; Browne's Apache Country, p. 61; Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, Feb. 22, 1860. Women's 'feet are naturally small.' Emory's Rept., in U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 109. The Yampais are broad-faced, and have 'aquiline noses and small eyes.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 460. Indian Traits, in Hayes Col.

[649] The Navajos are described as being quite tall, nearly six feet, and well-proportioned; they have high and prominent cheekbones, a straight and well-shaped nose, long black hair, and black eyes. Their feet are small, lips are of moderate size, and they have a medium-sized well-shaped head with a forehead that is neither small nor protruding. Lethermann, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 288. They are considered to be physically attractive, with a very symmetrical figure that combines ease, grace, power, and energy. The Comanches are about five feet ten inches tall, with well-proportioned shoulders, a deep chest, and long, lean, muscular arms. Cremony's Apaches, pp. 49, 305, 15. The Mojave men are described as tall, upright, and well-proportioned, with features that suggest European symmetry; they have large eyes framed by long lashes. The Cuchans are depicted as a noble, well-formed, active, and intelligent race. Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., pp. 110, 114. The Navajos are noted for the fullness and roundness of their eyes. Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 31. The Comanches are described as being small in stature, sporting mustaches and long hair. Pope, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 15. The Comanches are characterized by a distinctive lack of eyebrows, as they pluck them out; some have a bit of beard. Berlandier and Thovel, Diario, p. 253. The Yumas, if left in their natural state, would be attractive, but the Hualpais are portrayed as squalid and wretched, with splay feet, large joints, and small stature, having features reminiscent of a toad. They stand in stark contrast to the tall and athletic Mojaves. The Navajos are depicted as a handsome race with bold features. "The Mojaves may well be one of the finest races of men physically in existence." Ives' Colorado River, pp. 44, 54, 97-8, 108, 73, 128, 19, 39, 59, 66, plate p. 66. The Comanches are said to be of good height. Beaumont, Crónica de Mechoacan, MS., p. 527. The people between the Colorado and Gila rivers are described as "well-built and robust, with a brownish skin tone." Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851. The Cruzados are described as "well-built and noble, with the women being beautiful with lovely eyes and affectionate." Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 31; see also Cordoue, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie i., tom. x., p. 446. In New Mexico, Allegre describes them as "heavyset and lively, but poorly proportioned, with long ears and little beard." Allegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 332; and of the same people, Alcedo writes, "they have a better appearance, color, and proportions than the others." Diccionario, tom. iii., p. 184. Lieutenant Möllhausen, who often praises the striking figures of the people along the lower Colorado, whom he compares to the ancient gods of Rome and Greece, further states that they are "large, beautifully built people," and describes their color as "dark copper." Of the women, he adds, "In stark contrast to the men, the women among the Indians of the Colorado are generally short, stocky, and so plump that their appearance sometimes borders on the comical." Comparing the Hualapais with the Mojaves, he writes, "on one side are the unclothed, towering, and well-formed figures of the Mojaves... on the other side, in comparison, are the dwarfish, scrawny forms of the Hualapais, with their tangled, unkempt hair, small, slanted eyes, and the false, nasty expressions on their faces." The Cosninos are described as "ugly and deformed." Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 331, 382-8; Möllhausen, Reisen, tom. i., pp. 123-4, 199, 215, 274, 293, 318, tom. ii., pp. 43, 37, and plate frontispiece. Möllhausen, Mormonenmädchen, tom. ii., p. 140. The Comanche men are of medium height, with bright copper-colored skin... the women are short with crooked legs... far less attractive than the men. In the Colorado Valley, "are the largest and best-formed men I have ever seen, their average height being an inch over six feet." Marcy's Army Life, pp. 25, 279. "The Comanches have a tall and slender build, and are almost as fair as Europeans." Soc. Géog., Bulletin, serie v., No. 96, p. 192. Further details about the Comanches can be found in Dragoon Camp., p. 153. They are described as a "robust, almost Herculean race." Foote's Texas, vol. i., p. 298. "Exceedingly handsome." Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex., vol. ii., p. 308; Hartmann and Millard's Texas, p. 109. "Women are ugly, bow-legged, and stoop-shouldered." Parker's Notes on Tex., pp. 189, 232, 194; Mexikanische Zustände, tom. i., p. 373; Froebel's Cent. Am., p. 267; see also Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 101; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., pp. 37-8; Domenech, Journ., p. 132. The Yuma women "are generally plump." "The men are big, muscular, and well-formed." Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., pp. 180, 178. Navajo women "are much more attractive and have lighter complexions than the men." Pattie's Pers. Nar., pp. 218-19; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 52; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 7, 10, 24, 65, plate 8. The Navajos "have light, flaxen hair and light blue eyes... their skin is very delicately white." Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 545; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 203. For more on the Mojaves, see Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 138; Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18; Cal. Mercantile Jour., vol. i., p. 227, plate; Clum, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 363. Regarding the Yumas, see Poston, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 387; Browne's Apache Country, p. 61; Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, Feb. 22, 1860. Women's "feet are naturally small." Emory's Rept., in U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 109. The Yampais have broad faces, "aquiline noses, and small eyes." Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 460. Indian Traits, in Hayes Col.

[650] 'Their average height is about five feet four or five inches. They are but slimly built, and possess but little muscular development ... light brownish red color.' Some have 'a Chinese cast of countenance ... rusty black hair.' Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 418. Their 'features were flat, negro-like ... small legged, big-bellied and broad-shouldered.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 52. 'More miserable looking objects I never beheld;' legs, 'large and muscular.' Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 139. 'Widerliche Physiognomien und Gestalten ... unter mittlerer Grösse ... grosse Köpfe, vorstehende Stirn und Backenknochen, dicke Nasen, aufgeworfene Lippen und kleine geschlitzte Augen.... Ihr Gesicht war dunkler als ich es jemals bei Indianern gefunden.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 360. 'Von zottigen weit abstehenden Haupthaaren bedeckt.' Möllhausen, Flüchtling, tom. iii., p. 49. 'Ill-formed, emaciated, and miserable looking race ... had all a treacherous-fiendish look.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 327. 'Physically of a slighter build than any Indians I have seen.' Clum, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 47. 'Most wretched looking Indians I have ever seen.' Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 14. 'Small in stature.... Coal-black eye.' Peters' Life of Carson, p. 326. 'Hair is very black and straight, much resembling horse hair ... appears to belong to the Asiatic type.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 211. 'Gipsy looking with an eye singularly wild and piercing.' Houstoun's Texas, p. 227. 'Have very light complexions.' Ward's Mexico, vol. i., p. 580. 'Die Lipanis haben blondes Haar, und sind schöne Leute.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 215, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 421. 'Sont des beaux hommes.' Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 82. 'Tall, majestic in figure; muscular.' Brantz-Mayer's Mex. Aztec., etc., vol. ii., p. 123. 'Fine physical conformation.' Foote's Texas, vol. i., p. 298. 'Their skin looked whiter than I have ever seen it in the Indians.' Wizlizenus' Tour, p. 71. 'Crian pié menor que los otros indios.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 564. 'Todos son morenos, cuerpo bien proporcionado, ojos vivos, cabello largo y lampiños.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 265. 'Su talla y color diferencian algo en cada tribu, variando este desde el bronceado al moreno. Son todos bien proporcionados ... y ninguna barba.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 314; see also Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 370-1. 'Though not tall, are admirably formed, with fine features and a bright complexion, inclining to yellow.' Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 117. 'Son altos, rubios y de bellisimas proporciones.' Revista Científica, tom. i., p. 55. 'Taille ordinaire, de couleur foncé.' 'Comme ces Indiens ne font leur nourriture que de chair et principalement de celle de l'âne et du mulet, ils exhalent une odeur si pénétrante que les chevaux et surtout les mules rebroussent chemin aussitôt qu'ils les éventent.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 187.

[650] 'Their average height is about five feet four or five inches. They are slimly built and have little muscle development ... light brownish-red color.' Some have 'a Chinese look ... rusty black hair.' Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 418. Their 'features were flat, resembling those of Black people ... small legs, big bellies, and broad shoulders.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 52. 'I've never seen more miserable-looking people;' their legs were 'large and muscular.' Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 139. 'They have disgusting faces and shapes ... of average height ... large heads, prominent foreheads and cheekbones, thick noses, protruding lips, and small slit-like eyes.... Their faces were darker than I've ever found among Indians.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 360. 'Covered with shaggy, widely spaced hair.' Möllhausen, Flüchtling, vol. iii, p. 49. 'They were a poorly formed, emaciated, and miserable-looking group ... they all had a treacherous, fiendish look.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 327. 'Physically, they're slighter than any Indians I've seen.' Clum, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 47. 'The most wretched-looking Indians I've ever seen.' Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 14. 'Short in stature.... Coal-black eyes.' Peters' Life of Carson, p. 326. 'Their hair is very black and straight, much like horse hair ... and seems to belong to the Asiatic type.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 211. 'Gipsy-looking with a wild and piercing gaze.' Houstoun's Texas, p. 227. 'They have very light complexions.' Ward's Mexico, vol. i., p. 580. 'The Lipans have blond hair and are good-looking people.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. i., p. 215, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 421. 'They are handsome men.' Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 82. 'Tall, majestic figures; muscular.' Brantz-Mayer's Mex. Aztec., etc., vol. ii., p. 123. 'They have fine physical conformation.' Foote's Texas, vol. i., p. 298. 'Their skin looked whiter than I've ever seen in Indians.' Wizlizenus' Tour, p. 71. 'Their feet are smaller than other Indians.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. iii, vol. iv., p. 564. 'They are all brown-skinned, well-proportioned bodies, bright eyes, long and smooth hair.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 265. 'Their height and color vary in each tribe, ranging from tanned to dark. They are all well-proportioned ... and have no beards.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, vol. v., p. 314; see also Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 370-1. 'Although not tall, they are well-formed, with fine features and a bright complexion, leaning toward yellow.' Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 117. 'They are tall, blonde, and have beautiful proportions.' Revista Científica, vol. i., p. 55. 'Ordinary height, dark color.' 'As these Indians only eat meat, primarily that of donkey and mule, they give off such a strong smell that horses and especially mules turn back as soon as they catch a whiff.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, ser. v, No. 96, p. 187.

[651] 'Cut their hair short over the forehead, and let it hang behind.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 65. Distinguished 'durch den vollständig gleichmässigen Schnitt ihrer schwarzen Haare.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 274; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 384; Browne's Apache Country, 107; Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., pp. 15, 18; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., pp. 460, 461; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., pp. 98, 110.

[651] 'Cut their hair short over the forehead, and let it hang behind.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 65. Distinguished 'by the completely even cut of their black hair.' Möllhausen, Travels in the Rocky Mountains, tom. i., p. 274; Möllhausen, Diary, p. 384; Browne's Apache Country, 107; Sitgreaves' Zuñi Expedition, pp. 15, 18; Palmer, in Harper's Magazine, vol. xvii., pp. 460, 461; Whipple, in Pacific Railroad Reports, vol. iii., pp. 98, 110.

[652] Mojave girls, after they marry, tattoo the chin 'with vertical blue lines.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 463. Yumas: 'Doch ist ihnen das Tätowiren nicht fremd; dieses wird indessen mehr von den Frauen angewendet welche sich die Mundwinkel und das Kinn mit blauen Punkten und Linien schmücken.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 124; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 385; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, pp. 151-2; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 33, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., and plate; Michler, in Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 110; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 186; Treasury of Trav., p. 32.

[652] Mojave girls, after they get married, tattoo their chins with vertical blue lines. Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 463. Yumas: 'Tattooing isn't unfamiliar to them; however, it's mainly practiced by women who decorate their mouth corners and chins with blue dots and lines.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 124; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 385; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, pp. 151-2; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 33, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., and plate; Michler, in Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 110; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 186; Treasury of Trav., p. 32.

[653] 'Das Gesicht hatten sich alle Vier (Mojaves) auf gleiche Weise bemalt, nämlich kohlschwarz mit einem rothen Striche, der sich von der Stirne über Nase, Mund und Kinn zog.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 383, 385, 388; plate, 394. 'Painted perfectly black, excepting a red stripe from the top of his forehead, down the bridge of his nose to his chin.' Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 67. The Apaches 'Se tiñen el cuerpo y la cara con bastantes colores.' Doc. Hist. N. Vizcaya, MS., p. 5. 'Pintura de greda y almagre con que se untan la cara, brazos y piernas.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 371; Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 11; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 266; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 211; Hardy's Trav., p. 337; Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 418; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 33, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., and plate; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 110; Sedelmair, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., vol. iv., p. 858.

[653] 'All four (Mojaves) painted their faces the same way, completely black with a red stripe that went from the forehead down the nose, mouth, and chin.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 383, 385, 388; plate, 394. 'Painted entirely black, except for a red stripe from the top of his forehead, down the bridge of his nose to his chin.' Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 67. The Apaches 'color their bodies and faces with various colors.' Doc. Hist. N. Vizcaya, MS., p. 5. 'They use clay and red ochre to paint their faces, arms, and legs.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 371; Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 11; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 266; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 211; Hardy's Trav., p. 337; Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 418; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 33, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., and plate; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 110; Sedelmair, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., vol. iv., p. 858.

[654] 'Naked with the exception of the breech-cloth.' Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., pp. 14, 18; see also plates; Mojave men 'simply a breech-cloth.' Touner, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871. 'No clothing but a strip of cotton.... The Yumas display 'a ludicrous variety of tawdry colors and dirty finery.' Ives' Colorado Rept., pp. 54, 59, 66. See colored plates of Yumas, Mojaves, and Hualpais, 'Andan enteramente desnudos.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 111; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 383; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 62; Hardy's Trav., pp. 336, 342; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 138; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 149; Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 162; Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 124; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 33; Cremony's Apaches, pp. 29, 132; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 93, p. 186; Indian Traits, vol. i., in Hayes Col.

[654] 'Bare except for a breech-cloth.' Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., pp. 14, 18; see also plates; Mojave men 'just a breech-cloth.' Touner, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871. 'No clothing except for a strip of cotton.... The Yumas show a 'ridiculous variety of flashy colors and dirty decorations.' Ives' Colorado Rept., pp. 54, 59, 66. See colored plates of Yumas, Mojaves, and Hualpais, 'And completely naked.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 111; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 383; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 62; Hardy's Trav., pp. 336, 342; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 138; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 149; Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 162; Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 124; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 33; Cremony's Apaches, pp. 29, 132; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 93, p. 186; Indian Traits, vol. i., in Hayes Col.

[655] 'A few stripes of the inner bark of the willow or acacia tied scantily round their waists.' Hardy's Trav., p. 336. 'Long fringe of strips of willow bark wound around the waist.' Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18. The men wear 'a strip of cotton,' the women 'a short petticoat, made of strips of bark.' Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 66. 'Nude, with the exception of a diminutive breech cloth.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 29. 'Las mas se cubren de la cintura hasta las piernas con la cáscara interior del sauce.' Sedelmair, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851. 'Las mugeres se cubren de la cintura á la rodilla con la cáscara interior del sauce.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 111; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 384; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., vol. i., p. 123; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 138; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 186; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 114; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 33, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., plate and cuts; Touner, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 364; Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 130; Michler, in Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., pp. 109, 110, with plate.

[655] 'A few strips of the inner bark from the willow or acacia tied loosely around their waists.' Hardy's Trav., p. 336. 'Long fringe of willow bark wrapped around the waist.' Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18. The men wear 'a strip of cotton,' while the women wear 'a short skirt made from strips of bark.' Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 66. 'Nude, except for a tiny breech cloth.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 29. 'They cover themselves from the waist to the legs with the inner bark of the willow.' Sedelmair, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iii., vol. iv., p. 851. 'The women cover themselves from the waist to the knee with the inner bark of the willow.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. iii., p. 111; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 384; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., vol. i., p. 123; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 138; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, series v., No. 96, p. 186; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 114; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 33, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., plate and cuts; Touner, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 364; Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 130; Michler, in Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., pp. 109, 110, with plate.

[656] 'Partly clothed like the Spaniards, with wide drawers, moccasins and leggings to the knee ... their moccasins have turned-up square toes ... mostly they have no head-dress, some have hats, some fantastic helmets.' Cutts' Conq. of Cal., p. 184. 'They prefer the legging and blanket to any other dress.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., pp. 320, 328. 'Mexican dress and saddles predominated, showing where they had chiefly made up their wardrobe.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 61. 'Los hombres, se las acomodan alrededor del cuerpo, dejando desambarazados los brazos. Es en lo general la gamuza ó piel del venado la que emplean en este servicio. Cubren la cabeza de un bonete ó gorra de lo mismo, tal vez adornado de plumas de aves, ó cuernos de animales.... El vestuario de las mujeres es igualmente de pieles.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 371. 'Cervinis tergoribus amiciuntur tam fœminæ quam mares.' Benavides, in De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 316; Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 431, 437; Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 564; Doc. Hist. N. Vizcaya, MS., p. 5; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 117; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 214; Peters' Life of Carson, p. 451; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 210, 211; Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 174; Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 248; Roedel, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 397; Niza, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 266, 268; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., pp. 161, 424; see also Froebel's Cent. Am., pp. 309, 490; García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., pp. 46, 166, 167; Linati, Costumes, plate xxii.; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 266; Möllhausen, Flüchtling, tom. ii., p. 173; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 417; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 82.

[656] 'Partly dressed like the Spaniards, with loose pants, moccasins, and knee-length leggings ... their moccasins have squared-up toes ... mostly they don't wear headgear, some wear hats, and some have elaborate helmets.' Cutts' Conq. of Cal., p. 184. 'They prefer leggings and blankets over any other clothing.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., pp. 320, 328. 'Mexican attire and saddles were predominant, indicating where they had primarily sourced their clothing.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 61. 'The men wrap them around their bodies, leaving their arms free. Generally, they use suede or deer skin for this purpose. They cover their heads with a cap or hat made of the same material, often decorated with bird feathers or animal horns.... The women's clothing is also made of skins.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 371. 'Cervinis tergoribus amiciuntur tam fœminæ quam mares.' Benavides, in De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 316; Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 431, 437; Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 564; Doc. Hist. N. Vizcaya, MS., p. 5; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 117; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 214; Peters' Life of Carson, p. 451; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 210, 211; Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 174; Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 248; Roedel, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 397; Niza, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 266, 268; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., pp. 161, 424; see also Froebel's Cent. Am., pp. 309, 490; García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., pp. 46, 166, 167; Linati, Costumes, plate xxii.; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 266; Möllhausen, Flüchtling, tom. ii., p. 173; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 417; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 82.

[657] The hair of the Mohaves is occasionally 'matted on the top of the head into a compact mass with mud.' Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18. 'Their pigments are ochre, clay, and probably charcoal mingled with oil.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., pp. 33, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'Ihr Hauptschmuck dagegen sind die langen, starken Haare, die mittelst nasser Lehmerde in Rollen gedreht.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 124. The Axuas 'Beplastered their bodies and hair with mud.' Hardy's Trav., pp. 343-4, 356, 368, 370; Browne's Apache Country, pp. 61, 63.

[657] The Mohave people sometimes style their hair into a tight mass on the top of their heads using mud. Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18. Their pigments consist of ochre, clay, and probably charcoal mixed with oil. Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., pp. 33, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'Their main ornament is their long, strong hair, which is twisted into rolls using wet clay.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., vol. i., p. 124. The Axuas 'coated their bodies and hair with mud.' Hardy's Trav., pp. 343-4, 356, 368, 370; Browne's Apache Country, pp. 61, 63.

[658] Small white beads are highly prized by the Mohaves. Ives' Colorado River, pp. 68-9. 'The young girls wear beads ... a necklace with a single sea-shell in front.' The men 'leather bracelets, trimmed with bright buttons ... eagles' feathers, called "sormeh," sometimes white, sometimes of a crimson tint ... strings of wampum, made of circular pieces of shell.' Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., pp. 114, 115. 'Shells of the pearl-oyster, and a rough wooden image are the favorite ornaments of both sexes' with the Apaches. Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 210. 'Sus adornos en el cuello y brazos son sartas de pesuñas de venado y berrendos, conchas, espinas de pescado y raices de yerbas odoríferas. Las familias mas pudientes y aseadas bordan sus trajes y zapatos de la espina del puerco-espin.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 371. 'Adórnanse con gargantillas de caracolillos del mar, entreverados de otras cuentas, de conchas coloradas redondas.' Sedelmair, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851. 'Las mugeres por arracadas ó aretes, se cuelgan conchas enteras de nácar, y otras mayores azules en cada oreja.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 111; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 424; Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 61; Cremony's Apaches, p. 222; García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., pp. 166, 167; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 149; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 181; Almanza, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 837; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 463; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 266; Browne's Apache Country, pp. 60-64; Michler, in Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, pp. 109-110; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 98; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 33, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 389, 394, 399; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 210; Hardy's Trav., p. 364; Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, pp. 418-19; Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie i., tom. ix., pp. 266, 268, 273; Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 437; Mexikanische Zustände, tom. i., p. 64.

[658] Small white beads are highly valued by the Mohaves. Ives' Colorado River, pp. 68-9. 'The young girls wear beads ... a necklace with a single seashell in front.' The men wear 'leather bracelets, trimmed with bright buttons ... eagles' feathers, called "sormeh," sometimes white, sometimes crimson ... strings of wampum, made of circular pieces of shell.' Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., pp. 114, 115. 'Shells from the pearl oyster, and a rough wooden image are the favorite ornaments for both men and women' among the Apaches. Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 210. 'Their neck and arm adornments include strings of deer and antelope hooves, shells, fish spines, and roots of fragrant herbs. Wealthier and well-kept families decorate their clothes and shoes with porcupine quills.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 371. 'They decorate themselves with necklaces made of sea shells, interspersed with other beads, and round colored shells.' Sedelmair, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851. 'Women wear earrings or ear decorations made from whole mother-of-pearl shells, and larger blue ones in each ear.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 111; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 424; Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 61; Cremony's Apaches, p. 222; García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., pp. 166, 167; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 149; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 181; Almanza, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 837; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 463; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 266; Browne's Apache Country, pp. 60-64; Michler, in Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, pp. 109-110; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 98; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 33, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 389, 394, 399; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 210; Hardy's Trav., p. 364; Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, pp. 418-19; Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie i., tom. ix., pp. 266, 268, 273; Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 437; Mexikanische Zustände, tom. i., p. 64.

[659] The 'hair is worn long and tied up behind' by both sexes; Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 290. 'Langes starkes Haar in einen dicken Zopf zusammengeknotet.' Möllhausen, Flüchtling, tom. iv., p. 36; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 329.

[659] Both men and women wear their hair long and tied back; Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 290. 'Long, strong hair tied in a thick braid.' Möllhausen, Flüchtling, vol. iv., p. 36; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 329.

[660] 'Tolerably well dressed, mostly in buckskin.... They dress with greater comfort than any other tribe, and wear woolen and well-tanned buckskin ... the outer seams are adorned with silver or brass buttons.' Davis' El Gringo, pp. 406, 411, 412. Leggins made of deer-skin with thick soles ... a leathern cap shaped like a helmet, decorated with cocks', eagles' or vultures' feathers. Figuier's Hum. Race, pp. 481, 482. 'Auf dem Kopfe tragen sie eine helmartige Lederkappe die gewöhnlich mit einem Busch kurzer, glänzender Truthahnfedern und einigen Geier oder Adlerfedern geschmückt ist.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 229, 230. 'A close banded cap is worn by the men which is gracefully ornamented by feathers, and held under the chin by a small throat-latch.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 435, and plate vii., Fig. 3, p. 74. 'Their wardrobes are never extravagantly supplied.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 212. The women 'wear a blanket.' Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 128, and plate. The women 'wore blankets, leggins and moccasons.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 51, 52, 81. 'Over all is thrown a blanket, under and sometimes over which is worn a belt, to which are attached oval pieces of silver.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 290. The women's dress is 'chiefly composed of skins ... showily corded at the bottom, forming a kind of belt of beads and porcupine quills.' Pattie's Pers. Nar., pp. 118-9. Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 329; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., pp. 220, 224, 235; Möllhausen, Flüchtling, tom. iv., pp. 36, 37; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 31, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 344; Cremony's Apaches, p. 305.

[660] 'Decently dressed, mostly in buckskin.... They dress more comfortably than any other tribe and wear wool and well-tanned buckskin ... the outer seams are decorated with silver or brass buttons.' Davis' El Gringo, pp. 406, 411, 412. Leggings made of deer skin with thick soles ... a leather cap shaped like a helmet, decorated with turkey, eagle, or vulture feathers. Figuier's Hum. Race, pp. 481, 482. 'On their heads, they wear a helmet-like leather cap usually decorated with a tuft of short, shiny turkey feathers and some vulture or eagle feathers.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 229, 230. 'A snug banded cap is worn by the men that is elegantly adorned with feathers and secured under the chin by a small throat-latch.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 435, and plate vii., Fig. 3, p. 74. 'Their wardrobes are never extravagantly stocked.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 212. The women 'wear a blanket.' Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 128, and plate. The women 'wore blankets, leggings, and moccasins.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 51, 52, 81. 'Over everything, a blanket is draped, sometimes with a belt underneath that holds oval pieces of silver.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 290. The women's outfits are 'mainly made of skins ... elaborately corded at the bottom, forming a kind of belt of beads and porcupine quills.' Pattie's Pers. Nar., pp. 118-9. Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 329; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., pp. 220, 224, 235; Möllhausen, Flüchtling, tom. iv., pp. 36, 37; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 31, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 344; Cremony's Apaches, p. 305.

[661] 'Tattooed over the body, especially on the chest.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 281. 'Tattoo their faces and breasts.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 25. 'Mares juxta atque fœminæ facies atque artus lineis quibusdam persignant.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 310; Warden, Recherches, p. 79; Farnham's Trav., p. 32.

[661] 'Tattooed all over the body, especially on the chest.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 281. 'Tattoo their faces and chests.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 25. 'Both males and females mark their faces and limbs with certain lines.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 310; Warden, Recherches, p. 79; Farnham's Trav., p. 32.

[662] 'They never cut the hair, but wear it of very great length, and ornament it upon state occasions with silver and beads.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 25. 'Their heads are covered with bits of tin and glass.' Shepard's Land of the Aztecs, p. 182. 'Der dicke und lang über den Rücken hinabhängende Zopf mit abwärts immer kleiner werdenden silbernen Scheiben belastet, die, im Nacken mit der Grösse einer mässigen Untertasse beginnend, an der Spitze des Zopfes mit der Grösse eines halben Thalers endigten.' Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 100, and Froebel's Cent. Am., p. 266. They 'never cut their hair, which they wear long, mingling with it on particular occasions silver ornaments and pearls.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 24. 'Todos ellos llevan la cabeza trasquilada desde la mitad hasta la frente, y dejan lo demas del pelo colgando.' Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 527; Revista Cientifica, tom. i., p. 162; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 194; Dragoon Camp., p. 153; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 115; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 27, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., p. 299; Combier, Voy., p. 224.

[662] 'They never cut their hair, but wear it very long, and they adorn it on special occasions with silver and beads.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 25. 'Their heads are covered with pieces of tin and glass.' Shepard's Land of the Aztecs, p. 182. 'The thick braid hangs down long over the back, weighted with smaller silver discs that start at the nape, the size of a moderate saucer, and taper off to the end of the braid, which is the size of a half dollar.' Froebel, Aus Amerika, vol. ii., p. 100, and Froebel's Cent. Am., p. 266. They 'never cut their hair, which they wear long, occasionally mixing in silver ornaments and pearls.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 24. 'All of them have their heads shaved from the middle to the forehead, leaving the rest of the hair hanging down.' Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 527; Revista Cientifica, vol. i., p. 162; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 194; Dragoon Camp., p. 153; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 115; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 27, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; García Conde, in Album Mex., vol. i., p. 299; Combier, Voy., p. 224.

[663] 'Im Gesichte mit Zinnober bemalt, auf dem Kopfe mit Adlerfedern geschmückt.' Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 100. 'It takes them a considerable time to dress, and stick feathers and beads in their hair.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 281. 'Fond of decking themselves with paint, beads and feathers.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 25, 26, 30. 'Vederbosschen op't hoofd.' Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 209. 'En quanto á los colores, varian mucho, no solamente en ellos, sino tambien en los dibujos que se hacen en la cara.' García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., p. 299. The Comanches 'de tout sexe portent un miroir attaché au poignet, et se teignent le visage en rouge.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 192; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 27, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 450; Pattie's Pers. Nar., pp. 35, 36; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 133; Parker's Notes on Tex., pp. 181, 194, 197, 202; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 71; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 119; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 332; Combier, Voy., p. 224; Hartmann and Millard, Texas, p. 110; Larenaudière, Mex. et Guat., p. 147, plate; Tempsky's Mitla, p. 80; Gilliam's Trav., p. 305; Horn's Captivity, p. 25.

[663] 'Painted with vermilion on their faces, adorned with eagle feathers on their heads.' Froebel, From America, vol. ii., p. 100. 'It takes them quite a while to get dressed and stick feathers and beads in their hair.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 281. 'They love to decorate themselves with paint, beads, and feathers.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 25, 26, 30. 'Vederbosschen op't hoofd.' Montanus, New World, p. 209. 'As for the colors, they vary a lot, not only among them but also in the designs they create on their faces.' García Conde, in Album Mex., vol. i., p. 299. The Comanches 'of all genders wear a mirror attached to their wrist and paint their faces red.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, series v., No. 96, p. 192; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 27, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 450; Pattie's Pers. Nar., pp. 35, 36; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 133; Parker's Notes on Tex., pp. 181, 194, 197, 202; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 71; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 119; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. i., p. 332; Combier, Voy., p. 224; Hartmann and Millard, Texas, p. 110; Larenaudière, Mex. et Guat., p. 147, plate; Tempsky's Mitla, p. 80; Gilliam's Trav., p. 305; Horn's Captivity, p. 25.

[664] 'The Camanches prefer dark clothes.' Parker's Notes on Tex., pp. 180, 181, 202. 'Les guerriers portent pour tout vêtement une peau de buffle en manteau.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 192. 'Las mugeres andan vestidas de la cintura para abajo con unos cueros de venado adobado en forma de faldellines, y cubren el cuerpo con unos capotillos del mismo cuero.' Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 527. 'Vistense galanos ... asi hombres como mugeres con mantas pintadas y bordadas.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 681. 'Sus vestidos se componen de unas botas, un mediano delantal que cubre sus vergüenzas, y un coton, todo de pieles: las mugeres usan una manta cuadrada de lana negra muy estrecha.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 332. 'Tam mares quam fœminæ gossypinis tunicis et ferarum exuviis vestiebantur ad Mexicanorum normam et quod insolens barbaris, ideoque Hispanis novum visum, utebantur calceis atque ocreis quæ è ferarum tergoribus et taurino corio consuta erant. Fœminis capillus bene pexus et elegantur erat dispositus, nec ullo præterea velamine caput tegebant.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 311; Froebel, Aus Amerika, pp. 99, 101; Dragoon Camp., p. 153; Warden, Recherches, pp. 79, 80; García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., p. 299; Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 25, 31, 91; Revista Cientifica, tom. i., p. 162; Horn's Captivity, p. 22; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 25, 29, 45; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 450; Cremony's Apaches, p. 15; Larenaudière, Mex. et Guat., p. 147, plate; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 252, 272, 273; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 216, and Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 243; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. iv., p. 127; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 71; Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 109; Escudero, Noticias de Chihuahua, p. 230; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., pp. 38, 310, 312; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, p. 228; Hartmann and Millard, Texas, p. 110; Domenech, Jour., pp. 134, 135; Maillard, Hist. Tex., p. 240, Jaramillo, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 372, 377; Castaño de Soza, in Pacheco, Col. Doc. Inéd., tom. iv., p. 331; Houstoun's Tex., p. 227; Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. iii., p. 184; Farnham's Trav., p. 32; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 133; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 24.

[664] 'The Comanches prefer dark clothing.' Parker's Notes on Texas, pp. 180, 181, 202. 'The warriors wear a buffalo hide as their only garment.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, series v., No. 96, p. 192. 'The women dress from the waist down in tanned deer hides fashioned as skirts, and cover their bodies with small capes made of the same leather.' Beaumont, Chronicles of Michoacán, MS., p. 527. 'They dress elegantly ... both men and women wear painted and embroidered blankets.' Torquemada, Monarquia Ind., vol. i., p. 681. 'Their outfits consist of boots, a medium apron to cover their modesty, and a cotton garment, all made of animal hides: women use a narrow square wool blanket in black.' Alegre, History of the Society of Jesus, vol. i., p. 332. 'Both men and women were dressed in cotton tunics and animal skins according to the Mexican style, and, unusual for barbarians and thus new to the Spaniards, they wore shoes and stockings made from animal hides and bull leather. Women's hair was neatly combed and elegantly styled, and they didn't cover their heads with any additional garments.' De Laet, New World, p. 311; Froebel, From America, pp. 99, 101; Dragoon Campaign, p. 153; Warden, Research, pp. 79, 80; García Conde, in Mexico Album, vol. i., p. 299; Salmeron, Reports, in Historical Documents of Mexico, series iii., vol. iv., pp. 25, 31, 91; Scientific Journal, vol. i., p. 162; Horn's Captivity, p. 22; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 25, 29, 45; Palmer, in Harper's Magazine, vol. xvii., p. 450; Cremony's Apaches, p. 15; Larenaudière, Mexico and Guatemala, p. 147, plate; Gallatin, in New Annals of Travel, 1851, vol. cxxxi., pp. 252, 272, 273; Montanus, New World, p. 216, and Dapper, New World, p. 243; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Travel, series i., vol. iv., p. 127; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 71; Parker, in Indian Affairs Report, 1869, p. 109; Escudero, News from Chihuahua, p. 230; Gregg's Commerce on the Prairies, vol. ii., pp. 38, 310, 312; Foster's Prehistoric Races, p. 228; Hartmann and Millard, Texas, p. 110; Domenech, Journal, pp. 134, 135; Maillard, History of Texas, p. 240, Jaramillo, in Ternaux-Compans, Travel, series i., vol. ix., pp. 372, 377; Castaño de Soza, in Pacheco, Collection of Unpublished Documents, vol. iv., p. 331; Houstoun's Texas, p. 227; Alcedo, Dictionary, vol. iii., p. 184; Farnham's Travels, p. 32; Schoolcraft's Archaeology, vol. ii., p. 133; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 24.

[665] The Apaches 'rarely remain more than a week in any one locality.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 240. 'Cette nation étant nomade et toujours à la poursuite du gibier.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. p. 133; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 266; Marcy's Army Life, p. 44; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 202; Backus, in Id., vol. iv., p. 213; Ten Broeck, in Id., vol. iv., p. 89; Bailey, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 206; Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 325; Foote's Texas, p. 298; Carleton, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1867, p. 325; Holley's Texas, p. 152; Dragoon Camp., p. 153; Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 437; Delaporte, Reisen, pt. x., p. 456.

[665] The Apaches 'hardly stay in one place for more than a week.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 240. 'This nation is nomadic and always on the hunt for game.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. p. 133; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 266; Marcy's Army Life, p. 44; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 202; Backus, in Id., vol. iv., p. 213; Ten Broeck, in Id., vol. iv., p. 89; Bailey, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 206; Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 325; Foote's Texas, p. 298; Carleton, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1867, p. 325; Holley's Texas, p. 152; Dragoon Camp., p. 153; Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 437; Delaporte, Reisen, pt. x., p. 456.

[666] 'The principal characteristic I believe, is the form of their wigwams; one sets up erect poles, another bends them over in a circular form, and the third gives them a low oval shape.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 106. Other tribes make their lodges in a different way, by a knowledge of which circumstance, travelers are able to discover on arriving at a deserted camp whether it belongs to a hostile or friendly tribe. Parker's Notes on Texas, p. 213; Hartmann and Millard, Texas, p. 110; García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bulletin, tom. v., p. 315.

[666] 'The main thing I think is the design of their wigwams; one sets up straight poles, another bends them into a circle, and the third makes them into a low oval shape.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 106. Other tribes build their lodges differently, and this knowledge helps travelers figure out upon arriving at an abandoned camp whether it belongs to a hostile or friendly tribe. Parker's Notes on Texas, p. 213; Hartmann and Millard, Texas, p. 110; García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bulletin, tom. v., p. 315.

[667] 'Sus chozas ó jacales son circulares, hechas de ramas de los árboles, cubiertas con pieles de caballos, vacas, ó cíbolos.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 371. 'I did expect ... to find that the Navajos had other and better habitations than the conical, pole, brush, and mud lodge.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 77. 'The Camanches make their lodges by placing poles in the ground in a circle and tying the tops together.' Parker's Notes on Texas, p. 213. Huts are only temporary, conical, of sticks. Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 289. 'Sie bestanden einfach aus grossen Lauben von Cedernzweigen, deren Wölbung auf starken Pfählen ruhte, und von Aussen theilweise mit Erde, Lehm, und Steinen bedeckt war.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., pp. 15, 220-233. 'Un grand nombre de forme ronde.' Jaramillo, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 379. 'Their lodges are rectangular.' Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 194; Ives' Colorado River, p. 100; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 482.

[667] 'Their huts or shacks are circular, made of tree branches, covered with horse, cow, or bison hides.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 371. 'I expected... to find that the Navajos had other and better homes than the conical, pole, brush, and mud lodges.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 77. 'The Comanches build their lodges by placing poles in the ground in a circle and tying the tops together.' Parker's Notes on Texas, p. 213. Huts are only temporary, conical, and made of sticks. Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 289. 'They simply consisted of large frames made of cedar branches, whose arch rested on strong posts, and were partially covered from the outside with earth, clay, and stones.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., vol. ii., pp. 15, 220-233. 'A large number have a round shape.' Jaramillo, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., p. 379. 'Their lodges are rectangular.' Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., p. 194; Ives' Colorado River, p. 100; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 482.

[668] 'They make them of upright poles a few feet in height ... upon which rest brush and dirt.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., pp. 111-12. 'The very rudest huts hastily constructed of branches of cedar trees, and sometimes of flat stones for small roofs.' Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217. These huts are about eight feet high, eighteen feet in diameter at base, the whole being covered with bark or brush and mud. Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 60. 'Exceedingly rude structures of sticks about four or five feet high.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 213. 'The Comanches make their lodges ... in a conical shape ... which they cover with buffalo hides.' Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 213. 'Ils habitent sous des tentes.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., tom. 96, p. 192; Davis' El Gringo, p. 414; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212; Bent, in Id., vol. i., p. 243; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 290; Browne's Apache Country, p. 96; Farnham's Trav., p. 32; Mange, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 299; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 413; Dufey, Résumé de l'Hist., tom. i., p. 4; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 279; Domenech, Jour., p. 131; Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 97; Ludecus, Reise, p. 104; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 205; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 352; Emory's Recon., p. 61; Marcy's Rept., p. 219; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cli., p. 274; Jaramillo, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie i., tom. ix., pp. 372-9; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, p. 417; Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 431; Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 239; see also, Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 209; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 109-115; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 230; Cordoue, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 443; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 301; Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 544; Hardy's Trav., p. 336.

[668] 'They make them from tall poles a few feet high ... on which rest brush and dirt.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., pp. 111-12. 'The most basic huts are quickly built from cedar branches, and sometimes small stones are used for roofs.' Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217. These huts are about eight feet tall and eighteen feet in diameter at the base, covered with bark or brush and mud. Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 60. 'Very basic structures made of sticks about four or five feet high.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 213. 'The Comanches build their lodges ... in a conical shape ... which they cover with buffalo hides.' Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 213. 'They live in tents.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., tom. 96, p. 192; Davis' El Gringo, p. 414; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212; Bent, in Id., vol. i., p. 243; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 290; Browne's Apache Country, p. 96; Farnham's Trav., p. 32; Mange, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 299; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 413; Dufey, Résumé de l'Hist., tom. i., p. 4; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 279; Domenech, Jour., p. 131; Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 97; Ludecus, Reise, p. 104; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 205; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 352; Emory's Recon., p. 61; Marcy's Rept., p. 219; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cli., p. 274; Jaramillo, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie i., tom. ix., pp. 372-9; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, p. 417; Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 431; Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 239; see also, Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 209; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 109-115; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 230; Cordoue, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 443; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 301; Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 544; Hardy's Trav., p. 336.

[669] Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18. 'This compels the Navajoes to erect substantial huts of an oval form, the lower portion of the hut being excavated.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 306. 'They live in brush houses, in the winter time, digging a hole in the ground and covering this with a brush roof.' Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 130; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 218; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 136; Maillard's Hist. Tex., p. 241.

[669] Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18. 'This forces the Navajos to build strong huts shaped like ovals, with the lower part of the hut dug into the ground.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 306. 'In the winter, they live in brush houses, digging a hole in the ground and covering it with a brush roof.' Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 130; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 218; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 136; Maillard's Hist. Tex., p. 241.

[670] 'Their lodges are ... about four or five feet high, with a triangular opening for ingress or egress.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 213. The most they do is to build small huts ... with thick poles for the arches and a small door through which a single person can hardly pass. Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 266. A ranchería of the Cuabajai is described as 'formada como una grande galeria en una pieza muy larga adornada con arcos de sauz, y cubierta con esteras de tule muy delgadas y bien cocidas; tenia ventanas para la luz y desahogar el humo y dos puertas, una al Oriente y otra al Poniente, ... á los dos lados de la pieza habia varios cámaras ó alojamientos para dormir.' Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, pp. 474-5.

[670] 'Their lodges are... about four or five feet high, with a triangular opening for going in and out.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 213. Most of them build small huts... with thick poles for the arches and a tiny door that is barely wide enough for one person to get through. Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 266. A ranchería of the Cuabajai is described as 'shaped like a large gallery in a very long room adorned with willow arches and covered with thin, well-woven tule mats; it had windows for light and to let out smoke, and two doors, one to the East and one to the West,... on both sides of the room there were several chambers or sleeping areas.' Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, pp. 474-5.

[671] 'Some live in caves in the rocks.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 289. 'They do not live in houses built of stone as has been repeatedly represented, but in caves, caverns, and fissures of the cliffs.' Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217. 'Ils habitaient des cavernes et des lieux souterrains, où ils déposaient leurs récoltes.' Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 309. Most of the Navajos 'live in houses built of stone.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 352; Almanza, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 825; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 679; Sanchez, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 93; Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem., p. 88.

[671] 'Some live in caves in the rocks.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 289. 'They do not live in houses made of stone as has often been said, but in caves, caverns, and cracks in the cliffs.' Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217. 'They inhabited caves and underground places, where they stored their crops.' Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 309. Most of the Navajos 'live in houses made of stone.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 352; Almanza, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 825; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 679; Sanchez, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 93; Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem., p. 88.

[672] 'The large cottonwood posts and the substantial roof of the wide shed in front, are characteristic of the architecture of this people.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 23, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'They are built upon sandy soil and are thirty or forty feet square; the sides about two feet thick of wicker-work and straw ... their favorite resort seems to be the roof, where could usually be counted from twenty to thirty persons, all apparently at home.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 464.

[672] 'The large cottonwood posts and the sturdy roof of the spacious shed in front are typical of this culture's architecture.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 23, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'They are constructed on sandy soil and measure thirty to forty feet square; the walls are about two feet thick, made of wicker-work and straw ... their preferred hangout seems to be the roof, where you could usually find twenty to thirty people, all looking comfortable.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 464.

[673] See plate in Marcy's Army Life, p. 48. 'The fire is made in the front of the lodge.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 70.

[673] See plate in Marcy's Army Life, p. 48. 'The fire is set up in front of the lodge.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 70.

[674] 'In every village may be seen small structures, consisting of a frame-work of slight poles, bent into a semi-spherical form and covered with buffalo hides. These are called medicine lodges and are used as vapor-baths.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 60. 'They make huts three feet high for bath-rooms and heat them with hot stones.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 289.

[674] 'In every village, you can find small structures made of lightweight poles bent into a half-spherical shape and covered with buffalo hides. These are called medicine lodges and are used as steam baths.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 60. 'They build three-foot-high huts for bathroom use and heat them with hot stones.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 289.

[675] Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xviii., p. 464; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 23, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.

[675] Palmer, in Harper's Magazine, vol. 18, p. 464; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Report, p. 23, in Pacific Railroad Report, vol. 3.

[676] 'Ils sont très-laborieux; ils cultivent les melons, les haricots, et d'autres légumes; ils récoltent aussi en abondance le maïs.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 186. 'Bohnen, Mais, Weizen, feingeriebenes Mehl, Kürbisse und Melonen.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 385, 396-7. 'The Yumas and other tribes on the Colorado, irrigate their lands, and raise wheat, corn, melons, &c.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., pp. 263, 180, 181; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 81; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 419; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 332; Ives' Colorado River, pp. 60, 67, 70, 73; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., pp. 117, 128, 129; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 123; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 40, 65, 66; Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18; Browne's Apache Country, pp. 51, 52, 107; Mowry's Arizona, p. 33; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 91; Mexicanische Zustände, tom. i., p. 64; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 111; Champagnac, Voyageur, p. 84; Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 243; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., pp. 13, 120, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 349; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 288-9; Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 567; Farnham's Life in Cal.; Davis' El Gringo, p. 411; Clark, in Hist. Mag., vol. viii., p. 280; Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 25-6.

[676] 'They are very hardworking; they grow melons, beans, and other vegetables; they also harvest corn in abundance.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, series v., No. 96, p. 186. 'Beans, corn, wheat, finely ground flour, pumpkins, and melons.' Möllhausen, Diary, pp. 385, 396-7. 'The Yumas and other tribes along the Colorado irrigate their fields and grow wheat, corn, melons, etc.' Bartlett's Personal Narrative, vol. ii., pp. 263, 180, 181; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 81; Arricivita, Séraphique Chronicle, p. 419; Alegre, History of the Comp. of Jesus, vol. i., p. 332; Ives' Colorado River, pp. 60, 67, 70, 73; Emory's Report on U.S. and Mexico Boundary Survey, vol. i., pp. 117, 128, 129; Stratton's Captain Oatman Girls, p. 123; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 40, 65, 66; Sitgreaves' Zuñi Expedition, p. 18; Browne's Apache Country, pp. 51, 52, 107; Mowry's Arizona, p. 33; Pattie's Personal Narrative, p. 91; Mexican Conditions, vol. i., p. 64; Möllhausen, Travels in the Rocky Mountains, vol. i., p. 111; Champagnac, Voyageur, p. 84; Bent, in Schoolcraft's Archives, vol. i., p. 243; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Archives, vol. iv., p. 217; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Report, pp. 13, 120, in Pac. R. R. Report, vol. iii.; Thümmel, Mexico, p. 349; Gallatin, in New Annals of Voyages, 1851, vol. cxxxi., pp. 288-9; Prichard's Natural History of Man, vol. ii., p. 567; Farnham's Life in California; Davis' El Gringo, p. 411; Clark, in Historical Magazine, vol. viii., p. 280; Salmeron, Relations, in Historical Documents of Mexico, series iii., vol. iv., pp. 25-6.

[677] 'A small but agreeable nut called the Piñon, grows abundantly in this country; and during a period of scarcity, it sometimes constitutes the sole food of the poorer class of natives for many successive weeks.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 212. 'Living upon the fruit of the mezquit and tornilla trees.' Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., pp. 10, 19; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 112. 'Tambien tienen para su sustento mescali, que es conserva de raiz de maguey.' Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 31; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212; Hardy's Trav., pp. 338; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 147, 331, 350, 396, 397; Cordoue, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 446; Castañeda, in Id., série i., tom. ix., pp. 53, 54; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 217; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 234.

[677] 'A small but tasty nut called the Piñon grows plentifully in this country; and during times of scarcity, it occasionally serves as the only food for the poorer local people for many weeks in a row.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 212. 'They survive on the fruit of the mezquit and tornilla trees.' Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., pp. 10, 19; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 112. 'They also have mescali, which is a preservation made from maguey root, for their sustenance.' Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 31; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212; Hardy's Trav., pp. 338; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 147, 331, 350, 396, 397; Cordoue, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 446; Castañeda, in Id., série i., tom. ix., pp. 53, 54; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 217; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 234.

[678] 'The quail and hare of the valley, and the deer and lizards of the plains, together furnish but a scanty supply.' Ehrenberg, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 110. 'They ate worms, grasshoppers, and reptiles.' Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, pp. 115-116. 'An den dünnen Gurt hatten unsere Besucher noch Ratten, grosse Eidechsen und Frösche befestigt.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 383. 'Depending upon game and roots for food.' Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 137, and 1869, p. 92. 'Mas para ellos es plato regaladísimo el de ratones del campo asados ó cocidos y toda especie de insectos.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 332; Hardy's Trav., p. 430; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, pp. 419, 473; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 484; Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 212; Cremony's Apaches, p. 297.

[678] 'The quail and hare of the valley, and the deer and lizards of the plains, together provide only a limited supply.' Ehrenberg, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 110. 'They ate worms, grasshoppers, and reptiles.' Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, pp. 115-116. 'On the thin strap, our visitors had attached rats, large lizards, and frogs.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 383. 'Relying on game and roots for food.' Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 137, and 1869, p. 92. 'But for them, roasted or cooked field mice and all kinds of insects are a real delicacy.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 332; Hardy's Trav., p. 430; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, pp. 419, 473; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 484; Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 212; Cremony's Apaches, p. 297.

[679] On the Rivers Colorado and Gila. 'Usan de hilo torcido unas redes y otras de varios palitos, que los tuercen y juntan por las puntas, en que forman á modo de un pequeño barquito para pescar del infinito pescado que hay en el rio.' Sedelmair, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851. The Cajuenches when the produce is insufficient, live on fish. Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 10. The Navajos 'live by raising flocks and herds, instead of hunting and fishing.' Davis' El Gringo, p. 411. The Apaches 'no comen pescado alguno, no obstante de lo que abundan sus rios.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 375. 'El Apache no come el pescado, aunque los hay abundantes en sus rios.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 285; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 123; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 149; Hardy's Trav., p. 373; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., pp. 227-8.

[679] On the Colorado and Gila Rivers. 'They use twisted thread for some nets and others made of various sticks, which they twist and join at the ends to form a small boat for fishing the abundant fish found in the river.' Sedelmair, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iii., vol. iv., p. 851. The Cajuenches, when their crops are insufficient, rely on fish. Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 10. The Navajos 'live by raising livestock instead of hunting and fishing.' Davis' El Gringo, p. 411. The Apaches 'don't eat any fish, despite the abundance in their rivers.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 375. 'The Apache does not eat fish, even though it is plentiful in their rivers.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 285; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 123; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 149; Hardy's Trav., p. 373; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., vol. i., pp. 227-8.

[680] 'They do not make butter and cheese.... Some who own cattle make from the curd of soured milk small masses, which some have called cheese.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 292. 'They never to my knowledge make butter or cheese, nor do I believe they know what such things are.' Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217. The Navajoes 'make butter and cheese.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180. Some of the 'men brought into camp a quantity of cheese.' Ives' Colorado River, pp. 128, 130.

[680] 'They don’t produce butter or cheese.... Some cattle owners create small blocks from soured milk curd, which some refer to as cheese.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 292. 'To my knowledge, they never make butter or cheese, nor do I think they know what those are.' Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217. The Navajos 'make butter and cheese.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180. Some of the 'men brought a quantity of cheese into camp.' Ives' Colorado River, pp. 128, 130.

[681] Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 112. 'They plant corn very deep with a stake and raise very good crops.' Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 337; Merriwether, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 172.

[681] Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 112. 'They plant corn quite deeply with a stake and grow really good crops.' Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 337; Merriwether, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 172.

[682] 'The metate is a slightly hollowed hard stone, upon which soaked maize is laid and then reduced to paste.... The paste so formed is then patted between the hands until it assumes a flat, thin and round appearance when it is laid on a hot pan and baked into a tortilla.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 145-6. 'Ils récoltent aussi en abondance le maïs dont ils font de tortillas.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 186. 'Their meat was boiled with water in a Tusquin (clay kettle) and this meat-mush or soup was the staple of food among them.' Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, pp. 114, 115. 'A large Echino Cactus ... hollowed so as to make a trough. Into this were thrown the soft portions of the pulpy substance which surrounds the heart of the cactus; and to them had been added game and plants gathered from the banks of the creek. Mingled with water, the whole had been cooked by stirring it up with heated stones.' Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 96. 'Ils mangent des pains de maïs cuits sous la cendre, aussi gros que les gros pains de Castille.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 49; Hardy's Trav., p. 238; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 63; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 291; Castaño de Soza, in Pacheco, Col. Doc. Inéd., tom. iv., pp. 330-1.

[682] 'The metate is a slightly hollowed hard stone where soaked corn is placed and then ground into a paste.... The paste is then shaped by hand until it becomes flat, thin, and round, after which it is put on a hot pan and baked into a tortilla.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 145-6. 'They also harvest corn in abundance, which they turn into tortillas.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 186. 'Their meat was boiled with water in a Tusquin (clay kettle), and this meat mush or soup was a staple food for them.' Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, pp. 114, 115. 'A large Echino Cactus ... hollowed out to create a trough. Inside, the soft parts of the pulpy substance surrounding the heart of the cactus were placed; game and plants gathered from the creek banks were added to this mix. Combined with water, the whole mixture was cooked by stirring it with heated stones.' Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 96. 'They eat corn breads cooked in the ashes, as big as the large loaves of Castile.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 49; Hardy's Trav., p. 238; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 63; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 291; Castaño de Soza, in Pacheco, Col. Doc. Inéd., tom. iv., pp. 330-1.

[683] 'The Apaches rely chiefly upon the flesh of the cattle and sheep they can steal ... they are said, however, to be more fond of the meat of the mule than that of any other animal.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 290-1. 'A nonproductive race, subsisting wholly on plunder and game.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 141. The Jicarilla Apaches: 'the chase is their only means of support.' Carson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1860, p. 164. 'They live entirely by hunting.' Delgado, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 138. 'Die Nahrung der Apaches besteht hauptsächlich in dem Fleische der Rinder und Schafe ... doch soll, wie man sagt, Maulthierfleisch ihre Lieblingsspeise sein.' Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 352. 'Ihre besten Leckerbissen sind Pferde und Mauleselfleisch, welches sie braten und dem Rindfleische vorziehen.' Ochs, in Murr, Nachrichten, p. 289. Their daintiest food is mule and horseflesh. Apostólicos Afanes, p. 432. 'Anteriormente antes que en la frontera abundase el ganado, uno de sus alimentos era la came del caballo, y la caza de diferentes animales.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 266-7; Edward's Hist. Texas, p. 95; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 112; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 327; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 187; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 116; Ward's Mexico, vol. i., p. 580; Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 282; Stanley's Portraits, p. 57; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 460; Edwards' Campaign, p. 95; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 276; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 202; see further Ind. Aff. Repts., from 1854-73; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 308; Peters' Life of Carson, p. 452; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 679.

[683] 'The Apaches mainly depend on the meat of the cattle and sheep they can steal ... however, they are said to prefer mule meat over any other animal.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 290-1. 'A nonproductive group, surviving entirely on theft and hunting.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 141. The Jicarilla Apaches: 'hunting is their only means of survival.' Carson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1860, p. 164. 'They live completely by hunting.' Delgado, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 138. 'The food of the Apaches consists mainly of beef and sheep meat ... yet, it is said that mule meat is their favorite.' Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 352. 'Their best delicacies are horse and mule meat, which they roast and prefer over beef.' Ochs, in Murr, Nachrichten, p. 289. Their favorite dish is mule and horse meat. Apostólicos Afanes, p. 432. 'Before there was plenty of cattle on the border, one of their foods was horse meat and hunting various animals.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 266-7; Edward's Hist. Texas, p. 95; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 112; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 327; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 187; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 116; Ward's Mexico, vol. i., p. 580; Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 282; Stanley's Portraits, p. 57; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 460; Edwards' Campaign, p. 95; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 276; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 202; see further Ind. Aff. Repts., from 1854-73; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 308; Peters' Life of Carson, p. 452; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 679.

[684] 'What I would have sworn was an antelope, proved to be a young Indian, ... who having enveloped himself in an antelope's skin with head, horns and all complete, had gradually crept up to the herd under his disguise.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 28, 194. 'Se viste de una piel de los mismos animales, pone sobre su cabeza otra de la clase de los que va á buscar, y armado de su arco y flechas andando en cuatro piés, procura mezclarse en una banda da ellos.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 375; García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., p. 372; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212; Ferry, Scènes de la Vie Sauvage, p. 262.

[684] 'What I would have sworn was an antelope turned out to be a young Indian, who had wrapped himself in an antelope's skin, complete with head and horns, and had gradually crept up to the herd while in disguise.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 28, 194. 'He dresses in the skin of the very animals, places another type on his head that matches the one he is trying to hunt, and armed with his bow and arrows, walking on all fours, he tries to blend in with a group of them.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 375; García Conde, in Album Mex., vol. i., p. 372; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212; Ferry, Scènes de la Vie Sauvage, p. 262.

[685] 'They always asked if we had bear on the table, for they wished to avoid it.... I found they had some superstitious prejudice against it.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 324. 'The Apaches are rather fond of lion and panther meat, but seldom touch that of the bear.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 226. 'Tambien matan para comer osos.' Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 25. The Navajoes 'never kill bears or rattlesnakes unless attacked.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 291. 'Sie verehren den Bären, der nie von ihnen getödtet wird, und dessen Fleisch zu essen sie sich scheuen. Schweinefleisch verschmähen sie desgleichen; beim iärgsten Hunger können sie es nicht über sich gewinnen, davon zu kosten.' Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 278; Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 370.

[685] "They always asked if we had bear meat on the table because they wanted to avoid it.... I discovered they had some superstitious bias against it." Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 324. "The Apaches really like lion and panther meat, but they rarely touch bear meat." Cremony's Apaches, p. 226. "They also kill bears to eat." Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 25. The Navajos "never kill bears or rattlesnakes unless they are attacked." Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 291. "They revere the bear, which is never killed by them, and they hesitate to eat its meat. They also refuse pork; even in the worst hunger, they cannot bring themselves to taste it." Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 278; Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 370.

[686] 'The Northern and Middle Comanches ... subsist almost exclusively upon the flesh of the buffalo, and are known among the Indians as buffalo-eaters.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 19, 26, 46. 'They plant no corn, and their only food is meat, and a few wild plants that grow upon the prairies.' Marcy's Rept., p. 188. The Comanches are a 'nation subsisting solely by the chase.' Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 214. 'Subsist mainly upon the buffalo.' Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 180. 'Acknowledge their entire ignorance of even the rudest methods of agriculture.' Baylor, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 177; Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 244; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 575; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 103, and Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 268; Combier, Voy., p. 292; French's Hist. Coll. La., pt. ii., p. 155; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 115; Gregg's Com. Prairies, pp. 214-16, 307; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 480; Ludecus, Reise, p. 104; Dragoon Camp., p. 153; Foote's Texas, p. 298; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 192; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 21; Domenech, Jour., p. 469; Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 345; Holley's Texas, p. 153; Dufey, Résumé, tom. i., p. 4; Dewees' Texas, p. 233; Frost's Ind. Battles, p. 385.

[686] 'The Northern and Middle Comanches... live almost entirely off the meat of the buffalo, and are recognized among the Native Americans as buffalo-eaters.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 19, 26, 46. 'They don’t grow corn, and their only food comes from meat and a few wild plants that grow on the prairies.' Marcy's Rept., p. 188. The Comanches are a 'nation that survives solely by hunting.' Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 214. 'They mainly rely on the buffalo for food.' Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 180. 'They admit to knowing nothing about even the simplest methods of farming.' Baylor, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 177; Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 244; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 575; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 103, and Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 268; Combier, Voy., p. 292; French's Hist. Coll. La., pt. ii., p. 155; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 115; Gregg's Com. Prairies, pp. 214-16, 307; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 480; Ludecus, Reise, p. 104; Dragoon Camp., p. 153; Foote's Texas, p. 298; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 192; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 21; Domenech, Jour., p. 469; Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 345; Holley's Texas, p. 153; Dufey, Résumé, tom. i., p. 4; Dewees' Texas, p. 233; Frost's Ind. Battles, p. 385.

[687] 'Luego que los cíbolos echan á huir, los cazadores sin apresurarlos demasiado los persiguen á un galope corto, que van activando mas y mas hasta que rompen en carrera ... el indio sin cesar de correr, dispara su arco en todas direcciones, y va sembrando el campo de reses.... Las indias al mismo tiempo van dessollando cada una de aquellas reses, recogiendo la piel y la carne.' Revista Científica, tom. i., pp. 165-6. 'At a suitable distance from their prey they divide into two squadrons, one half taking to the right, and the other to the left, and thus surround it.' Edward's Hist. Tex., p. 108; French's Hist. Coll. La., pt. ii., p. 155; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., pp. 214-216. Women when they perceive a deer or antelope 'give it chase, and return only after capturing it with the lasso.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 249.

[687] 'Once the deer take off, the hunters, without rushing them too much, follow at a steady canter, gradually speeding up until they break into a full sprint... the Indian, never stopping, shoots his bow in all directions, scattering the cattle across the field... Meanwhile, the women are skinning each of those cattle, collecting the hides and the meat.' Scientific Journal, vol. i., pp. 165-6. 'At a suitable distance from their prey, they split into two groups, one going to the right and the other to the left, thus surrounding it.' Edward's Hist. Tex., p. 108; French's Hist. Coll. La., pt. ii., p. 155; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., pp. 214-216. Women, when they spot a deer or antelope, 'chase it down and only return after catching it with the lasso.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 249.

[688] 'When any game was killed, the Indians would tear out the heart, liver, and entrails, and eat them raw.' Frost's Ind. Battles, p. 385. 'Ces Indiens se nourissent de viande crue et boivent du sang.... Ils coupent la viande en tranches très-minces et la font sécher au soleil; ils la réduisent ensuite en poudre pour la conserver.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 190-1. 'They "jerked" or dried the meat and made the pemmican.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 18. 'Comen las criadillas crudas, recogiendo la sangre que corre del cuerpo con unas tutundas ó jicaras, se la beben caliente.' Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 528; Farnham's Trav., p. 32; Horn's Captivity, pp. 16, 23; Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 345.

[688] 'When any game was killed, the natives would remove the heart, liver, and intestines, and eat them raw.' Frost's Ind. Battles, p. 385. 'These natives eat raw meat and drink blood.... They slice the meat very thin and dry it in the sun; they then grind it into powder to preserve it.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 190-1. 'They "jerked" or dried the meat and made pemmican.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 18. 'They eat raw testicles, collecting the blood that runs from the body with cups or bowls, and drink it warm.' Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 528; Farnham's Trav., p. 32; Horn's Captivity, pp. 16, 23; Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 345.

[689] 'At one time their larder is overstocked and they gorge themselves to repletion.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 32, 44, 46. 'Catch and tame these wild horses, and when unsuccessful in chase, subsist upon them.' Holley's Texas, p. 153. 'When pressed by hunger from scarcity of game, they subsist on their young horses and mules.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., pp. 132-3. 'Have a rare capacity for enduring hunger, and manifest great patience under its infliction. After long abstinence they eat voraciously.' Burnet, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 231; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 235; Edward's Hist. Tex., p. 108.

[689] 'At one point, their food supply is overflowing, and they eat until they're stuffed.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 32, 44, 46. 'Catch and tame these wild horses, and when the chase is unsuccessful, rely on them for food.' Holley's Texas, p. 153. 'When faced with hunger due to a lack of game, they rely on their young horses and mules for sustenance.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., pp. 132-3. 'They have a remarkable ability to withstand hunger and show great patience while dealing with it. After a long period without food, they eat ravenously.' Burnet, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 231; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 235; Edward's Hist. Tex., p. 108.

[690] The tribe 'lived in the most abject condition of filth and poverty.' Browne's Apache Country, p. 96. 'With very few exceptions, the want of cleanliness is universal—a shirt being worn until it will no longer hang together, and it would be difficult to tell the original color.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 290. 'They are fond of bathing in the summer, ... but nothing can induce them to wash themselves in winter.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 302. They give off very unpleasant odors. Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 307. 'They seem to have a natural antipathy against water, considered as the means of cleansing the body ... water is only used by them in extreme cases; for instance, when the vermin become too thick on their heads, they then go through an operation of covering the head with mud, which after some time is washed out.' Dodt, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 130; Ives' Colorado Riv., 108; Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 214; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 203; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 470.

[690] The tribe 'lived in extreme conditions of dirt and poverty.' Browne's Apache Country, p. 96. 'With very few exceptions, the lack of cleanliness is everywhere—a shirt is worn until it can’t hold together anymore, and it’s hard to tell its original color.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 290. 'They love to bathe in the summer, ... but nothing can persuade them to wash themselves in winter.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 302. They emit very unpleasant smells. Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., vol. i., p. 307. 'They seem to have a natural aversion to water, which is viewed as a means of cleaning the body ... water is only used by them in urgent situations; for example, when the lice become too overwhelming on their heads, they then apply mud to their heads, which is washed out after some time.' Dodt, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 130; Ives' Colorado Riv., 108; Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 214; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 203; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 470.

[691] 'They defecate promiscuously near their huts; they leave offal of every character, dead animals and dead skins, close in the vicinity of their huts.' Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 339; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 114; Hardy's Trav., p. 380.

[691] 'They defecate carelessly near their homes; they leave waste of all kinds, dead animals, and animal hides close to their houses.' Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 339; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 114; Hardy's Trav., p. 380.

[692] The Mojave 'arms are the bow and arrow, the spear and the club.' Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18. 'Armed with bows and arrows.' Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 39. The Querechos 'use the bow and arrow, lance and shield.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 19, 23. 'The Apache will invariably add his bow and arrows to his personal armament.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 15, 75-6, 103, 189. 'Neben Bogen und Pfeilen führen sie noch sehr lange Lanzen.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 230. 'They use the bow and arrow and spear.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 293. 'Armed with bows and arrows, and the lance.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 214. For colored lithograph of weapons see Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 50, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'El armamento de los apaches se componen de lanza, arco y flechas.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 372. 'Las armas de los apaches son fusil, flechas y lanza.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 315. 'Los Yumas son Indios ... de malas armas, muchos no llevan arco, y si lo llevan es mal dispuesto, y con dos ó tres flechas.' Garces, in Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 419; Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 111; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 399; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 190; Drew, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 105; Odin, in Domenech, Jour., p. 450; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 71; Dewees' Texas, p. 233; Holley's Texas, p. 153; Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 543; Dragoon Camp., p. 153; Moore's Texas, p. 33; Ward's Mexico, vol. ii., p. 602; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 421; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 82; Combier, Voy., p. 224; Brantz-Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 123; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 444; Peters' Life of Carson, p. 452; Cutts' Conq. of Cal., p. 185; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., pp. 328-9, 451; Pagés' Travels, vol. i., p. 107; Linati, Costumes, plate xxii.; Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 274; Möllhausen, Mormonenmädchen, tom. ii., p. 152; Figuier's Hum. Race, pp. 480-2, with cut.

[692] The Mojave weapons include the bow and arrow, the spear, and the club. Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18. 'Equipped with bows and arrows.' Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 39. The Querechos 'use the bow and arrow, lance, and shield.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 19, 23. 'The Apache always adds his bow and arrows to his personal weapons.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 15, 75-6, 103, 189. 'Besides bows and arrows, they also carry very long spears.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 230. 'They use the bow and arrow and spear.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 293. 'Equipped with bows and arrows, and the lance.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 214. For a colored lithograph of weapons see Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 50, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'The Apache's weaponry consists of a lance, bow, and arrows.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 372. 'The weapons of the Apaches are rifle, arrows, and spear.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 315. 'The Yumas are Indians ... poorly armed, many do not carry a bow, and if they do, it’s poorly made, and with two or three arrows.' Garces, in Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 419; Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 111; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 399; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 190; Drew, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 105; Odin, in Domenech, Jour., p. 450; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 71; Dewees' Texas, p. 233; Holley's Texas, p. 153; Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 543; Dragoon Camp., p. 153; Moore's Texas, p. 33; Ward's Mexico, vol. ii., p. 602; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 421; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 82; Combier, Voy., p. 224; Brantz-Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 123; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 444; Peters' Life of Carson, p. 452; Cutts' Conq. of Cal., p. 185; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., pp. 328-9, 451; Pagés' Travels, vol. i., p. 107; Linati, Costumes, plate xxii.; Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 274; Möllhausen, Mormonenmädchen, tom. ii., p. 152; Figuier's Hum. Race, pp. 480-2, with cut.

[693] 'Their weapons of war are the spear or lance, the bow, and the laso.' Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 173.

[693] 'Their weapons of war are the spear or lance, the bow, and the lasso.' Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 173.

[694] Among 'their arms of offence' is 'what is called Macána, a short club, like a round wooden mallet, which is used in close quarters.' Hardy's Trav., p. 373. 'War clubs were prepared in abundance.' Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 176. Die Apachen 'nur Bogen, Pfeile und Keulen.' Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 444. 'Their clubs are of mezquite wood (a species of acacia) three or four feet long.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 108. 'Ils n'ont d'autre arme qu'un grand croc et une massue.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 186. 'Arma sunt ... oblongi lignei gladii multis acutis silicibus utrimque muniti.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 311. 'Sus Armas son Flechas, y Macanas.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 681. Among the Comanches: 'Leur massue est une queue de buffle à l'extrémité de laquelle ils insèrent une boule en pierre on en métal.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 193; Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 302.

[694] Among 'their weapons of offense' is 'what is called Macána, a short club, like a round wooden mallet, which is used in close quarters.' Hardy's Trav., p. 373. 'War clubs were made in large quantities.' Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 176. The Apaches 'only use bows, arrows, and clubs.' Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 444. 'Their clubs are made of mezquite wood (a type of acacia) three or four feet long.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 108. 'They have no other weapon than a large hook and a club.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 186. 'Their weapons are... oblong wooden swords with sharp flints fixed on both sides.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 311. 'Their weapons are arrows and macanas.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 681. Among the Comanches: 'Their club is a buffalo tail with a stone or metal ball attached to the end.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 193; Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 302.

[695] 'Mit vierstreifigen Strickschleudern bewaffnet.' Mexikanische Zustände, tom. i., p. 64. 'Sie fechten mit Lanzen, Büchsen, Pfeilen und Tamahaks.' Ludecus, Reise, p. 104. 'Une petite hache en silex.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 193; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., p. 539; Treasury of Trav., p. 31; Escudero, Noticias de Chihuahua, p. 230; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 272.

[695] 'Armed with four-stranded slings.' Mexican Conditions, tom. i., p. 64. 'They fight with spears, guns, arrows, and tomahawks.' Ludecus, Journey, p. 104. 'A small flint axe.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 193; Mühlenpfordt, Mexico, tom. ii., p. 539; Treasury of Trav., p. 31; Escudero, News from Chihuahua, p. 230; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 272.

[696] The Querecho 'bows are made of the tough and elastic wood of the "bois d'arc" or Osage orange (Maclura Aurantiaca), strengthened and reenforced with the sinews of the deer wrapped firmly around them, and strung with a cord made of the same material.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 24. The Tonto 'bow is a stout piece of tough wood ... about five feet long, strengthened at points by a wrapping of sinew ... which are joined by a sinew string.' Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 418. The Navajo 'bow is about four feet in length ... and is covered on the back with a kind of fibrous tissue.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 293. The Yuma 'bow is made of willow.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 108. 'Langen Bogen von Weidenholz.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 124. Apaches: 'the bow forms two semicircles, with a shoulder in the middle; the back of it is entirely covered with sinews, which are laid on ... by the use of some glutinous substance.' Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 338. 'Los tamaños de estas armas son differentes, segun las parcialidades que las usan.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 372; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 360; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 453; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 98; Pattie's Pers. Nar., pp. 117, 149; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 450.

[696] The Querecho bows are crafted from the durable and flexible wood of the "bois d'arc" or Osage orange (Maclura Aurantiaca), reinforced with deer sinew tightly wrapped around them, and strung with a cord made of the same material. Marcy's Army Life, p. 24. The Tonto bow is a sturdy piece of tough wood, about five feet long, strengthened at certain points by sinew wrappings that are tied together with a sinew string. Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 418. The Navajo bow is approximately four feet long and has a back covered with a fibrous material. Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 293. The Yuma bow is made of willow. Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 108. 'Langen Bogen von Weidenholz.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 124. Apaches: 'the bow forms two semicircles with a shoulder in the middle; the back is completely covered with sinews, which are applied using some sticky substance.' Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 338. 'The sizes of these weapons vary according to the groups that use them.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 372; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 360; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 453; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 98; Pattie's Pers. Nar., pp. 117, 149; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 450.

[697] The Apaches: 'Tous portaient au poignet gauche le bracelet de cuir ... Ce bracelet de cuir est une espèce de paumelle qui entoure la main gauche, ... Le premier sert à amortir le coup de fouet de la corde de l'arc quand il se détend, la seconde empêche les pennes de la flèche de déchirer la peau de la main.' Ferry, Scènes de la vie Sauvage, p. 256. 'With a leather bracelet on one wrist and a bow and quiver of arrows form the general outfit.' Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 418.

[697] The Apaches: 'They all wore a leather bracelet on their left wrist... This leather bracelet is a type of cuff that wraps around the left hand... The first one helps absorb the impact of the bowstring when it's released, while the second prevents the fletching of the arrow from cutting the skin on the hand.' Ferry, Scènes de la vie Sauvage, p. 256. 'With a leather bracelet on one wrist and a bow and quiver of arrows as their usual gear.' Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 418.

[698] The Coyoteros 'use very long arrows of reed, finished out with some hard wood, and an iron or flint head, but invariably with three feathers at the opposite end.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 103. Navajoes: 'the arrow is about two feet long and pointed with iron.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 293. The Querechos 'arrows are twenty inches long, of flexible wood, with a triangular point of iron at one end, and two feathers ... at the opposite extremity.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 24. The Apache 'arrows are quite long, very rarely pointed with flint, usually with iron. The feather upon the arrow is placed or bound down with fine sinew in threes, instead of twos.... The arrow-shaft is usually made of some pithy wood, generally a species of yucca.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 209. 'Sagittæ acutis silicibus asperatæ.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 311. 'Arrows were ... pointed with a head of stone. Some were of white quartz or agate, and others of obsidian.' Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 98. The Tonto 'arrows ... are three feet long ... the cane is winged with four strips of feather, held in place by threads of sinew ... which bears on its free end an elongated triangular piece of quartz, flint, or rarely iron.' Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 418. The Lipan arrows 'have four straight flutings; the Comanches make two straight black flutings and two red spiral ones.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 270; Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18; Tempsky's Mitla, p. 82; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 276; Conder's Mex. Guat., vol. ii., p. 76; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 360; Möllhausen, Flüchtling, tom. iv., p. 31; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 149.

[698] The Coyoteros use very long reed arrows, finished with some hard wood and an iron or flint tip, but always with three feathers at the opposite end.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 103. Navajoes: 'the arrow is about two feet long and tipped with iron.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 293. The Querechos' arrows are twenty inches long, made of flexible wood, with a triangular iron point at one end, and two feathers at the other end.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 24. The Apache 'arrows are quite long, very rarely tipped with flint, usually with iron. The feather on the arrow is placed or bound with fine sinew in threes instead of twos.... The arrow shaft is usually made of some soft wood, typically a type of yucca.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 209. 'Sagittæ acutis silicibus asperatæ.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 311. 'Arrows were ... tipped with a stone head. Some were made of white quartz or agate, and others of obsidian.' Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 98. The Tonto 'arrows are three feet long ... the cane is fletched with four strips of feather, held in place by sinew threads ... which has on its free end an elongated triangular piece of quartz, flint, or rarely iron.' Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 418. The Lipan arrows 'have four straight flutings; the Comanches make two straight black flutings and two red spiral ones.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 270; Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18; Tempsky's Mitla, p. 82; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 276; Conder's Mex. Guat., vol. ii., p. 76; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 360; Möllhausen, Flüchtling, tom. iv., p. 31; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 149.

[699] The Apache 'quivers are usually made of deer-skin, with the hair turned inside or outside, and sometimes of the skin of the wild-cat, with the tail appended.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 210. 'Quiver of sheep-skin.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 461. 'Quiver of fresh-cut reeds.' Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 39. 'Un carcax ó bolsa de piel de leopardo en lo general.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 373; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 31, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Tempsky's Mitla, p. 80.

[699] The Apache quivers are typically made from deer skin, with the hair facing either inwards or outwards, and sometimes from wildcat skin, with the tail still attached.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 210. 'Quiver made of sheepskin.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 461. 'Quiver made of freshly cut reeds.' Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 39. 'A carcass or bag made of leopard skin in general.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 373; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 31, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Tempsky's Mitla, p. 80.

[700] 'The spear is eight or ten feet in length, including the point, which is about eighteen inches long, and also made of iron.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 293. Should the Apaches possess any useless firearms, 'generalmente vienen á darles nuevo uso, haciendo de ellas lanzas, cuchillos, lengüetas de flechas.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 372. 'La lanza la usan muy larga.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 315. 'Lance of fifteen feet in length.' Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 338; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 276; Holley's Texas, p. 153; Cutts' Conq. of Cal., p. 242; Revista Científica, tom. i., p. 162; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 195; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 298.

[700] 'The spear is eight to ten feet long, including the point, which is about eighteen inches and made of iron.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 293. If the Apaches have any useless firearms, 'they generally start to repurpose them, turning them into spears, knives, and arrowheads.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 372. 'They use very long spears.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, vol. v., p. 315. 'Spear measuring fifteen feet long.' Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 338; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 276; Holley's Texas, p. 153; Cutts' Conq. of Cal., p. 242; Revista Científica, vol. i., p. 162; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 195; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 298.

[701] The Comanche 'shield was round ... made of wicker-work, covered first with deer skins and then a tough piece of raw buffalo-hide drawn over, ... ornamented with a human scalp, a grizzly bear's claw and a mule's tail ... for the arm were pieces of cotton cloth twisted into a rope.' Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 195. 'En el brazo izquierdo llevaba el chimal, que es un escudo ovalado, cubierto todo de plumas, espejos, chaquiras y adornos de paño encarnado.' Revista Científica, tom. i., p. 162. Their shield 'is generally painted a bright yellow.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 268. 'Shield of circular form, covered with two thicknesses of hard, undressed buffalo hide, ... stuffed with hair ... a rifle-ball will not penetrate it unless it strikes perpendicular to the surface.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 24-5; Möllhausen, Flüchtling, tom. iv., p. 31; Tempsky's Mitla, p. 80. A 'Navajo shield ... with an image of a demon painted on one side ... border of red cloth, ... trimmed with feathers.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 454; Linati, Costumes, plate xxii.; Shepard's Land of the Aztecs, p. 182; Edward's Hist. Tex., p. 104.

[701] The Comanche shield was round ... made from woven materials, first covered with deer skins and then with a tough piece of raw buffalo hide stretched over it, ... decorated with a human scalp, a grizzly bear's claw, and a mule's tail ... for the arm, there were pieces of cotton cloth twisted into a rope.' Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 195. 'On his left arm, he had a chimal, which is an oval shield, completely covered with feathers, mirrors, beads, and decorations made of red cloth.' Revista Científica, tom. i., p. 162. Their shield 'is usually painted a bright yellow.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 268. 'Shield of circular shape, covered with two layers of hard, untreated buffalo hide, ... stuffed with hair ... a bullet won't go through it unless it strikes directly at the surface.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 24-5; Möllhausen, Flüchtling, tom. iv., p. 31; Tempsky's Mitla, p. 80. A 'Navajo shield ... with a demon painted on one side ... bordered with red cloth, ... decorated with feathers.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 454; Linati, Costumes, plate xxii.; Shepard's Land of the Aztecs, p. 182; Edward's Hist. Tex., p. 104.

[702] 'Wherever their observations can be made from neighboring heights with a chance of successful ambush, the Apache never shows himself.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 79, 189. 'Attacking only when their numbers, and a well-laid ambush, promise a certainty of success.' Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 419. 'Colocan de antemano una emboscada.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 375; Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, pp. 221-3, 256; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 4; Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 47; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, p. 107; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 276; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 186; Davis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1868, p. 161.

[702] 'Wherever they can observe from nearby high ground with a chance to successfully ambush, the Apache never reveals himself.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 79, 189. 'They only attack when their numbers and a carefully planned ambush ensure a high likelihood of success.' Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 419. 'They set up an ambush in advance.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 375; Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, pp. 221-3, 256; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 4; Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 47; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, p. 107; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 276; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 186; Davis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1868, p. 161.

[703] 'Salen ... generalmente divididos en pequeñas partidas para ocultar mejor sus rastros.... Es imponderable la velocidad con que huyen despues que han ejecutado un crecido robo ... las montañas que encumbran, los desiertos sin agua que atraviesan.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 316. 'They steal upon their enemies under the cover of night.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 107; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 303; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 83; Apostólicos Afanes, p. 434; Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 375-6; Browne's Apache Country, p. 279; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 480; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 276.

[703] 'They generally break into small groups to better cover their tracks... The speed at which they flee after committing a significant robbery is incredible...the mountains they climb and the waterless deserts they cross.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, vol. v., p. 316. 'They attack their enemies under the cover of night.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 107; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 303; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 83; Apostólicos Afanes, p. 434; Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 375-6; Browne's Apache Country, p. 279; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 480; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 276.

[704] 'La practica, que observan para avisarse los unos à los otros ... es levantar humaredas.' Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 394. 'Smokes are of various kinds, each one significant of a particular object.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 183-4. 'In token of retreate sounded on a certaine small trumpet ... made fires, and were answered againe afarre off ... to giue their fellowes vnderstanding, how wee marched and where we arriued.' Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., tom. iii., p. 376; Möllhausen, Flüchtling, tom. ii., p. 157; Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 419.

[704] 'The practice they observe to signal each other ... is to send up smoke.' Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, vol. ii., p. 394. 'Smokes come in different types, each one representing a specific message.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 183-4. 'As a sign of retreat, a certain small trumpet would sound ... they lit fires and received responses from far away ... to inform their comrades about our movements and where we had arrived.' Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 376; Möllhausen, Flüchtling, vol. ii., p. 157; Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 419.

[705] 'La suma crueldad con que tratan á los vencidos atenaccandolos vivos y comiendose los pedazos de la carne que la arrancan.' Doc. Hist. N. Vizcaya, MS., p. 4. 'Their savage and blood-thirsty natures experience a real pleasure in tormenting their victim.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 266. 'Hang their victims by the heels to a tree and put a slow fire under their head.' Browne's Apache Country, pp. 201, 93, 96. Among the Navajos, 'Captives taken in their forays are usually treated kindly.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 295. 'Ils scalpent avec la corde de leur arc, en la tournant rapidement autour de la tête de leur victime.' Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 82; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 303; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, pp. 114-118, 138, 149, 218; Farnham's Trav., p. 32; Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 180; Labadi, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, p. 247; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 453; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180; Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 167; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212; Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 10; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 118.

[705] 'The extreme cruelty with which they treat the defeated, torturing them alive and tearing pieces of flesh from their bodies.' Doc. Hist. N. Vizcaya, MS., p. 4. 'Their savage and bloodthirsty natures take real pleasure in tormenting their victims.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 266. 'They hang their victims by the heels from a tree and put a slow fire under their heads.' Browne's Apache Country, pp. 201, 93, 96. Among the Navajos, 'Captives taken in their raids are usually treated kindly.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 295. 'They scalp with the string of their bow, quickly wrapping it around the head of their victim.' Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 82; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 303; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, pp. 114-118, 138, 149, 218; Farnham's Trav., p. 32; Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 180; Labadi, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, p. 247; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 453; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180; Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 167; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212; Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 10; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 118.

[706] Cremony's Apaches, p. 216; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 114.

[706] Cremony's Apaches, p. 216; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 114.

[707] 'Obran en la guerra con mas táctica que los apaches.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 318. 'A young man is never considered worthy to occupy a seat in council until he has encountered an enemy in battle.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 34; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 22; Domenech, Jour., pp. 140-1; Foote's Texas, vol. i., p. 298; Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 346; Maillard's Hist. Tex., p. 243.

[707] 'They fight in war with more strategy than the Apaches.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, vol. v., p. 318. 'A young man is not deemed worthy to have a seat in the council until he has faced an enemy in battle.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 34; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 22; Domenech, Jour., pp. 140-1; Foote's Texas, vol. i., p. 298; Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 346; Maillard's Hist. Tex., p. 243.

[708] 'When a chieftain desires to organize a war-party, he ... rides around through the camp singing the war-song.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 53. 'When a chief wishes to go to war ... the preliminaries are discussed at a war-dance.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 132; Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 280; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., p. 315.

[708] 'When a leader wants to organize a war-party, he ... rides around the camp singing the war song.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 53. 'When a chief wants to go to war ... the details are discussed at a war dance.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 132; Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 280; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., p. 315.

[709] 'They dart forward in a column like lightning.... At a suitable distance from their prey, they divide into two squadrons.' Holley's Texas, p. 153. 'A Comanche will often throw himself upon the opposite side of his charger, so as to be protected from the darts of the enemy.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., pp. 312-13; Dewees' Texas, p. 234; Shepard's Land of the Aztecs, p. 182; Ludecus, Reise, p. 104.

[709] 'They rush forward in a line like lightning.... At the right distance from their target, they split into two groups.' Holley's Texas, p. 153. 'A Comanche will often throw himself to the opposite side of his horse, so he can be shielded from the enemy's missiles.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., pp. 312-13; Dewees' Texas, p. 234; Shepard's Land of the Aztecs, p. 182; Ludecus, Reise, p. 104.

[710] 'Ils tuent tous les prisonniers adultes, et ne laissent vivre que les enfants, qu'ils élèvent avec soin pour s'en servir comme d'esclaves.' Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 290. 'Invariably kill such men as offer the slightest impediment to their operations, and take women and children prisoners.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 24, 54. 'Prisoners of war belong to the captors.' Burnet, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 232; Farnham's Trav., p. 32; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 480; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 41; Foote's Texas, vol. i., p. 298; Horn's Captivity, p. 15; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 205.

[710] 'They kill all adult prisoners and only let the children live, raising them carefully to use as slaves.' Humboldt, Essai Pol., vol. i., p. 290. 'They invariably kill any men who pose the slightest obstacle to their operations and take women and children as prisoners.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 24, 54. 'Prisoners of war belong to their captors.' Burnet, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 232; Farnham's Trav., p. 32; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 480; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 41; Foote's Texas, vol. i., p. 298; Horn's Captivity, p. 15; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 205.

[711] 'Ten chiefs were seated in a circle within our tent, when the pipe, the Indian token of peace, was produced ... they at first refused to smoke, their excuse being, that it was not their custom to smoke until they had received some presents.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., p. 39.

[711] 'Ten leaders were sitting in a circle in our tent when the peace pipe was brought out... at first, they refused to smoke, stating that it wasn't their custom to smoke until they received some gifts.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., p. 39.

[712] 'I saw no earthenware vessels among them; the utensils employed in the preparation of food being shallow basins of closely netted straw. They carried water in pitchers of the same material, but they were matted all over with a pitch.' Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 419. 'Aus Binsen und Weiden geflochtene Gefässe, mitunter auch einige aus Thon geformte;' ... by the door stood 'ein breiter Stein ... auf welchem mittelst eines kleineren die Mehlfrüchte zerrieben wurden.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 396, 404. 'Panniers of wicker-work, for holding provisions, are generally carried on the horse by the women.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 210; Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 129. 'Their only implements are sticks.' Greene, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 140. 'They (the Axuas of Colorado River) had a beautiful fishing-net made out of grass.' ... 'They had also burnt earthen jars, extremely well made. The size of each of them might be about two feet in diameter in the greatest swell; very thin, light, and well formed.' Hardy's Trav., p. 338. 'Nets wrought with the bark of the willow.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 220; Browne's Apache Country, p. 200. 'Tienen mucha loza de las coloradas, y pintadas y negras, platos, caxetes, saleros; almofias, xicaras muy galanas: alguna de la loza está vidriada. Tienen mucho apercibimiento de leña, é de madera, para hacer sus casas, en tal manera, á lo que nos dieron á entender, que cuando uno queria hacer casa, tiene aquella madera allí de puesto para el efecto, y hay mucha cantidad. Tiene dos guaxexes á los lados del pueblo, que le sirven para se bañar, porque de otros ojos de agua, á tiro de arcabuz, beben y se sirven. A un cuarto de legua va el rio Salado, que decimos, por donde fué nuestro camino, aunque el agua salada se pierde de muchas leguas atrás.' Castaño de Sosa, in Pacheco, Col. Doc. Inéd., tom. iv., p. 331; Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, Feb. 14th, 1862; Browne's Apache Country, p. 200. 'Their only means of farming are sharpened sticks.' Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 50.

[712] 'I didn't see any clay pots among them; the tools used for preparing food were shallow bowls made of tightly woven straw. They carried water in pitchers made of the same material, but they were completely covered in pitch.' Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 419. 'Baskets woven from reeds and willows, sometimes also some shaped from clay;' ... by the door stood 'a wide stone ... on which grain was ground using a smaller stone.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 396, 404. 'Wicker baskets for holding provisions are usually carried on the horse by the women.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 210; Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 129. 'Their only tools are sticks.' Greene, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 140. 'They (the Axuas of Colorado River) had a beautifully made fishing net made of grass.' ... 'They also had fired clay jars, very well made. Each one might be about two feet in diameter at its widest point; very thin, light, and well-shaped.' Hardy's Trav., p. 338. 'Nets made from willow bark.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 220; Browne's Apache Country, p. 200. 'They have a lot of colorful pottery, painted and black, plates, bowls, shakers; woven mats, and very fancy cups: some of the pottery is glazed. They have a lot of wood and timber on hand for building their homes, so much so that when someone wants to build a house, they have that wood readily available for the purpose, and there's plenty of it. There are two bathhouses on the sides of the village, which they use to bathe because, from other water sources nearby, they drink and use. A quarter of a league away is the Salado River, which we passed on our way, although the salty water is lost many leagues back.' Castaño de Sosa, in Pacheco, Col. Doc. Inéd., tom. iv., p. 331; Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, Feb. 14th, 1862; Browne's Apache Country, p. 200. 'Their only way of farming is with sharpened sticks.' Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 50.

[713] 'Their utensils for the purpose of grinding breadstuff, consist of two stones; one flat, with a concavity in the middle; the other round, fitting partly into the hollow of the flat stone.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 209; Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 418; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 282.

[713] 'Their tools for grinding grain consist of two stones: one flat with a dip in the center, and the other round, which fits partially into the hollow of the flat stone.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 209; Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 418; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 282.

[714] 'The cradle of the Navajo Indians resembles the same article made by the Western Indians. It consists of a flat board, to support the vertebral column of the infant, with a layer of blankets and soft wadding, to give ease to the position, having the edges of the frame-work ornamented with leather fringe. Around and over the head of the child, who is strapped to this plane, is an ornamented hoop, to protect the face and cranium from accident. A leather strap is attached to the vertebral shell-work, to enable the mother to sling it on her back.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 435-6, and plate p. 74.

[714] 'The cradle of the Navajo people is similar to those made by the Western tribes. It features a flat board to support the baby's back, along with a layer of blankets and soft padding for comfort. The edges of the frame are decorated with leather fringe. There is an ornamental hoop around and above the baby's head, which is strapped to the cradle to protect the face and skull from injury. A leather strap is connected to the cradle's back support, allowing the mother to carry it on her back.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 435-6, and plate p. 74.

[715] 'The saddle is not peculiar but generally resembles that used by the Mexicans. They ride with a very short stirrup, which is placed further to the front than on a Mexican saddle. The bit of the bridle has a ring attached to it, through which the lower jaw is partly thrust, and a powerful pressure is exerted by this means when the reins are tightened.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 292. 'Sa selle est faite de deux rouleaux de paille reliés par une courroie et maintenus par une sangle de cuir.' Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 82; Tempsky's Mitla, p. 80. The Navajos have 'aus zähem Eschenholz gefertigten Sattelbogen.' Möllhausen, Flüchtling, tom. iv., p. 39.

[715] 'The saddle is pretty standard and mostly looks like the ones used by Mexicans. They ride with very short stirrups, which are positioned further forward than on a Mexican saddle. The bit of the bridle has a ring attached, which goes partly through the lower jaw, and a significant amount of pressure is applied this way when the reins are pulled tight.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 292. 'The saddle is made of two rolls of straw connected by a strap and secured by a leather girth.' Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 82; Tempsky's Mitla, p. 80. The Navajos have 'saddle bows made from tough ash wood.' Möllhausen, Flüchtling, vol. iv., p. 39.

[716] 'Das Netz war weitmaschig, aus feinen, aber sehr starken Bastfäden geflochten, vier Fuss hoch, und ungefähr dreissig Fuss lang. Von vier zu vier Fuss befanden sich lange Stäbe an demselben, mittelst welcher es im Wasser, zugleich aber auch auf dem Boden und aufrecht gehalten wurde.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 227; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 220.

[716] 'The net was loosely woven from fine but very strong hemp fibers, four feet high and about thirty feet long. Long poles were placed every four feet along it, which helped keep it upright in the water as well as on the ground.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 227; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 220.

[717] 'El apache para sacar lumbre, usa ... un pedazo de sosole y otro de lechuguilla bien secos. Al primero le forman una punta, lo que frotan con la segunda con cuanta velocidad pueden á la manera del ejercicio de nuestros molinillos para hacer el chocolate: luego que ambos palos se calientan con la frotacion, se encienden y producen el fuego.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 282.

[717] 'The Apache uses ... a dry piece of sosole and another dry piece of lechuguilla to create fire. They shape a point on the first one and rub it against the second one as quickly as they can, similar to how we use our grinding tools to make chocolate. Once both sticks heat up from the friction, they ignite and produce fire.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 282.

[718] The Navajos 'manufacture the celebrated, and, for warmth and durability, unequaled, Navajo blanket. The Navajo blankets are a wonder of patient workmanship, and often sell as high as eighty, a hundred, or a hundred and fifty dollars.' Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 53. 'Navajo blankets have a wide and merited reputation for beauty and excellence.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 305; Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 341; Turner, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1852, tom. cxxxv., p. 314; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., pp. 13, 32, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Davis' El Gringo, p. 411; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 203; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 481; Peters' Life of Carson, p. 125; Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 567; Farnham's Life in Cal., pp. 373-4.

[718] The Navajos create the renowned Navajo blanket, which is praised for its warmth and unmatched durability. These blankets showcase incredible craftsmanship and often sell for as much as eighty, a hundred, or even one hundred and fifty dollars. Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 53. 'Navajo blankets are well-known and deservedly recognized for their beauty and quality.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 305; Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 341; Turner, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1852, tom. cxxxv., p. 314; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., pp. 13, 32, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Davis' El Gringo, p. 411; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 203; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 481; Peters' Life of Carson, p. 125; Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 567; Farnham's Life in Cal., pp. 373-4.

[719] 'This art may have been acquired from the New Mexicans, or the Pueblo Indians.' Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217. 'This manufacture of blankets ... was originally learned from the Mexicans when the two people lived on amicable terms.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 367.

[719] 'This art may have been obtained from the people of New Mexico, or the Pueblo Indians.' Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217. 'The craft of blanket-making ... was initially learned from the Mexicans when the two groups coexisted peacefully.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 367.

[720] 'The blanket is woven by a tedious and rude process, after the manner of the Pueblo Indians.... The manner of weaving is peculiar, and is, no doubt, original with these people and the neighboring tribes.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 291; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 437.

[720] 'The blanket is made through a long and rough process, similar to that of the Pueblo Indians.... Their weaving style is unique and is undoubtedly original to these people and the nearby tribes.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 291; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 437.

[721] 'The spinning and weaving is done ... by hand. The thread is made entirely by hand, and is coarse and uneven.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 291. 'The wool or cotton is first prepared by carding. It is then fastened to the spindle near its top, and is held in the left hand. The spindle is held between the thumb and the first finger of the right hand, and stands vertically in the earthen bowl. The operator now gives the spindle a twirl, as a boy turns his top, and while it is revolving, she proceeds to draw out her thread, precisely as is done by our own operatives, in using the common spinning-wheel. As soon as the thread is spun, the spindle is turned in an opposite direction, for the purpose of winding up the thread on the portion of it next to the wooden block.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 436.

[721] 'The spinning and weaving is done ... by hand. The thread is made entirely by hand, and is thick and uneven.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 291. 'The wool or cotton is first prepared by carding. It's then attached to the spindle near the top and held in the left hand. The spindle is held between the thumb and the index finger of the right hand, positioned vertically in the earthen bowl. The operator then gives the spindle a spin, like a boy with a top, and while it's spinning, she draws out the thread, just like our workers do with a typical spinning wheel. Once the thread is spun, the spindle is turned in the opposite direction to wind the thread onto the part next to the wooden block.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 436.

[722] Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 436. 'The colors are woven in bands and diamonds. We have never observed blankets with figures of a complicated pattern.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 291.

[722] Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 436. 'The colors are woven in stripes and diamond shapes. We've never seen blankets with intricate patterns.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 291.

[723] 'The colors, which are given in the yarn, are red, black, and blue. The juice of certain plants is employed in dyeing, but it is asserted by recent authorities that the brightest red and blue are obtained by macerating strips of Spanish cochineal, and altamine dyed goods, which have been purchased at the towns.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 436. 'The colors are red, blue, black, and yellow; black and red being the most common. The red strands are obtained by unravelling red cloth, black by using the wool of black sheep, blue by dissolving indigo in fermented urine, and yellow is said to be by coloring with a particular flower.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 291. The women 'welche sich in der Wahl der Farben und der Zusammenstellung von bunten Streifen und phantastischen Figuren in dem Gewebe gegenseitig zu übertreffen suchen. Ursprünglich trugen die Decken nur die verschiedenen Farben der Schafe in breiten Streifen, doch seit die Navahoes farbige, wollene Stoffe von Neu-Mexiko beziehen können, verschaffen sie sich solche, um sie in Fäden aufzulösen, und diese dann zu ihrer eigenen Weberei zu verwenden.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 235; Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 195.

[723] 'The colors used in the yarn are red, black, and blue. Certain plant juices are used for dyeing, but recent experts say that the brightest red and blue come from soaking strips of Spanish cochineal, along with altamine-dyed fabrics purchased in towns.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 436. 'The colors include red, blue, black, and yellow; black and red are the most common. The red strands come from unraveling red cloth, black from the wool of black sheep, blue from dissolving indigo in fermented urine, and yellow supposedly comes from a specific flower.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 291. The women 'try to outdo each other in choosing colors and arranging colorful stripes and fantastic patterns in their weaving. Originally, the blankets only had the natural colors of the sheep in wide stripes, but since the Navajo can source colored woolen fabrics from New Mexico, they acquire these to unravel and then use the threads in their own weaving.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 235; Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 195.

[724] 'Ils (the Apaches) travaillent bien les cuirs, font de belles brides.' Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 82. 'They manufacture rough leather.' Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 335. 'Man macht Leder.' Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 195. 'It has been represented that these tribes (the Navajos) wear leather shoes.... Inquiry from persons who have visited or been stationed in New Mexico, disaffirms this observation, showing that in all cases the Navajo shoes are skins, dressed and smoked after the Indian method.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 204; Cremony's Apaches, p. 305; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 286. They 'knit woolen stockings.' Davis' El Gringo, p. 411. 'They also manufacture ... a coarse woolen cloth with which they clothe themselves.' Clark, in Hist. Mag., vol. viii., p. 280; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 403, vol. ii., pp. 244-5. 'The Navajoes raise no cotton.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 212. 'Sie sind noch immer in einigen Baumwollengeweben ausgezeichnet.' Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 349. 'These people (the inhabitants of Arizona in 1540) had cotton, but they were not very carefull to vse the same: because there was none among them that knew the arte of weauing, and to make apparel thereof.' Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 433; Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 243; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 89; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 680; Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. iii., p. 184.

[724] 'They (the Apaches) work well with leather and make beautiful bridles.' Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 82. 'They make rough leather.' Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 335. 'One makes leather.' Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 195. 'It has been noted that these tribes (the Navajos) wear leather shoes.... However, inquiries from people who have visited or been stationed in New Mexico dispute this claim, showing that in all cases, the Navajo shoes are made from skins, tanned and smoked using traditional methods.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 204; Cremony's Apaches, p. 305; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 286. They 'knit woolen stockings.' Davis' El Gringo, p. 411. 'They also produce ... a rough woolen cloth that they use for clothing themselves.' Clark, in Hist. Mag., vol. viii., p. 280; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 403, vol. ii., pp. 244-5. 'The Navajos do not grow cotton.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 212. 'They are still known for some cotton textiles.' Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 349. 'These people (the inhabitants of Arizona in 1540) had cotton, but they weren't very careful about using it: because there was no one among them who knew the art of weaving and making garments from it.' Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 433; Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 243; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 89; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 680; Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. iii., p. 184.

[725] The Xicarillas, 'manufacture a sort of pottery which resists the action of fire.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 8; Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 177. The Yuma 'women make baskets of willow, and also of tule, which are impervious to water; also earthen ollas or pots, which are used for cooking and for cooling water.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 111; Revillagigedo, Carta, MS., p. 21. 'Figure 4. A scoop or dipper, from the Mohave tribe, and as neat and original an article in earthenware as could well be designed by a civilized potter.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 46, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'Professor Cox was informed that the New Mexican Indians colored their pottery black by using the gum of the mezquite, which has much the appearance and properties of gum arabic, and then baking it. Much of the ancient pottery from the Colorado Chiquito is colored, the prevailing tints being white, black, and red.' Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, p. 250; Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 195. The Yampais had 'some admirably made baskets of so close a texture as to hold water; a wicker jar coated with pine tree gum.' Sitgreaves' Zuñi. Ex., p. 10; Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 243.

[725] The Xicarillas create pottery that can withstand fire. Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 8; Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 177. The Yuma 'women make baskets from willow and tule that are waterproof; they also create clay pots used for cooking and keeping water cool.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 111; Revillagigedo, Carta, MS., p. 21. 'Figure 4. A scoop or dipper from the Mohave tribe, a neat and unique piece of earthenware that could easily be created by a skilled potter.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 46, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'Professor Cox learned that the New Mexican Indians dye their pottery black using mezquite gum, which resembles gum arabic in appearance and properties, followed by baking. Many ancient pottery pieces from Colorado Chiquito are colored, with common shades being white, black, and red.' Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, p. 250; Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 195. The Yampais made 'some beautifully crafted baskets with such a tight weave that they can hold water; a woven jar coated with pine gum.' Sitgreaves' Zuñi. Ex., p. 10; Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 243.

[726] Gregg's Com. Prairies, p. 286. 'In regard to the manufacture of plumage, or feather-work, they certainly display a greater fondness for decorations of this sort than any Indians we have seen.... I saw no exhibition of it in the way of embroidery.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 79; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 349.

[726] Gregg's Com. Prairies, p. 286. 'When it comes to making feather decorations, they definitely show more interest in these types of adornments than any other Indigenous people we've encountered.... I didn't see any displays of it in terms of embroidery.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 79; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 349.

[727] 'Mines d'argent exploitées par les Comanches, qui en tirent des ornements pour eux et pour leurs chevaux, ainsi que des balles pour leurs fusils.' Domenech, Jour., p. 132.

[727] 'Silver mines worked by the Comanche, who use them for ornaments for themselves and their horses, as well as bullets for their rifles.' Domenech, Jour., p. 132.

[728] The Mescaleros had 'a raft of bulrush or cane, floated and supported by some twenty or thirty hollow pumpkins fastened together.' Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iii., p. 56. The Yumas had 'batteaus which could hold 200 or 300 pounds weight.' Id., vol. iv., p. 546. The Mojaves had 'Flössen, die von Binsen-Bündeln zusammengefügt waren (die einzige Art von Fahrzeug, welche ich bei den Bewohnern des Colorado-Thales bemerkte).' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 401. 'Merely bundles of rushes placed side by side, and securely bound together with willow twigs ... their owners paddled them about with considerable dexterity.' Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 117, and plate. Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., pp. 238, 254; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 69.

[728] The Mescaleros had "a raft made of bulrush or cane, floated and supported by around twenty or thirty hollow pumpkins tied together." Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iii., p. 56. The Yumas had "boats that could hold 200 or 300 pounds." Id., vol. iv., p. 546. The Mojaves had "rafts made of bundles of reeds (the only type of vehicle I observed among the inhabitants of the Colorado Valley)." Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 401. "Simply bundles of rushes placed side by side and securely tied together with willow twigs ... their owners paddled them with considerable skill." Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 117, and plate. Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., pp. 238, 254; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 69.

[729] 'Immense numbers of horses and sheep, attesting the wealth of the tribe.' Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 128, 130. 'They possess more wealth than all the other wild tribes in New Mexico combined.' Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 179. 'They are owners of large flocks and herds.' Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 243; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217; Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 211, 212; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180; Davis' El Gringo, p. 411; Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, pp. 291-2; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 289; Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 567; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 173; Peters' Life of Carson, p. 124; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 349; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 79; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 460; Cremony's Apaches, p. 254; Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 60.

[729] 'Huge numbers of horses and sheep show the tribe's wealth.' Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 128, 130. 'They have more wealth than all the other wild tribes in New Mexico combined.' Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 179. 'They own large flocks and herds.' Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 243; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217; Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 211, 212; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180; Davis' El Gringo, p. 411; Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, pp. 291-2; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 289; Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 567; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 173; Peters' Life of Carson, p. 124; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 349; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 79; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 460; Cremony's Apaches, p. 254; Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 60.

[730] The Jicarilla Apaches 'manufacture a species of coarse earthenware, which they exchange for corn and wheat.' Keithly, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 115. Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 123.

[730] The Jicarilla Apaches make a type of rough earthenware that they trade for corn and wheat. Keithly, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 115. Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 123.

[731] 'Das Eigenthum des Vaters nicht auf den Sohn übergeht, sondern dass Neffen und Nichten als die rechtmässigen Erben anerkannt werden wenn nicht der Vater bei Lebzeiten schon seine Habe an die eigenen Kinder geschenkt hat.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 234. 'The husband has no control over the property of his wife.... Property does not descend from father to son, but goes to the nephew of the decedent, or, in default of a nephew, to the niece ... but if, while living, he distributes his property to his children, that disposition is recognised.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, pp. 294-5. 'When the father dies ... a fair division is not made; the strongest usually get the bulk of the effects.' Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 357.

[731] 'The father's property does not pass to the son, but rather nephews and nieces are recognized as the rightful heirs unless the father has already given his possessions to his children during his lifetime.' Möllhausen, Travels in the Rock Bound Country, vol. ii., p. 234. 'The husband has no authority over his wife's property.... Property doesn't transfer from father to son, but goes to a nephew of the deceased, or if there’s no nephew, to the niece ... but if he gives his property to his children while he's alive, that arrangement is acknowledged.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Report, 1855, pp. 294-5. 'When the father dies ... a fair division isn’t made; usually, the strongest take most of the assets.' Bristol, in Indian Affairs Report Special Committee, 1867, p. 357.

[732] 'The blankets, though not purchasable with money ... were sold, in some instances, for the most trifling article of ornament or clothing.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 81. Shell beads, which they call 'pook,' are their substitute for money.' Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 115.

[732] 'The blankets, although they couldn't be bought with cash ... were sometimes traded for the smallest pieces of jewelry or clothing.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 81. Shell beads, which they refer to as 'pook,' serve as their form of currency.' Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 115.

[733] The Querechos encountered by Coronado had with them 'un grand troupeau de chiens qui portaient tout ce qu'ils possédaient.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 117. 'The only property of these people, with the exception of a few articles belonging to their domestic economy, consists entirely in horses and mules.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 22; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 23; Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 347; Marcy's Rept., p. 188; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 116-17.

[733] The Querechos that Coronado met had with them 'a large herd of dogs that carried everything they owned.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., p. 117. 'The only possessions of these people, aside from a few items related to their daily life, consist entirely of horses and mules.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 22; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 23; Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 347; Marcy's Rept., p. 188; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 116-17.

[734] 'There are no subdivisions of land acknowledged in their territory, and no exclusive right of game.' Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 131. 'Their code is strictly Spartan.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 23.

[734] 'There are no recognized divisions of land in their territory, and no exclusive hunting rights.' Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 131. 'Their rules are very strict and disciplined.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 23.

[735] 'They are sufficiently astute in dealing.' Burnet, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 232. 'Le chef des Indiens choisit, parmi ces objets, ceux qui sont nécessaires à sa tribu.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 193. 'In Comanche trade the main trouble consists in fixing the price of the first animal. This being settled by the chiefs.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., p. 45; Parker's Notes on Tex., pp. 190, 234; Burnet, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 232; Domenech, Jour., p. 130; Dewees' Texas, p. 36.

[735] 'They are quite clever in their dealings.' Burnet, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 232. 'The chief of the Indians selects, from these items, those that are necessary for his tribe.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 193. 'In Comanche trading, the main issue is setting the price of the first animal. This is determined by the chiefs.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., p. 45; Parker's Notes on Tex., pp. 190, 234; Burnet, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 232; Domenech, Jour., p. 130; Dewees' Texas, p. 36.

[736] Mr Bartlett, describing an excursion he made to the Sierra Waco near the Copper Mines in New Mexico, says, he saw 'an overhanging rock extending for some distance, the whole surface of which is covered with rude paintings and sculptures, representing men, animals, birds, snakes, and fantastic figures ... some of them, evidently of great age, had been partly defaced to make room for more recent devices.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., pp. 170-4, with cuts. In Arizona, Emory found 'a mound of granite boulders ... covered with unknown characters.... On the ground nearby were also traces of some of the figures, showing some of the hieroglyphics, at least, to have been the work of modern Indians.' Emory's Reconnoissance, pp. 89, 90, with cut. The Comanches 'aimaient beaucoup les images, qu'ils ne se lassaient pas d'admirer.' Domenech, Jour., p. 136.

[736] Mr. Bartlett, sharing about a trip he took to the Sierra Waco near the Copper Mines in New Mexico, notes that he saw 'an overhanging rock extending for some distance, the whole surface of which is covered with crude paintings and sculptures depicting men, animals, birds, snakes, and fantastical figures... some of them, clearly very old, had been partly damaged to make space for more recent designs.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., pp. 170-4, with cuts. In Arizona, Emory discovered 'a mound of granite boulders... covered with unknown symbols.... Nearby on the ground were also traces of some figures, indicating that at least some of the hieroglyphics were created by modern Indians.' Emory's Reconnoissance, pp. 89, 90, with cut. The Comanches 'really liked images, which they never got tired of admiring.' Domenech, Jour., p. 136.

[737] 'The Apaches count ten thousand with as much regularity as we do. They even make use of the decimal sequences.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 237.

[737] 'The Apaches count to ten thousand just as consistently as we do. They even use decimal systems.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 237.

[738] 'They have no computation of time beyond the seasons ... the cold and hot season ... frequently count by the Caddo mode—from one to ten, and by tens to one hundred, &c.... They are ignorant of the elements of figures.' Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., pp. 129-30. 'Ce qu'ils savent d'astronomie se borne à la connaissance de l'étoile polaire.... L'arithmétique des sauvages est sur leurs doigts; ... Il leur faut absolument un objet pour nombrer.' Hartmann and Millard, Tex., pp. 112-13.

[738] 'They don't keep track of time beyond the seasons... the cold and hot seasons... often counting the Caddo way—from one to ten, and from ten to one hundred, etc.... They don’t understand the basics of numbers.' Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., pp. 129-30. 'What they know about astronomy is limited to the North Star.... The arithmetic of the natives is done using their fingers; ... they absolutely need a physical object to count.' Hartmann and Millard, Tex., pp. 112-13.

[739] The Navajos have no tribal government, and in reality no chiefs. Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 288. 'Their form of government is so exceedingly primitive as to be hardly worthy the name of a political organization.' Davis' El Gringo, pp. 412, 413; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 71. 'Ils n'ont jamais connu de domination.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série. v., No. 96, p. 187. 'Each is sovereign in his own right as a warrior.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 177.

[739] The Navajos don’t have a tribal government, and really no chiefs. Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 288. 'Their government is so basic that it hardly deserves to be called a political organization.' Davis' El Gringo, pp. 412, 413; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 71. 'They have never known domination.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série. v., No. 96, p. 187. 'Each person is sovereign in their own right as a warrior.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 177.

[740] 'It is my opinion that the Navajo chiefs have but very little influence with their people.' Bennett, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 238, and 1870, p. 152; Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 357.

[740] 'I believe that the Navajo chiefs have very little influence over their people.' Bennett, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 238, and 1870, p. 152; Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 357.

[741] 'Los padres de familia ejercen esta autoridad en tanto que los hijos no salen de la infancia, porque poco antes de salir de la pubertad son como libres y no reconocen mas superioridad que sus propias fuerzas, ó la del indio que los manda en la campaña.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 282-3. 'Every rich man has many dependants, and these dependants are obedient to his will, in peace and in war.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 211; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 89. 'Every one who has a few horses and sheep is a "head man."' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 288; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 233. The rule of the Querechos is 'essentially patriarchal.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 20.

[741] 'Parents hold this authority as long as their children remain in childhood because just before reaching puberty, they feel free and recognize no authority other than their own strength or that of the native leader commanding them in the campaign.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 282-3. 'Every wealthy man has many followers, and these followers obey his wishes, both in times of peace and war.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 211; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 89. 'Anyone who owns a few horses and sheep is considered a "head man."' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 288; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 233. The leadership of the Querechos is 'essentially patriarchal.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 20.

[742] 'When one or more (of the Navajos) are successful in battle or fortunate in their raids to the settlements on the Rio Grande, he is endowed with the title of captain or chief.' Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1867, p. 357. 'En cualquiera de estas incorporaciones toma el mando del todo por comun consentimiento el mas acreditado de valiente.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 373. The Comanches have 'a right to displace a chief, and elect his successor, at pleasure.' Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 346. A chief of the Comanches is never degraded 'for any private act unconnected with the welfare of the whole tribe.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 130.

[742] 'When one or more of the Navajos succeed in battle or are lucky in their raids on the settlements along the Rio Grande, they earn the title of captain or chief.' Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1867, p. 357. 'In any of these groups, the most respected warrior takes command by common agreement.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 373. The Comanches have 'the right to remove a chief and choose his replacement whenever they want.' Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 346. A Comanche chief is never demoted 'for any personal action unrelated to the well-being of the entire tribe.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 130.

[743] The office of chief is not hereditary with the Navajos. Cremony's Apaches, p. 307. The wise old men of the Querechos 'curb the impetuosity of ambitious younger warriors.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 20. 'I infer that rank is (among the Mojaves), to some extent, hereditary.' Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 67, 71. 'This captain is often the oldest son of the chief, and assumes the command of the tribe on the death of his father,' among the Apaches. Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 210.

[743] The position of chief is not passed down through families among the Navajos. Cremony's Apaches, p. 307. The wise elders of the Querechos 'keep the ambitious young warriors in check.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 20. 'I believe that rank is (among the Mojaves), somewhat hereditary.' Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 67, 71. 'This captain is often the oldest son of the chief, and takes over the leadership of the tribe when his father dies,' among the Apaches. Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 210.

[744] The Mescaleros and Apaches 'choose a head-man to direct affairs for the time being.' Carleton, in Smithsonian Rept., 1854, p. 315. 'Es gibt auch Stämme, an deren Spitze ein Kriegs- sowie ein Friedens-Häuptling steht.' Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 279; García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 315.

[744] The Mescaleros and Apaches 'choose a leader to manage affairs for the time being.' Carleton, in Smithsonian Rept., 1854, p. 315. 'There are also tribes with both a war chief and a peace chief.' Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 279; García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 315.

[745] When Col. Langberg visited the Comanches who inhabit the Bolson de Mapimi, 'wurde dieser Stamm von einer alten Frau angeführt.' Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 222; Id., Cent. Amer., p. 352; Hardy's Trav., p. 348. 'I have never known them (Comanches) to make a treaty that a portion of the tribe do not violate its stipulations before one year rolls around.' Neighbors, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 267.

[745] When Col. Langberg visited the Comanches living in the Bolson de Mapimi, 'this tribe was led by an old woman.' Froebel, Aus Amerika, vol. ii, p. 222; Id., Cent. Amer., p. 352; Hardy's Trav., p. 348. 'I have never known them (Comanches) to make a treaty that some members of the tribe don't break before a year passes.' Neighbors, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 267.

[746] The chiefs of the Comanches 'are in turn subject to the control of a principal chief.' Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 345. 'La autoridad central de su gobierno reside en un gefe supremo.' Revista Científica, tom. i., p. 57; Escudero, Noticias de Chihuahua, p. 229. The southern Comanches 'do not of late years acknowledge the sovereignty of a common ruler and leader in their united councils nor in war.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 43. The Gila Apaches acknowledge 'no common head or superior.' Merriwether, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 170, 172.

[746] The leaders of the Comanches are under the authority of a main chief. Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 345. 'The central authority of their government resides in a supreme chief.' Revista Científica, tom. i., p. 57; Escudero, Noticias de Chihuahua, p. 229. The southern Comanches 'in recent years do not recognize the authority of a common leader in their united councils or in warfare.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 43. The Gila Apaches acknowledge 'no common leader or superior.' Merriwether, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 170, 172.

[747] The Comanches 'hold regular councils quarterly, and a grand council of the whole tribe once a year.' Edward's Hist. Tex., p. 108. 'At these councils prisoners of war are tried, as well as all cases of adultery, theft, sedition and murder, which are punished by death. The grand council also takes cognizance of all disputes between the chiefs, and other matters of importance.' Maillard's Hist. Tex., p. 244. 'Their decisions are of but little moment, unless they meet the approbation of the mass of the people; and for this reason these councils are exceedingly careful not to run counter to the wishes of the poorer but more numerous class, being aware of the difficulty, if not impossibility, of enforcing any act that would not command their approval.' Collins, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 274. 'Singulis pagis sui Reguli erant, qui per praecones suos edicta populo denuntiabant.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 311. 'Tienen otra Persona, que llaman Pregonero, y es la segunda Persona de la República; el oficio de este, es manifestar al Pueblo todas las cosas que se han de hacer.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 337; Id., tom. i., p. 680. They recognize 'no law but that of individual caprice.' Steck, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 109. The Comanches 'acknowledge no right but the right of the strongest.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 575. 'La loi du talion est la base fondamentale du code politique, civil et criminel de ces diverses peuplades, et cette loi reçoit une rigoureuse application de nation à nation, de famille à famille, d'individu à individu.' Hartmann and Millard, Tex., p. 114.

[747] The Comanches hold regular councils every three months, and a grand council of the entire tribe once a year. Edward's Hist. Tex., p. 108. At these councils, prisoners of war are tried, along with all cases of adultery, theft, dissent, and murder, which are punishable by death. The grand council also addresses all disputes between chiefs and other significant issues. Maillard's Hist. Tex., p. 244. Their decisions don't carry much weight unless they have the approval of the majority of the people; because of this, these councils are very careful not to go against the wishes of the poorer but larger group, understanding the challenges, if not the impossibility, of enforcing any decision that wouldn't receive their backing. Collins, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 274. 'In each village, there were local leaders who announced decrees to the people through their messengers.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 311. 'They have another person, called the Herald, who is the second person in the Republic; their duty is to inform the people of everything that needs to be done.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., vol. ii., p. 337; Id., vol. i., p. 680. They recognize 'no law but the whims of individuals.' Steck, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 109. The Comanches 'acknowledge no right but the right of the strongest.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 575. 'The law of retaliation is the fundamental basis of the political, civil, and criminal code of these various tribes, and this law is rigorously applied from nation to nation, family to family, and individual to individual.' Hartmann and Millard, Tex., p. 114.

[748] The Comanches punish 'Adultery, theft, murder, and other crimes ... by established usage.' Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 347. Among the Navajos, 'Lewdness is punished by a public exposure of the culprit.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180. Marcy's Army Life, pp. 26, 59. Navajoes 'regard each other's right of property, and punish with great severity any one who infringes upon it. In one case a Navajo was found stealing a horse; they held a council and put him to death.' Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 344. A Cuchano young boy who frightened a child by foretelling its death, which accidentally took place the next day, 'was secretly accused and tried before the council for "being under the influence of evil spirits,"' and put to death. Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. iii.; Feudge, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1868, p. 137. Among the Yumas, 'Each chief punishes delinquents by beating them across the back with a stick. Criminals brought before the general council for examination, if convicted, are placed in the hands of a regularly appointed executioner of the tribe, who inflicts such punishment as the council may direct.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. iii.

[748] The Comanches punish 'Adultery, theft, murder, and other crimes ... by established custom.' Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 347. Among the Navajos, 'Lewdness is punished by publicly exposing the offender.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180. Marcy's Army Life, pp. 26, 59. Navajos 'respect each other's property rights and severely punish anyone who violates them. In one case, a Navajo was caught stealing a horse; they held a council and executed him.' Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 344. A Cuchano boy who scared a child by predicting its death, which unexpectedly occurred the next day, 'was secretly accused and tried before the council for "being influenced by evil spirits,"' and was executed. Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. iii.; Feudge, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1868, p. 137. Among the Yumas, 'Each chief punishes wrongdoers by whipping them on the back with a stick. Criminals brought before the general council for judgment, if found guilty, are handed over to an appointed executioner of the tribe, who carries out the punishment as directed by the council.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. iii.

[749] The Apache chief Ponce, speaking of the grief of a poor woman at the loss of her son, says: 'The mother of the dead brave demands the life of his murderer. Nothing else will satisfy her.... Would money satisfy me for the death of my son? No! I would demand the blood of the murderer. Then I would be satisfied.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 69. 'If one man (Apache) kills another, the next of kin to the defunct individual may kill the murderer—if he can. He has the right to challenge him to single-combat.... There is no trial, no set council, no regular examination into the crime or its causes; but the ordeal of battle settles the whole matter.' Id., p. 293.

[749] The Apache chief Ponce, discussing a poor woman's sorrow over her son's death, says: 'The mother of the deceased warrior demands the life of his killer. Nothing else will satisfy her.... Would financial compensation ease my grief for my son's death? No! I would seek revenge on his murderer. Only then would I find peace.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 69. 'If one Apache kills another, the next of kin to the deceased has the right to kill the murderer—if they can. They have the right to challenge him to a duel.... There is no trial, no formal council, no proper investigation into the crime or its reasons; the fight determines everything.' Id., p. 293.

[750] Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 7; Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 294. 'Ils (Comanches) tuent tous les prisonniers adultes, et ne laissent vivre que les enfans.' Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 98. The Navajos 'have in their possession many prisoners, men, women, and children, ... whom they hold and treat as slaves.' Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 244.

[750] Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 7; Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 294. "They (Comanches) kill all the adult prisoners and only let the children live." Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 98. The Navajos "have many prisoners—men, women, and children—whom they keep and treat as slaves." Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 244.

[751] One boy from Mexico taken by the Comanches, said, 'dass sein Geschäft in der Gefangenschaft darin bestehe die Pferde seines Herrn zu weiden.' Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 102; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., p. 313. The natives of New Mexico take the women prisoners 'for wives.' Marcy's Rept., p. 187. Some prisoners liberated from the Comanches, were completely covered with stripes and bruises. Dewees' Texas, p. 232. Miss Olive Oatman detained among the Mohaves says: 'They invented modes and seemed to create necessities of labor that they might gratify themselves by taxing us to the utmost, and even took unwarranted delight in whipping us on beyond our strength. And all their requests and exactions were couched in the most insulting and taunting language and manner, as it then seemed, and as they had the frankness soon to confess, to fume their hate against the race to whom we belonged. Often under the frown and lash were we compelled to labor for whole days upon an allowance amply sufficient to starve a common dandy civilized idler.' Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, pp. 114-18, 130.

[751] One boy from Mexico taken by the Comanches said, 'his job in captivity was to take care of his master's horses.' Froebel, From America, vol. ii., p. 102; Gregg's Comanche Prairies, vol. ii., p. 313. The natives of New Mexico take women prisoners 'as wives.' Marcy's Report, p. 187. Some prisoners freed from the Comanches were covered in stripes and bruises. Dewees' Texas, p. 232. Miss Olive Oatman, who was held by the Mohaves, said: 'They came up with tasks and created work necessities just to enjoy pushing us to our limits, and they even took pleasure in whipping us beyond our strength. All their demands were delivered in the most insulting and mocking tone, as they later openly admitted, fueled by their hatred for our people. Often, under threats and punishment, we were forced to work all day for rations barely enough to starve a typical spoiled city dweller.' Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, pp. 114-18, 130.

[752] 'It appeared that the poor girl had been stolen, as the Indian (Axua) said, from the Yuma tribe the day before, and he now offered her for sale.' Hardy's Trav., p. 379. 'The practice of parents selling their children is another proof of poverty' of the Axuans. Id., p. 371.

[752] 'It seemed that the poor girl had been kidnapped, as the Indian (Axua) mentioned, from the Yuma tribe the day before, and now he was offering her for sale.' Hardy's Trav., p. 379. 'The practice of parents selling their children is another indication of poverty' of the Axuans. Id., p. 371.

[753] 'According to their (Tontos') physiology the female, especially the young female, should be allowed meat only when necessary to prevent starvation.' Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 115. The Comanches 'enter the marriage state at a very early age frequently before the age of puberty.' Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 132. Whenever a Jicarilla female arrives at a marriageable age, in honor of the 'event the parents will sacrifice all the property they possess, the ceremony being protracted from five to ten days with every demonstration of hilarity.' Steck, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 109; Marcy's Army Life, p. 28-9. Among the Yumas, the applicant for womanhood is placed in an oven or closely covered hut, in which she is steamed for three days, alternating the treatment with plunges into the near river, and maintaining a fast all the time.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., pp. 110-11. The Apaches celebrate a feast with singing, dancing, and mimic display when a girl arrives at the marriageable state, during which time the girl remains 'isolated in a huge lodge' and 'listens patiently to the responsibilities of her marriageable condition,' recounted to her by the old men and chiefs. 'After it is finished she is divested of her eyebrows.... A month afterward the eye lashes are pulled out.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 143, 243-6.

[753] 'Based on their physiology, Tontos believe that females, especially young ones, should only be given meat when it's necessary to avoid starvation.' Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 115. The Comanches 'often enter marriage at a very young age, frequently before puberty.' Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 132. When a Jicarilla girl reaches a marriageable age, her parents will sacrifice all of their possessions to honor the 'event', and the ceremony lasts from five to ten days with plenty of celebrations.' Steck, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 109; Marcy's Army Life, p. 28-9. Among the Yumas, a girl aspiring to womanhood is placed in an oven or a covered hut, where she is steamed for three days, alternating that with plunges into the nearby river, while fasting the entire time.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., pp. 110-11. The Apaches hold a feast with singing, dancing, and performances when a girl reaches marriageable age. During this time, the girl remains 'isolated in a large lodge' and 'patiently listens to the responsibilities that come with her marriageable status,' as explained by the elders and chiefs. 'Once the ceremony is over, her eyebrows are removed.... A month later, her eyelashes are pulled out.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 143, 243-6.

[754] There is no marriage ceremony among the Navajoes 'a young man wishing a woman for his wife ascertains who her father is; he goes and states the cause of his visit and offers from one to fifteen horses for the daughter. The consent of the father is absolute, and the one so purchased assents or is taken away by force. All the marriageable women or squaws in a family can be taken in a similar manner by the same individual; i. e., he can purchase wives as long as his property holds out.' Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 357; Marcy's Army Life, p. 49; Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 214; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 233.

[754] There is no formal marriage ceremony among the Navajo. A young man who wants to marry a woman first finds out who her father is; he then visits the father to explain his intentions and offers between one and fifteen horses for his daughter. The father's consent is crucial, and the girl either agrees to the marriage or is taken by force. All marriageable women in a family can be taken in the same way by the same man; that is, he can acquire as many wives as long as he can afford them. Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 357; Marcy's Army Life, p. 49; Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 214; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 233.

[755] Among the Apaches, the lover 'stakes his horse in front of her roost.... Should the girl favor the suitor, his horse is taken by her, led to water, fed, and secured in front of his lodge.... Four days comprise the term allowed her for an answer.... A ready acceptance is apt to be criticised with some severity, while a tardy one is regarded as the extreme of coquetry.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 245-9; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 89; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 30, 51. The Apache 'who can support or keep, or attract by his power to keep, the greatest number of women, is the man who is deemed entitled to the greatest amount of honor and respect.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 44, 85. Un Comanche, 'peut épouser autant de femmes qu'il veut, à la seule condition de donner à chacune un cheval.' Domenech, Jour., p. 135. Among the Navajoes, 'The wife last chosen is always mistress of her predecessors.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 42, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. They seldom, if ever, marry out of the tribe. Ward, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 455. 'In general, when an Indian wishes to have many wives he chooses above all others, if he can, sisters, because he thinks he can thus secure more domestic peace.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 306. 'I think that few, if any, have more than one wife,' of the Mojaves. Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 71.

[755] Among the Apaches, a man shows his affection by tying his horse up in front of the woman's dwelling.... If she likes him, she takes his horse, takes it to the water, feeds it, and keeps it in front of her home.... She has four days to give her answer.... If she accepts quickly, it might be criticized harshly, while a delayed response is seen as the height of flirtation.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 245-9; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 89; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 30, 51. The Apache 'man who can support or attract the most women is the one who earns the most honor and respect.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 44, 85. A Comanche can 'marry as many women as he wants, as long as he gives each one a horse.' Domenech, Jour., p. 135. Among the Navajos, 'The most recently chosen wife is always in charge of the ones before her.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 42, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. They rarely, if ever, marry outside their tribe. Ward, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 455. 'In general, when an Indian wants multiple wives, he prefers to choose sisters, as this is believed to promote more harmony at home.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 306. 'I think that few, if any, of the Mojaves have more than one wife.' Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 71.

[756] 'The Navajo marriage-ceremony consists simply of a feast upon horse-flesh.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 460. When the Navajos desire to marry, 'they sit down on opposite sides of a basket, made to hold water, filled with atole or some other food, and partake of it. This simple proceeding makes them husband and wife.' Davis' El Gringo, p. 415.

[756] 'The Navajo marriage ceremony is basically just a feast featuring horse meat.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 460. When the Navajos want to get married, 'they sit down on opposite sides of a basket designed to hold water, filled with atole or another type of food, and share it. This straightforward act makes them husband and wife.' Davis' El Gringo, p. 415.

[757] The Comanche women 'are drudges.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 575; Dufey, Résumé de l'Hist., tom. i., p. 4; Neighbors, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 265; Escudero, Noticias de Chihuahua, p. 230; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 308. Labor is considered degrading by the Comanches. Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 347. The Apache men 'no cuidan de otras cosas, sino de cazar y divertirse.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 563; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 29, 49, 56. 'La femme (du Comanche) son esclave absolue, doit tout faire pour lui. Souvent il n'apporte pas même le gibier qu'il a tué, mais il envoie sa femme le chercher au loin.' Dubuis, in Domenech, Jour., p. 459. The Navajos 'treat their women with great attention, consider them equals, and relieve them from the drudgery of menial work.' Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 203. The Navajo women 'are the real owners of all the sheep.... They admit women into their councils, who sometimes control their deliberations; and they also eat with them.' Davis' El Gringo, p. 412; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 101., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'De aquí proviene que sean árbitros de sus mugeres, dandoles un trato servilísimo, y algunas veces les quitan hasta la vida por celos.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 268. 'Les Comanches, obligent le prisonnier blanc, dont ils ont admiré le valeur dans le combat, á s'unir aux leurs pour perpétuer sa race.' Fossey, Mexique, p. 462.

[757] The Comanche women 'are laborers.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 575; Dufey, Résumé de l'Hist., tom. i., p. 4; Neighbors, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 265; Escudero, Noticias de Chihuahua, p. 230; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 308. Work is seen as degrading by the Comanches. Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 347. The Apache men 'only care about hunting and having fun.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 563; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 29, 49, 56. 'The woman (of the Comanche) is his absolute slave, must do everything for him. Often he doesn't even bring back the game he has killed, but sends his wife to fetch it from far away.' Dubuis, in Domenech, Jour., p. 459. The Navajos 'treat their women with great care, consider them equals, and relieve them from menial tasks.' Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 203. The Navajo women 'are the true owners of all the sheep.... They include women in their councils, who sometimes direct their discussions; and they also eat with them.' Davis' El Gringo, p. 412; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 101., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'This leads to them being arbiters of their women, giving them a very servile treatment, and sometimes even taking their lives out of jealousy.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 268. 'The Comanches compel the white prisoner, whom they have admired for his bravery in combat, to unite with them to perpetuate his race.' Fossey, Mexique, p. 462.

[758] Among the Apaches, 'muchas veces suele disolverse el contrato por unánime consentimiento de los desposados, y volviendo la mujer á su padre, entrega este lo que recibió por ella.' Cordero. in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 373. When the Navajo women abandon the husband, the latter 'asks to wipe out the disgrace by killing some one.' Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 334; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217.

[758] Among the Apaches, "often the marriage contract can be dissolved by mutual consent of the couple, and the woman returns to her father, who gives back what he received for her." Cordero. in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 373. When Navajo women leave their husbands, the husband "asks to erase the shame by killing someone." Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 334; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217.

[759] Navajo women, 'when in parturition, stand upon their feet, holding to a rope suspended overhead, or upon the knees, the body being erect.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 290. 'Previous to a birth, the (Yuma) mother leaves her village for some short distance and lives by herself until a month after the child is born; the band to which she belongs then assemble and select a name for the little one, which is given with some trivial ceremony.' Emory's Rept., vol. i., p. 110; Marcy's Army Life, p. 31. 'Si el parto es en marcha, se hacen á un lado del camino debajo de un árbol, en donde salen del lance con la mayor facilidad y sin apuro ninguno, continuando la marcha con la criatura y algun otro de sus chiquillos, dentro de una especie de red, que á la manera de una canasta cargan en los hombros, pendiente de la frente con una tira de cuero ó de vaqueta que la contiene, en donde llevan ademas alunos trastos ó cosas que comer.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 281; Fossey, Mexique, p. 462. 'Luego que sale á luz esta, sale la vieja de aquel lugar con la mano puesta en los ojos, y no se descubre hasta que no haya dado una vuelta fuera de la casa, y el objeto que primero se le presenta á la vista, es el nombre que se le pone á la criatura.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 335.

[759] Navajo women, 'when giving birth, stand on their feet, holding onto a rope suspended above them, or on their knees, with their body upright.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 290. 'Before a birth, the (Yuma) mother leaves her village for a short distance and lives alone until a month after the child is born; the group she belongs to then gathers and chooses a name for the newborn, which is given during a simple ceremony.' Emory's Rept., vol. i., p. 110; Marcy's Army Life, p. 31. 'If the birth happens while traveling, they move to the side of the road beneath a tree, where they give birth easily and without hurry, continuing on with the baby and some of their other children, carried in a kind of net that resembles a basket, which they balance on their shoulders, secured on the forehead with a strap made of leather or hide, where they also carry some utensils or food.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 281; Fossey, Mexique, p. 462. 'As soon as the baby is born, an elder from that place comes out with their hands over their eyes and doesn't reveal themselves until they have walked around outside the house, and the first object they see is the name given to the child.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 335.

[760] Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 92; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 320; Ives' Colorado River, pp. 66, 71; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 211. 'Quand les Indiennes (Comanches) voyagent avec leurs enfants en bas âge, elles les suspendent à la selle avec des courroies qu'elles leur passent entre les jambes et sous les bras. Les soubresauts du cheval, les branches, les broussailles heurtent ces pauvres petits, les déchirent, les meurtrissent: peu importe, c'est une façon de les aguerrir.' Domenech, Journ. p. 135; Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 52. 'A la edad de siete años de los apaches, ó antes, lo primero que hacen los padres, es poner á sus hijos el carcax en la mano enseñándoles á tirar bien, cuya táctica empiezan á aprender en la caza.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 283. The Apaches, 'juventutem sedulo instituunt castigant quod aliis barbaris insolitum.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 316. Male children of the Comanches 'are even privileged to rebel against their parents, who are not entitled to chastise them but by consent of the tribe.' Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 346-7. In fact a Navajo Indian has said, 'that he was afraid to correct his own boy, lest the child should wait for a convenient opportunity, and shoot him with an arrow.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 294.

[760] Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 92; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., vol. i., p. 320; Ives' Colorado River, pp. 66, 71; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 211. "When Indian women (Comanches) travel with their young children, they strap them to the saddle with belts that go between their legs and under their arms. The jolts of the horse, the branches, and the bushes hit those poor little ones, leaving them bruised and hurt: it doesn’t matter, it’s a way to toughen them up." Domenech, Journ. p. 135; Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 52. "At the age of seven, or even earlier, Apache parents first put a bow in their children's hands, teaching them to shoot well, which is a tactic they start learning from hunting." Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 283. The Apaches, "carefully train their youth, punishing them in ways that are unusual for other tribes." De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 316. Male children of the Comanches "are even allowed to rebel against their parents, who can only discipline them with the tribe's agreement." Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 346-7. In fact, a Navajo Indian has said, "that he was afraid to correct his own son, fearing the child might wait for a chance and shoot him with an arrow." Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 294.

[761] Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 354; Cremony's Apaches, p. 367; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 399; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 119.

[761] Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 354; Cremony's Apaches, p. 367; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 399; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 119.

[762] 'The Navajo women are very loose, and do not look upon fornication as a crime.' Guyther, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 339; Cremony's Apaches, p. 244. 'Prostitution is the rule among the (Yuma) women, not the exception.' Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 301; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 476; Browne's Apache Country, p. 96. 'Prostitution prevails to a great extent among the Navajoes, the Maricopas, and the Yuma Indians; and its attendant diseases, as before stated, have more or less tainted the blood of the adults; and by inheritance of the children.' Carleton, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 433. Among the Navajoes, 'the most unfortunate thing which can befall a captive woman is to be claimed by two persons. In this case, she is either shot or delivered up for indiscriminate violence.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 50. The Colorado River Indians 'barter and sell their women into prostitution, with hardly an exception.' Safford, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 139. 'The Comanche women are, as in many other wild tribes, the slaves of their lords, and it is a common practice for their husbands to lend or sell them to a visitor for one, two, or three days at a time.' Marcy's Rept., p. 187; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 419. 'Las faltas conyugales no se castigan por la primera vez; pero á la segunda el marido corta la punta de la nariz á su infiel esposa, y la despide de su lado.' Revista Científica, vol. i., p. 57; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 192. 'The squaw who has been mutilated for such a cause, is ipso facto divorced, and, it is said, for ever precluded from marrying again. The consequence is, that she becomes a confirmed harlot in the tribe.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., pp. 43, 308-10, 313. 'El culpable, segun dicen, jamas es castigado por el marido con la muerte; solamente se abroga el derecho de darle algunos golpes y cogerse sus mulas ó caballos.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 253; Marcy's Army Life, p. 49. 'These yung men may not haue carnall copulation with any woman: but all the yung men of the countrey which are to marrie, may company with them.... I saw likewise certaine women which liued dishonestly among men.' Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 436.

[762] 'The Navajo women are quite open-minded and don't consider premarital sex as a crime.' Guyther, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 339; Cremony's Apaches, p. 244. 'Prostitution is common among the (Yuma) women, not rare.' Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 301; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 476; Browne's Apache Country, p. 96. 'Prostitution is widespread among the Navajoes, the Maricopas, and the Yuma Indians, and the related diseases have, as mentioned before, affected the adults' health, often being passed down to their children.' Carleton, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 433. Among the Navajos, 'the worst fate for a captured woman is to be claimed by two people. In that case, she is either killed or subjected to violent treatment.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 50. The Colorado River Indians 'barter and sell their women into prostitution, almost without exception.' Safford, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 139. 'The Comanche women are, like many other indigenous groups, the property of their husbands, and it's common for their husbands to lend or sell them to visitors for a few days.' Marcy's Rept., p. 187; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 419. 'Adultery is not punished on the first offense; however, on the second, the husband cuts off the tip of his unfaithful wife's nose and sends her away.' Revista Científica, vol. i., p. 57; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 192. 'A woman who has been disfigured for such a reason is ipso facto divorced and is said to be forever unable to marry again. As a result, she becomes a known outcast in the tribe.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., pp. 43, 308-10, 313. 'The guilty party, according to them, is never punished by the husband with death; instead, he only loses the right to give them a few blows and take their mules or horses.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 253; Marcy's Army Life, p. 49. 'These young men may not have sexual relations with any woman: but all the young men in the area who are to marry can spend time with them.... I also saw certain women who lived immorally with men.' Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 436.

[763] 'They tolde mey that ... such as remayned widowes, stayed halfe a yeere, or a whole yeere before they married.' Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 431; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 110; Marcy's Army Life, p. 54; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 234; García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 315.

[763] 'They told me that ... those who remained widows waited half a year or even a whole year before they remarried.' Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 431; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 110; Marcy's Army Life, p. 54; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 234; García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 315.

[764] 'En las referidas reuniones los bailes son sus diversiones favoritas. Los hacen de noche al son de una olla cubierta la boca con una piel tirante, que suenan con un palo, en cuya estremidad lian un boton de trapos. Se interpolan ambos secsos, saltan todos a un mismo tiempo, dando alaridos y haciendo miles de ademanes, en que mueven todos los miembros del cuerpo con una destreza extraordinaria, arremedando al coyote y al venado. Desta manera forman diferentes grupos simétricamente.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 269; Marcy's Army Life, p. 177; Cremony's Apaches, p. 285. 'Este lo forma una junta de truhanes vestidos de ridiculo y autorizados por los viejos del pueblo para cometer los mayores desórdenes, y gusten tanto de estos hechos, que ni los maridos reparan las infamias que cometen con sus mugeres, ni las que resultan en perjuicio de las hijas.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 335. 'The females (of the Apaches) do the principal part of the dancing.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212. 'Among the Abenakis, Chactas, Comanches, and other Indian tribes, the women dance the same dances, but after the men, and far out of their sight ... they are seldom admitted to share any amusement, their lot being to work.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 199, 214. 'De éstos vinieron cinco danzas, cada una compuesta de treinta indias; de éstas, veintiseis como de 15 à 20 años, y las cuatro restantes de mas edad, que eran las que cuidaban y dirigian à las jóvenes.' Museo Mex., tom. i., p. 288. 'The dance (of the Tontos) is similar to that of the California Indians; a stamp around, with clapping of hands and slapping of thighs in time to a drawl of monotones.' Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 419.

[764] 'At these gatherings, dancing is their favorite pastime. They do it at night to the sound of a pot covered with tightly stretched animal skin, which is struck with a stick that has a bundle of rags tied to the end. They alternate between beats, everyone jumps at the same time, shouting and making thousands of gestures, moving all parts of their bodies with extraordinary skill, mimicking the coyote and the deer. In this way, they form different symmetrical groups.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 269; Marcy's Army Life, p. 177; Cremony's Apaches, p. 285. 'This is made up of a group of scoundrels dressed ridiculously and authorized by the elders of the town to commit the most outrageous acts, and they enjoy these antics so much that husbands don't even notice the shameful things they do with their wives, nor the negative effects on their daughters.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. i., p. 335. 'The women (of the Apaches) play the main role in the dancing.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212. 'Among the Abenakis, Chactas, Comanches, and other Indian tribes, the women dance the same dances, but after the men and well out of their sight... they are rarely allowed to share in any enjoyment, their role being to work.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 199, 214. 'From these, five dances emerged, each composed of thirty women; of these, twenty-six were between 15 and 20 years old, and the remaining four were older and took care of the younger ones.' Museo Mex., vol. i., p. 288. 'The dance (of the Tontos) is similar to that of the California Indians; a stamp around, clapping hands, and slapping thighs to a slow, monotone rhythm.' Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 419.

[765] Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 180. The Yumas 'sing some few monotonous songs, and the beaux captivate the hearts of their lady-loves by playing on a flute made of cane.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. iii. 'No tienen mas orquesta que sus voces y una olla ó casco de calabazo à que se amarra una piel tirante y se toca con un palo.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 373-4; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 419; Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 71-2; García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., pp. 166, 168.

[765] Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 180. The Yumas 'sing a few monotonous songs, and the guys win the hearts of their girlfriends by playing a flute made from cane.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. iii. 'They have no orchestra other than their voices and a pot or gourd covered with a stretched skin that they play with a stick.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 373-4; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 419; Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 71-2; García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., pp. 166, 168.

[766] Stanley's Portraits, p. 55; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 133. 'Y el vicio que tienen estos Indios, es jugar en las Estufas las Mantas, y otras Preseas con vnas Cañuelas, que hechan en alto (el qual Juego vsaban estos Indios Mexicanos) y al que no tiene mas que vna Manta, y la pierde, se la buelven; con condicion, que ha de andar desnudo por todo el Pueblo, pintado, y embijado todo el cuerpo, y los Muchachos dandole grita.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 680.

[766] Stanley's Portraits, p. 55; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 133. "And the vice that these Indians have is playing in the stomping grounds with blankets and other treasures using some sticks that they throw in the air (which this game was played by those Mexican Indians), and whoever only has one blanket and loses it, they return it to him; on the condition that he has to walk around the whole village, painted and covered in mud, with the kids shouting at him." Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 680.

[767] Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 347.

[767] Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 347.

[768] 'The players generally take each about ten arrows, which they hold with their bows in the left hand; he whose turn it is advances in front of the judges, and lances his first arrow upwards as high as possible, for he must send off all the others before it comes down. The victory belongs to him who has most arrows in the air together, and he who can make them all fly at once is a hero.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 198. 'The Indians amuse themselves shooting at the fruit (pitaya), and when one misses his aim and leaves his arrow sticking in the top of the cactus, it is a source of much laughter to his comrades.' Browne's Apache Country, p. 78; Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 309. The hoop and pole game of the Mojaves is thus played. 'The hoop is six inches in diameter, and made of elastic cord; the poles are straight, and about fifteen feet in length. Rolling the hoop from one end of the course toward the other, two of the players chase it half-way, and at the same time throw their poles. He who succeeds in piercing the hoop wins the game.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 463; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. iii.; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 114; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., pp. 216, 223; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 395; Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 214. 'Tienen unas pelotas de materia negra como pez, embutidas en ella varias conchuelas pequeñas del mar, con que juegan y apuestan arrojándola con el pié.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 111; Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., vol. iv., p. 851.

[768] 'The players generally take about ten arrows each, holding them with their bows in their left hand. When it's a player's turn, they step in front of the judges and shoot their first arrow as high as they can, because they need to launch all the others before it lands. The winner is the one who has the most arrows in the air at the same time, and the one who can make all of them fly at once is considered a hero.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 198. 'The Indians enjoy shooting at fruit (pitaya), and when someone misses and their arrow gets stuck in the top of the cactus, it brings a lot of laughter from their friends.' Browne's Apache Country, p. 78; Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 309. This is how the hoop and pole game of the Mojaves is played. 'The hoop is six inches in diameter and made of elastic cord; the poles are straight and about fifteen feet long. Rolling the hoop from one end of the course to the other, two players chase it halfway while simultaneously throwing their poles. The one who manages to pierce the hoop wins the game.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 463; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. iii.; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 114; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., pp. 216, 223; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 395; Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 214. 'They have balls made of black material like tar, filled with several small seashells, which they use to play and bet by throwing them with their feet.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 111; Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., vol. iv., p. 851.

[769] 'Los salvages recogen sus hojas generalmente en el Otoño, las que entónces están rojas y muy oxidadas: para hacer su provision, la secan al fuego ó al sol, y para fumarlas, las mezclan con tabaco.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 257. The Comanches smoke tobacco, 'mixed with the dried leaves of the sumach, inhaling the smoke into their lungs, and giving it out through their nostrils.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 29, 32; Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 432; Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 285.

[769] 'The natives usually gather their leaves in the fall, when they are red and very rusty: to prepare their stash, they dry them over a fire or in the sun, and to smoke them, they mix them with tobacco.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 257. The Comanches smoke tobacco, 'mixed with the dried leaves of the sumach, inhaling the smoke into their lungs and exhaling it through their nostrils.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 29, 32; Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 432; Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 285.

[770] Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 352. The Comanches 'avoid the use of ardent spirits, which they call "fool's water."' Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 347; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., p. 307. Dubuis, in Domenech, Jour., p. 469. 'In order to make an intoxicating beverage of the mescal, the roasted root is macerated in a proportionable quantity of water, which is allowed to stand several days, when it ferments rapidly. The liquor is boiled down and produces a strongly intoxicating fluid.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 217. 'When its stem (of the maguey) is tapped there flows from it a juice which, on being fermented, produces the pulque.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 290. The Apaches out of corn make an intoxicating drink which they called "teeswin," made by boiling the corn and fermenting it. Murphy, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 347; Hardy's Trav., pp. 334, 337.

[770] Thümmel, Mexico, p. 352. The Comanches avoid drinking strong alcohol, which they refer to as "fool's water." Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 347; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., p. 307. Dubuis, in Domenech, Jour., p. 469. "To create an alcoholic drink from mescal, the roasted root is soaked in a suitable amount of water for several days, during which it ferments quickly. The liquid is then boiled down, resulting in a highly intoxicating drink." Cremony's Apaches, p. 217. "When the stem of the maguey plant is tapped, a juice flows out that, when fermented, becomes pulque." Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 290. The Apaches make an alcoholic beverage from corn, known as "teeswin," by boiling the corn and allowing it to ferment. Murphy, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 347; Hardy's Trav., pp. 334, 337.

[771] Jones, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 223; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 108; Domenech, Jour., p. 137; Turner, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1852, tom. 135, p. 307; Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 212; García Conde, in Album Mex., 1849, tom. i., p. 165; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 277; Shepard's Land of the Aztecs, p. 182; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 114-6; Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 61; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 399. The Apache women, 'Son tan buenas ginetas, que brincan en un potro, y sin mas riendas que un cabrestillo, saben arrendarlo.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 564; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 298; Marcy's Army Life, p. 28; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 480. 'A short hair halter was passed around under the neck of the horse, and both ends tightly braided into the mane, on the withers, leaving a loop to hang under the neck, and against the breast, which, being caught up in the hand, makes a sling into which the elbow falls, taking the weight of the body on the middle of the upper arm. Into this loop the rider drops suddenly and fearlessly, leaving his heel to hang over the back of the horse, to steady him, and also to restore him when he wishes to regain his upright position on the horse's back.' Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 540; Davis' El Gringo, p. 412. Les Comanches 'regardent comme un déshonneur d'aller à pied.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 192; Cremony's Apaches, p. 282. The Comanches, for hardening the hoofs of horses and mules, have a custom of making a fire of the wild rosemary—artemisia—and exposing their hoofs to the vapor and smoke by leading them slowly through it. Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 203.

[771] Jones, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 223; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 108; Domenech, Jour., p. 137; Turner, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1852, tom. 135, p. 307; Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 212; García Conde, in Album Mex., 1849, tom. i., p. 165; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 277; Shepard's Land of the Aztecs, p. 182; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 114-6; Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 61; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 399. The Apache women are such good horsewomen that they can jump on a horse with nothing more than a small halter and know how to control it. Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 564; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 298; Marcy's Army Life, p. 28; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 480. A short hair halter is placed around the horse's neck, and both ends are tightly braided into the mane, at the withers, leaving a loop under the neck and against the chest. When the rider grabs this loop, it creates a sling that supports their elbow and carries the weight of their body on the upper arm. The rider drops into this loop suddenly and fearlessly, letting their heel hang over the back of the horse to steady themselves and help them regain an upright position on the horse's back. Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 540; Davis' El Gringo, p. 412. The Comanches consider it dishonorable to travel on foot. Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 192; Cremony's Apaches, p. 282. The Comanches have a practice of making a fire of wild rosemary—artemisia— to harden the hoofs of horses and mules by leading them through the vapor and smoke slowly. Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 203.

[772] Marcy's Army Life, p. 18; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 290; Cordoue, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 443; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 454; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 209. 'Les Teyas et Querechos ont de grands troupeaux de chiens qui portent leur bagage; ils l'attachent sur le dos de ces animaux au moyen d'une sangle et d'un petit bât. Quand la charge se dérange les chiens se mettent à hurler, pour avertir leur maître de l'arranger.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 117, 125, 190. 'On the top of the bank we struck a Camanche trail, very broad, and made by the lodge poles, which they transport from place to place ... by fastening them on each side of their pack horses, leaving the long ends trailing upon the ground.' Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 154. 'Si carecen de cabalgaduras, cargan los muebles las mujeres igualmente que sus criaturas.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 317; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 128.

[772] Marcy's Army Life, p. 18; Humboldt, Essai Pol., vol. i., p. 290; Cordoue, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. x., p. 443; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., vol. vi., p. 454; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 209. 'The Teyas and Querechos have large packs of dogs that carry their loads; they secure it on the back of these animals with a strap and a small saddle. When the load shifts, the dogs begin to howl, to alert their owner to fix it.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., pp. 117, 125, 190. 'On top of the bank, we came across a wide Comanche trail made by the lodge poles, which they transport from place to place by tying them on either side of their pack horses, letting the long ends drag on the ground.' Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 154. 'If they lack mounts, the women carry the furniture just like their children do.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, vol. v., p. 317; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 128.

[773] Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 132; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., p. 234; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 29, 33, 189; Marcy's Rept., p. 187; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., pp. 38, 46; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, pp. 473, 475; Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 378. When the Yampais 'wish to parley they raise a firebrand in the air as a sign of friendship.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 218.

[773] Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 132; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., p. 234; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 29, 33, 189; Marcy's Rept., p. 187; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., pp. 38, 46; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, pp. 473, 475; Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 378. When the Yampais want to negotiate, they hold a firebrand up in the air as a symbol of friendship. Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 218.

[774] 'These messengers (of the Mohaves) were their news-carriers and sentinels. Frequently two criers were employed (sometimes more) one from each tribe. These would have their meeting stations. At these stations these criers would meet with promptness, and by word of mouth, each would deposit his store of news with his fellow expressman, and then each would return to his own tribe with the news.' Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, pp. 220, 283. 'El modo de darse sus avisos para reunirse en casos de urgencia de ser perseguidos, es por medio de sus telégrafos de humos que forman en los cerros mas elevados formando hogueras de los palos mas humientos que ellos conocen muy bien.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 281. Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 5. 'Para no detenerse en hacer los humos, llevan los mas de los hombres y mujeres, los instrumentos necessarios para sacar lumbre; prefieren la piedra, el eslabon, y la yesca; pero si no tienen estos útiles, suplen su falta con palos preparados al efecto bien secos, que frotados se inflaman.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 317.

[774] 'These messengers (of the Mohaves) were their information carriers and watchers. Often, two criers were used (sometimes more), one from each tribe. They would have designated meeting spots. At these spots, the criers would gather promptly, and by word of mouth, each would share their news with the other messenger, then each would return to their own tribe with the updates.' Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, pp. 220, 283. 'The way they notify each other to gather in urgent situations when they are being chased is through their smoke signals, which they create on the highest mountains by making fires with the most resinous sticks they know well.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 281. Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 5. 'To avoid delays in creating smoke signals, most of the men and women carry the necessary tools to start a fire; they prefer flint, steel, and tinder; but if they don't have these tools, they make do with well-dried sticks prepared for the purpose, which can ignite when rubbed together.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 317.

[775] Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217; Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18. 'Su frazada en tiempo de frio es un tizon encendido que aplicándolo á la boca del estómago caminan por los mañanas, y calentando ya el sol como a las ocho tiran los tizones, que por muchos que hayan tirado por los caminos, pueden ser guias de los caminantes.' Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., vol. iv., p. 851.

[775] Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217; Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18. 'Their blanket during cold weather is like a lit stick; they use it against their stomachs while walking in the mornings, and when the sun starts to warm things up around eight o'clock, they throw away the sticks. No matter how many they toss on the paths, they can still serve as guides for the travelers.' Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., vol. iv., p. 851.

[776] The Comanches 'have yearly gatherings to light the sacred fires; they build numerous huts, and sit huddled about them, taking medicine for purification, and fasting for seven days. Those who can endure to keep the fast unbroken become sacred in the eyes of the others.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 451. If a Yuma kills one of his own tribe he keeps 'a fast for one moon; on such occasions he eats no meat—only vegetables—drinks only water, knows no woman, and bathes frequently during the day to purify the flesh.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 110. 'It was their (Mojaves,) custom never to eat salted meat for the next moon after the coming of a captive among them.' Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 180; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 402; Domenech, Jour., p. 13; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 125-6.

[776] The Comanches hold annual gatherings to light their sacred fires; they build numerous huts and sit close together, taking medicine for purification and fasting for seven days. Those who can manage to maintain their fast become revered in the eyes of others. Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 451. If a Yuma kills a member of his own tribe, he observes a fast for one month; during this time, he eats no meat—only vegetables—drinks only water, avoids women, and bathes frequently throughout the day to cleanse himself. Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 110. 'It was the custom of the Mojaves never to eat salted meat for the month following the arrival of a captive among them.' Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 180; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 402; Domenech, Jour., p. 13; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 125-6.

[777] 'Entre cuyas tribus hay algunas que se comen á sus enemigos.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 332. 'Los chirumas, que me parecen ser los yumas, no se que coman carne humana como dijo el indio cosnina.' Garces, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., p. 363. 'Among the spoil which we took from these Camanches, we found large portions of human flesh evidently prepared for cooking.' Dewees' Texas, p. 232-3. Certain Europeans have represented the Comanches 'as a race of cannibals; but according to the Spaniards ... they are merely a cruel, dastardly race of savages.' Pagés' Travels, vol. i., p. 107.

[777] 'Among their tribes, there are some that eat their enemies.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. i., p. 332. 'The Chirumas, which seem to be the Yumas, I don't know if they eat human flesh as the Indian Cosnina said.' Garces, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series ii., vol. i., p. 363. 'Among the spoils we collected from these Comanches, we discovered large amounts of human flesh clearly prepared for cooking.' Dewees' Texas, p. 232-3. Certain Europeans have depicted the Comanches 'as a race of cannibals; but according to the Spaniards ... they are simply a cruel, cowardly race of savages.' Pagés' Travels, vol. i., p. 107.

[778] Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 451; Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 253; Cremony's Apaches, p. 34; Davis' El Gringo, p. 407.

[778] Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 451; Berlandier and Thovel, Diario, p. 253; Cremony's Apaches, p. 34; Davis' El Gringo, p. 407.

[779] Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 418. 'Gonorrhœa and syphilis are not at all rare' among the Navajos. Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 290; Marcy's Army Life, p. 31.

[779] Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 418. 'Gonorrhea and syphilis are not uncommon' among the Navajos. Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 290; Marcy's Army Life, p. 31.

[780] Hardy's Trav., p. 442-3. 'Los comanches la llaman Puip; y cuando uno de entre ellos está herido, mascan la raiz (que es muy larga) y esprimen el yugo y la saliva en la llaga.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 257; Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 290; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 118; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 156; Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 289; Browne's Apache Country, p. 63; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 142; Id., Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 118; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 335; Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 130; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 193. The Apaches: 'Cuando se enferma alguno á quien no han podido hacer efecto favorable la aplicacion de las yerbas, único antidoto con que se curan, lo abandonan, sin mas diligencia ulterior que ponerle un monton de brasas á la cabecera y una poca de agua, sin saberse hasta hoy qué significa ésto ó con qué fin la hacen.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 280.

[780] Hardy's Trav., p. 442-3. 'The Comanches call it Puip; and when one of them is injured, they chew the root (which is quite long) and squeeze the juice and saliva into the wound.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 257; Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 290; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 118; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 156; Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 289; Browne's Apache Country, p. 63; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 142; Id., Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 118; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 335; Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 130; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 193. The Apaches: 'When someone falls ill and the application of herbs, their only healing remedy, doesn’t work, they abandon them, with no further efforts other than placing a pile of coals at their head and a little water, with no understanding even today of what this means or why they do it.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 280.

[781] Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217; Domenech, Jour., pp. 13, 139; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 42, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 240-1. Among the Comanches during the steam bath, 'the shamans, or medicine-men, who profess to have the power of communicating with the unseen world, and of propitiating the malevolence of evil spirits, are performing various incantations, accompanied by music on the outside.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 60; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 576; Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 358. 'De aquí ha sucedido que algunos indios naturalmente astutos, se han convertido en adivinos, que han llegado á sostener como á sus oràculos. Estos mismos adivinos hacen de médicos, que por darse importancía á la aplicacion de ciertas yerbas, agregan porcion de ceremonias supersticiosas y ridiculas, con cánticos estraños, en que hablan á sus enfermos miles de embustes y patrañas.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 280.

[781] Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217; Domenech, Jour., pp. 13, 139; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 42, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 240-1. Among the Comanches during the steam bath, 'the shamans, or medicine men, who claim to have the ability to communicate with the unseen world, and to appease the malice of evil spirits, are conducting various rituals, accompanied by music from outside.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 60; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 576; Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 358. 'As a result, some naturally clever Indians have become fortune tellers, who have begun to assert themselves like oracles. These same fortune tellers act as doctors, emphasizing the importance of certain herbs, while adding a mix of superstitious and ridiculous ceremonies, with strange chants, in which they tell their patients countless lies and fabrications.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 280.

[782] At the Colorado river they 'burned those which dyed.' Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 432; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 404; Browne's Apache Country, p. 97; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 467; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 240-1. 'It is the custom of the Mojaves to burn their property when a relation dies to whose memory they wish to pay especial honor.' Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 69. 'Die Comanches tödteten früher das Lieblingsweib des gestorbenen Häuptlings.' Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 88. 'No Navajo will ever occupy a lodge in which a person has died. The lodge is burned.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 213; Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 289. 'When a death occurs they (Yumas) move their villages, although sometimes only a short distance, but never occupying exactly the same locality.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 110.

[782] At the Colorado River, they 'burned those things that stained.' Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 432; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 404; Browne's Apache Country, p. 97; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 467; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 240-1. 'It’s the custom of the Mojaves to burn their belongings when a relative dies to honor their memory.' Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 69. 'The Comanches used to kill the favorite wife of the deceased chief.' Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 88. 'No Navajo will ever use a lodge in which someone has died. The lodge is burned.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 213; Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 289. 'When a death occurs, they (Yumas) relocate their villages, sometimes only moving a short distance, but they never occupy the exact same spot.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 110.

[783] 'When a Comanche dies ... he is usually wrapped in his best blankets or robes, and interred with most of his "jewelry," and other articles of esteem.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., pp. 317, 243. 'Cuando muere algun indio, ... juntando sus deudos todas las alhajas de su peculio, se las ponen y de esta manera lo envuelven en una piel de cíbolo y lo llevan á enterrar.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 336; Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 347; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 69. The Comanches cover their tombs 'with grass and plants to keep them concealed.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 363; Id., Jour., p. 14. The Apaches: 'probably they bury their dead in caves; no graves are ever found that I ever heard of.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212. See also James' Exped., vol. ii., p. 305. 'On the highest point of the hill, was a Comanche grave, marked by a pile of stones and some remnants of scanty clothing.' Parker's Notes on Tex., pp. 137, 151. The custom of the Mescalero Apaches 'heretofore has been to leave their dead unburied in some secluded spot.' Curtis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 402; Cremony's Apaches, p. 50; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 233; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 119.

[783] 'When a Comanche dies ... he is typically wrapped in his best blankets or robes and buried with most of his "jewelry" and other valued items.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., pp. 317, 243. 'When any Indian dies, ... his relatives gather all his possessions, dress him in them, and wrap him in a buffalo hide before taking him to be buried.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 336; Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 347; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 69. The Comanches cover their graves 'with grass and plants to keep them hidden.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 363; Id., Jour., p. 14. The Apaches: 'they probably bury their dead in caves; no graves have ever been found that I've heard of.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212. See also James' Exped., vol. ii., p. 305. 'On the highest point of the hill, there was a Comanche grave, marked by a pile of stones and some remnants of sparse clothing.' Parker's Notes on Tex., pp. 137, 151. The custom of the Mescalero Apaches 'has been to leave their dead unburied in some secluded location.' Curtis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 402; Cremony's Apaches, p. 50; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 233; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 119.

[784] Among the Navajos 'Immediately after a death occurs a vessel containing water is placed near the dwelling of the deceased, where it remains over night; in the morning two naked Indians come to get the body for burial, with their hair falling over and upon their face and shoulders. When the ceremony is completed they retire to the water, wash, dress, do up their hair, and go about their usual avocations.' Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 358. The Navajos 'all walked in solemn procession round it (the grave) singing their funeral songs. As they left it, every one left a present on the grave; some an arrow, others meat, moccasins, tobacco, war-feathers, and the like, all articles of value to them.' Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 119; Revista Científica, tom. i., p. 57. 'A los niños y niñas de pecho les llevan en una jicara la leche ordenada de sus pechos las mismas madres, y se las echan en la sepultura; y esto lo hacen por algunos dias continuos.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 543; Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 133; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 280; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 100; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 304; Marcy's Army Life, p. 56. 'When a young warrior dies, they mourn a long time, but when an old person dies, they mourn but little, saying that they cannot live forever, and it was time they should go.' Parker's Notes on Tex., pp. 192, 236.

[784] Among the Navajos, right after someone dies, a container with water is placed near the home of the deceased, where it stays overnight. In the morning, two naked individuals come to take the body for burial, with their hair hanging down over their faces and shoulders. Once the ceremony is finished, they go to the water, wash up, get dressed, do their hair, and return to their regular activities. Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 358. The Navajos 'all walked in a solemn procession around it (the grave) singing their funeral songs. As they left, everyone placed a gift on the grave; some left an arrow, others meat, moccasins, tobacco, war-feathers, and similar valuable items.' Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 119; Revista Científica, tom. i., p. 57. 'For infants, their mothers bring milk from their breasts in a gourd and pour it into the grave, and they do this for several consecutive days.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 543; Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 133; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 280; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 100; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 304; Marcy's Army Life, p. 56. 'When a young warrior dies, they mourn for a long time, but when an older person dies, they mourn only a little, saying that they can't live forever, and it was their time to go.' Parker's Notes on Tex., pp. 192, 236.

[785] Davis' El Gringo, pp. 414-5; Cremony's Apaches, pp. 250, 297.

[785] Davis' El Gringo, pp. 414-5; Cremony's Apaches, pp. 250, 297.

[786] 'The quality of mercy is unknown among the Apaches.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 33-4, 193, 215-16, 227-8. 'Perfectly lawless, savage, and brave.' Marcy's Rept., p. 197. 'For the sake of the booty, also take life.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 202. 'Inclined to intemperance in strong drinks.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 211. 'Ferocísimos de condicion, de naturaleza sangrientos.' Almanza, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 824. 'Sumamente vengativo.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 283. 'Alevoso y vengativo caracte ... rastutos ladrones, y sanguinarios.' Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Siglos, tom. iii., p. 78. 'I have not seen a more intelligent, cheerful, and grateful tribe of Indians than the roving Apaches.' Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, pp. 15, 47, 51; García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., pp. 314-15, 317; Doc. Hist. N. Vizcaya, MS., p. 4; Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 371; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., pp. 322, 326-7; Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 419; Apostólicos Afanes, p. 430; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 83; Turner, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1852, tom. cxxxv., pp. 307, 314; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 5, 6, 8; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 294; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 330, 361; Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 243; Ward's Mexico, vol. i., p. 580; Mowry's Arizona, pp. 31-2; Pope, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 13; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 14, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 273; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 291, 295; Hist. Chrétienne de la Cal., p. 99; Edward's Hist. Tex., p. 95; Peters' Life of Carson, p. 323; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 187; Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 341; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 276; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., pp. 462-3; Figuier's Hum. Race, pp. 482, 484; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 419; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 404; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 44; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 111; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., pp. 475-6, and Cent. Amer., p. 527; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 117; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 99; Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 850; see further, Ind. Aff. Repts., from 1854 to 1872; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, pp. 116, 122.

[786] 'The quality of mercy is not known among the Apaches.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 33-4, 193, 215-16, 227-8. 'Completely lawless, savage, and brave.' Marcy's Rept., p. 197. 'For the sake of the loot, they will also take life.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 202. 'Prone to excess in strong drinks.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 211. 'Ferocious by nature, with a bloody disposition.' Almanza, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 824. 'Extremely vengeful.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 283. 'Deceitful and vengeful, cunning thieves, and bloodthirsty.' Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Siglos, tom. iii., p. 78. 'I've never encountered a more intelligent, cheerful, and grateful tribe of Indians than the wandering Apaches.' Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, pp. 15, 47, 51; García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., pp. 314-15, 317; Doc. Hist. N. Vizcaya, MS., p. 4; Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 371; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., pp. 322, 326-7; Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 419; Apostólicos Afanes, p. 430; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 83; Turner, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1852, tom. cxxxv., pp. 307, 314; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 5, 6, 8; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 294; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 330, 361; Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 243; Ward's Mexico, vol. i., p. 580; Mowry's Arizona, pp. 31-2; Pope, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 13; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 14, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 273; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 291, 295; Hist. Chrétienne de la Cal., p. 99; Edward's Hist. Tex., p. 95; Peters' Life of Carson, p. 323; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 187; Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 341; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 276; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., pp. 462-3; Figuier's Hum. Race, pp. 482, 484; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 419; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 404; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 44; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 111; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., pp. 475-6, and Cent. Amer., p. 527; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 117; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 99; Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 850; see further, Ind. Aff. Repts., from 1854 to 1872; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, pp. 116, 122.

[787] The Navajos: 'Hospitality exists among these Indians to a great extent.... Nor are these people cruel.... They are treacherous.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, pp. 292, 295. 'Brave, hardy, industrious.' Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 89; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 40. 'Tricky and unreliable.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 56. The Mojaves: 'They are lazy, cruel, selfish; ... there is one good quality in them, the exactitude with which they fulfil an agreement.' Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 20, 71-2; Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 211; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 329; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 234; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 217-18; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 203; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 384.

[787] The Navajos: 'These people are very hospitable.... They are not cruel.... They can be deceitful.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, pp. 292, 295. 'Brave, tough, hard-working.' Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 89; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 40. 'Cunning and untrustworthy.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 56. The Mojaves: 'They are lazy, cruel, and selfish; ... but they have one good trait, their reliability in keeping agreements.' Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 20, 71-2; Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 211; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 329; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 234; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 217-18; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 203; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 384.

[788] Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 124. 'Estos indios se aventajan en muchas circunstancias á los yumas y demas naciones del Rio Colorado; son menos molestos y nada ladrones.' Garces, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., p. 273; also in Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 472; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 62.

[788] Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 124. 'These Indians excel in many ways compared to the Yumas and other nations of the Colorado River; they are less troublesome and not thieves at all.' Garces, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., p. 273; also in Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 472; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 62.

[789] 'Grave and dignified ... implacable and unrelenting ... hospitable, and kind ... affectionate to each other ... jealous of their own freedom.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 25, 30-1, 34, 36-9, 41, 60. 'Alta estima hacen del valor estas razas nomadas.' Museo Mex., tom. ii., p. 34. 'Loin d'être cruels, ils-sont très-doux et très-fidèles dans leurs amitiés.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie i., tom. ix., p. 191; Payno, in Revista Científica, tom. i., p. 57; Escudero, Noticias de Chihuahua, pp. 229-30; Domenech, Jour., pp. 13, 137, 469; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, tom. v., No. 96, p. 193; Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., pp. 132-3; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 293, 295; vol. ii., pp. 307, 313; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 273; Shepard's Land of the Aztecs, p. 182; Pagés' Travels, vol. i., p. 107; Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex., vol. ii., p. 308.

[789] 'Serious and dignified ... steady and unyielding ... welcoming, and kind ... affectionate to one another ... protective of their own freedom.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 25, 30-1, 34, 36-9, 41, 60. 'They hold courage in high regard, these nomadic races.' Museo Mex., vol. ii., p. 34. 'Far from being cruel, they are very gentle and very loyal in their friendships.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., p. 191; Payno, in Revista Científica, vol. i., p. 57; Escudero, Noticias de Chihuahua, pp. 229-30; Domenech, Jour., pp. 13, 137, 469; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, vol. v., No. 96, p. 193; Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., pp. 132-3; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 293, 295; vol. ii., pp. 307, 313; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, vol. cxxxi., p. 273; Shepard's Land of the Aztecs, p. 182; Pagés' Travels, vol. i., p. 107; Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex., vol. ii., p. 308.

[790] 'Tiguex est situé vers le nord, à environ quarante lieues,' from Cíbola. Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 165. 'La province de Cibola contient sept villages; le plus grand se nomme Muzaque.' Id., p. 163. Of two provinces north of Tiguex, 'l'une se nommait Hemes, et renfermait sept villages; l'autre Yuque-Yunque.' Id., p. 138. 'Plus au nord (of Tiguex) est la province de Quirix ... et celle de Tutahaco.' Id., p. 168. From Cicuyé to Quivira, 'On compte sept autres villages.' Id., p. 179. 'Il existe aussi, d'après le rapport ... un autre royaume très-vaste, nommé villes, et la capitale. Acus sans aspiration est un royaume.' Niza, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 271. 'The kingdome of Totonteac so much extolled by the Father prouinciall, ... the Indians say is a hotte lake, about which are five or sixe houses; and that there were certaine other, but that they are ruinated by warre. The kingdome of Marata is not to be found, neither haue the Indians any knowledge thereof. The kingdome of Acus is one onely small citie, where they gather cotton which is called Acucu, and I say that this is a towne. For Acus with an aspiration nor without, is no word of they countrey. And because I gesse that they would deriue Acucu of Acus, I say that it is this towne whereinto the kingdom of Acus is conuerted.' Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 378; Espeio, in Id., pp. 386-394; Mendoza, Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 296; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 315; Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 100; Escalante, in Id., pp. 124-5; Pike's Explor. Trav., pp. 341-2; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., pp. 528-9; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 220; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 197.

[790] 'Tiguex is located to the north, about forty leagues,' from Cíbola. Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., p. 165. 'The province of Cibola contains seven villages; the largest is called Muzaque.' Id., p. 163. Of the two provinces north of Tiguex, 'one was called Hemes, and included seven villages; the other Yuque-Yunque.' Id., p. 138. 'Further north (of Tiguex) is the province of Quirix ... and that of Tutahaco.' Id., p. 168. From Cicuyé to Quivira, 'There are seven other villages.' Id., p. 179. 'According to the report ... there is another very large kingdom, named cities, with the capital. Acus without aspiration is a kingdom.' Niza, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., p. 271. 'The kingdom of Totonteac much praised by the Father provincial, ... the Indians say is a hot lake, around which are five or six houses; and that there were some others, but they have been ruined by war. The kingdom of Marata cannot be found, nor do the Indians have any knowledge of it. The kingdom of Acus is just one small city where they gather cotton called Acucu, and I say this is a town. For Acus with or without aspiration is not a word from their country. And since I guess they would derive Acucu from Acus, I say this is the town into which the kingdom of Acus is transformed.' Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 378; Espeio, in Id., pp. 386-394; Mendoza, Letter, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., p. 296; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 315; Salmeron, Relations, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iii., vol. iv., p. 100; Escalante, in Id., pp. 124-5; Pike's Explor. Trav., pp. 341-2; Mühlenpfordt, Mexico, vol. ii., part ii., pp. 528-9; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 220; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 197.

[791] Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., pp. 10-12, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 128-130; Hezio, Noticia de las Misiones, in Meline's Two Thousand Miles, pp. 208-9; Chacon, in Id., pp. 210-11; Alencaster, in Id., p. 212; Davis' El Gringo, p. 115; Calhoun, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 633.

[791] Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Report, pp. 10-12, in Pacific Railroad Report, vol. iii.; Simpson's Journal of Military Reconnaissance, pp. 128-130; Hezio, Report on the Missions, in Meline's Two Thousand Miles, pp. 208-9; Chacon, in Id., pp. 210-11; Alencaster, in Id., p. 212; Davis' El Gringo, p. 115; Calhoun, in Schoolcraft's Archives, vol. iii., p. 633.

[792] Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 13, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'Los nombres de los pueblos del Moqui son, segun lengua de los Yavipais, Sesepaulabá, Masagneve, Janogualpa, Muqui, Concabe y Muca á quien los zuñís llaman Oraive, que es en el que estuve.' Garces, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., p. 332; Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 195; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 127.

[792] Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Report, p. 13, in Pacific Railroad Report, vol. iii. "The names of the towns of the Moqui, according to the Yavapai language, are Sesepaulabá, Masagneve, Janogualpa, Muqui, Concabe, and Muca, which the Zunis call Oraive, where I stayed." Garces, in Historical Documents of Mexico, series ii., vol. i., p. 332; Ruxton's Adventures in Mexico, p. 195; Ives' Colorado River, p. 127.

[793] Affirmations are abundant enough, but they have no foundation whatever in fact, and many are absurd on their face. 'Nous affirmons que les Indiens Pueblos et les anciens Mexicains sont issus d'une seule et même souche.' Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 44. 'These Indians claim, and are generally supposed, to have descended from the ancient Aztec race.' Merriwether, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 174. 'They are the descendants of the ancient rulers of the country.' Davis' El Gringo, p. 114. 'They are the remains of a once powerful people.' Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 55; Colyer, in Id., 1869, p. 90. 'They (Moquis) are supposed by some to be descended from the band of Welsh, which Prince Madoc took with him on a voyage of discovery, in the twelfth century; and it is said that they weave peculiarly and in the same manner as the people of Wales.' Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 81. 'Il est assez singulier que les Moquis soient désignés par les trappers et les chasseurs américains, qui pènètrent dans leur pays ... sous le nom d'Indiens Welches.' Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 55. 'Moques, supposed to be vestiges of Aztecs.' Amer. Quart. Register, vol. i., p. 173; Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 431.

[793] Affirmations are plentiful, but they lack any real basis in reality, and many are ridiculous at first glance. 'We affirm that the Pueblo Indians and the ancient Mexicans come from a single ancestry.' Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 44. 'These Indians claim, and it's widely believed, that they descended from the ancient Aztec race.' Merriwether, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 174. 'They are the descendants of the ancient rulers of the land.' Davis' El Gringo, p. 114. 'They are the remnants of a once powerful people.' Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 55; Colyer, in Id., 1869, p. 90. 'They (Moquis) are thought by some to be descendants of the group of Welsh that Prince Madoc took with him on a voyage of discovery in the twelfth century; and it's said that they weave in a unique way similar to the people of Wales.' Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 81. 'It’s quite odd that the Moquis are referred to by American trappers and hunters who enter their territory ... as the Welsh Indians.' Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 55. 'Moques, believed to be remnants of the Aztecs.' Amer. Quart. Register, vol. i., p. 173; Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 431.

[794] 'Les hommes sont petits.' Mendoza, Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 294. The Moquis are 'of medium size and indifferently proportioned, their features strongly marked and homely, with an expression generally bright and good-natured.' Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 120-2, 123-7. The Keres 'sind hohen Wuchses.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 528; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 453; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 197; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 240; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 301; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 93; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 67-8; Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., pp. 52-3; Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 342.

[794] 'Men are of short stature.' Mendoza, Letter, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., p. 294. The Moquis are 'of average height and average build, their features noticeably shaped and plain, with an expression that is generally bright and friendly.' Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 120-2, 123-7. The Keres 'are of tall stature.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 528; Malte-Brun, Summary of Geography, vol. vi., p. 453; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 197; Möllhausen, Travels in the Rocky Mountains, vol. ii., p. 240; De Laet, New World, p. 301; Simpson's Journal of Military Reconnaissance, p. 93; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., pp. 67-8; Ruxton, in New Annals of Travels, 1850, vol. cxxvi., pp. 52-3; Pike's Exploratory Travels, p. 342.

[795] 'The people are somewhat white.' Niza, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 372. 'Much fairer in complexion than other tribes.' Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 195; Kendall's Nar., vol. i., p. 379; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 230; Prichard's Researches, vol. v., pp. 423, 431; Walker, in S. F. Herald, Oct. 15, 1853; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 41.

[795] 'The people have a lighter skin tone.' Niza, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 372. 'Much lighter in complexion than other tribes.' Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 195; Kendall's Nar., vol. i., p. 379; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 230; Prichard's Researches, vol. v., pp. 423, 431; Walker, in S. F. Herald, Oct. 15, 1853; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 41.

[796] 'Prettiest squaws I have yet seen.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 111. Good looking and symmetrical. Davis' El Gringo, pp. 421-2.

[796] 'The most beautiful women I've seen.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 111. Attractive and well-proportioned. Davis' El Gringo, pp. 421-2.

[797] Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 81. 'Many of the inhabitants have white skin, fair hair, and blue eyes.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 210, vol. ii., p. 66; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 220-1; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 285; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 456.

[797] Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 81. 'Many of the residents have light skin, blonde hair, and blue eyes.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 210, vol. ii., p. 66; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 220-1; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 285; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 456.

[798] 'A robust and well-formed race.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 90, 103. 'Well built, generally tall and bony.' Walker's Pimas, MS. The Maricopas 'sont de stature plus haute et plus athlétique que les Pijmos.' Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 290; see also Emory, in Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., pp. 49, 50; Id., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 12; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 19; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 103; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 196; Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 132; Bigler's Early Days in Utah and Nevada, MS.; Johnson's Hist. Arizona, p. 11; Brackett, in Western Monthly, p. 169; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 448; San Francisco Bulletin, July, 1860.

[798] 'A strong and well-built race.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 90, 103. 'Generally tall and lanky.' Walker's Pimas, MS. The Maricopas 'are taller and more athletic than the Pijmos.' Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, vol. cxxxi., p. 290; see also Emory, in Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., pp. 49, 50; Id., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 12; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 19; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. iii., p. 103; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 196; Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 132; Bigler's Early Days in Utah and Nevada, MS.; Johnson's Hist. Arizona, p. 11; Brackett, in Western Monthly, p. 169; Froebel, Aus Amerika, vol. ii., p. 448; San Francisco Bulletin, July, 1860.

[799] 'Las mujeres hermosas.' Mange, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., pp. 298, 364. 'Rather too much inclined to embonpoint.' Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 31, 33, 39; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 229.

[799] 'Beautiful women.' Mange, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iv., vol. i., pp. 298, 364. 'Somewhat too prone to fullness.' Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 31, 33, 39; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 229.

[800] 'Ambos secsos ... no mal parecidos y muy melenudos.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 116, 161. 'Trigueños de color.' Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851. 'Die Masse, Dicke und Länge ihres Haupthaares grenzt an das Unglaubliche.' Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 455; Id., Cent. Amer., p. 513; Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 557; Pattie's Pers. Nar., pp. 143-5, 149; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 180.

[800] 'Both dry ... not unattractive and very shaggy.' Velasco, News from Sonora, pp. 116, 161. 'Wheat-colored.' Sedelmair, Report, in Hist. Docs. Mex., series iii., vol. iv., p. 851. 'The thickness, density, and length of their hair approaches the incredible.' Froebel, From America, vol. ii., p. 455; Id., Central America, p. 513; Prichard's Natural History of Man, vol. ii., p. 557; Pattie's Personal Narrative, pp. 143-5, 149; Stratton's Captive Oatman Girls, p. 180.

[801] 'Heads are uncovered.' Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 196. 'Los hombres visten, y calçan de cuero, y las mugeres, que se precian de largos cabellos, cubren sus cabeças y verguenças con lo mesmo.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 275. 'De kleeding bestond uit kotoene mantels, huiden tot broeken, genaeyt, schoenen en laerzen van goed leder.' Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 209, 217-18. The women 'having the calves of their legs wrapped or stuffed in such a manner as to give them a swelled appearance.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 14, 115; De Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 297-8, 301, 303, 312-13; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 377, 380; Espejo, in Id., pp. 384-96; Niza, in Id., pp. 368, 370; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 457; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., pp. 30, 122, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., pp. 197, 203, vol. ii., pp. 213, 281; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 73-88; Wizlizenus' Tour, p. 26; Larenaudière, Mex. et Gaut., p. 147; Warden, Recherches, p. 79; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 99-100, 105-6; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, p. 394; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 61-68, 76, 163, 173, 177; Jaramillo, in Id., pp. 369-371; Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 119-127; Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 53; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 220; Abert, in Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 471; Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 359; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 217, 283; Kendall's Nar., vol. i., p. 379; Revilla-Gigedo, Carta, MS.; Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. iv., p. 388; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 479; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 248, 279-80; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., pp. 195, 239.

[801] 'Heads are uncovered.' Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 196. 'Men wear leather clothing and footwear, while women, who take pride in their long hair, cover their heads and private parts with the same material.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 275. 'The clothing consisted of cotton mantles, leather trousers, boots, and shoes made of good leather.' Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 209, 217-18. The women 'wrap or stuff their calves in such a way that it gives them a swollen appearance.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 14, 115; De Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 297-8, 301, 303, 312-13; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 377, 380; Espejo, in Id., pp. 384-96; Niza, in Id., pp. 368, 370; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 457; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., pp. 30, 122, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., pp. 197, 203, vol. ii., pp. 213, 281; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 73-88; Wizlizenus' Tour, p. 26; Larenaudière, Mex. et Gaut., p. 147; Warden, Recherches, p. 79; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 99-100, 105-6; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, p. 394; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 61-68, 76, 163, 173, 177; Jaramillo, in Id., pp. 369-371; Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 119-127; Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 53; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 220; Abert, in Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 471; Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 359; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 217, 283; Kendall's Nar., vol. i., p. 379; Revilla-Gigedo, Carta, MS.; Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. iv., p. 388; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 479; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 248, 279-80; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., pp. 195, 239.

[802] Both sexes go bareheaded. 'The hair is worn long, and is done up in a great queue that falls down behind.' Davis' El Gringo, pp. 147, 154-5, 421. The women 'trençan los cabellos, y rodeanse los à la cabeça, por sobre las orejas.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 273. 'Llevan las viejas el pelo hecho dos trenzas y las mozas un moño sobre cada oreja.' Garces, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., pp. 328-9; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 220.

[802] Both men and women go without hats. 'Their hair is worn long and tied back in a large braid that hangs down behind.' Davis' El Gringo, pp. 147, 154-5, 421. The women 'braid their hair and wrap it around their heads, over their ears.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 273. 'The older women wear their hair in two braids, and the young ones have a bun above each ear.' Garces, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., pp. 328-9; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 220.

[803] 'Van vestidos estos indios con frazadas de algodon, que ellos fabrican, y otras de lana.' Garces, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., p. 235. Their dress is cotton of domestic manufacture. Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 132. 'Kunstreich dagegen sind die bunten Gürtel gewebt, mit denen die Mädchen ein Stück Zeug als Rock um die Hüften binden.' Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., pp. 440, 447; Browne's Apache Country, p. 68; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 123; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 452, vol. ii., pp. 216-7, 219; Cremony's Apaches, p. 104; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 103; Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 31, 33; Mowry's Arizona, p. 30; Mange, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., pp. 364-5; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 116; Briefe aus den Verein. Staat., tom. ii., p. 322.

[803] 'These Indians wear cotton blankets that they make themselves, and others made of wool.' Garces, Diary, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series ii., vol. i., p. 235. Their clothing is made of domestically produced cotton. Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 132. 'In contrast, the colorful belts are woven, with which the girls tie a piece of fabric around their hips as a skirt.' Froebel, From America, vol. ii., pp. 440, 447; Browne's Apache Country, p. 68; Emory's Report on the U.S. and Mexican Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 123; Bartlett's Personal Narrative, vol. i., p. 452, vol. ii., pp. 216-7, 219; Cremony's Apaches, p. 104; Alegre, History of the Comp. of Jesus, vol. iii., p. 103; Ives' Colorado River, pp. 31, 33; Mowry's Arizona, p. 30; Mange, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iv., vol. i., pp. 364-5; Velasco, News from Sonora, p. 116; Letters from the United States, vol. ii., p. 322.

[804] 'Men never cut their hair.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 90. They plait and wind it round their heads in many ways; one of the most general forms a turban which they smear with wet earth. Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., pp. 454-6; Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 47; Emory, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 9; Pattie's Pers. Nar., pp. 143, 145, 149; Browne's Apache Country, p. 107; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 296.

[804] 'Men never cut their hair.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 90. They braid it and wrap it around their heads in various ways; one of the most common styles is a turban that they cover with wet earth. Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., pp. 454-6; Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 47; Emory, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 9; Pattie's Pers. Nar., pp. 143, 145, 149; Browne's Apache Country, p. 107; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 296.

[805] Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 542. 'All of them paint, using no particular design; the men mostly with dark colors, the women, red and yellow.' Walker's Pimas, MS.; Johnson's Hist. Arizona, p. 11. 'The women when they arrive at maturity, ... draw two lines with some blue-colored dye from each corner of the mouth to the chin.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 228.

[805] Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 542. 'They all paint without any specific design; the men usually use dark colors, while the women prefer red and yellow.' Walker's Pimas, MS.; Johnson's Hist. Arizona, p. 11. 'When the women reach adulthood, they draw two lines with blue dye from each corner of their mouth down to their chin.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 228.

[806] 'Adornanse con gargantillas de caracolillos del mar, entreverados de otras cuentas de concha colorada redonda.' Mange, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 299. 'They had many ornaments of sea shells.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 132. 'Some have long strings of sea-shells.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 230-1. 'Rarely use ornaments.' Walker's Pimas, MS.; Murr, Nachrichten, pp. 252-6; Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 850-1.

[806] 'They adorned themselves with necklaces made of small sea shells, mixed with other round red shell beads.' Mange, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iv., vol. i., p. 299. 'They had many ornaments made of sea shells.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 132. 'Some wore long strands of sea shells.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., pp. 230-1. 'They rarely used ornaments.' Walker's Pimas, MS.; Murr, Nachrichten, pp. 252-6; Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iii., vol. iv., pp. 850-1.

[807] Cremony's Apaches, p. 91; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. 131, p. 292; Browne's Apache Country, p. 108. The Maricopas 'occupy thatched cottages, thirty or forty feet in diameter, made of the twigs of cotton-wood trees, interwoven with the straw of wheat, corn-stalks, and cane.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 132; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 117; Mange, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., pp. 277, 365-6. 'Leurs (Pápagos) maisons sont de formes coniques et construites en jonc et en bois.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 188; Walker's Pimas, MS.; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 395; Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 115, 161. 'Andere, besonders die dummen Papagos, machten Löcher und schliefen des Nachts hierinnen; ja im Winter machten sie in ihren Dachslöchern zuvor Feuer, und hitzten dieselben.' Murr, Nachrichten, p. 245. 'Their summer shelters are of a much more temporary nature, being constructed after the manner of a common arbor, covered with willow rods, to obstruct the rays of the vertical sun.' Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 222. In front of the Pimo house is usually 'a large arbor, on top of which is piled the cotton in the pod, for drying.' Emory, in Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 48. The Pápagos' huts were 'fermées par des peaux de buffles.' Ferry, Scènes de la Vie Sauvage, p. 107. Granary built like the Mexican jakals. They are better structures than their dwellings, more open, in order to give a free circulation of air through the grain deposited in them. Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 382, vol. ii., pp. 233-5.

[807] Cremony's Apaches, p. 91; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. 131, p. 292; Browne's Apache Country, p. 108. The Maricopa people live in thatched cottages that are about thirty or forty feet wide, made from the twigs of cottonwood trees, woven together with straw from wheat, corn stalks, and cane. Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 132; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 117; Mange, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., pp. 277, 365-6. 'Their (Pápagos) houses are cone-shaped and built from reeds and wood.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 188; Walker's Pimas, MS.; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 395; Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 115, 161. 'Some, especially the foolish Pápagos, made holes and slept inside them at night; yes, in winter they would start a fire inside their roof holes to warm them.' Murr, Nachrichten, p. 245. 'Their summer shelters are much more temporary, built like a common arbor, covered with willow rods to block the strong sun.' Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 222. In front of a Pima house is usually 'a large arbor, where cotton in the pod is placed on top to dry.' Emory, in Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 48. The Pápagos' huts were 'covered with buffalo hides.' Ferry, Scènes de la Vie Sauvage, p. 107. Granaries are built like Mexican jakals. They are better constructed than their homes, more open to allow air to circulate through the grain stored inside. Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 382, vol. ii., pp. 233-5.

[808] Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 412; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., pp. 21, 23, 122, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii.; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 177; Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 25, 30-1. 'Ellas son las que hacen, y edifican las Casas, assi de Piedra, como de Adove, y Tierra amasada; y con no tener la Pared mas de vn pie de ancho, suben las Casas dos, y tres, y quatro, y cinco Sobrados, ó Altos; y á cada Alto, corresponde vn Corredor por de fuera; si sobre esta altura hechan mas altos, ó Sobrados (porque ay Casas que llegan á siete) son los demás, no de Barro, sino de Madera.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 681. For further particulars, see Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 2, 42, 58, 69, 71, 76, 80, 138, 163, 167, 169; Niza, in Id., pp. 261, 269, 270, 279; Diaz, in Id., pp. 293, 296; Jaramillo, in Id., pp. 369, Cordoue, in Id., tom. x., pp. 438-9; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 13, 90, 114; Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 244; Ten Broeck, in Id., vol. iv., pp. 76, 80, and plates, pp. 24, 72; Warden, Recherches, p. 79; Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 191; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 455; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 453; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 278; Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 359; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 268, 276; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 195; Garces, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., p. 322; Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 119, 121, 126; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 97, 99, 104, 105; Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., pp. 42, 45, 52, 57; Gallatin, in Id., 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 248, 257, 267, 270, 277, 278, 288; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 385, 392, 394-6; Coronado, in Id., vol. iii., pp. 377, 379; Niza, in Id., vol. iii., pp. 367, 372; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 538; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 238; Id., Tagebuch, pp. 217-18, 285; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 209, 215, 217. The town of Cíbola 'domos è lapidibus et caemento affabre constructas et conjunctim dispositas esse, superliminaria portarum cyaneis gemmis, (Turcoides vocant) ornata.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 297, 311-14; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 480. 'The houses are well distributed and very neat. One room is designed for the kitchen, and another to grind the grain. This last is apart, and contains a furnace and three stones made fast in masonry.' Davis' El Gringo, pp. 118-20, 141, 311, 313, 318, 420, 422; Castaño de Sosa, in Pacheco, Col. Doc. Inéd., tom. iv., pp. 329-30; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 178; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, p. 394.

[808] Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, vol. ii., p. 412; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner’s Report, pp. 21, 23, 122, in Pac. R. R. Report, vol. ii.; Scenes in the Rocky Mountains, p. 177; Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iii., vol. iv., pp. 25, 30-1. 'They are the ones who build the houses, both of stone and of adobe, and rammed earth; and even with the walls being only a foot thick, the houses rise two, three, four, or five stories; and for each story, there is a corridor outside; if they build higher than that (because some houses reach seven stories) the others are made not of clay, but of wood.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., vol. i., p. 681. For more details, see Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, series i., vol. ix., pp. 2, 42, 58, 69, 71, 76, 80, 138, 163, 167, 169; Niza, in Id., pp. 261, 269, 270, 279; Diaz, in Id., pp. 293, 296; Jaramillo, in Id., pp. 369, Cordoue, in Id., vol. x., pp. 438-9; Simpson's Journal of Military Reconnaissance, pp. 13, 90, 114; Bent, in Schoolcraft's Archaeology, vol. i., p. 244; Ten Broeck, in Id., vol. iv., pp. 76, 80, and plates, pp. 24, 72; Warden, Researches, p. 79; Ruxton's Adventures in Mexico, p. 191; Palmer, in Harper's Magazine, vol. xvii., p. 455; Malte-Brun, Summary of Geography, vol. vi., p. 453; Hassel, Mexico and Guatemala, p. 278; Mayer's Mexico, Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 359; Gregg's Commerce of the Prairies, vol. i., pp. 268, 276; Hughes' Doniphan's Expedition, p. 195; Garces, Diary, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series ii., vol. i., p. 322; Ives' Colorado River, pp. 119, 121, 126; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 97, 99, 104, 105; Ruxton, in New Annals of Voyages, 1850, vol. cxxvi., pp. 42, 45, 52, 57; Gallatin, in Id., 1851, vol. cxxxi., pp. 248, 257, 267, 270, 277, 278, 288; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii., pp. 385, 392, 394-6; Coronado, in Id., vol. iii., pp. 377, 379; Niza, in Id., vol. iii., pp. 367, 372; Mühlenpfordt, Mexico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 538; Möllhausen, Travels in the Rocky Mountains, vol. ii., p. 238; Id., Diary, pp. 217-18, 285; Montanus, New World, pp. 209, 215, 217. The town of Cíbola 'had houses constructed with stones and cement, well arranged, with the doorways adorned with sky-blue gems, (which they call turquoise).' De Laet, New World, pp. 297, 311-14; Arricivita, Seraphic Chronicle, p. 480. 'The houses are well organized and very tidy. One room is designated for the kitchen, and another for grinding grain. The latter is separate and contains a furnace and three stones fixed in masonry.' Davis' El Gringo, pp. 118-20, 141, 311, 313, 318, 420, 422; Castaño de Sosa, in Pacheco, Colonial Documents, vol. iv., pp. 329-30; Bartlett's Personal Narrative, vol. ii., p. 178; Foster's Prehistoric Races, p. 394.

[809] In the province of Tucayan, 'domiciliis inter se junctis et affabre constructis, in quibus et tepidaria quae vulgo Stuvas appellamus, sub terra constructa adversus hyemis vehementiam.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 301. 'In the centre was a small square box of stone, in which was a fire of guava bushes, and around this a few old men were smoking.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 110. 'Estufas, que mas propiamente deberian llamar sinagogas. En estas hacen sus juntas, forman sus conciliábulos, y ensayan sus bailes á puerta cerrada.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 333; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 418; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 273; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 13, 21; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 139, 165, 169-70, 176; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 392-3; Niel, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 90-1.

[809] In the province of Tucayan, 'homes that are connected to each other and built well, including the hot baths that we commonly call stuvas, constructed underground to protect against the harsh winter.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 301. 'In the center was a small square stone box, where a fire made of guava bushes burned, and around it a few elderly men were smoking.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 110. 'Estufas, which should more properly be called synagogues. In these, they hold their meetings, form their councils, and practice their dances behind closed doors.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 333; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 418; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 273; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 13, 21; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 139, 165, 169-70, 176; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 392-3; Niel, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 90-1.

[810] 'Magna ipsis Mayzü copia et leguminum.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 298, 302, 310-13, 315. 'Hallaron en los pueblos y casas muchos mantenimientos, y gran infinidad de gallinas de la tierra.' Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 386, 393. 'Criaban las Indias muchas Gallinas de la Tierra.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 678. 'Zy leven by mair, witte orweten, haesen, konynen en vorder wild-braed.' Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 215, and Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 242. Compare Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 177; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 97-8, 104, 108; Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 122; Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., pp. 5-6; Jaramillo, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 369-71; Diaz, in Id., pp. 294-5; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 268, 281; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 86; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 16, 82, 91, 113; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 26; Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 244; Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 52; Gallatin, in Id., 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 270-1, 279, 288-9, 292, 297; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., pp. 439, 445, 453; Möllhausen, Reisen in the Felsengeb., tom. ii., pp. 239, 284; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., pp. 178, 214-18, 233-7; Browne's Apache Country, pp. 78, 94, 107-10, 141-2, 276-7; Sedelmair, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 848, 850; Id., serie iv., tom. i., p. 19; Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 131; Mowry's Arizona, p. 30; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 278; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., pp. 196, 221; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 221; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 273; Ind. Aff. Repts., from 1857 to 1872.

[810] 'Great abundance of Mayzü and vegetables.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 298, 302, 310-13, 315. 'They found in the towns and houses many provisions, and a large number of native chickens.' Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 386, 393. 'The Indies raised many native chickens.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 678. 'They lived by more, with wild fowl, hares, rabbits, and other game.' Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 215, and Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 242. Compare Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 177; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 97-8, 104, 108; Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 122; Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., pp. 5-6; Jaramillo, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 369-71; Diaz, in Id., pp. 294-5; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 268, 281; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 86; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 16, 82, 91, 113; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 26; Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 244; Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 52; Gallatin, in Id., 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 270-1, 279, 288-9, 292, 297; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., pp. 439, 445, 453; Möllhausen, Reisen in the Felsengeb., tom. ii., pp. 239, 284; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., pp. 178, 214-18, 233-7; Browne's Apache Country, pp. 78, 94, 107-10, 141-2, 276-7; Sedelmair, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 848, 850; Id., serie iv., tom. i., p. 19; Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 131; Mowry's Arizona, p. 30; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 278; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., pp. 196, 221; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 221; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 273; Ind. Aff. Repts., from 1857 to 1872.

[811] 'Para su sustento no reusa animal, por inmundo que sea.' Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 395. 'Los pápagos se mantienen de los frutos silvestres.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 160-1. 'Hatten grossen Appetit zu Pferd- und Mauleselfleisch.' Murr, Nachrichten, pp. 247-9, 267, 282-92; Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 837-8; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 188; Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 166.

[811] 'For their sustenance, they do not refuse animal, no matter how unclean it is.' Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatre, vol. ii., p. 395. 'The parrots feed on wild fruits.' Velasco, News of Sonora, pp. 160-1. 'They have a big appetite for horse and mule meat.' Murr, Reports, pp. 247-9, 267, 282-92; Sonora, Geographical Description, in Historical Documents of Mexico, series iii., vol. iv., pp. 837-8; Geographic Society, Bulletin, series v., No. 96, p. 188; Stone, in Historical Magazine, vol. v., p. 166.

[812] The Pimas 'Hacen grandes siembras ... para cuyo riego tienen formadas buenas acequias.' Garces, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., pp. 235, 237. 'We were at once impressed with the beauty, order, and disposition of the arrangements for irrigating.' Emory, in Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., pp. 47-8. With the Pueblos: 'Regen-bakken vergaederden 't water: of zy leiden 't uit een rievier door graften.' Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 218; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 312; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., tom. iii., pp. 385-7, 392-4; Cutts' Conq. of Cal., p. 196.

[812] The Pimas "grow large crops... for which they have created good irrigation canals." Garces, Diary, in Hist. Docs. Mex., series ii., vol. i., pp. 235, 237. "We were immediately struck by the beauty, order, and layout of the irrigation arrangements." Emory, in Fremont and Emory's Travel Notes, pp. 47-8. With the Pueblos: "Regeneration channels direct the water: or they lead it from a river through ditches." Montanus, New World, p. 218; De Laet, New World, p. 312; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii., pp. 385-7, 392-4; Cutts' Conquest of California, p. 196.

[813] Walker's Pimas, MS.; Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 299. 'Usan de hilo torcido unas redes y otras de varios palitos, que los tuercen y juntan por las puntas.' Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 851-2.

[813] Walker's Pimas, MS.; Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 299. 'They use twisted thread for some nets and others made from various sticks, which they twist and join together at the ends.' Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 851-2.

[814] 'Hacen de la Masa de Ma'z por la mañana Atole.... Tambien hacen Tamales, y Tortillas.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 679. 'The fruit of the petajaya ... is dried in the sun.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 89, 91, 106, 111-12. 'From the suwarrow (Cereus Giganteus) and pitaya they make an excellent preserve.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 123. See also Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 31, 45, 121, 123, 126; Carleton, in Smithsonian Rept., 1854, p. 308; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 8, 76; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., tom. iii., p. 378; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 113, 115; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 61, 71, 164, 170-2; Davis' El Gringo, pp. 114, 119, 121-2, 147-8; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 218-9, 285.

[814] 'They make Ma'z dough in the morning into Atole.... They also make Tamales and Tortillas.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., vol. i., p. 679. 'The fruit of the petajaya ... is dried in the sun.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 89, 91, 106, 111-12. 'From the suwarrow (Cereus Giganteus) and pitaya, they create an excellent preserve.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 123. See also Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 31, 45, 121, 123, 126; Carleton, in Smithsonian Rept., 1854, p. 308; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 8, 76; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 378; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 113, 115; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., pp. 61, 71, 164, 170-2; Davis' El Gringo, pp. 114, 119, 121-2, 147-8; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 218-9, 285.

[815] Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 119-20, 124. 'Ils vont faire leurs odeurs au loin, et rassemblent les urines dans de grands vases de terre que l'on va vider hors du village.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 171.

[815] Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 119-20, 124. 'They go off to do their business and collect urine in large clay pots that will be emptied outside the village.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 171.

[816] 'The only defensive armor they use is a rude shield made of raw bull-hide.' Davis' El Gringo, pp. 145-6. 'Bows and arrows, and the wooden boomerang.' Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 91. The Papagos 'armes sont la massue, la lance et l'arc; ils portent aussi une cuirasse et un bouclier en peau de buffle.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 188. For further comparisons see Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 30, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 280; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 300; Larenaudière, Mex. et Guat., p. 147; Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 342; Niza, in Hakluyt's Voy., tom. iii., p. 372; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 528.; Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 299; Sedelmair, in Id., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851; Salmeron, Relaciones, in Id., p. 106; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., pp. 217, 237.

[816] 'The only protective gear they use is a simple shield made from raw bull hide.' Davis' El Gringo, pp. 145-6. 'Bows and arrows, and the wooden boomerang.' Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 91. The Papagos 'weapons are the club, the spear, and the bow; they also wear armor and carry a shield made of buffalo hide.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 188. For further comparisons see Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 30, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 280; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 300; Larenaudière, Mex. et Guat., p. 147; Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 342; Niza, in Hakluyt's Voy., tom. iii., p. 372; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 528.; Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 299; Sedelmair, in Id., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851; Salmeron, Relaciones, in Id., p. 106; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., pp. 217, 237.

[817] Bows 'of strong willow-boughs.' Walker's Pimas, MS. 'Bows are six feet in length, and made of a very tough and elastic kind of wood, which the Spaniards call Tarnio.' Pattie's Pers. Nar., pp. 91, 149.

[817] Bows made from strong willow branches. Walker's Pimas, MS. 'The bows are six feet long and crafted from a very tough and flexible type of wood, which the Spaniards refer to as Tarnio.' Pattie's Pers. Nar., pp. 91, 149.

[818] The Pima 'arrows differ from those of all the Apache tribes in having only two feathers.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 103. 'War arrows have stone points and three feathers; hunting arrows, two feathers and a wooden point.' Walker's Pimas, MS.; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., tom. iii., p. 380.

[818] The Pima arrows are different from those of all the Apache tribes because they have only two feathers. Cremony's Apaches, p. 103. War arrows have stone points and three feathers; hunting arrows have two feathers and a wooden point. Walker's Pimas, MS.; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. III, p. 380.

[819] The Pimas: 'Flechas, ennervadas con el eficaz mortífero veneno que componen de varias ponzoñas, y el zumo de la yerba llamada en pima Usap.' Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 307. 'Die Spitzen ihrer Pfeile ... welche mit einer dunklen Substanz überzogen waren. Sie behaupteten, dass diese aus Schlangengift bestehe, was mir indess unwahrscheinlich ist.' Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 438; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 59, 107, 126.

[819] The Pimas: 'Arrows, infused with a powerful deadly poison made from various toxins and the juice of the plant known in Pima as Usap.' Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iv., vol. i., p. 307. 'The tips of their arrows... which were coated with a dark substance. They claimed it was made from snake venom, which seems unlikely to me.' Froebel, Aus Amerika, vol. ii., p. 438; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., pp. 59, 107, 126.

[820] 'Una macana, como clava ó porra.... Estas son de un palo muy duro y pesado.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 556. 'Macanas, que son vnas palos de media vara de largo, y llanos todos de pedernales agudos, que bastan a partir por medio vn hombre.' Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., tom. iii., pp. 386, 393.

[820] 'A macana, like a club or a mace.... These are made from a very hard and heavy wood.' Sonora, Geog. Description., in Mex. Historical Documents., series iii., vol. iv., p. 556. 'Macanas, which are sticks about half a yard long, and flat all over with sharp flints, are enough to break a man in half.' Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voyages., vol. iii., pp. 386, 393.

[821] 'De grosses pierres avaient été rassemblées au sommet, pour les rouler sur quiconque attaquerait la place.' Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 270. 'They have placed around all the trails leading to the town, pits, ten feet deep.' Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 81. See further, Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 376; Browne's Apache Country, p. 279; Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 840; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 179.

[821] 'They piled up large stones at the top to roll down on anyone who would attack the place.' Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, vol. cxxxi., p. 270. 'They have dug pits ten feet deep along all the paths leading to the town.' Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 81. See further, Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 376; Browne's Apache Country, p. 279; Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iii., vol. iv., p. 840; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., p. 179.

[822] 'Painted to the eyes, their own heads and their horses covered with all the strange equipments that the brute creation could afford.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 37.

[822] 'Made up with makeup, their own heads and their horses decked out with all the bizarre gear that the animal kingdom could provide.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 37.

[823] 'Sometimes a fellow would stoop almost to the earth, to shoot under his horse's belly, at full speed.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 37.

[823] 'Sometimes a guy would bend down almost to the ground to shoot under his horse's belly at full speed.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 37.

[824] Walker's Pimas, MS.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Walker's Pimas, MS.

[825] Cremony's Apaches, p. 106.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Cremony's Apaches, p. 106.

[826] Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 274-5; Browne's Apache Country, p. 104; Pattie's Pers. Nar., pp. 93, 148; Cutts' Conq. of Cal., p. 223; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, serie v., No. 96, p. 188.

[826] Gregg's Commercial Prairies, vol. i., pp. 274-5; Browne's Apache Country, p. 104; Pattie's Personal Narrative, pp. 93, 148; Cutts' Conquest of California, p. 223; Society of Geography, Bulletin, series v., No. 96, p. 188.

[827] Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 78-9; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 206; Cremony's Apaches, pp. 108-9.

[827] Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 78-9; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 206; Cremony's Apaches, pp. 108-9.

[828] Walker's Pimas, MS.; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 292-4.

[828] Walker's Pimas, MS.; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, vol. cxxxi., pp. 292-4.

[829] Baskets and pottery 'are ornamented with geometrical figures.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 382, vol. ii., pp. 227-8, 236. 'Schüsselförmige runde Körbe (Coritas), diese flechten sie aus einem hornförmigen, gleich einer Ahle spitzigen Unkraute.' Murr, Nachrichten, p. 193. The Pueblos had 'de la vaiselle de terre très-belle, bien vernie et avec beaucoup d'ornements. On y vit aussi de grands jarres remplies d'un métal brillant qui servait à faire le vernis de cette faïence.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 138, 173, 185; see also Niza, in Id., p. 259. 'They (Pueblos) vse vessels of gold and siluer.' Niza, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 372; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 216, 271, 273, 279; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 435; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 97, 111; Carleton, in Smithsonian Rept., 1854, p. 308; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., pp. 457, 459; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 278; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, p. 393; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 97; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 425; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 380; Browne's Apache Country, pp. 68, 109, 112, 276.

[829] Baskets and pottery are decorated with geometric designs. Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 382, vol. ii., pp. 227-8, 236. 'Round basket-like containers (Coritas) are woven from a horn-shaped weed that is pointed like an awl.' Murr, Nachrichten, p. 193. The Pueblos had 'beautiful earthenware, well glazed and with many decorations. There were also large jars filled with a shiny metal used to make the glaze for this pottery.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., pp. 138, 173, 185; see also Niza, in Id., p. 259. 'They (Pueblos) use vessels of gold and silver.' Niza, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 372; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 216, 271, 273, 279; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 435; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 97, 111; Carleton, in Smithsonian Rept., 1854, p. 308; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., pp. 457, 459; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 278; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, p. 393; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 97; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 425; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 380; Browne's Apache Country, pp. 68, 109, 112, 276.

[830] 'All the inhabitants of the Citie (Cíbola) lie vpon beddes raysed a good height from the ground, with quilts and canopies ouer them, which couer the sayde Beds.' Niza, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 370; Id., in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 271. The Quires had 'umbracula (vulgo Tirazoles) quibus Sinenses utuntur Solis, Lunæ, et Stellarum imaginibus eleganter picta.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 312; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 393. The Moquis' chief men have pipes made of smooth polished stone. Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 87; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 121.

[830] 'All the people of the City (Cíbola) sleep on beds elevated a good height off the ground, with quilts and canopies over them that cover the said beds.' Niza, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 370; Id., in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 271. The Choirs had 'umbrellas (commonly known as Tirazoles) that the Chinese use, elegantly painted with images of the Sun, Moon, and Stars.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 312; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 393. The Moquis' leaders have pipes made of smooth polished stone. Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 87; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 121.

[831] Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 72, 76, 87. 'Sie flechten von zartgeschlitzten Palmen auf Damastart die schönsten ganz leichten Hüthe, aus einem Stücke.' Murr, Nachrichten, p. 192. The Maricopa blankets will turn rain. Cremony's Apaches, pp. 106, 90. The Moquis wove blankets from the wool of their sheep, and made cotton cloth from the indigenous staple. Poston, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 388. The Maricopas make a heavy cloth of wool and cotton, 'used by the women to put around their loins; and an article from 3 to 4 inches wide, used as a band for the head, or a girdle for the waist.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 224. 'Rupicaprarum tergora eminebant (among the Yumanes) tam industriè præparata ut cum Belgicis certarent.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 310.

[831] Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 72, 76, 87. 'They weave beautiful, very light hats from delicately slashed palm leaves on damask-like fabric, made from a single piece.' Murr, Nachrichten, p. 192. The Maricopa blankets repel rain. Cremony's Apaches, pp. 106, 90. The Moquis wove blankets from sheep's wool and made cotton cloth from the native fiber. Poston, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 388. The Maricopas create a heavy cloth made of wool and cotton, 'used by women to wrap around their waists; and a strip about 3 to 4 inches wide, used as a headband or a girdle for the waist.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 224. 'The skins of the rupicaparum stood out (among the Yumanes) so expertly prepared that they could compete with the Belgian products.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 310.

[832] De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 301; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., pp. 117, 123; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 290; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 91, 113, 115; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 81, 86; Eaton, in Id., vol. iv., p. 221; Emory, in Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 48; see further Ind. Aff. Reports, from 1854 to 1872; Browne's Apache Country, p. 290. 'These Papagos regularly visit a salt lake, which lies near the coast and just across the line of Sonora, from which they pack large quantities of salt, and find a ready market at Tubac and Tucson.' Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 352, and 1860, p. 168. 'Many Pimas had jars of the molasses expressed from the fruit of the Cereus Giganteus.' Emory, in Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 48.

[832] De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 301; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., pp. 117, 123; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 290; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 91, 113, 115; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 81, 86; Eaton, in Id., vol. iv., p. 221; Emory, in Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 48; see further Ind. Aff. Reports, from 1854 to 1872; Browne's Apache Country, p. 290. 'These Papagos regularly visit a salt lake near the coast, just across the line from Sonora, where they gather large amounts of salt and easily sell it in Tubac and Tucson.' Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 352, and 1860, p. 168. 'Many Pimas had jars filled with molasses made from the fruit of the Cereus Giganteus.' Emory, in Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 48.

[833] 'Die Vernichtung des Eigenthums eines Verstorbenen,—einen unglücklichen Gebrauch der jeden materiellen Fortschritt unmöglich macht.' Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. i., p. 437. 'The right of inheritance is held by the females generally, but it is often claimed by the men also.' Gorman, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 200. 'All the effects of the deceased (Pima) become common property: his grain is distributed; his fields shared out to those who need land; his chickens and dogs divided up among the tribe.' Browne's Apache Country, pp. 69, 112; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 121; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 262; Niza, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 264, 265, 267, 268; Id., in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 372. The Zuñis 'will sell nothing for money, but dispose of their commodities entirely in barter.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 91. The Pimos 'wanted white beads for what they had to sell, and knew the value of money.' Cutts' Conq. of Cal., p. 188; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. xi., pp. 164, 72. 'Ils apportèrent des coquillages, des turquoises et des plumes.' Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, in Id., tom. vii., p. 274; Diaz, in Id., tom. xi., p. 294; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 377. Many of the Pueblo Indians are rich, 'one family being worth over one hundred thousand dollars. They have large flocks.' Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 89; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 144.

[833] 'The destruction of a deceased person's property — an unfortunate practice that makes any material progress impossible.' Froebel, From America, vol. i., p. 437. 'Typically, females hold the right of inheritance, although men often claim it as well.' Gorman, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 200. 'All the belongings of the deceased (Pima) become communal: their grain is distributed; their fields are shared among those in need of land; their chickens and dogs are divided among the tribe.' Browne's Apache Country, pp. 69, 112; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 121; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, vol. cxxxi., p. 262; Niza, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., pp. 264, 265, 267, 268; Id., in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 372. The Zuñis 'don't sell anything for money, but trade their goods entirely through barter.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 91. The Pimos 'desired white beads for the items they had for sale and understood the value of money.' Cutts' Conq. of Cal., p. 188; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. xi., pp. 164, 72. 'They brought seashells, turquoise, and feathers.' Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, in Id., vol. vii., p. 274; Diaz, in Id., vol. xi., p. 294; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 377. Many Pueblo Indians are wealthy, 'with one family valued at over one hundred thousand dollars. They have large flocks.' Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 89; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 144.

[834] Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 278; Davis' El Gringo, p. 147; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 177; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 458; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., tom. iii., p. 380; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 284.

[834] Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 278; Davis' El Gringo, p. 147; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 177; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 458; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., tom. iii., p. 380; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 284.

[835] 'Estos ahijados tienen mucho oro y lo benefician.' Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. i., p. 28. 'They vse vessels of gold and siluer, for they have no other mettal.' Niza, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 372; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 2, 133; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 386-8, 393-5; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 217; Diaz, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 294.

[835] 'These godchildren have a lot of gold and benefit from it.' Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iii., vol. i., p. 28. 'They use vessels made of gold and silver, as they have no other metal.' Niza, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 372; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., pp. 2, 133; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 386-8, 393-5; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 217; Diaz, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., p. 294.

[836] Pueblo government purely democratic; election held once a year. 'Besides the officers elected by universal suffrage, the principal chiefs compose a "council of wise men."' Davis' El Gringo, pp. 142-4. 'One of their regulations is to appoint a secret watch for the purpose of keeping down disorders and vices of every description.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 274. See further: Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 61, 168; Niza, in Id., p. 269; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 455; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 298; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 26; Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 359; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxi., p. 277; Stanley's Portraits, p. 55.

[836] Pueblo government is fully democratic; elections are held once a year. 'In addition to the officials elected by universal suffrage, the main chiefs form a "council of wise men."' Davis' El Gringo, pp. 142-4. 'One of their rules is to appoint a secret watch to help maintain order and reduce all kinds of disorders and vices.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 274. See further: Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 61, 168; Niza, in Id., p. 269; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 455; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 298; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 26; Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 359; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxi., p. 277; Stanley's Portraits, p. 55.

[837] Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 85, 76; Marcy's Army Life, p. 108.

[837] Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 85, 76; Marcy's Army Life, p. 108.

[838] 'Gobierno no tienen alguno, ni leyes, tradiciones ó costumbres con que gobernarse.' Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 366. 'Cada cual gobernado por un anciano, y todas por el general de la nacion.' Escudero, Noticias de Sonora y Sinaloa, p. 142; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 267. Compare: Grossman, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 124; Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 356; Walker's Pimas, MS.

[838] 'They have no government, nor laws, traditions, or customs to govern themselves.' Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iv, vol. i, p. 366. 'Each person is governed by an elder, and all are under the general of the nation.' Escudero, Noticias de Sonora y Sinaloa, p. 142; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 267. Compare: Grossman, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 124; Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 356; Walker's Pimas, MS.

[839] 'Un homme n'épouse jamais plus d'une seule femme.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 164; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 86-7; Ward, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 190.

[839] 'A man never marries more than one woman.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., p. 164; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 86-7; Ward, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 190.

[840] 'Ils traitent bien leurs femmes.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 126. 'Desde que maman los Niños, los laban sus Madres con Nieve todo el cuerpo.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 679; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 123; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 178.

[840] 'They treat their wives well.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., p. 126. 'Since mothers raise the children, they wash their bodies with snow.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., vol. i., p. 679; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 123; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 178.

[841] 'Early marriages occur ... but the relation is not binding until progeny results.' Poston, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 152. 'No girl is forced to marry against her will, however eligible her parents may consider the match.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 222-4; Davis' El Gringo, p. 146; Cremony's Apaches, p. 105; Browne's Apache Country, p. 112.

[841] 'Early marriages happen ... but the relationship isn't official until there are children.' Poston, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 152. 'No girl is pressured to marry against her will, no matter how suitable her parents think the match is.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 222-4; Davis' El Gringo, p. 146; Cremony's Apaches, p. 105; Browne's Apache Country, p. 112.

[842] 'Si el marido y mujer se desavienen y los hijos non pequeños, se arriman á cualquiera de los dos y cada uno gana por su lado.' Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 369. 'Tanto los pápagos occidentales, como los citados gilas desconocen la poligamia.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 161. 'Among the Pimas loose women are tolerated.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 102-4; Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 59; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 117.

[842] "If the husband and wife don't get along and the children are not small, they can go to either parent, and each one benefits on their own." Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iv., vol. i., p. 369. "Both the western Papagos and the mentioned Gila people are unfamiliar with polygamy." Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 161. "Among the Pimas, loose women are accepted." Cremony's Apaches, pp. 102-4; Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, vol. cxxvi., p. 59; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 117.

[843] 'The Pimas also cultivate a kind of tobacco, this, which is very light, they make up into cigaritos, never using a pipe.' Walker's Pimas, MS. The Pueblos 'sometimes get intoxicated.' Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1860, p. 169. The Pueblos 'are generally free from drunkenness.' Davis' El Gringo, p. 146. Cremony's Apaches, p. 112; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 446; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 249.

[843] 'The Pimas also grow a type of tobacco that is very light, which they roll into small cigars, never using a pipe.' Walker's Pimas, MS. The Pueblos 'sometimes get drunk.' Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1860, p. 169. The Pueblos 'are usually not prone to drunkenness.' Davis' El Gringo, p. 146. Cremony's Apaches, p. 112; Froebel, Aus Amerika, vol. ii., p. 446; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 249.

[844] Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 17. 'Their hair hung loose upon their shoulders, and both men and women had their hands painted with white clay, in such a way as to resemble open-work gloves. The women ... were bare-footed, with the exception of a little piece tied about the heel.... They all wore their hair combed over their faces, in a manner that rendered it utterly impossible to recognize any of them.... They keep their elbows close to their sides, and their heels pressed firmly together, and do not raise the feet, but shuffle along with a kind of rolling motion, moving their arms, from the elbows down, with time to the step. At times, each man dances around his squaw; while she turns herself about, as if her heels formed a pivot on which she moved.' Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 74. The dresses of the men were similar to those worn on other festivities, 'except that they wear on their heads large pasteboard towers painted typically, and curiously decorated with feathers; and each man has his face entirely covered by a vizor made of small willows with the bark peeled off, and dyed a deep brown.' Id., p. 83. 'Such horrible masks I never saw before—noses six inches long, mouths from ear to ear, and great goggle eyes, as big as half a hen's egg, hanging by a string partly out of the socket.' Id., p. 85. 'Each Pueblo generally had its particular uniform dress and its particular dance. The men of one village would sometimes disguise themselves as elks, with horns on their heads, moving on all-fours, and mimicking the animal they were attempting to personate. Others would appear in the garb of a turkey, with large heavy wings.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 271, 275. 'Festejo todo (Pimas) el dia nuestra llegada con un esquisito baile en forma circular, en cuyo centro figaraba una prolongada asta donde pendian trece cabelleras, arcos, flechas y demas despojos de otros tantos enemigos apaches que habian muerto.' Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 277. 'Este lo forma una junta de truhanes vestidos de ridículo y autorizados por los viejos del pueblo para cometer los mayores desórdenes, y gustan tanto de estos hechos, que ni los maridos reparan las infamias que cometen con sus mugeres, ni las que resultan en perjuicio de las hijas.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., pp. 333-5. For further particulars see Kendall's Nar., vol. i., p. 378; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 104-8; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 244; Davis' El Gringo, pp. 154-5; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 394; Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., plates 1, 2, 3; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 67; Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 343.

[844] Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 17. 'Their hair was loose on their shoulders, and both men and women had their hands painted with white clay, making them look like they were wearing open-work gloves. The women ... were barefoot, except for a small piece tied around their heels.... They all wore their hair combed over their faces, making it totally impossible to recognize any of them.... They kept their elbows close to their sides, with their heels pressed tightly together, and didn’t lift their feet but shuffled along with a rolling motion, moving their arms from the elbows down in time with their steps. Sometimes, each man danced around his squaw, while she twirled as if her heels were a pivot on which she spun.' Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 74. The men’s outfits were similar to those worn at other celebrations, 'except they wore large tall hats made of pasteboard, painted in distinctive styles, and decorated with feathers; and each man’s face was completely covered by a visor made of small willow branches with the bark stripped off and dyed a dark brown.' Id., p. 83. 'I have never seen such horrible masks—noses six inches long, mouths stretched from ear to ear, and huge goggle eyes, as big as half a hen's egg, dangling by a string partially out of their sockets.' Id., p. 85. 'Each Pueblo generally had its own specific uniform and dance. Men from one village would sometimes dress up as elks, with horns on their heads, moving on all fours and imitating the animal they were pretending to be. Others would show up dressed as turkeys, with large heavy wings.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 271, 275. 'They celebrated the day of our arrival with an exquisite circular dance, in the center of which was a long pole where thirteen scalps, along with bows, arrows, and other trophies from as many slain Apache enemies, were hanging.' Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 277. 'This group consists of a bunch of rogues dressed ridiculously and authorized by the elders of the village to commit the worst mischief; they enjoy these antics so much that neither the husbands pay attention to the disgraceful acts committed with their wives nor the consequences for their daughters.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., pp. 333-5. For more details, see Kendall's Nar., vol. i., p. 378; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 104-8; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 244; Davis' El Gringo, pp. 154-5; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 394; Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., plates 1, 2, 3; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 67; Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 343.

[845] Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 73-4; Johnson's Hist. Arizona, p. 11. 'Their instruments consisted, each of half a gourd, placed before them, with the convex side up; upon this they placed, with the left hand, a smooth stick, and with their right drew forward and backwards upon it, in a sawing manner, a notched one.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 17. 'I noticed, among other things, a reed musical instrument with a bell-shaped end like a clarionet, and a pair of painted drumsticks tipped with gaudy feathers.' Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 121. 'Les Indiens (Pueblos) accompagnent leurs danses et leur chants avec des flûtes, où sont marqués les endroits où il faut placer les doigts.... Ils disent que ces gens se réunissent cinq ou six pour jouer de la flûte; que ces instruments sont d'inégales grandeurs.' Diaz, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 295; Castañeda, in Id., pp. 72, 172; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 455; Garces, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., p. 331. 'While they are at work, a man, seated at the door, plays on a bagpipe, so that they work keeping time: they sing in three voices.' Davis' El Gringo, p. 119.

[845] Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 73-4; Johnson's Hist. Arizona, p. 11. 'Their instruments consisted of half a gourd, placed in front of them with the rounded side up; they used their left hand to hold a smooth stick and their right hand to draw a notched stick back and forth in a sawing motion.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 17. 'I noticed, among other things, a reed musical instrument with a bell-shaped end like a clarinet, and a pair of painted drumsticks tipped with bright feathers.' Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 121. 'The Indians (Pueblos) accompany their dances and songs with flutes, where the spots to place the fingers are marked.... They say that these people get together in groups of five or six to play the flute and that these instruments come in different sizes.' Diaz, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 295; Castañeda, in Id., pp. 72, 172; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 455; Garces, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., p. 331. 'While they work, a man sitting at the door plays a bagpipe, so they work in time together: they sing in three voices.' Davis' El Gringo, p. 119.

[846] The Cocomaricopas, 'componen unas bolas redondas del tamaño de una pelota de materia negra como pez, y embutidas en ellas varias conchitas pequeñas del mar con que hacen labores y con que juegan y apuestan, tirándola con la punta del pié corren tres ó cuatro leguas y la particularidad es que el que da vuelta y llega al puesto donde comenzaron y salieron á la par ese gana.' Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851. 'It is a favorite amusement with both men [Maricopas] and boys to try their skill at hitting the pitahaya, which presents a fine object on the plain. Numbers often collect for this purpose; and in crossing the great plateau, where these plants abound, it is common to see them pierced with arrows.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 237; Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 301. 'Amusements of all kinds are universally resorted to [among the Pueblos]; such as foot-racing, horse-racing, cock-fighting, gambling, dancing, eating, and drinking.' Ward, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 192; Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., pp. 299, 365.

[846] The Cocomaricopas use round balls the size of a black fish ball, filled with several small sea shells that they use for crafts, play, and betting. They kick it with their feet and run three or four leagues, and the unique part is that whoever turns around and reaches the spot where they started wins.' Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iii., vol. iv., p. 851. 'It's a popular pastime for both men [Maricopas] and boys to test their skill at hitting the pitahaya, which stands out beautifully on the plain. Many gather for this activity; and when crossing the vast plateau where these plants grow, it’s common to see them shot with arrows.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 237; Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 301. 'People [among the Pueblos] regularly engage in all sorts of entertainment; such as foot races, horse races, cockfighting, gambling, dancing, feasting, and drinking.' Ward, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 192; Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iv., vol. i., pp. 299, 365.

[847] Walker's Pimas, MS. 'The Papago of to-day will on no account kill a coyote.' Davidson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 132. 'Eben so abergläubischen Gebrauch hatten sie bey drohenden Kieselwetter, da sie den Hagel abzuwenden ein Stück von einem Palmteppiche an einem Stecken anhefteten und gegen die Wolken richteten.' Murr, Nachrichten, pp. 203, 207; Arny, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, pp. 385, 389. 'A sentinel ascends every morning at sunrise to the roof of the highest house, and, with eyes directed towards the east, looks out for the arrival of the divine chieftain, who is to give the sign of deliverance.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 165, 197, 390, 210, and vol. ii., p. 54. 'On a dit que la coutume singulière de conserver perpétuellement un feu sacré près duquel les anciens Mexicains attendaient le retour du dieu Quetzacoatl, existe aussi chez les Pueblos.' Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 58; Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv.. p. 851; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 278; Cremony's Apaches, p. 92; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 93. 'I, however, one night, at San Felipe, clandestinely witnessed a portion of their secret worship. One of their secret night dances is called Tocina, which is too horrible to write about.' Arny, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 385; Ward, in Id., 1864, p. 192; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 121; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 73, 77; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 278. 'Ils ont des prêtres ... ils montent sur la terrasse la plus élevée du village et font un sermon au moment où le soleil se lève.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 133, 164, 239.

[847] Walker's Pimas, MS. 'The Papago people today will not kill a coyote under any circumstances.' Davidson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 132. 'They had a superstitious practice during threatening hailstorms, where they would attach a piece of palm cloth to a stick and point it at the clouds to ward off the hail.' Murr, Nachrichten, pp. 203, 207; Arny, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, pp. 385, 389. 'Every morning at sunrise, a sentinel climbs to the roof of the highest house, looking towards the east for the arrival of the divine leader, who will signal their deliverance.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 165, 197, 390, 210, and vol. ii., p. 54. 'It has been said that the peculiar custom of maintaining a sacred fire, where the ancient Mexicans awaited the return of the god Quetzacoatl, also exists among the Pueblos.' Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 58; Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 278; Cremony's Apaches, p. 92; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 93. 'However, one night, at San Felipe, I secretly witnessed a part of their secret worship. One of their secret night dances is called Tocina, which is too disturbing to describe.' Arny, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 385; Ward, in Id., 1864, p. 192; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 121; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 73, 77; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 278. 'They have priests... they go up to the highest terrace of the village and deliver a sermon at sunrise.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 133, 164, 239.

[848] Walker's Pimas, MS.; Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 361; Ruggles, in Id., 1869, p. 209; Andrews, in Id., 1870, p. 117; Ward, in Id., 1864, p. 188; Davis' El Gringo, pp. 119, 311. The cause of the decrease of the Pecos Indians is 'owing to the fact that they seldom if ever marry outside of their respective pueblos.' Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 251; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 273. 'Au milieu [of the estufa] est un foyer allumé, sur lequel on jette de temps en temps une poignée de thym, ce qui suffit pour entretenir la chaleur, de sorte qu'on y est comme dans un bain.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 170.

[848] Walker's Pimas, MS.; Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 361; Ruggles, in Id., 1869, p. 209; Andrews, in Id., 1870, p. 117; Ward, in Id., 1864, p. 188; Davis' El Gringo, pp. 119, 311. The reason for the decline of the Pecos Indians is 'because they rarely, if ever, marry outside of their own pueblos.' Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 251; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 273. 'In the middle [of the estufa] is a lit fire, on which a handful of thyme is thrown from time to time, which is enough to maintain the heat, making it feel like a bath.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., p. 170.

[849] Walker's Pimas, MS. The Pimas, 'usan enterrar sus varones con su arco y flechas, y algun bastimento y calabazo de agua, señal que alcanzan vislumbre de la immortalidad, aunque no con la distincion de prémio ó castigo.' Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 369. 'The Maricopas invariably bury their dead, and mock the ceremony of cremation.' ... 'sacrifice at the grave of a warrior all the property of which he died possessed, together with all in possession of his various relatives.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 103, 105. 'The Pimos bury their dead, while the Coco-Maricopas burn theirs.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 262. 'The females of the family [Pueblo] approached in a mournful procession (while the males stood around in solemn silence), each one bearing on her head a tinaja, or water-jar, filled with water, which she emptied into the grave, and whilst doing so commenced the death-cry. They came singly and emptied their jars, and each one joined successively in the death-cry; ... They believe that on a certain day (in August, I think) the dead rise from their graves and flit about the neighboring hills, and on that day, all who have lost friends, carry out quantities of corn, bread, meat, and such other good things of this life as they can obtain, and place them in the haunts frequented by the dead, in order that the departed spirits may once more enjoy the comforts of this nether world.' Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 75-8. If the dead Pima was a chief, 'the villagers are summoned to his burial. Over his grave they hold a grand festival. The women weep and the men howl, and they go into a profound mourning of tar. Soon the cattle are driven up and slaughtered, and every body heavily-laden with sorrow, loads his squaw with beef, and feasts for many days.' Browne's Apache Country, pp. 112-13; Murr, Nachrichten, pp. 204, 210, 281; Ferry, Scènes de la vie Sauvage, p. 115; Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 500; Id., Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 437; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 165.

[849] Walker's Pimas, MS. The Pimas bury their men with their bows and arrows, along with some supplies and a water jug, which shows they believe in some form of immortality, even if it's not one of reward or punishment. Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 369. 'The Maricopas always bury their dead and mock the cremation ceremony.' ... 'At the grave of a warrior, everything he owned at the time of his death, as well as belongings from his relatives, is sacrificed.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 103, 105. 'The Pimas bury their dead, while the Coco-Maricopas burn theirs.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 262. 'The women of the family [Pueblo] come in a mournful procession (while the men stand around in solemn silence), each carrying a water jar, which she empties into the grave while starting the death-cry. They approach one by one, emptying their jars, and each joins in the death-cry; ... They believe that on a certain day (in August, I think), the dead rise from their graves and wander around the nearby hills, and on that day, everyone who has lost loved ones brings out quantities of corn, bread, meat, and other good things they can find, placing them in areas where the dead frequented, so the departed spirits can once again enjoy the comforts of this world.' Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 75-8. If the deceased Pima was a chief, 'the villagers are called to his burial. They hold a grand festival over his grave. The women cry and the men howl, entering a deep mourning period. Soon after, cattle are brought in and slaughtered, and everyone, burdened with sorrow, loads their wives with beef, celebrating for many days.' Browne's Apache Country, pp. 112-13; Murr, Nachrichten, pp. 204, 210, 281; Ferry, Scènes de la vie Sauvage, p. 115; Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 500; Id., Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 437; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 165.

[850] 'Though naturally disposed to peaceful pursuits, the Papagoes are not deficient in courage.' Browne's Apache Country, pp. 142, 107, 110-11, 140, 277; Johnson's Hist. Arizona, p. 10; Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 166; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 188; Escudero, Noticias de Sonora y Sinaloa, p. 142; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 116, 160; Froebel's Cent. Amer., pp. 500, 506, 512; Id., Aus Amerika, tom. ii., pp. 437, 447, 454; Garces, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., p. 238; Sedelmair, Relacion, in Id., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 850; Gallardo, in Id., p. 892. 'The peaceful disposition of the Maricopas is not the result of incapacity for war, for they are at all times enabled to meet, and vanquish the Apaches in battle.' Emory, in Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 49; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., pp. 62, 103; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 282; Hardy's Trav., pp. 440, 443; Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., pp. 365-6; Mowry's Arizona, p. 30; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, pp. 397, 412; Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 553-5, 838. 'The Pueblos were industrious and unwarlike in their habits.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 98, 110. The Moquis 'are a mild and peaceful race of people, almost unacquainted with the use of arms, and not given to war. They are strictly honest.... They are kind and hospitable to strangers.' Davis' El Gringo, pp. 421, 145. 'C'est une race (Pueblos) remarquablement sobre et industrieuse, qui se distingue par sa moralité.' Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 277, 288, 290; Ruxton, in Id., 1850, tom. cxxvi., pp. 45, 47, 60; Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 191; Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 31, 36, 45, 122, 124-7; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 120, 268, 274; Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 342; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 241; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. iv., p. 453; Champagnac, Voyageur, p. 84; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., pp. 196, 221; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 392; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 26; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 91; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 72, 87; Eaton, in Id., p. 220; Bent, in Id., vol. i., p. 244; Kendall's Nar., vol. i., p. 378; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 126, 163; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 528; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 144; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 240. The Pueblos 'are passionately fond of dancing, and give themselves up to this diversion with a kind of frenzy.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., pp. 198, 185, 203, 206, and vol. ii., pp. 19, 51-2; Cutts' Conq. of Cal., pp. 188-9, 222; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 81, 91, 113, 115; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 177; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 679-80; Mayer's Mex. as it Was, p. 239; Id., Mex., Aztec etc., vol. ii., p. 358. See further: Ind. Aff. Rept., from 1854 to 1872.

[850] 'Although naturally inclined towards peaceful activities, the Papago people are not lacking in bravery.' Browne's Apache Country, pp. 142, 107, 110-11, 140, 277; Johnson's Hist. Arizona, p. 10; Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 166; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 188; Escudero, Noticias de Sonora y Sinaloa, p. 142; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 116, 160; Froebel's Cent. Amer., pp. 500, 506, 512; Id., Aus Amerika, tom. ii., pp. 437, 447, 454; Garces, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., p. 238; Sedelmair, Relacion, in Id., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 850; Gallardo, in Id., p. 892. 'The peaceful nature of the Maricopas does not stem from an inability to fight, as they can always confront and defeat the Apaches in battle.' Emory, in Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 49; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., pp. 62, 103; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 282; Hardy's Trav., pp. 440, 443; Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., pp. 365-6; Mowry's Arizona, p. 30; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, pp. 397, 412; Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 553-5, 838. 'The Pueblos were hardworking and not prone to violence.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 98, 110. The Moquis 'are a gentle and peaceful group, largely unfamiliar with weapons and not inclined toward warfare. They are completely honest.... They are kind and welcoming to newcomers.' Davis' El Gringo, pp. 421, 145. 'It's a race (Pueblos) that is remarkably sober and industrious, distinguished by its morality.' Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 277, 288, 290; Ruxton, in Id., 1850, tom. cxxvi., pp. 45, 47, 60; Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 191; Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 31, 36, 45, 122, 124-7; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 120, 268, 274; Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 342; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 241; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. iv., p. 453; Champagnac, Voyageur, p. 84; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., pp. 196, 221; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 392; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 26; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 91; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 72, 87; Eaton, in Id., p. 220; Bent, in Id., vol. i., p. 244; Kendall's Nar., vol. i., p. 378; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 126, 163; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 528; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 144; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 240. The Pueblos 'have a deep passion for dancing and throw themselves into this activity with a kind of frenzy.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., pp. 198, 185, 203, 206, and vol. ii., pp. 19, 51-2; Cutts' Conq. of Cal., pp. 188-9, 222; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 81, 91, 113, 115; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 177; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 679-80; Mayer's Mex. as it Was, p. 239; Id., Mex., Aztec etc., vol. ii., p. 358. See further: Ind. Aff. Rept., from 1854 to 1872.

[851] Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, p. 359; Forbes' Cal., pp. 20-2; Mofras, Explor., tom. i., p. 239; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 451; Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Church, vol. i., pp. 95-6; Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 446. 'Esse sono tre nella California Cristiana, cioè quelle de' Pericui, de' Guaicuri, e de' Cochimì.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., p. 109. Venegas, in giving the opinion of Father Taravàl, says: 'Tres son (dice este habil Missionero) las Lenguas: la Cochimi, la Pericù, y la de Loreto. De esta ultima salen dos ramos, y son: la Guaycùra, y la Uchiti; verdad es, que es la variacion tanta, que el que no tuviere connocimiento de las tres Lenguas, juzgara, no solo que hay quatro Lenguas, sino que hay cinco.... Està poblada la primera àzia el Medioda, desde el Cabo de San Lucas, hasta mas acá del Puerto de la Paz de la Nacion Pericú, ó siguiendo la terminacion Castellana de los Pericúes: la segunda desde la Paz, hasta mas arriba del Presidio Real de Loreto, es de los Monquis; la tercera desde el territorio de Loreto, por todo lo descubierto al Norte de la nacion Cochimi, ó de los Cochimíes.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., pp. 63-6. 'Auf der Halbinsel Alt-Californien wohnen: an der Südspitze die Perícues, dann die Monquis oder Menguis, zu welchen die Familien der Guaycúras und Coras gehören, die Cochímas oder Colímiës, die Laimónes, die Utschítas oder Vehítis, und die Icas.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 212. 'All the Indian tribes of the Peninsula seem to be affiliated with the Yumas of the Colorado and with the Coras below La Paz ... in no case do they differ in intellect, habits, customs, dress, implements of war, or hunting, traditions, or appearances from the well-known Digger Indians of Alta-California, and undoubtedly belong to the same race or family.' Browne's Lower Cal., pp. 53-4.

[851] Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, p. 359; Forbes' Cal., pp. 20-2; Mofras, Explor., vol. i., p. 239; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., vol. vi., p. 451; Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Church, vol. i., pp. 95-6; Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 446. 'There are three in Christian California, namely those of the Pericui, Guaicuri, and Cochimì.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., vol. i., p. 109. Venegas, sharing the view of Father Taravàl, states: 'There are three languages (says this skilled missionary): Cochimi, Pericù, and Loreto. From the last, two branches emerge: Guaycùra and Uchiti; it is true that the variation is such that someone unfamiliar with the three languages might believe there are not just four languages, but five.... The first is populated from the south, from Cape San Lucas, to beyond the Port of La Paz of the Pericú Nation, or following the Spanish name of the Pericúes: the second from La Paz to above the Royal Presidio of Loreto, is of the Monquis; the third from the territory of Loreto, covering all discovered areas north of the Cochimi Nation, or of the Cochimíes.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., vol. i., pp. 63-6. 'On the Alt-Californian peninsula live: at the southern tip the Perícues, then the Monquis or Menguis, to which the families of Guaycúras and Coras belong, the Cochímas or Colímiës, the Laimónes, the Utschítas or Vehítis, and the Icas.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. i., p. 212. 'All the Indian tribes of the Peninsula seem to be connected with the Yumas of the Colorado and the Coras below La Paz ... in every respect, they do not differ in intellect, habits, customs, dress, weapons, hunting methods, traditions, or appearances from the well-known Digger Indians of Alta-California, and they undoubtedly belong to the same race or family.' Browne's Lower Cal., pp. 53-4.

[852] 'Di buona statura, ben fatti, sani, e robusti.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 112-13. 'El color en todos es muy moreno ... no tienen barba ni nada de vello en el cuerpo.' Californias, Noticias, carta i., pp. 47, 61, carta ii., p. 12. Compare: Kino, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 407; Crespi, in Id., serie iv., tom. vii., p. 135; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 345, 351; Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., p. 68; Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, p. 357; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., pp. 443-4; Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Church, p. 99.

[852] 'Well built, healthy, and strong.' Clavigero, History of California, vol. i., pp. 112-13. 'Everyone has a very dark complexion... they have no beards or body hair.' Californias, News, letter i., pp. 47, 61, letter ii., p. 12. Compare: Kino, in Historical Documents of Mexico, series iv., vol. i., p. 407; Crespi, in Id., series iv., vol. vii., p. 135; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigations, vol. iii., fol. 345, 351; Venegas, Report on California, vol. i., p. 68; Baegert, in Smithsonian Report, 1863, p. 357; Mühlenpfordt, Mexico, vol. ii., part ii., pp. 443-4; Gleeson's History of the Catholic Church, p. 99.

[853] 'Siendo de gran deshonra en los varones el vestido.' Salvatierra, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. v., p. 42. 'Aprons are about a span wide, and of different length.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, pp. 361-2. Consult further: Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., pp. 81-8, 113; Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Church, pp. 96-9, 107-10; Forbes' Cal., pp. 9, 18; Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 120-3, 133, 144; Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 469, and in Berenger, Col. de Voy., tom. ii., p. 371.

[853] 'It is considered a great shame for men to wear dresses.' Salvatierra, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iv., vol. v., p. 42. 'Aprons are about a span wide and of varying lengths.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, pp. 361-2. For more information, see: Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., vol. i., pp. 81-8, 113; Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Church, pp. 96-9, 107-10; Forbes' Cal., pp. 9, 18; Clavigero, Storia della Cal., vol. i., pp. 120-3, 133, 144; Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 469, and in Berenger, Col. de Voy., vol. ii., p. 371.

[854] 'Unos se cortan un pedazo de oreja, otros las dos; otros agugerean el labio inferior, otros las narizes, y es cosa de risa, pues allí llevan colgando ratoncillos, lagartijitas, conchitas. &c.' Californias, Noticias, carta i., pp. 48, 22. 'It has been asserted that they also pierce the nose. I can only say that I saw no one disfigured in that particular manner.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, p. 362. 'Nudi agunt, genas quadratis quibusdam notis signati.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 306. Further reference: Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., pp. 279, 282; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 347-8, and in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 412; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 428.

[854] 'Some cut off a piece of their ear, others both; some pierce their lower lip, others their noses, and it's quite amusing, as they hang little mice, lizards, and shells from them, etc.' Californias, Noticias, letter i., pp. 48, 22. 'It's been claimed that they also pierce their noses. I can only say that I didn't see anyone marked in that specific way.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, p. 362. 'The naked ones sport square markings on their cheeks.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 306. Further reference: Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, vol. ii., pp. 279, 282; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, vol. iii., fol. 347-8, and in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 412; Delaporte, Reisen, vol. x., p. 428.

[855] Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., p. 88; Campbell's Hist. Span. Amer., p. 86; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 347, 350; Californias, Noticias, carta i., p. 45; Lockman's Trav. Jesuits, vol. i., p. 403. 'Le abitazioncelle più comuni sono certe chiuse circolari di sassi sciolti, ed ammucchiati, le quali hanno cinque piedi di diametro, e meno di due d'altezza.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., p. 119. 'I am certainly not much mistaken in saying that many of them change their night-quarters more than a hundred times in a year.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, p. 361.

[855] Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., vol. i., p. 88; Campbell's Hist. Span. Amer., p. 86; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, vol. iii., fol. 347, 350; Californias, Noticias, letter i., p. 45; Lockman's Trav. Jesuits, vol. i., p. 403. 'The most common dwellings are circular enclosures made of loosely piled stones, which are about five feet in diameter and less than two feet high.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., vol. i., p. 119. 'I’m definitely not wrong in saying that many of them change their sleeping spots more than a hundred times a year.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, p. 361.

[856] 'Twenty-four pounds of meat in twenty-four hours is not deemed an extraordinary ration for a single person.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, pp. 364-7. 'No tienen horas señaladas para saciar su apetito: comen cuanto hallan por delante; hasta las cosas mas sucias sirven á su gula.' Californias, Noticias, carta i., pp. 46-7, 21; see also: Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 13; Salvatierra, in Id., serie iv., tom. v., p. 116; Crespi, in Id., serie iv., tom. vii., pp. 106, 135, 143; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., pp. 423-4; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 153; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 106; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 350; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 451; Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. i., p. 318.

[856] 'Eating twenty-four pounds of meat in twenty-four hours isn't considered an unusual amount for one person.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, pp. 364-7. 'They don't have set times to satisfy their hunger: they eat whatever they find in front of them; even the dirtiest things feed their gluttony.' Californias, Noticias, carta i., pp. 46-7, 21; see also: Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 13; Salvatierra, in Id., serie iv., tom. v., p. 116; Crespi, in Id., serie iv., tom. vii., pp. 106, 135, 143; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., pp. 423-4; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 153; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 106; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 350; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 451; Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. i., p. 318.

[857] 'La pesca si fa da loro in due maniere, o con reti nella spiaggia, o ne' gorghi rimasi della marea, o con forconi in alto mare.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 111, 125-6; 'Use neither nets nor hooks, but a kind of lance.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, p. 364. 'Forman los Indios redes para pescar, y para otros usos.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., p. 52.

[857] 'They fish in two ways, either with nets on the beach, or in pools left by the tide, or with spears out at sea.' Clavigero, History of Cal., vol. i., pp. 111, 125-6; 'They use neither nets nor hooks, but a kind of spear.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Report, 1863, p. 364. 'The Indians make nets for fishing and other uses.' Venegas, News of Cal., vol. i., p. 52.

[858] 'Poichè le stesse donne si lavavano, e si lavano anche oggidì con essa (orina) la faccia.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., p. 133.

[858] 'Since the same women used to wash, and still wash today with it (urine) their faces.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., p. 133.

[859] Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 469; Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 346, 351; Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, p. 362; Kino, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 407; Crespi, in Id., serie iv., tom. vii., p. 143. 'Si trovarono altre spezie d'armi per ferir da vicino, ma tutte di legno. La prima è un mazzapicchio, simile nella forma a una girella col suo manico tutta d'un pezzo. La seconda è a foggia d'un ascia di legnajuolo tutta anch'essa d'un sol pezzo. La terza ha la forma d'una piccola scimitara.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 124, 127.

[859] Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 469; Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 346, 351; Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, p. 362; Kino, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 407; Crespi, in Id., serie iv., tom. vii., p. 143. 'They found other types of close-range weapons, all made of wood. The first is a mace, shaped like a club with a single-piece handle. The second resembles a wooden axe, also made from one piece. The third looks like a small scimitar.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 124, 127.

[860] 'El modo de publicar la guerra era, hacer con mucho estruendo gran provision de cañas, y pedernales para sus flechas, y procurar, que por varios caminos llegassen las assonadas à oídos de sus contrarios.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., pp. 97-8. Referring to Venegas' work, Baegert, Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 385, says: 'All that is said in reference to the warfare of the Californians is wrong. In their former wars they merely attacked the enemy unexpectedly during the night, or from an ambush, and killed as many as they could, without order, previous declaration of war, or any ceremonies whatever.' See also: Apostólicos Afanes, pp. 424-5, and Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., p. 127.

[860] 'The way to declare war was to make a lot of noise while gathering a large supply of reeds and flint for their arrows, and to ensure that the news reached their enemies through various routes.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., vol. i., pp. 97-8. Referring to Venegas' work, Baegert, Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 385, says: 'Everything mentioned regarding the warfare of the Californians is incorrect. In their earlier battles, they simply attacked the enemy unexpectedly at night or from hiding, aiming to kill as many as possible without any order, prior declaration of war, or any rituals.' See also: Apostólicos Afanes, pp. 424-5, and Clavigero, Storia della Cal., vol. i., p. 127.

[861] 'In lieu of knives and scissors they use sharp flints for cutting almost everything—cane, wood, aloë, and even their hair.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, p. 363. 'Le loro reti, tanto quelle da pescare, quanto quelle, che servono a portare checchessia, le fanno col filo, che tirano dalle foglie del Mezcal.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., p. 124. Further notice in Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 350; Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., p. 90; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 447.

[861] 'Instead of knives and scissors, they use sharp flints to cut almost everything—cane, wood, aloe, and even their hair.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, p. 363. 'Their nets, both those for fishing and those used for carrying anything, are made from the fibers they pull from the leaves of the Mezcal.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., vol. i., p. 124. Further notice in Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, vol. iii., fol. 350; Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., vol. i., p. 90; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 447.

[862] Vancouver, Voy., vol. ii., p. 482, speaking of Lower California says: 'We were visited by one of the natives in a straw canoe.' 'Vedemmo che vsci vna canoua in mare con tre Indiani dalle lor capanne.' Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 350-1, 343, 347, and in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii, p. 418. See further: Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., p. 126; Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 469, and in Berenger, Col. de Voy., tom. ii., p. 371.

[862] Vancouver, Voy., vol. ii., p. 482, talking about Lower California says: 'We were visited by one of the natives in a straw canoe.' 'We saw a canoe at sea with three Indians from their huts.' Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 350-1, 343, 347, and in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii, p. 418. See further: Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., p. 126; Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 469, and in Berenger, Col. de Voy., tom. ii., p. 371.

[863] 'Tienen trato de pescado con los indios de tierra adentro.' Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 17; also, Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 347-8.

[863] 'They do fish trade with the inland Indians.' Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iii., vol. iv., p. 17; also, Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, vol. iii., fol. 347-8.

[864] 'Su modo de contar es muy diminuto y corto, pues apénas llegan á cinco, y otros á diez, y van multiplicando segun pueden.' Californias, Noticias, carta i., p. 103. 'Non dividevano l'Anno in Mesi, ma solamente in sei stagioni.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 110-11.

[864] 'Their way of counting is very small and brief, as they barely reach five, and some even go to ten, and they multiply as best they can.' Californias, Noticias, letter i., p. 103. 'They didn’t divide the year into months, but only into six seasons.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., vol. i., pp. 110-11.

[865] Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 129-30. Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., p. 79. 'Entre ellos siempre hay alguno mas desahogado y atrevido, que se reviste con el caracter de Capitan: pero ni este tiene jurisdiccion alguna, ni le obedecen, y en estando algo viejo lo suelen quitar del mando: solo en los lances que les tiene cuenta siguen sus dictámenes.' Californias, Noticias, carta i., pp. 40, 45.

[865] Clavigero, Storia della Cal., vol. i., pp. 129-30. Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., vol. i., p. 79. 'Among them, there’s always someone a bit more outgoing and bold who takes on the role of Captain: but this person has no real authority, and no one listens to them, and when they get a bit older, they are often stripped of their command: they only follow their advice in situations that benefit them.' Californias, Noticias, letter i., pp. 40, 45.

[866] Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 130-4; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi tom. iii., fol. 348; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 284; Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, pp. 367-9. 'Sus casamientos son muy ridiculos: unos para casarse enseñan sus cuerpos á las mugeres, y estas á ellos; y adoptándose á su gusto, se casan: otros en fin, que es lo mas comun, se casan sin ceremonia.' Californias, Noticias, carta i., pp. 50, 40-1. 'El adulterio era mirado como delito, que por lo menos daba justo motivo á la venganza, á excepción de dos ocasiones: una la de sus fiestas, y bayles: y otra la de las luchas.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., p. 93. 'Les hommes s'approchaient des femmes comme des animaux, et les femmes se mettaient publiquement à quatre pattes pour les recevoir.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 153. This method of copulation is by no means peculiar to the Lower Californians, but is practiced almost universally by the wild tribes of the Pacific States. Writers naturally do not mention this custom, but travellers are unanimous in their verbal accounts respecting it.

[866] Clavigero, History of California, vol. i., pp. 130-4; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigation vol. iii., fol. 348; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, vol. ii., p. 284; Baegert, in Smithsonian Report, 1863, pp. 367-9. 'Their marriages are quite ridiculous: some show their bodies to women in order to marry, and the women do the same to them; adopting each other's preferences, they marry: others, which is the most common, marry without ceremony.' Californias, Noticias, letter i., pp. 50, 40-1. 'Adultery was viewed as a crime that at least justified revenge, except in two cases: one during their festivities and dances, and the other during fights.' Venegas, News of California, vol. i., p. 93. 'Men approached women like animals, and women publicly got on all fours to receive them.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, series i., vol. ix., p. 153. This method of mating is not unique to the Lower Californians but is practiced almost universally by the wild tribes of the Pacific States. Writers usually don't mention this custom, but travelers all agree in their verbal accounts about it.

[867] 'Fiesta entre los Indios Gentiles no es mas que una concurrencia de hombres y mugeres de todas partes para desahogar los apetitos de luxuria y gula.' Californias, Noticias, carta i., pp. 60-75. 'Una de las fiestas mas celebres de los Cochimies era la del dia, en que repartian las pieles à las mugeres una vez al año.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., pp. 85-6, 96; Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 389; Salvatierra, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. v., pp. 103, 116.

[867] 'The Fiesta among the Gentile Indians is just a gathering of men and women from all over to indulge their cravings for lust and gluttony.' California, News, letter i., pp. 60-75. 'One of the most famous celebrations of the Cochimies was the day they distributed skins to the women once a year.' Venegas, News of California, vol. i., pp. 85-6, 96; Baegert, in Smithsonian Report, 1864, p. 389; Salvatierra, in Historical Documents of Mexico, series iv., vol. v., pp. 103, 116.

[868] Californias, Noticias, carta i., pp. 59-65; Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 126, 146. 'There existed always among the Californians individuals of both sexes who played the part of sorcerers or conjurers, pretending to possess the power of exorcising the devil.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 389.

[868] Californias, Noticias, letter i., pp. 59-65; Clavigero, History of California, tom. i., pp. 126, 146. 'There have always been individuals of both genders among the Californians who acted as sorcerers or conjurers, claiming to have the ability to exorcise the devil.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Report, 1864, p. 389.

[869] Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, pp. 385-7. 'Las carreras, luchas, peleas y otras trabajos voluntarios les ocasionan muchos dolores de pecho y otros accidentes.' Californias, Noticias, carta i., pp. 85-99.

[869] Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, pp. 385-7. 'Races, fights, brawls, and other voluntary activities cause them a lot of chest pain and other incidents.' Californias, Noticias, carta i., pp. 85-99.

[870] Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 112-13, 142-5; Apostólicos Afanes, pp. 426-7; Salvatierra, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. v., p. 23; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., pp. 433-4. 'Rogaba el enfermo, que le chupassen, y soplassen de el modo mismo, que lo hacian los Curanderos. Executaban todos por su orden este oficio de piedad, chupando, y soplando primero la parte lesa, y despues todos los otros organos de los sentidos.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., pp. 117-18.

[870] Clavigero, Storia della Cal., vol. i, pp. 112-13, 142-5; Apostólicos Afanes, pp. 426-7; Salvatierra, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iv, vol. v, p. 23; Delaporte, Reisen, vol. x, pp. 433-4. 'The sick person begged them to suck and blow on him in the same way the healers did. They all took turns performing this act of compassion, sucking and blowing first on the affected area, and then on all the other sensory organs.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., vol. i, pp. 117-18.

[871] Baegert says: 'It seems tedious to them to spend much time near an old, dying person that was long ago a burden to them and looked upon with indifference. A person of my acquaintance restored a girl to life that was already bound up in a deer-skin, according to their custom, and ready for burial.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 387.

[871] Baegert says: 'They find it tiresome to spend a lot of time around an old, dying person who was a burden to them long ago and is now viewed with indifference. One person I know brought a girl back to life who was already wrapped in a deer-skin, as per their custom, and ready for burial.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 387.

[872] 'Solevano essi onorar la memoria d'alcuni defunti ponendo sopra un' alta pertica la loro figura gossamente formata di rami, presso alla quale si metteva un Guama a predicar le loro lodi.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., p. 144; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 184.

[872] "They used to honor the memory of some deceased by placing their figure, roughly crafted from branches, atop a tall pole, next to which a Guama would stand to preach their praises." Clavigero, Storia della Cal., vol. i., p. 144; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, series v., No. 96, p. 184.

[873] 'La estupidèz è insensibilidad: la falta de conocimiento, y reflexion: la inconstancia, y volubilidad de una voluntad, y apetitos sin freno, sin luz, y aun sin objeto: la pereza, y horror à todo trabajo, y fatiga à la adhesion perpetua à todo linage de placer, y entretenimiento puerìl, y brutàl: la pusilanimidad, y flaqueza de animo; y finalmente, la falta miserable de todo lo que forma à los hombres esto es racionales, politicos, y utiles para sì, y para la sociedad.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., pp. 74-9, 87-8. 'Las naciones del Norte eran mas despiertas, dóciles y fieles, ménos viciosas y libres, y por tanto mejor dispuestas para recibir el cristianismo que las que habitaban al Sur.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. lxxxix. 'Eran los coras y pericues, y generalmente las rancherias del Sur de California, mas ladinos y capaces; pero tambien mas viciosos é inquietos que las demas naciones de la península.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 252. 'Ces peuples sont d'une tres-grande docilité, ils se laissent instruire.' Californie, Nouvelle Descente, in Voy. de l'Empereur de la Chine, p. 104. Other allusions to their character may be found in Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex., vol. i., p. 330; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 292; Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, pp. 378-85; Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vii., pp. 135, 143-6; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 442; Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 113-14; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 451.

[873] 'Stupidity is insensitivity: a lack of knowledge and reflection; inconsistency, and the capriciousness of a will, and unchecked desires, without light, and even without any objective: laziness, and an aversion to all work, and a tireless attachment to all kinds of pleasures and childish, brutal entertainment: cowardice, and weakness of spirit; and finally, the miserable absence of everything that makes people rational, political, and useful for themselves and for society.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., pp. 74-9, 87-8. 'The nations of the North were more alert, docile, and faithful, less vicious and freer, and therefore better prepared to receive Christianity than those living in the South.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. lxxxix. 'The Coras and Pericues, and generally the rancherías of Southern California, were more clever and capable; but they were also more vicious and restless than the other nations of the peninsula.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 252. 'These people are very docile, they allow themselves to be taught.' Californie, Nouvelle Descente, in Voy. de l'Empereur de la Chine, p. 104. Other references to their character can be found in Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex., vol. i., p. 330; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 292; Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, pp. 378-85; Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vii., pp. 135, 143-6; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 442; Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 113-14; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 451.

[874] Father Ribas, the first priest who visited the Yaquis, was surprised at the loud rough tone in which they spoke. When he remonstrated with them for doing so, their reply was, 'No vés que soy Hiaqui: y dezianlo, porque essa palabra, y nombre, significa, el que habla a gritos.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 285. Mayos: 'Their name comes from their position, and means in their own language boundary, they having been bounded on both sides by hostile tribes.' Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 165. 'Segun parece, la palabra talahumali ó tarahumari significa, "corredor de a pié;" de tala ó tara, pié, y huma, correr'. Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 364. 'La palabra tepehuan creen algunos que es Mexicana, y corrupcion de tepehuani, conquistador; ó bien un compuesto de tepetl, monte, y hua, desinencia que en Mexicano indica posesion, como si dijéramos señor ó dueño del monte. Otros, acaso con mas exactitud, dicen que tepchuan es voz tarahumar, derivada de pehua ó pegua, que significa duro, lo cual conviene con el carácter de la nacion.' Id., tom. ii., p. 45. 'La palabra acaxee parece ser la misma que la de acaxete, nombre de un pueblo perteneciente al estado de Puebla, ambos corrupcion de la palabra Mexicana acaxitl, compuesta de atl (agua), y de caxitl (cazuela ó escudilla), hoy tambien corrompida, cajete: el todo significa alberca, nombre perfectamente adecuado á la cosa, pues que Alcedo, [Diccion. geográf. de América] dice que en Acaxete, "hay una caja ó arca de agua de piedra de cantería, en que se recogen las que bajan de la Sierra y se conducen à Tepeaca: el nombre, pues, nos dice que si no la obra arquitectónica, á lo menos la idea y la ejecucion, vienen desde los antiguos Mexicanos."' Diccionario Universal de Hist. Geog., tom. i., p. 31.

[874] Father Ribas, the first priest to visit the Yaquis, was taken aback by the loud, rough way they spoke. When he scolded them for it, they responded, 'Can’t you see I’m Hiaqui? They say it because that word and name means "the one who speaks loudly."' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 285. Mayos: 'Their name comes from their location and means "boundary" in their language, as they have been surrounded on both sides by hostile tribes.' Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 165. 'It seems the word talahumali or tarahumari means "foot runner;" from tala or tara, foot, and huma, to run.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 364. 'Some believe the word tepehuan is Mexican, a corruption of tepehuani, conqueror; or a compound of tepetl, mountain, and hua, a suffix in Mexican indicating possession, as if we were saying lord or owner of the mountain. Others, perhaps more accurately, say that tepchuan is a Tarahumar word derived from pehua or pegua, which means hard, fitting the character of the nation.' Id., tom. ii., p. 45. 'The word acaxee seems to be the same as acaxete, the name of a town in the state of Puebla, both corrupted from the Mexican word acaxitl, made up of atl (water) and caxitl (bowl or dish), which is also now corrupted to cajete: together they mean pool, a name perfectly suited to the thing since Alcedo, [Diccion. geográf. de América] says that in Acaxete, "there is a stone reservoir for collecting water that comes down from the Sierra and is transported to Tepeaca: thus, the name tells us that if not the architectural work, at least the concept and execution, come from the ancient Mexicans."' Diccionario Universal de Hist. Geog., tom. i., p. 31.

[875] 'Las mugeres son notables por los pechos y piés pequeños.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 169. 'Tienen la vista muy aguda.... El oido es tambien vivissimo.' Arlegui, Crón. de Zacatecas, pp. 174-5. See also, Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 7, 145, 285, 677; Zuñiga, in Escudero, Noticias de Sonora y Sinaloa, p. 142; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 416; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, pp. 184, 189; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 44, 49; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 242; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, pp. 79-80; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 80; Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 69; Hardy's Trav., pp. 289, 299; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., pp. 444, 446; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., pp. 214-15, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 419; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 345; Guzman, Rel. Anon., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., fol. 296; Sevin, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxx., p. 12; De Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 284-5; Ward's Mexico, vol. i., pp. 571, 583; Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 562; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 362.

[875] 'Women are notable for their small breasts and feet.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 169. 'They have very sharp eyesight... Their hearing is also very acute.' Arlegui, Crón. de Zacatecas, pp. 174-5. See also, Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 7, 145, 285, 677; Zuñiga, in Escudero, Noticias de Sonora y Sinaloa, p. 142; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. i., p. 416; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, series v., No. 96, pp. 184, 189; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., pp. 44, 49; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 242; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, pp. 79-80; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 80; Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 69; Hardy's Trav., pp. 289, 299; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., pp. 444, 446; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. i., pp. 214-15, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 419; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, vol. iii., fol. 345; Guzman, Rel. Anon., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., vol. ii., fol. 296; Sevin, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxx., p. 12; De Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 284-5; Ward's Mexico, vol. i., pp. 571, 583; Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 562; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 362.

[876] 'No alcanzan ropa de algodon, si no es algunas pampanillas y alguna manta muy gruesa; porque el vestido de ellos es de cuero de venados adobados, y el vestido que dellos hacen es coser un cuero con otro y ponérselos por debajo del brazo atados al hombro, y las mujeres traen sus naguas hechas con sus jirones que les llegan hasta los tobillos como faja.' Guzman, Rel. Anón., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., pp. 296, 290, 481. The Ceri women wear 'pieles de alcatras por lo general, ó una tosca frazada de lana envuelta en la cintura.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 131, 74, 153.

[876] 'They don't wear cotton clothes, except for a few small items and a very thick blanket; their clothing is made from tanned deer leather, and they sew one leather piece to another and tie it under their arms at the shoulder. The women wear skirts made from scraps that reach down to their ankles like a wrap.' Guzman, Rel. Anón., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., pp. 296, 290, 481. The Ceri women generally wear 'seabird skins, or a rough wool blanket wrapped around the waist.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 131, 74, 153.

[877] The Temoris had 'las orejas cercadas de los zarcillos que ellos vsan, adornados de conchas de nacar labradas, y ensartadas en hilos azules, y cercan toda la oreja.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 226, 286, 472. Near Culiacan, Nuño de Guzman met about 50,000 warriors who 'traian al cuello sartas de codornices, pericos pequeños y otros diferentes pajaritos.' Tello, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., p. 354. The Humes, 'coronadas sus cabezas de diademas de varias plumas de papagayos, guacamayas con algunos penachos de hoja de plata batida.' Ahumada, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 96. 'Los Indios de este nuevo Reyno son de diversas naciones que se distinguen por la diversidad de rayas en el rostro.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., pp. 472, 531. 'No hemos visto á ningun carrizo pintado con vermellon, tal como lo hacen otros.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 69. For further description see Hardy's Trav., pp. 289-90, 298; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 445; Combier, Voy., pp. 199-200; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 362-4; Espejo, in Id., pp. 384, 390-1; Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. vii., p. 250; Castañeda, in Id., tom. ix., p. 157; Jaramillo, in Id., p. 366; Ward's Mexico, vol. i., p. 571; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, pp. 184-5, 190; Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 552; Arnaya, in Id., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 63; Descrip. Top., in Id., serie iv., tom. iv., pp. 113-14; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, pp. 79-80; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., pp. 574-6, 609; Sevin, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxx., pp. 12, 25-6; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., pp. 401, 406, and ii., pp. 124, 184; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 208, 226, 228; and Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 235, 254-5; Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, pp. 167-8; García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., p. 93; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., pp. 241-2; Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte, tom. ii., p. 539.

[877] The Temoris wore earrings that adorned their ears, made of carved mother-of-pearl shells, threaded onto blue strings, and wrapped around the entire ear. Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 226, 286, 472. Near Culiacan, Nuño de Guzman encountered about 50,000 warriors who wore necklaces made of quails, small parrots, and various other birds. Tello, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., p. 354. The Humes had their heads crowned with diadems made of various feathers from parrots and macaws, along with some plumage made from beaten silver leaves. Ahumada, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 96. 'The Indians of this new kingdom come from diverse nations, distinguished by the various stripes on their faces.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., pp. 472, 531. 'We have not seen any cane painted with vermilion, as others do.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 69. For further description see Hardy's Trav., pp. 289-90, 298; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 445; Combier, Voy., pp. 199-200; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 362-4; Espejo, in Id., pp. 384, 390-1; Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. vii., p. 250; Castañeda, in Id., tom. ix., p. 157; Jaramillo, in Id., p. 366; Ward's Mexico, vol. i., p. 571; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, pp. 184-5, 190; Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 552; Arnaya, in Id., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 63; Descrip. Top., in Id., serie iv., tom. iv., pp. 113-14; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, pp. 79-80; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., pp. 574-6, 609; Sevin, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxx., pp. 12, 25-6; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., pp. 401, 406, and ii., pp. 124, 184; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 208, 226, 228; and Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 235, 254-5; Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, pp. 167-8; García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., p. 93; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., pp. 241-2; Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte, tom. ii., p. 539.

[878] 'Todos los pueblos de los indios cobiertas las casas de esteras, á las cuales llaman en lengua de México petates, y por esta causa le llamamos Petatlan.' Guzman, Rel. Anón., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., p. 296. Compare Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 49, 156; Combier, Voy., pp. 157, 160, 164, 200; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 363; Niza, in Id., p. 366; Espejo, in Id., p. 384; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 206, 216, 227-8; and Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 232, 255; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 3, 6, 7, 155, 222, 594; Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, pp. 167, 175; Id., in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 327; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 574, 576, 609; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 396; Azpilcueta, in Id., tom. ii., p. 186; Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 68.

[878] 'All the towns of the indigenous people have houses covered with mats, which they call in the language of Mexico petates, and for this reason, we call it Petatlan.' Guzman, Rel. Anón., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., vol. ii., p. 296. Compare Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., pp. 49, 156; Combier, Voy., pp. 157, 160, 164, 200; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 363; Niza, in Id., p. 366; Espejo, in Id., p. 384; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 206, 216, 227-8; and Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 232, 255; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 3, 6, 7, 155, 222, 594; Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, pp. 167, 175; Id., in Ramusio, Navigationi, vol. iii., fol. 327; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., vol. iii., pp. 574, 576, 609; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. i., p. 396; Azpilcueta, in Id., vol. ii., p. 186; Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 68.

[879] 'Comian inmundas carnes sin reservar la humana.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., pp. 530, 80, 84, 533. 'Ils mangent tous de la chair humaine, et vont à la chasse des hommes.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 152, 158-9. See also, Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, pp. 150, 180-2; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 3, 6, 7, 11, 14, 175, 217, 385, 671.

[879] 'They eat filthy meats without saving any human flesh.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., pp. 530, 80, 84, 533. 'They all eat human flesh, and they hunt men.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 152, 158-9. See also, Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, pp. 150, 180-2; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 3, 6, 7, 11, 14, 175, 217, 385, 671.

[880] Poçolatl, 'beuida de mayz cozido.' Pinolatl, 'beuida de mayz y chia tostado.' Molina, Vocabulario. The Batucas 'cuanto siembran es de regadío ... sus milpas parecen todas huertas.' Azpilcueta, in Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 186, see also p. 184; Acaxées, mode of fishing, etc., in Id., tom. i., pp. 401-5, also 283-4, 399, 402-3; Tarahumaras, mode of fishing, hunting, and cooking. Murr, Nachrichten, pp. 310, 317, 322-3, 337, 342. The Yaquis 'fields and gardens in the highest state of cultivation.' Ward's Mexico, vol. ii., p. 606. For further account of their food and manner of cooking, etc., see Revista Mexicana, tom. i., pp. 375-6; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 54; Zepeda, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 158; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 72, 169-70; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., pp. 465, 469; Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 549-50; Jaramillo, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 366; Cabeza de Vaca, in Id., tom. vii., pp. 242-3, 249-50, 265; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., tom. iii., p. 384; Coronado, in Id., pp. 363, 374; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 609; Combier, Voy., pp. 160-2, 169, 198, 200, 312; Guzman, Rel. Anón., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., p. 289; Tello, in Id., p. 353; De Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 286, 310; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 442; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 185; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 341-2; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 256, 260; Zuñiga, in Id., 1842, tom. xciii., p. 239; Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 166; Malte-Brun, Sonora, pp. 14-5.

[880] Poçolatl, 'drink made from cooked corn.' Pinolatl, 'drink made from toasted corn and chia.' Molina, Vocabulario. The Batucas 'whatever they plant is irrigated... their cornfields all look like gardens.' Azpilcueta, in Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. ii., p. 186, see also p. 184; Acaxées, fishing methods, etc., in Id., vol. i., pp. 401-5, also 283-4, 399, 402-3; Tarahumaras, fishing, hunting, and cooking methods. Murr, Nachrichten, pp. 310, 317, 322-3, 337, 342. The Yaquis 'fields and gardens are cultivated to the highest standards.' Ward's Mexico, vol. ii., p. 606. For more information about their food and cooking styles, see Revista Mexicana, vol. i., pp. 375-6; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 54; Zepeda, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iv., vol. iii., p. 158; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 72, 169-70; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., pp. 465, 469; Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iii., vol. iv., pp. 549-50; Jaramillo, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., p. 366; Cabeza de Vaca, in Id., vol. vii., pp. 242-3, 249-50, 265; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 384; Coronado, in Id., pp. 363, 374; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., vol. iii., p. 609; Combier, Voy., pp. 160-2, 169, 198, 200, 312; Guzman, Rel. Anón., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., vol. ii., p. 289; Tello, in Id., p. 353; De Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 286, 310; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 442; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, series v., No. 96, p. 185; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, vol. iii., fol. 341-2; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, vol. cxxxi., pp. 256, 260; Zuñiga, in Id., 1842, vol. xciii., p. 239; Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 166; Malte-Brun, Sonora, pp. 14-5.

[881] Of the Ceris it is said that 'la ponzoña con que apestan las puntas de sus flechas, es la mas activa que se ha conocido por acá ... no se ha podido averiguar cuáles sean á punto fijo los mortíferos materiales de esta pestilencial maniobra? Y aunque se dicen muchas cosas, como que lo hacen de cabezas de víboras irritadas cortadas al tiempo que clavan sus dientes en un pedazo de bofes y de carne humana ya medio podrida ... pues no es mas que adivinar lo que no sabemos. Sin duda su principal ingrediente será alguna raíz.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 560-1, 552. 'El magot es un árbol pequeño muy losano y muy hermoso á la vista; pero á corta incision de la corteza brota una leche mortal que les servia en su gentilidad para emponzoñar sus flechas.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 215. See also Hardy's Trav., pp. 298-9, 391; Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 166; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 57; Cabeza de Vaca, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. vii., pp. 250-1; Castañeda, in Id., série i., tom. ix., pp. 209, 222-3; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, pp. 185-6, 190; Arlegui, Chron. de Zacatecas, p. 153; Tello, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., p. 354; Guzman, Rel. Anón., in Id., p. 289, 296; Descrip. Topog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iv., p. 114; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 10, 110, 473, 677; De Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 285, 287, 305, 310; Sevin, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxx., pp. 12, 25; Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 68; Ramirez, in Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 284; Combier, Voy., pp. 198, 346; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 384, 390; Niza, in Id., p. 567; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 342-3; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 208, 228; and Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 234, 255; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 520; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 55.

[881] It's said that the Ceris use a poison on the tips of their arrows that is the most potent known around here... no one has been able to determine exactly what the deadly substances in this noxious technique are. And while many theories exist, such as the idea that they make it from the heads of enraged snakes cut off just as they sink their teeth into a piece of lungs and partly rotting human flesh... it’s really just speculation about what we don’t know. Surely, their main ingredient must be some kind of root. Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iii., vol. iv., pp. 560-1, 552. 'The magot is a small, very lush, and beautiful tree; but a slight incision in the bark produces a deadly sap that they used in their paganism to poison their arrows.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. ii., p. 215. See also Hardy's Trav., pp. 298-9, 391; Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 166; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 57; Cabeza de Vaca, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. vii., pp. 250-1; Castañeda, in Id., series i., vol. ix., pp. 209, 222-3; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, series v., No. 96, pp. 185-6, 190; Arlegui, Chron. de Zacatecas, p. 153; Tello, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., vol. ii., p. 354; Guzman, Rel. Anón., in Id., p. 289, 296; Descrip. Topog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iv., vol. iv., p. 114; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 10, 110, 473, 677; De Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 285, 287, 305, 310; Sevin, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxx., pp. 12, 25; Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 68; Ramirez, in Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. i., p. 284; Combier, Voy., pp. 198, 346; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 384, 390; Niza, in Id., p. 567; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, vol. iii., fol. 342-3; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 208, 228; and Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 234, 255; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 520; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 55.

[882] 'El jóven que desea valer por las armas, ántes de ser admitido en toda forma á esta profesion, debe hacer méritos en algunas campañas ... despues de probado algun tiempo en estas experiencias y tenida la aprobacion de los ancianos, citan al pretendiente para algun dia en que deba dar la última prueba de su valor.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., pp. 218-9, 396-8, and tom. i., pp. 396-9. Examine Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 544-7; Lizasoin, in Id., pp. 684-5.

[882] 'The young man who wants to prove himself through arms, before being fully accepted into this profession, must demonstrate his worth in some campaigns... After being tested for a while in these experiences and receiving the approval of the elders, they summon the candidate for a day when he must give the final proof of his bravery.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. ii., pp. 218-9, 396-8, and vol. i., pp. 396-9. Examine Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iii., vol. iv., pp. 544-7; Lizasoin, in Id., pp. 684-5.

[883] As to the Mayos, 'eran estos indios en sus costumbres y modo de guerrear como los de Sinaloa, hacian la centinela cada cuarto de hora, poniendose en fila cincuenta indios, uno delante de otro, con sus arcos y flechas y con una rodilla en tierra.' Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 241. See also Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 9, 18, 76, 473-4; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 522; Guzman, Rel. Anón., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., pp. 301-2; Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte, tom. ii., p. 539; Ferry, Scènes de le vie Sauvage, p. 76; Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, p. 150; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 363; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 256.

[883] As for the Mayos, 'they were like the ones from Sinaloa in their customs and way of fighting; they took turns on watch every fifteen minutes, lining up fifty men, one behind the other, with their bows and arrows and one knee on the ground.' Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 241. See also Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 9, 18, 76, 473-4; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 522; Guzman, Rel. Anón., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., pp. 301-2; Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte, tom. ii., p. 539; Ferry, Scènes de le vie Sauvage, p. 76; Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, p. 150; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 363; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 256.

[884] See Combier, Voy., p. 157; Murr, Nachrichten, pp. 307, 335, 337; Descrip. Topog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iv., p. 114; Hardy's Trav., p. 290.

[884] See Combier, Voy., p. 157; Murr, Nachrichten, pp. 307, 335, 337; Descrip. Topog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iv., p. 114; Hardy's Trav., p. 290.

[885] 'Vsauan el arte de hilar, y texer algodon, ó otras yeruas siluestres, como el Cañamo de Castilla, o Pita.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 12, 200. For the Yaquis, see Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 73; for the Ópatas and Jovas, Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 550-2; and for the Tarahumares, Murr, Nachrichten, p. 344; Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, pp. 166, 174; Id., in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 327; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, pp. 79-80.

[885] 'They used the art of spinning and weaving cotton or other wild plants, like the hemp from Castilla or pita.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 12, 200. For the Yaquis, see Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 73; for the Ópatas and Jovas, Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 550-2; and for the Tarahumares, Murr, Nachrichten, p. 344; Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, pp. 166, 174; Id., in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 327; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, pp. 79-80.

[886] 'El indio tomando el asta por medio, boga con gran destreza por uno y otro lado.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 119. 'An Indian paddles himself ... by means of a long elastic pole of about twelve or fourteen feet in length.' Hardy's Trav., pp. 297, 291. See also Niza, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 366; Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. vii., p. 250; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 342.

[886] 'The Indian expertly paddles himself on both sides using a long, flexible pole about twelve to fourteen feet long.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. iii., p. 119. 'An Indian paddles himself ... with a long, bendable pole around twelve to fourteen feet in length.' Hardy's Trav., pp. 297, 291. See also Niza, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 366; Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., vol. vii., p. 250; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, vol. iii., fol. 342.

[887] The Carrizos 'no tienen caballos, pero en cambio, sus pueblos están llenos de perros.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 70. The Tahus 'sacrifiaient une partie de leurs richesses, qui consistaient en étoffes et en turquoises.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 150. Compare further, Combier, Voy., pp. 200-1; Zuñiga, in Escudero, Noticias de Sonora y Sinaloa, p. 135; Mex. in 1842, p. 68; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 260; Id., Cent. Amer., p. 380; Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, p. 167.

[887] The Carrizos "don't have horses, but instead, their towns are full of dogs." Berlandier and Thovel, Diary, p. 70. The Tahus "sacrificed part of their wealth, which consisted of fabrics and turquoise." Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., p. 150. See also, Combier, Voy., pp. 200-1; Zuñiga, in Escudero, News of Sonora and Sinaloa, p. 135; Mex. in 1842, p. 68; Froebel, From America, vol. ii., p. 260; Id., Central America, p. 380; Cabeza de Vaca, Account, p. 167.

[888] 'Son grandes observadores de los Astros, porque como siempre duermen á Cielo descubierto, y estan hechos â mirarlos, se marabillan de qualquier nueva impression, que registran en los Cielos.' Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, p. 175. Among the Yaquis, 'hay asimismo músicos de violin y arpa, todo por puro ingenio, sin que se pueda decir que se les hayan enseñado las primeras reglas.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 74. See also Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 12; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 285; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 152; Combier, Voy., p. 201; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 370; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 80.

[888] 'They are great observers of the stars because they always sleep under open skies, and they are used to looking at them; they are amazed by any new sight they see in the skies.' Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, p. 175. Among the Yaquis, 'there are also musicians who play the violin and harp, all through sheer talent, without anyone being able to say they have been taught the basic rules.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 74. See also Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 12; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 285; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 152; Combier, Voy., p. 201; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 370; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 80.

[889] 'Leyes, ni Reyes que castigassen tales vicios y pecados, no los tuuieron, ni se hallaua entre ellos genero de autoridad y gouierno politico que los castigasse.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 11; Combier, Voy., p. 200; Ahumada, Carta, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 96; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 384.

[889] 'Laws and kings who punished such vices and sins did not exist, nor was there among them any kind of authority or political governance that would punish them.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 11; Combier, Voy., p. 200; Ahumada, Carta, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 96; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 384.

[890] The word cacique, which was used by the Spaniards to designate the chiefs and rulers of provinces and towns throughout the West Indies, Central America, Mexico, and Peru, is originally taken from the Cuban language. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 595, explains it as follows: 'Cacique: señor, jefe absoluto ó rey de una comarca ó Estado. En nuestros dias suele emplearse esta voz en algunas poblaciones de la parte oriental de Cuba, para designar al regidor decano de un ayuntamiento. Asi se dice: Regidor cacique. Metafóricamente tiene aplicacion en nuestra península, para designar á los que en los pueblos pequeños llevan la voz y gobiernan á su antojo y capricho.'

[890] The word cacique, which was used by the Spaniards to refer to the chiefs and leaders of provinces and towns across the West Indies, Central America, Mexico, and Peru, originally comes from the Cuban language. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 595, explains it like this: 'Cacique: lord, absolute chief or king of a region or state. Nowadays, this term is often used in some towns in the eastern part of Cuba to refer to the senior council member of a local government. It’s said: Regidor cacique. Metaphorically, it applies in our region to describe those in small towns who have the influence and govern as they please and whimsically.'

[891] 'Juntos grandes y pequeños ponen á los mocetones y mujeres casaderas en dos hileras, y dada una seña emprenden á correr éstas; dada otra siguen la carrera aquellos, y alcanzándolas, ha de cojer cada uno la suya de la tetilla izquierda; y quedan hechos y confirmados los desposorios.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 542-3. 'Unos se casan con una muger sola, y tienen muchas mancebas.... Otras se casan con quantas mugeres quieren.... Otras naciones tienen las mugeres por comunes.' Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, pp. 154-7. For further account of their family relations and marriage customs, see Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 11, 145, 171, 201, 242, 475; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 186; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 150, 152, 155, 158; Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte, tom. ii., p. 541; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 530; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 452; Arista, in Id., p. 417; Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 70; Combier, Voy., p. 201; Löwenstern, Mexique, p. 409.

[891] 'Together, young men and eligible women form two lines, and upon receiving a signal, the women start to run; upon another signal, the men chase after them, and upon catching them, each man grabs his partner by the left nipple; thus, the marriage is made and confirmed.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iii., vol. iv., p. 542-3. 'Some marry a single woman and have many mistresses.... Others marry as many women as they want.... Other nations consider women as communal.' Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, pp. 154-7. For more information on their family relations and marriage customs, see Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 11, 145, 171, 201, 242, 475; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, series v., No. 96, p. 186; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., pp. 150, 152, 155, 158; Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte, vol. ii., p. 541; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 530; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. i., p. 452; Arista, in Id., p. 417; Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 70; Combier, Voy., p. 201; Löwenstern, Mexique, p. 409.

[892] Les Yaquis 'aiment surtout une danse appelée tutuli gamuchi ... dans laquelle ils changent de femmes en se cédant réciproquement tous leurs droits conjugaux.' Zuñiga, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1842, tom. xciii., pp. 238-9. The Sisibotaris; 'En las danzas ... fué muy de notar que aunque danzaban juntos hombres y mugeres, ni se hablaban ni se tocaban inmediatamente las manos.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 124, and tom. i., pp. 405-7. In the province of Pánuco, 'cuando estan en sus borracheras é fiestas, lo que no pueden beber por la boca, se lo hacen echar por bajo con un embudo.' Guzman, Rel. Anón., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., p. 295. See further, Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 9, 15, 256, 672; Murr, Nachrichten, pp. 321, 343, 345; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 287; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., pp. 519, 530; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 158; Hardy's Trav., p. 440; Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, pp. 158, 160; Donnavan's Adven., pp. 46, 48; Las Casas, Hist. Indias, MS., lib. iii., cap. 168; García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., p. 167; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96. p. 190; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 261; Id., Cent. Amer., p. 381; Sevin, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxx., p. 25.

[892] The Yaquis particularly enjoy a dance called tutuli gamuchi ... in which they swap partners by mutually giving up all their marital rights.' Zuñiga, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1842, vol. xciii., pp. 238-9. The Sisibotaris; 'In the dances ... it was notable that although men and women danced together, they neither spoke to nor touched each other's hands.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. ii., p. 124, and vol. i., pp. 405-7. In the province of Pánuco, 'when they are drunk and partying, whatever they can't drink through their mouths, they have poured in from below with a funnel.' Guzman, Rel. Anón., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., vol. ii., p. 295. See also, Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 9, 15, 256, 672; Murr, Nachrichten, pp. 321, 343, 345; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 287; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., pp. 519, 530; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., series i., vol. ix., p. 158; Hardy's Trav., p. 440; Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, pp. 158, 160; Donnavan's Adven., pp. 46, 48; Las Casas, Hist. Indias, MS., book iii., chap. 168; García Conde, in Album Mex., vol. i., p. 167; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, series v., No. 96. p. 190; Froebel, Aus Amerika, vol. ii., p. 261; Id., Cent. Amer., p. 381; Sevin, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxx., p. 25.

[893] The Ópatas have 'grande respeto y veneracion que hasta hoy tienen á los hombrecitos pequeños y contrahechos, á quienes temen y franquean su casa y comida.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 628. 'Angulis atque adytis angues complures reperti, peregrinum in modum conglobati, capitibus supra et infra exsertis, terribili rictu, si quis propuis accessisset, cæterum innocui; quos barbari vel maxime venerabantur, quod diabolus ipsis hac forma apparere consuesset: eosdem tamen et manibus contrectabant et nonnunquam iis vescebantur.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 284. Further reference in Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 472; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 574-5; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 79; Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, p. 169; Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, pp. 166-7; Sevin, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxx., p. 26.

[893] The Ópatas have 'great respect and reverence that they still hold today for the little, deformed men, whom they fear and provide with their home and food.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., series iii., vol. iv., p. 628. 'In the corners and shrines, several snakes were found, gathered together in a strange manner, with heads protruding above and below, showing terrifying gaping mouths, if anyone approached, otherwise harmless; these were greatly revered by the natives, as the devil was said to appear to them in this form: however, they also touched them with their hands and sometimes fed on them.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 284. Further references in Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 472; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., vol. iii., pp. 574-5; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 79; Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, p. 169; Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, pp. 166-7; Sevin, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxx., p. 26.

[894] 'Quando entre los Indios ay algun contagio, que es el de viruelas el mas continuo, de que mueren innumerables, mudan cada dia lugares, y se van á los mas retirados montes, buscando los sitios mas espinosos y enmarañados, para que de miedo de las espinas, no entren (segun juzgan, y como cierto lo afirman) las viruelas.' Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, pp. 152-3, 182. See also, Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 431; Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, pp. 70-1; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 399, tom. ii., pp. 213-4, 219-20; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 17, 322-3; Löwenstern, Mexique, p. 411; Hardy's Trav., p. 282; Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 547-8.

[894] 'When there is an outbreak among the Indians, which is most often smallpox, causing countless deaths, they move daily to more secluded areas, seeking out the prickly and tangled spots, so that from the fear of the thorns, the smallpox won't come near (as they believe, and as they claim to know for certain).' Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, pp. 152-3, 182. See also, Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 431; Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, pp. 70-1; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 399, tom. ii., pp. 213-4, 219-20; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 17, 322-3; Löwenstern, Mexique, p. 411; Hardy's Trav., p. 282; Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 547-8.

[895] See Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 516; Villa, in Prieto, Viajes, p. 443.

[895] See Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 516; Villa, in Prieto, Viajes, p. 443.

[896] 'Las mas de las naciones referidas son totalmente barbaras, y de groseros entendimientos; gente baxa.' Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, p. 149. The Yaquis: 'by far the most industrious and useful of all the other tribes in Sonora ... celebrated for the exuberance of their wit.' Hardy's Trav., pp. 439, 442. 'Los ópatas son tan honrados como valientes ... la nacion ópata es pacífica, dócil, y hasta cierto punto diferente de todas los demas indígenas del continente ... son amantes del trabajo.' Zuñiga, in Escudero, Noticias de Sonora y Sinaloa, pp. 139-41. 'La tribu ópata fué la que manifestó un carácter franco, dócil, y con simpatías á los blancos ... siempre fué inclinada al órden y la paz.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 151, 117. The Ópatas 'son de génio malicioso, disimulados y en sumo grado vengativos; y en esto sobresalen las mujeres.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 629-30. See also: Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 237, 285, 358, 369, 385; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., pp. 442-3; Ward's Mexico, vol. i., p. 583, vol. ii., p. 606; Combier, Voy., pp. 198-201; Malte-Brun, Sonora, pp. 13-14; Browne's Apache Country, p. 248; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 79; Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, pp. 169, 176; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, pp. 405, 442; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., pp. 284, 402-3, 405, 452, and tom. ii., p. 184; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., pp. 80, 84; Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, pp. 69-70; García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., p. 93.

[896] 'Most of the nations mentioned are completely barbaric and of coarse understanding; lowly people.' Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, p. 149. The Yaquis: 'by far the most industrious and useful of all the other tribes in Sonora … known for their sharp wit.' Hardy's Trav., pp. 439, 442. 'The Ópatas are as honorable as they are brave … the Ópata nation is peaceful, gentle, and somewhat different from all the other indigenous people on the continent … they love to work.' Zuñiga, in Escudero, Noticias de Sonora y Sinaloa, pp. 139-41. 'The Ópata tribe showed a genuine, gentle character, and sympathized with the whites … they were always inclined towards order and peace.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 151, 117. The Ópatas 'have a malicious nature, are deceitful, and are highly vengeful; this is especially true of the women.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 629-30. See also: Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 237, 285, 358, 369, 385; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., pp. 442-3; Ward's Mexico, vol. i., p. 583, vol. ii., p. 606; Combier, Voy., pp. 198-201; Malte-Brun, Sonora, pp. 13-14; Browne's Apache Country, p. 248; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 79; Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, pp. 169, 176; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, pp. 405, 442; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., pp. 284, 402-3, 405, 452, and tom. ii., p. 184; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., pp. 80, 84; Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, pp. 69-70; García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., p. 93.

[897] Otomí;—'Otho en la misma lengua othomí quiere decir nada, y mi, quieto, ó sentado, de manera que traducida literalmente la palabra, significa nada-quieto, cuya idea pudiéramos expresar diciendo peregrino ó errante.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 118. Chichimecs;—'Los demas Indios les llamaban Chichimecos (que hoy lo mismo es chichi que perros altaneros) por la ninguna residencia.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 44. Speaking of Chichimecs, 'debaxo deste nombre estan muchas naciones con dierencias de lenguas como son Pamies, Capuzes, Samues, Zancas, Maiolias, Guamares, Guachichiles, y otros, todos diferentes aunque semejantes en las costumbres.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. viii., lib. vi., cap. xiv. For further etymology of tribes, see Buschmann, Ortsnamen.

[897] Otomí;—'Otho in the same language means nothing, and mi, still or seated, so that when literally translated, the word means nothing-still, which we could express as wanderer or drifter.' Pimentel, Cuadro, vol. i., p. 118. Chichimecs;—'The other Indians called them Chichimecos (which today means both chichi and arrogant dogs) because of their lack of residence.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 44. Speaking of Chichimecs, 'under this name are many nations with different languages, such as Pamies, Capuzes, Samues, Zancas, Maiolias, Guamares, Guachichiles, and others, all distinct yet similar in customs.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. viii., vol. vi., ch. xiv. For more etymology of tribes, see Buschmann, Ortsnamen.

[898] 'Hanno d'altezza più di cinque piedi parigini.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. iv., p. 161. 'De pequeña estatura [cuatro piés seis pulgadas, á cinco piés cuando mas.]' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 229. In Yalisco 'casi en todo este reyno, son grandes, y hermosas.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 271. 'Son de estatura alta, bien hechos y fornidos.' Ulloa, Noticias Americanas, p. 308; Tylor's Anahuac, p. 182; Burkart, Mexico, tom. i., p. 49; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 560; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 236.

[898] 'They are over five Parisian feet tall.' Clavigero, History of Ancient Mexico, vol. iv., p. 161. 'Of small stature [four feet six inches, up to five feet at most.]' Berlandier and Thovel, Diary, p. 229. In Jalisco 'almost throughout this kingdom, they are tall and beautiful.' Gomara, History of the Indies, fol. 271. 'They are tall, well-built, and sturdy.' Ulloa, American News, p. 308; Tylor's Anahuac, p. 182; Burkart, Mexico, vol. i., p. 49; Oviedo, General History, vol. iii., p. 560; Beaumont, Chronicle of Michoacán, MS., p. 236.

[899] 'In complexion, feature, hair and eyes, I could trace a very great resemblance between these Indians and the Esquimaux.' Lyon's Journal, vol. i., p. 296, see also vol. ii., pp. 199, 239. 'Son de la frente ancha, y las cabezas chatas.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 133, 129. See further, Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 511; Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex., vol. i., p. 200; Almaraz, Memoria, p. 79; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., pp. 82, 86; Rossi, Souvenirs, p. 280; Viollet-Le-Duc., in Charnay, Ruines Américaines, p. 102; Poinsett's Notes on Mex., pp. 107-8; Ottavio, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1833, tom. lix., pp. 73-4; Fossey, Mexique, p. 391; Vigneaux, Souv. Mex., p. 320; D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 352; Bonnycastle's Span. Am., vol. i., pp. 49-50; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 455; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 38-40; Bullock's Mexico, vol. i., pp. 184, 192; Mayer's Mex. as it Was, pp. 142, 167, 291.

[899] 'In terms of skin color, features, hair, and eyes, I could see a strong resemblance between these Native Americans and the Eskimos.' Lyon's Journal, vol. i., p. 296, see also vol. ii., pp. 199, 239. 'They have broad foreheads and flat heads.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 133, 129. See further, Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 511; Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex., vol. i., p. 200; Almaraz, Memoria, p. 79; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., pp. 82, 86; Rossi, Souvenirs, p. 280; Viollet-Le-Duc., in Charnay, Ruines Américaines, p. 102; Poinsett's Notes on Mex., pp. 107-8; Ottavio, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1833, tom. lix., pp. 73-4; Fossey, Mexique, p. 391; Vigneaux, Souv. Mex., p. 320; D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 352; Bonnycastle's Span. Am., vol. i., pp. 49-50; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 455; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 38-40; Bullock's Mexico, vol. i., pp. 184, 192; Mayer's Mex. as it Was, pp. 142, 167, 291.

[900] In Mexico in 1698 the costume was a 'short doublet and wide breeches. On their shoulders they wear a cloak of several colours, which they call Tilma.... The women all wear the Guaipil, (which is like a sack) under the Cobixa, which is a fine white cotton cloth; to which they add another upon their back.... Their coats are narrow with figures of lions, birds, and other creatures, adorning them with curious ducks' feathers, which they call Xilotepec.' Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 491. Dress of a native girl of Mexico, 'enaguas blanquísimas, el quisquemel que graciosamente cubre su pecho y espalda ... dos largas trenzas color de ébano caen á los lados del cuello.' Prieto, Viajes, pp. 454, 190-1, 430-1. 'Leur costume varie selon le terrain et le climat.' Löwenstern, Mexique, pp. 176, 339.

[900] In Mexico in 1698, the outfit consisted of a short doublet and baggy pants. They draped a colorful cloak over their shoulders, which they called Tilma.... The women wore the Guaipil (which is like a sack) beneath the Cobixa, made of fine white cotton; on top of that, they added another layer across their backs.... Their dresses were fitted and featured designs of lions, birds, and other creatures, decorated with unique duck feathers known as Xilotepec. Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 491. Dress of a native girl of Mexico, 'very white skirts, the quisquemel that gracefully covers her chest and back ... two long braids the color of ebony fall down the sides of her neck.' Prieto, Viajes, pp. 454, 190-1, 430-1. 'Their clothing varies according to the terrain and climate.' Löwenstern, Mexique, pp. 176, 339.

[901] See Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex., vol. ii., pp. 346-8.

[901] See Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex., vol. ii., pp. 346-8.

[902] 'Usan de una especie de gran paño cuadrado, que tiene en el centro una abertura por donde pasa la cabeza.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 229.

[902] 'They use a kind of large square cloth that has an opening in the center for the head to go through.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 229.

[903] 'Yuan muy galanes, y empenachados.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. i. 'Señores ó principales, traían en el labio un bezote de chalchivite ó esmeralda, ó de caracol, ó de oro, ó de cobre.... Las mugeres cuando niñas, tambien se rapaban la cabeza, y cuando ya mosas dejaban criar los cabellos ... cuando alguna era ya muger hecha y habia parido, tocabase el cabello. Tambien traían sarcillos ó orejeras, y se pintaban los pechos y los brazos, con una labor que quedaba de azul muy fino, pintada en la misma carne cortándola con una navajuela.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 123-5, 133-4. 'En el Pueblo de Juito salieron muchos Yndios de paz con escapularios blancos al pecho, cortado el cabello en modo de cerquillo como Religiosos, todos con unas cruces en las manos que eran de carrizos, y un Yndio que parecia el principal ó cacique con un vestuario de Tunica talan.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 73, also, pp. 21, 44, 46, 63, 107, 150. For further description of dress and ornaments see Nebel, Viaje, plates, nos. xxvi., xxxi., xxxvi., xli., xlvi.; Thompson's Recollections Mexico, p. 29; Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 250, 252, 281; Lafond, Voyages, tom. i., p. 211; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., pp. 90, 279; Lyon's Journal, vol. ii., pp. 64, 198; Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, p. 162; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 210; Apostólicos Afanes, pp. 10, 67; Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. iii., p. 299; Vigneaux, Souv. Mex., pp. 276, 296; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 55-6; Biart, in Revue Française, Dec. 1864, pp. 478-9; Ottavio, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1833, tom. lix., p. 61; Tylor's Anahuac, p. 302; Burkart, Mexico, tom. i., pp. 50-1.

[903] 'They were very dashing and adorned.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., part iv., book viii., chapter i. 'The gentlemen or leaders wore a large jewel made of chalchivite or emerald, or made of shell, gold, or copper.... The women, when they were girls, also shaved their heads, and when they grew up, they let their hair grow ... once a woman was fully grown and had given birth, she would cut her hair. They also wore earrings or ear ornaments, and painted their breasts and arms with a fine blue design, painted directly on the skin using a small knife.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., vol. iii., book x., pp. 123-5, 133-4. 'In the town of Juito, many peaceful Indians came out wearing white scapulars on their chests, with their hair cut in a way similar to religious figures, all holding crosses made of reeds, and one Indian who looked like the leader or chief was dressed in a tunic.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 73, also, pp. 21, 44, 46, 63, 107, 150. For more descriptions of clothing and ornaments, see Nebel, Viaje, plates nos. xxvi., xxxi., xxxvi., xli., xlvi.; Thompson's Recollections Mexico, p. 29; Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 250, 252, 281; Lafond, Voyages, vol. i., p. 211; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. i., pp. 90, 279; Lyon's Journal, vol. ii., pp. 64, 198; Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, p. 162; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 210; Apostólicos Afanes, pp. 10, 67; Alcedo, Diccionario, vol. iii., p. 299; Vigneaux, Souv. Mex., pp. 276, 296; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 55-6; Biart, in Revue Française, Dec. 1864, pp. 478-9; Ottavio, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1833, vol. lix., p. 61; Tylor's Anahuac, p. 302; Burkart, Mexico, vol. i., pp. 50-1.

[904] 'Les cabanes sont de véritables cages en bambous.' Vigneaux, Souv. Mex., p. 274; Mayer's Mex. as it Was, p. 170; Ward's Mexico, vol. ii., pp. 179, 522; Bustamante, in Prieto, Viajes, pp. 192, 195, 373, 437, 447; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., pp. 223-4; Beaufoy's Mex. Illustr., p. 258; Pagés Travels, vol. i., p. 159; Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 47.

[904] 'The huts are like real cages made of bamboo.' Vigneaux, Souv. Mex., p. 274; Mayer's Mex. as it Was, p. 170; Ward's Mexico, vol. ii., pp. 179, 522; Bustamante, in Prieto, Viajes, pp. 192, 195, 373, 437, 447; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., pp. 223-4; Beaufoy's Mex. Illustr., p. 258; Pagés Travels, vol. i., p. 159; Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 47.

[905] Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 250; and Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 582. 'Estos Otomies comian los zorrillos que hieden, culebras y lirones, y todo género de ratones, comadrejas, y otras sabandijas del campo y del monte, lagartijas de todas suertes, y abejones y langostas de todas maneras.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 126-7, 123-5. In Jalisco 'Los indios de aquellas provincias son caribes, que comen carne humana todas las veçes que la pueden aver.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 568.

[905] Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 250; and Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 582. 'These Otomies eat skunks that smell, snakes and dormice, and all kinds of mice, weasels, and other pests from the fields and mountains, lizards of all sorts, and beetles and locusts of every kind.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 126-7, 123-5. In Jalisco, 'The Indians of those provinces are Caribs, who eat human flesh whenever they can get it.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 568.

[906] In Puebla 'Los Indios se han aplicado mas al cultivo de la tierra y plantío de frutas y legumbres.' In Michoacan 'Cultivan mucho maiz, frixoles y ulgodon.' Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. i., pp. 494, 714. In Querétaro 'viven del cultivo de las sementeras.' Id., tom. iii., p. 320.

[906] In Puebla, "The Indigenous people have focused more on farming and growing fruits and vegetables." In Michoacan, "They grow a lot of corn, beans, and cotton." Alcedo, Dictionary, vol. i., pp. 494, 714. In Querétaro, "They live off the cultivation of their crops." Id., vol. iii., p. 320.

[907] 'They boil the Indian wheat with lime, and when it has stood a-while grind it, as they do the cacao.' Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. v., pp. 496, 492, 513; Walton's Span. Col., p. 305. For further account of food see Tylor's Anahuac, pp. 88-9, 156; Sivers, Mittelamerika, p. 295; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, p. 102; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 323; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., pp. 31, 44, 53, 73, 127; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., pp. 79, 87; Larenaudière, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1824, tom. xxiii., p. 67; Prieto, Viajes, pp. 191-2, 373; Mex. in 1842, pp. 46, 64, 68; Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 32; Albornoz, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 488; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., pp. 185, 218-19; Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 245, with plate; Mendoza, Hist. de las Cosas, p. 310; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 443.

[907] 'They cook Indian wheat with lime, and after letting it sit for a while, they grind it like they do with cacao.' Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. v., pp. 496, 492, 513; Walton's Span. Col., p. 305. For more information on food, see Tylor's Anahuac, pp. 88-9, 156; Sivers, Mittelamerika, p. 295; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, p. 102; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 323; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., pp. 31, 44, 53, 73, 127; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., pp. 79, 87; Larenaudière, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1824, tom. xxiii., p. 67; Prieto, Viajes, pp. 191-2, 373; Mex. in 1842, pp. 46, 64, 68; Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 32; Albornoz, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 488; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., pp. 185, 218-19; Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 245, with plate; Mendoza, Hist. de las Cosas, p. 310; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 443.

[908] Ward's Mexico, vol. ii., pp. 268-9. 'One would think the bath would make the Indians cleanly in their persons, but it hardly seems so, for they look rather dirtier after they have been in the temazcalli than before.' Tylor's Anahuac, p. 302.

[908] Ward's Mexico, vol. ii., pp. 268-9. 'You would think that the bath would make the Indigenous people clean, but it really doesn't seem to, as they look even dirtier after they've been in the temazcalli than they did before.' Tylor's Anahuac, p. 302.

[909] Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., pp. 33, 72-3; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 235. 'El arco y la flecha eran sus armas en la guerra, aunque para la caza los caciques y señores usaban tambien de cervatanas.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 279. 'I saw some Indians that kill'd the least birds upon the highest trees with pellets shot out of trunks.' Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 512, and in Berenger, Col. de Voy., tom. ii., p. 397.

[909] Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., pp. 33, 72-3; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 235. 'The bow and arrow were their weapons in war, although for hunting, the chiefs and lords also used slings.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. i., p. 279. 'I saw some Indians who killed the smallest birds in the tallest trees with pellets shot from wooden tubes.' Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 512, and in Berenger, Col. de Voy., vol. ii., p. 397.

[910] West und Ost Indischer Lustgart, pt. i., p. 102; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 141-4, with plate; Cartas al Abate de Pradt, p. 114; Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., p. 286; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 89; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 129, 133; Lyon's Journal, vol. i., pp. 149, 293; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. ii.; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 378. 'Una macana, á manera de porra, llena de puntas de piedras pedernales.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 568. 'En schilden uit stijve stokjens gevlochten, van welke sick verwonderens-waerdig dienen in den oorlog.' Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 225-6, and Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 254.

[910] West and East Indian Pleasure Garden, pt. i., p. 102; Clavigero, Antiquities of Mexico, vol. ii., pp. 141-4, with plate; Letters to Abate de Pradt, p. 114; Helps' Spanish Conquest, vol. ii., p. 286; Arricivita, Seraphic Chronicle, p. 89; Sahagun, General History, vol. iii., book x., pp. 129, 133; Lyon's Journal, vol. i., pp. 149, 293; Herrera, General History, dec. iv., book viii., ch. ii.; Mühlenpfordt, Mexico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 378. 'A macana, like a club, filled with sharp flint points.' Oviedo, General History, vol. iii., p. 568. 'A shield made of woven stiff sticks, which is remarkable for its use in war.' Montanus, New World, pp. 225-6, and Dapper, New World, p. 254.

[911] 'Siempre procuran de acometer en malos pasos, en tierras dobladas y pedregosas.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. vii., lib. ii., cap. xii. 'Tres mil Yndios formaban en solo una fila haciendo frente á nuestro campo.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 34; see further, Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 572; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 235.

[911] 'They always try to attack in bad conditions, in hilly and stony terrain.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. vii., lib. ii., cap. xii. 'Three thousand Indians lined up in a single row facing our camp.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 34; see further, Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 572; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 235.

[912] The Chichimecs 'Flea their heads, and fit that skin upon their own heads with all the hair, and so wear it as a token of valour, till it rots off in bits.' Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 513, and Berenger, Col. de Voy., tom. ii., p. 400. 'Quitandoles los cascos con el pelo, se los llevan á su Pueblo, para baylar el mitote en compañia de sus parientes con las cabezas de sus enemigos en señal del triunfo.' Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, pp. 179, 159-60. Further reference in Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 133-4; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 281.

[912] The Chichimecs take the scalps of their enemies and wear them on their own heads with all the hair still attached, as a symbol of bravery, until they decay and fall apart.' Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 513, and Berenger, Col. de Voy., tom. ii., p. 400. 'After taking the scalps with the hair, they bring them back to their village to dance the mitote with their relatives, holding the heads of their enemies as a sign of victory.' Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, pp. 179, 159-60. Further reference in Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 133-4; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 281.

[913] Cassel, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1830, tom. xlv., p. 338; Vigneaux, Souv. Mex., p. 274; Prieto, Viajes, p. 193; Tylor's Anahuac, pp. 201-2; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., pp. 224-6, 241; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 224; and Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 252.

[913] Cassel, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1830, vol. xlv., p. 338; Vigneaux, Souv. Mex., p. 274; Prieto, Viajes, p. 193; Tylor's Anahuac, pp. 201-2; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. i., pp. 224-6, 241; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 224; and Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 252.

[914] 'The Indians of this Countrie doe make great store of Woollen Cloth and Silkes.' Purchas His Pilgrimes, vol. iv., lib. vii., p. 1433. The Otomís 'sabian hacer lindas labores en las mantas, enaguas, y vipiles que tejian muy curiosamente; pero todas ellas labraban lo dicho de hilo de maguéy que sacaban y beneficiaban de las pencas.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 127; see also, Tylor's Anahuac, p. 201; Bustamante, in Prieto, Viajes, p. 193; Carpenter's Trav. Mex., p. 243; Mex. in 1842, p. 66; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 341; Lyon's Journal, vol. ii., p. 43; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 63.

[914] 'The Native Americans in this country produce a lot of woolen cloth and silk.' Purchas His Pilgrimes, vol. iv., lib. vii., p. 1433. The Otomís 'used to make beautiful works in the blankets, skirts, and shawls they wove with great skill; however, all of these were made from maguey fiber that they extracted and processed from the leaves.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 127; see also, Tylor's Anahuac, p. 201; Bustamante, in Prieto, Viajes, p. 193; Carpenter's Trav. Mex., p. 243; Mex. in 1842, p. 66; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 341; Lyon's Journal, vol. ii., p. 43; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 63.

[915] Dale's Notes, p. 24.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Dale's Notes, p. 24.

[916] 'In those countreys they take neither golde nor silver for exchange of any thing, but onley Salt.' Chilton, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 459; compare Lyon's Journal, vol. i., p. 293, and vol. ii., p. 198; and Tylor's Anahuac, p. 85.

[916] 'In those countries, they don’t use gold or silver to trade for anything, only salt.' Chilton, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 459; compare Lyon's Journal, vol. i., p. 293, and vol. ii., p. 198; and Tylor's Anahuac, p. 85.

[917] Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 98; Tylor's Anahuac, p. 316; Ward's Mexico, vol. ii., p. 237; Lafond, Voyages, tom. i., p. 131; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 243; Mill's Hist. Mex., p. 6; Carpenter's Trav. Mex., p. 243. 'Les Mexicains ont conservé un goût particulier pour la peinture et pour l'art de sculpter en pierre et en bois.' Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 446. 'Lo particular de Michoacan era el arte de pintar con las plumas de diversos colores.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 90. 'Son muy buenos cantores y tañedores de toda suerte de instrumentos.' Mendoza, Hist. de las Cosas, p. 308.

[917] Humboldt, Essai Pol., vol. i., p. 98; Tylor's Anahuac, p. 316; Ward's Mexico, vol. ii., p. 237; Lafond, Voyages, vol. i., p. 131; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. i., p. 243; Mill's Hist. Mex., p. 6; Carpenter's Trav. Mex., p. 243. 'Mexicans have a particular appreciation for painting and for the art of carving in stone and wood.' Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., vol. vi., p. 446. 'What stood out in Michoacan was the art of painting with feathers of various colors.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. i., p. 90. 'They are very good singers and players of all kinds of instruments.' Mendoza, Hist. de las Cosas, p. 308.

[918] Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 281; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. viii., lib. vi., cap. xv.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 567; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., pp. 31, 68; Ottavio, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1833, tom. lix., p. 61.

[918] Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. 1, p. 281; Herrera, Hist. Gen., book 8, part 6, chapter 15; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., vol. 3, p. 567; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., pp. 31, 68; Ottavio, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1833, vol. 59, p. 61.

[919] Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 296; Villa, in Prieto, Viajes, pp. 428-30. 'Tenian uso y costumbre los otomíes, de que los varones siendo muy muchachos y tiernos se casasen, y lo mismo las mugeres.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 127. Chichimecs 'casanse con las parientas mas cercanas, pero no con las hermanas.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. viii., lib. vi., cap. xv.

[919] Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 296; Villa, in Prieto, Viajes, pp. 428-30. 'The Otomi people had the custom that boys married when they were very young, and the same for girls.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 127. Chichimecs 'marry their closest relatives, but not their sisters.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. viii., lib. vi., cap. xv.

[920] Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., pp. 246-8; Bullock's Mexico, vol. i., p. 192; Apostólicos Afanes, pp. 21-2; Rittner, Guatimozin, p. 81. 'El amancebamiento no es deshonra entre ellos.' Zarfate, in Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., pp. 281, 335. 'Zlingerden de kinderen in gevlochte korven aen boomtakken.' Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 219; and Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 246.

[920] Mühlenpfordt, Mexico, vol. 1, pp. 246-8; Bullock's Mexico, vol. 1, p. 192; Apostólicos Afanes, pp. 21-2; Rittner, Guatimozin, p. 81. 'Cohabitation is not considered shameful among them.' Zarfate, in Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. 1, pp. 281, 335. 'They let the children swing in woven baskets hanging from tree branches.' Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 219; and Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 246.

[921] 'La mancebía, el incesto, y cuanto tiene de mas asquerosamente repugnante el desarreglo de la concupiscencia, se ha convertido en hábito.' Prieto, Viajes, p. 379; Fossey, Mexique, p. 27; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 56.

[921] 'Cohabitation, incest, and the utterly repulsive disorder of desire have become a habit.' Prieto, Viajes, p. 379; Fossey, Mexique, p. 27; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 56.

[922] Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 97; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 160; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 131; Apostólicos Afanes, p. 12; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, pp. 19, 127; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 80; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 61; Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. ii., p. 470; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 219; Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 517.

[922] Humboldt, Political Essay, vol. i., p. 97; Hassel, Mexico Guatemala, p. 160; Sahagun, General History, vol. iii., book x., p. 131; Apostolic Endeavors, p. 12; Padilla, Conquest of N. Galicia, pp. 19, 127; Wappäus, Geography and Statistics, p. 80; Thümmel, Mexico, p. 61; Alcedo, Dictionary, vol. ii., p. 470; Mühlenpfordt, Mexico, vol. i., p. 219; Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Collection of Voyages, vol. iv., p. 517.

[923] Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, pp. 161-2; Mayer's Mex. as it Was, pp. 175-6; Mendoza, Hist. de las Cosas, p. 311; Prieto, Viajes, p. 375; Apostólicos Afanes, p. 12. 'Los indios, si no todos en su mayor parte, viven ligados por una especie de masonería.' Bustamante, in Prieto, Viajes, p. 199. 'Wenn mehrere in Gesellschaft gehen, nie neben, sondern immer hinter einander und selten ruhig schreitend, sondern fast immer kurz trabend.' Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 39. 'L'Indien enterre son argent, et au moment de sa mort il ne dit pas à son plus proche parent oú il a déposé son trésor, afin qu'il ne lui fasse pas faute quand il ressuscitera.' Cassel, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1830, tom. xlv., p. 339.

[923] Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, pp. 161-2; Mayer's Mex. as it Was, pp. 175-6; Mendoza, Hist. de las Cosas, p. 311; Prieto, Viajes, p. 375; Apostólicos Afanes, p. 12. 'Most of the Indians, if not all, live bound by a sort of brotherhood.' Bustamante, in Prieto, Viajes, p. 199. 'When several people walk together, they never walk side by side, but always one behind the other and rarely walking calmly, almost always moving quickly.' Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 39. 'The Indian buries his money, and at the moment of his death, he does not tell his closest relative where he has hidden his treasure, so that they won't be at a loss when he is resurrected.' Cassel, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1830, tom. xlv., p. 339.

[924] 'La petite vérole et la rougeole sont deux maladies très communes.' Chappe d'Auteroche, Voyage, p. 25. The Pintos 'marked with great daubs of deep blue ... the decoration is natural and cannot be effaced.' Tylor's Anahuac, p. 309. See further: Fossey, Mexique, pp. 33-4, 395-6. Compare Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., pp. 66, 69-70, 88; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 250; Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 282; Cassel, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1830, tom. xlv., p. 340; Löwenstern, Mexique, p. 207; Charnay, Ruines Américaines, pp. 502-3; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 443; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 40.

[924] 'Smallpox and measles are two very common diseases.' Chappe d'Auteroche, Voyage, p. 25. The Pintos 'marked with large patches of deep blue ... the decoration is natural and can't be removed.' Tylor's Anahuac, p. 309. See further: Fossey, Mexique, pp. 33-4, 395-6. Compare Humboldt, Essai Pol., vol. i., pp. 66, 69-70, 88; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 250; Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 282; Cassel, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1830, vol. xlv., p. 340; Löwenstern, Mexique, p. 207; Charnay, Ruines Américaines, pp. 502-3; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., vol. vi., p. 443; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 40.

[925] 'Los Indios son grandes herbolarios, y curan siempre con ellas.' Mendoza, Hist. de las Cosas, p. 311. 'For fevers, for bad colds, for the bite of a poisonous animal, this (the temazcalli) is said to be a certain cure; also for acute rheumatism.' Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex., vol. i., p. 255; Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., p. 430; Menonville, Reise, p. 124; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 306; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 250.

[925] 'The Indigenous people are great herbalists, and they always heal with them.' Mendoza, Hist. de las Cosas, p. 311. 'For fevers, for severe colds, for the bite of a poisonous animal, this (the temazcalli) is said to be an effective cure; it also works for acute rheumatism.' Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex., vol. i., p. 255; Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., p. 430; Menonville, Reise, p. 124; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 306; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 250.

[926] 'Notant barbari, folia parti affectæ aut dolenti applicata, de eventu morbi præjudicare: nam si firmiter ad hæreant, certum signum esse ægrum convaliturum, sin decidant, contra.' Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 271; Villa, in Prieto, Viajes, pp. 438-9.

[926] 'By observing the leaves applied to the affected or painful area, the barbarians could predict the outcome of the illness: if they remained firmly attached, it was a definite sign that the patient would recover; if they fell off, it indicated the opposite.' Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 271; Villa, in Prieto, Viajes, pp. 438-9.

[927] The remains of one of their ancient kings found in a cave is thus described; 'estaba cubierto de pedreria texida segun su costumbre en la manta con que se cubria desde los hombros hasta los pies, sentado en la misma silla que la fingieron el solio, con tahalí, brazaletes, collares, y apretadores de plata; y en la frente una corona de hermosas plumas, de varios colores mezcladas, la mano izquierda puesta en el brazo de la silla, y en la derecha un alfange con guarnicion de plata.' Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. iii., p. 299. See also: Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., pp. 259-60; Apostólicos Afanes, p. 22; Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 249.

[927] The remains of one of their ancient kings found in a cave are described as follows: 'he was covered in intricately woven jewels as was customary, wrapped in a blanket that extended from his shoulders to his feet, seated in the very chair that served as his throne, adorned with a sash, bracelets, necklaces, and silver clasps; on his forehead, he wore a crown of beautiful, multicolored feathers, his left hand resting on the arm of the chair, and in his right hand, he held a curved sword with a silver hilt.' Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. iii., p. 299. See also: Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., pp. 259-60; Apostólicos Afanes, p. 22; Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 249.

[928] D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 353; Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex., vol. i., p. 200; Mayer's Mex. as it Was, pp. 170, 201; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Voy. Tehuantepec, pp. 114, 172; Larenaudière, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1824, tom. xxiii., p. 67; Ottavio, in Id., 1833, tom. lix., p. 71; Rittner, Guatimozin, pp. 81-2; Villa, in Prieto, Viajes, pp. 446-7; Arizcorreta, Respuesta á, pp. 24, 26; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 131, 135; Rossi, Souvenirs, p. 285; Lafond, Voyages, tom. i., p. 213; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 40-1; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 10; Poinsett's Notes Mex., pp. 108, 161; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 445; Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 492; Berenger, Col. de Voy., tom. ii., pp. 383-4; Bonnycastle's Span. Am., vol. i., pp. 49-50. 'L'indigène mexicain est grave, mélancolique, silencieux, aussi long-temps que les liqueurs enivrantes n'ont pas agi sur lui.' Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., pp. 94, 96. 'The most violent passions are never painted in their features.' Mill's Hist. Mex., pp. 5-6, 10. 'Of a sharpe wit, and good vnderstanding, for what soeuer it be, Sciences or other Arts, these people are very apt to learne it with small instructing.' Purchas His Pilgrimes, vol. iv., p. 1433.

[928] D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 353; Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex., vol. i., p. 200; Mayer's Mex. as it Was, pp. 170, 201; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Voy. Tehuantepec, pp. 114, 172; Larenaudière, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1824, tom. xxiii., p. 67; Ottavio, in Id., 1833, tom. lix., p. 71; Rittner, Guatimozin, pp. 81-2; Villa, in Prieto, Viajes, pp. 446-7; Arizcorreta, Respuesta á, pp. 24, 26; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 131, 135; Rossi, Souvenirs, p. 285; Lafond, Voyages, tom. i., p. 213; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 40-1; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 10; Poinsett's Notes Mex., pp. 108, 161; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 445; Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 492; Berenger, Col. de Voy., tom. ii., pp. 383-4; Bonnycastle's Span. Am., vol. i., pp. 49-50. 'The Mexican indigenous person is serious, melancholic, and quiet until the intoxicating drinks take effect on them.' Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., pp. 94, 96. 'The most intense passions are never shown on their faces.' Mill's Hist. Mex., pp. 5-6, 10. 'They are quick-witted and understanding; no matter the subject, whether it’s science or arts, these people learn very easily with minimal instruction.' Purchas His Pilgrimes, vol. iv., p. 1433.

[929] The Pintos of Guerrero are 'most ferocious savages.' Tylor's Anahuac, p. 309. The Chichimecs are 'los peores de todos y los mayores homicidas y salteadores de toda la tierra.' Zarfate, in Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 281. See further, Almaraz, Memoria, p. 18; Kératry, in Revue des deux Mondes, Sept., 1866, p. 453; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 323; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 284; Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 269, 280; Combier, Voy., p. 394; Biart, in Revue Française, Dec., 1864, pp. 479, 485; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. viii., lib. vi., cap. xvi.; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 721; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 560; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 271; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., pp. 197, 235; Pagés' Travels, vol. i., p. 150.

[929] The Pintos of Guerrero are 'the most fierce savages.' Tylor's Anahuac, p. 309. The Chichimecs are 'the worst of all and the biggest murderers and robbers in the entire land.' Zarfate, in Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, vol. i., p. 281. See further, Almaraz, Memoria, p. 18; Kératry, in Revue des deux Mondes, Sept., 1866, p. 453; Delaporte, Reisen, vol. x., p. 323; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 284; Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 269, 280; Combier, Voy., p. 394; Biart, in Revue Française, Dec., 1864, pp. 479, 485; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. viii., lib. vi., cap. xvi.; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 721; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., vol. iii., p. 560; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 271; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., pp. 197, 235; Pagés' Travels, vol. i., p. 150.

[930] The Mayas, 'Sie selbst nennen sich heute noch Macegual, d. h. Eingeborene vom Maya-Lande, nie Yucatanos oder Yucatecos, was spanischer Ausdruck für die Bewohner des Staates ist.' Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 142-3. See also Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 163, 173, 176, 196; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, preface, p. clvii.; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 208; tom. ii., pt. i., pp. 140-3; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 396, 400-1; Remesal, Hist. de Chyapa, pp. 264-5; Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 14.

[930] The Mayans, 'They still call themselves today Macegual, which means native people from the Maya land, never Yucatecos or Yucatecos, which is a Spanish term for the inhabitants of the state.' Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 142-3. See also Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 163, 173, 176, 196; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, preface, p. clvii.; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 208; tom. ii., pt. i., pp. 140-3; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 396, 400-1; Remesal, Hist. de Chyapa, pp. 264-5; Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 14.

[931] Barnard's Tehuantepec, pp. 220, 224, 227; Moro, in Garay, Reconocimiento, pp. 89-94; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 215; Macgregor's Progress of America, pp. 848, 850; Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 543; Charnay, Ruines Américaines, pp. 287, 500-1; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. ii., p. 394. Zapotecs 'bien tallados,' Mijes 'Arrogantes, altiuos de condicion, y cuerpo,' Miztecs 'linda tez en el rostro, y buena disposicion en el talle.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 202, 271, 354, 401, tom. i., pt. ii., p. 134. 'Tehuantepec women: Jet-black hair, silky and luxuriant, enframes their light-brown faces, on which, in youth, a warm blush on the cheek heightens the lustre of their dark eyes, with long horizontal lashes and sharply-marked eyebrows.' Tempsky's Mitla, p. 269. The Soques, 'short, with large chests and powerful muscles.... Both men and women have very repulsive countenances.' Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec, p. 126.

[931] Barnard's Tehuantepec, pp. 220, 224, 227; Moro, in Garay, Reconocimiento, pp. 89-94; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. i, p. 215; Macgregor's Progress of America, pp. 848, 850; Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii, p. 543; Charnay, Ruines Américaines, pp. 287, 500-1; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. ii, p. 394. The Zapotecs are described as 'well built,' the Mijes as 'arrogant, lofty in stature, and build,' and the Mixtecs as having 'a beautiful complexion and good figure.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., vol. ii, pt. ii, fol. 202, 271, 354, 401, vol. i, pt. ii, p. 134. 'Tehuantepec women possess jet-black hair, silky and abundant, framing their light-brown faces, which, in youth, have a warm blush on the cheeks that enhances the shine of their dark eyes, complete with long horizontal lashes and sharply defined brows.' Tempsky's Mitla, p. 269. The Soques are described as 'short, with broad chests and strong muscles.... Both men and women have very unattractive faces.' Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec, p. 126.

[932] 'Es gente la de Yucatan de buenos cuerpos, bien hechos, y rezios'.... The women 'bien hechas, y no feas ... no son blancas, sino de color baço.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iv. See further: Dampier's Voyages, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 115; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 148; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 258; Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 291; Tylor's Anahuac, p. 16.

[932] "The people of Yucatan have strong, well-built bodies..." The women are "well-shaped, and not unattractive... they are not white, but rather a brownish color." Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iv. See further: Dampier's Voyages, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 115; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 148; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 258; Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 291; Tylor's Anahuac, p. 16.

[933] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 285; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 255; Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 288; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Voy. de Tehuantepec, p. 194; Palacios, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 166; Leon, in Id., p. 162; Museo Mex., tom. ii., p. 555. 'Muchachos ya mayorcillos. Todos desnudos en carnes, como nacieron de sus madres.... Tras ellos venian muchos Indios mayores, casi tan desnudos como sus hijos, con muchos sartales de flores ... en la cabeza, rebuxada una toca de colores, como tocado de Armenio.' Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, p. 292.

[933] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., vol. ii, pt. ii, p. 285; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 255; Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 288; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Voy. de Tehuantepec, p. 194; Palacios, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 166; Leon, in Id., p. 162; Museo Mex., vol. ii, p. 555. 'Older boys, all naked just as they were born... Following them were many older Indians, almost as naked as their children, wearing long strings of flowers in their hair, and a colorful turban wrapped around their heads, just like an Armenian headdress.' Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, p. 292.

[934] 'With their hair ty'd up in a Knot behind, they think themselves extream fine.' Dampier's Voyages, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 114. 'Muy empenachados y pintados.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. xi.; Barnard's Tehuantepec, pp. 221-2, 226.

[934] 'With their hair tied up in a bun at the back, they think they look really fancy.' Dampier's Voyages, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 114. 'Very feathered and painted.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. xi.; Barnard's Tehuantepec, pp. 221-2, 226.

[935] 'Their apparell was of Cotton in manifold fashions and colours.' Purchas His Pilgrimes, vol. v., p. 885. The Maya woman's dress 'se reduce al hipil que cubre la parte superior del cuerpo, y al fustan ó enagua, de manta de algodon.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 158. Of the men 'un calzoncillo ancho y largo hasta media pierna, y tal vez hasta cerca del tobillo, de la misma manta, un ceñidor blanco ó de colores, un pañuelo, y un sombrero de paja, y á veces una alpargata de suela, con sus cordones de mecate.' Registro Yucateco, tom. i., pp. 177-8. See further: Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 267; Galindo, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. iii., p. 59; Wilson's Amer. Hist., pp. 88, 114; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., pp. 147, 179.

[935] 'Their clothing was made of cotton in various styles and colors.' Purchas His Pilgrimes, vol. v., p. 885. The Maya woman's outfit 'consists of the hipil that covers the upper part of the body, and the fustan or enagua, made of cotton fabric.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 158. For the men, 'a wide, long pair of shorts that reach mid-calf, or possibly close to the ankle, made of the same fabric, a white or colorful belt, a handkerchief, and a straw hat, and sometimes a sandal with a sole, with ties made of cord.' Registro Yucateco, tom. i., pp. 177-8. See further: Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 267; Galindo, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. iii., p. 59; Wilson's Amer. Hist., pp. 88, 114; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., pp. 147, 179.

[936] 'Tous portaient les cheveux longs, et les Espagnols ont eu beaucoup de peine à les leur faire couper; la chevelure longue est encore aujourd'hui le signe distinctif des Indiens insoumis.' Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., p. 40. 'Las caras de blanco, negro, y colorado pintadas, que llaman embijarse, y cierto parecen demonios pintados.' Cogolludo, Hist. de Yucathan, p. 6. Compare above with Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 50; Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., p. 262.

[936] 'Everyone had long hair, and the Spaniards struggled to get them cut; long hair is still today the distinguishing feature of the defiant Indians.' Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., p. 40. 'The faces painted white, black, and red, which they call embijarse, indeed resemble painted demons.' Cogolludo, Hist. de Yucathan, p. 6. Compare above with Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 50; Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., p. 262.

[937] 'The buildings of the lower class are thatched with palm-leaves, and form but one piece, without window or chimney.' Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 544. 'Cubrense las casas de vna cuchilla que los Indios hazen de pajas muy espessas y bien assentadas, que llaman en esta tierra jacales.' Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fund. Mex., p. 549. See also: Museo Mex., tom. ii., p. 554; Barnard's Tehuantepec, pp. 221, 225, with cut; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 252; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt. ii., fol. 197.

[937] 'The buildings for the lower class are covered with palm leaves and are all connected, lacking windows or chimneys.' Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 544. 'The houses are covered with a type of thatch made from thick, well-placed reeds that the Indians call jacales.' Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fund. Mex., p. 549. See also: Museo Mex., tom. ii., p. 554; Barnard's Tehuantepec, pp. 221, 225, with cut; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 252; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt. ii., fol. 197.

[938] The Chochos and Chontales 'no tenian Pueblo fundado, si no cobachuelas estrechas en lo mas escondido de los montes.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 336. The Chinantecs lived 'en rancherias entre barrancas, y espessuras de arboles.' Burgoa, Palestra, Hist., pt. i., fol. 102; Charnay, Ruines Américaines, p. 438.

[938] The Chochos and Chontales didn't have established towns, only small shelters hidden deep in the mountains. Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 336. The Chinantecs lived in small communities between ravines and thick trees. Burgoa, Palestra, Hist., pt. i., fol. 102; Charnay, Ruines Américaines, p. 438.

[939] Zapotecs; 'Se dan con gran vicio sus sementeras.' Miztecs, 'labradores de mayz, y frizol.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt. ii., fol. 36, 143 and 47, 165-6, 184, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 199-200, 202, 228, 282, 396, 398, 400. Zapotecs, 'grande inclinacion, y exercicio á la caza, y monteria de animales campesinos en especial de venados.' Burgoa, Palestra Hist., pt. i., fol. 110. See further: Barnard's Tehuantepec, pp. 220-2, 225-6; Moro, in Garay, Reconocimiento, pp. 90, 93-4; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Voy. Tehuantepec, p. 196; Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 56, 61; Galindo, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. iii., p. 59.

[939] Zapotecs; 'They cultivate their fields with great dedication.' Mixtecs, 'farmers of corn and beans.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., vol. i., pt. ii., pp. 36, 143 and 47, 165-6, 184, vol. ii., pt. ii., pp. 199-200, 202, 228, 282, 396, 398, 400. Zapotecs, 'great inclination and activity in hunting, especially of livestock in the wild, particularly deer.' Burgoa, Palestra Hist., pt. i., p. 110. See further: Barnard's Tehuantepec, pp. 220-2, 225-6; Moro, in Garay, Reconocimiento, pp. 90, 93-4; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Voy. Tehuantepec, p. 196; Navarrete, Col. de Viages, vol. iii., pp. 56, 61; Galindo, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. iii., p. 59.

[940] Tabasco: 'Comen a sus horas concertadas, carnes de vaca, puerco, y aues, y beué vna beuida muy sana, hecha de cacao, mayz, y especia de la tierra, la qual llaman Zocolate.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. vii., cap. iii. Tortillas, 'When they are baked brown, they are called "totoposti," and taste like parched corn.' Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec, p. 125. The Chontales, 'su alimento frecuente es el posole ... rara vez comen la carne de res.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 161-2; Dampier's Voyages, vol. ii., pt. ii., pp. 112-14; Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 543-4.

[940] Tabasco: 'They eat at set times, beef, pork, and fowl, and they drink a very healthy beverage made from cacao, corn, and local spices, which they call Zocolate.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. vii., cap. iii. Tortillas, 'When they are baked brown, they are called "totoposti," and taste like roasted corn.' Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec, p. 125. The Chontales, 'their frequent food is posole ... they rarely eat beef.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 161-2; Dampier's Voyages, vol. ii., pt. ii., pp. 112-14; Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 543-4.

[941] Sr Moro, speaking of the chintule, says: 'Una infusion de estas raices comunica su fragancia al agua que los tehuantepecanos emplean como un objeto de lujo sumamente apreciado, tanto para labar la ropa de uso, como para las abluciones personales.' Moro, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 180. 'Toutes les parties de leur vêtement sont toujours nouvellement blanchies. Les femmes se baignent au moins une fois par jour.' Fossey, Mexique, p. 24. At Chiapas, 'Tous ces Indiens, nus ou en chemise, répandaient dans l'atmosphère une odeur sui generis qui soulevait le cœur.' Charnay, Ruines Américaines, p. 457. The women are 'not very clean in their habits, eating the insects from the bushy heads of their children.' Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 543. 'No son muy limpias en sus personas, ni en sus casas, con quanto se laban.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 148.

[941] Sr Moro, talking about the chintule, says: 'An infusion of these roots gives its fragrance to the water that the Tehuantepecans use as a highly valued luxury item, both for washing everyday clothes and for personal bathing.' Moro, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 180. 'All parts of their clothing are always freshly whitened. The women bathe at least once a day.' Fossey, Mexique, p. 24. In Chiapas, 'All these Indians, whether naked or wearing a shirt, filled the air with a unique smell that was uplifting.' Charnay, Ruines Américaines, p. 457. The women are 'not very clean in their habits, eating the insects from the bushy heads of their children.' Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 543. 'They are not very clean in their appearance, nor in their homes, despite washing.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 148.

[942] 'Peleauan con lanças, armadas las puntas con espinas y huessos muy agudos de pescados.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. xi. 'Usaban de lanzas de desmesurado tamaño para combatir.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 187. See also: Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 461; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 336; Cogolludo, Hist. de Yucathan, pp. 5-6, 11, 77; Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 58-59; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 179.

[942] 'They used spears, with tips armed with sharp thorns and very pointed fish bones.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. xi. 'They used excessively large spears for combat.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 187. See also: Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 461; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 336; Cogolludo, Hist. de Yucathan, pp. 5-6, 11, 77; Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 58-59; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 179.

[943] 'Tienen enfrente deste Pueblo vn cerro altissimo, con vna punta que descuella soberviamente, casi entre la Region de las nubes, y coronase con vna muy dilatada muralla de lossas de mas de vn estado de alto, y quentan de las pinturas de sus characteres historiales, que se retiraban alli, para defenderse de sus enemigos.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt. ii., fol. 167. 'Començaron luego á tocar las bozinas, pitos, trompetillas, y atabalejos de gente de guerra.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., and lib. iv., cap. xi. Also see Cogolludo, Hist. de Yucathan, pp. 5, 77-8; Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 60-3; Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., p. 263.

[943] 'In front of this town, there’s a very high hill, with a peak that rises impressively, almost to the region of the clouds, and it’s topped with a long wall of stones, more than a state high, adorned with paintings of its historical figures, who would retreat there to defend themselves against their enemies.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., vol. i., pt. ii., fol. 167. 'Then they began to sound the horns, whistles, small trumpets, and drums of the warriors.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., book ii., chapter xvii., and book iv., chapter xi. Also see Cogolludo, Hist. de Yucathan, pp. 5, 77-8; Navarrete, Col. de Viages, vol. iii., pp. 60-3; Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., p. 263.

[944] Dampier's Voyages, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 115; Burgoa, Palestra Hist., pt. i., fol. 110; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Voy. Tehuantepec, p. 196; Charnay, Ruines Américaines, p. 454. 'Sobre vna estera si la tiene, que son muy pocos los que duermen en alto, en tapescos de caña ... ollas, ó hornillos de tierra ... casolones, ò xicaras.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 294, 393.

[944] Dampier's Voyages, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 115; Burgoa, Palestra Hist., pt. i., fol. 110; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Voy. Tehuantepec, p. 196; Charnay, Ruines Américaines, p. 454. 'On a mat if they have one, as very few sleep high up, on reed carpets ... pots, or earthen stoves ... big bowls, or cups.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 294, 393.

[945] 'Los zoques cultivan ... dos plantas pertenecientes á la familia de las bromelias, de las cuales sacan el ixtle y la pita cuyas hebras saben blanquear, hilar y teñir de varios colores. Sus hilados y las hamacas que tejen con estas materias, constituyen la parte principal de su industria y de su comercio'.... The Zapotecs, 'los tejidos de seda silvestre y de algodon que labran las mugeres, son verdaderamente admirables.' Moro, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 170, 180. Of the Miztecs it is said that 'las mugeres se han dado á texer con primor paños, y huepiles, assi de algodon como de seda, y hilo de oro, muy costosos.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt. ii., fol. 143, and tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 400. Further reference in Barnard's Tehuantepec, pp. 226-7; Chilton, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 459; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. ii., p. 394; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 163; Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., p. 49; Gage's New Survey, p. 236; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. 198, 209.

[945] 'The Zoques cultivate ... two plants that belong to the bromeliad family, from which they extract ixtle and pita whose fibers are capable of being bleached, spun, and dyed in various colors. Their spun fibers and the hammocks they weave from these materials make up the main part of their industry and commerce'.... The Zapotecs, 'the wild silk and cotton textiles that the women create are truly remarkable.' Moro, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 170, 180. It is said of the Mixtecs that 'the women have dedicated themselves to skillfully weaving fabrics and huipiles, both from cotton and silk, as well as very expensive gold thread.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt. ii., fol. 143, and tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 400. Further reference in Barnard's Tehuantepec, pp. 226-7; Chilton, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 459; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. ii., p. 394; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 163; Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., p. 49; Gage's New Survey, p. 236; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. 198, 209.

[946] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. ii., lib. iv., cap. xi.; Cogolludo, Hist. de Yucathan, p. 2; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., pp. 179, 214; Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec, p. 123. 'Their canoes are formed out of the trunk of a single mahogany or cedar tree.' Dale's Notes, p. 24. When Grijalva was at Cozumel 'vino una canoa.' Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 56. The Huaves 'no poseyendo embarcaciones propias para arriesgarse en aguas de algun fondo, y desconociendo hasta el uso de los remos, no frecuentan mas que los puntos que por su poca profundidad no ofrecen mayor peligro.' Moro, in Garay, Reconocimiento, p. 90.

[946] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. ii., lib. iv., cap. xi.; Cogolludo, Hist. de Yucathan, p. 2; Morelet, Voyage, vol. i., pp. 179, 214; Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec, p. 123. 'Their canoes are made from the trunk of a single mahogany or cedar tree.' Dale's Notes, p. 24. When Grijalva was at Cozumel 'he saw a canoe.' Navarrete, Col. de Viages, vol. iii., p. 56. The Huaves 'lack their own boats to venture into deeper waters, and not knowing how to use paddles, only visit areas that are shallow and present little danger.' Moro, in Garay, Reconocimiento, p. 90.

[947] Mill's Hist. Mex., p. 158; Palacios, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 166; Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 547; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Voy. Tehuantepec, p. 108; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. ii., p. 394; Macgregor's Progress of America, vol. i., p. 849; Moro, in Garay, Reconocimiento, p. 93; Stephens' Yucatan, vol. ii., p. 14.

[947] Mill's Hist. Mex., p. 158; Palacios, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 166; Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 547; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Voy. Tehuantepec, p. 108; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. ii., p. 394; Macgregor's Progress of America, vol. i., p. 849; Moro, in Garay, Reconocimiento, p. 93; Stephens' Yucatan, vol. ii., p. 14.

[948] 'Les seigneurs de Cuicatlan étaient, au temps de la conquête très-riches et très-puissants, et leurs descendants en ligne directe, décorés encore du titre de caciques.' Fossey, Mexique, pp. 338-9. At Etla 'Herren des Ortes waren Caziken, welche ihn als eine Art von Mannlehen besassen, und dem Könige einen gewissen Tribut bezahlen mussten.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. i., p. 188. The Miztecs 'tenian señalados como pregoneros, officiales que elegian por año, para que todas las mañanas al despuntar el Sol, subidos en lo mas alto de la casa de su Republica, con grandes vozes, llamasen, y exitasen á todos, diziendo salid, salid á trabajar, á trabajar, y con rigor executivo castigaban al que faltaba de su tarea.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt. ii., fol. 151, also Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xi.

[948] 'The lords of Cuicatlan were very wealthy and powerful during the time of the conquest, and their direct descendants still held the title of caciques.' Fossey, Mexico, pp. 338-9. In Etla, 'the lords of the places were caciques, who held it as a type of feudal land and had to pay a certain tribute to the king.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. i., p. 188. The Mixtecs 'had designated officials called heralds, who were elected each year, to announce each morning at dawn, from the highest point of their community, with loud voices, calling and urging everyone, saying come out, come out to work, to work, and with strict enforcement punished anyone who failed in their duties.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., vol. i., pt. ii., fol. 151, also Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., book x., chap. xi.

[949] 'Estava sujeta á diuersos Señores, que como Reyezuelos dominaban diuersos territorios ... pero antes auia sido toda sujeta á vn Señor, y Rey Supremo, y asi gouernada con gouierno Monarquico.' Cogolludo, Hist. de Yucathan, p. 60. 'En cada pueblo tenian señalados Capitanes a quienes obedecian.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii.-iv. For old customs and new, compare above with Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 168, and Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 267.

[949] 'It was subject to various lords, who, like petty kings, ruled over different territories ... but it had previously been entirely under one Lord and Supreme King, and thus governed with a monarchical system.' Cogolludo, Hist. de Yucathan, p. 60. 'In each village, they designated captains whom they obeyed.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii.-iv. For old customs and new, compare above with Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 168, and Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 267.

[950] 'With other presents which they brought to the conqueror were twenty female slaves.' Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., p. 264.

[950] 'Along with other gifts they brought to the victor were twenty female slaves.' Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., p. 264.

[951] 'Vbo en esta juridicion grandes errores, y ritos con las paridas, y niños recien nacidos, lleuandolos á los rios, y sumergiendolos en el agua, hazian deprecacion á todos los animales aquatiles, y luego á los de tierra le fueran fauorables, y no le ofendieran.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 329. 'Consérvase entre ellos la creencia de que su vida está unida á la de un animal, y que es forzoso que mueran ellos cuando éste muere.' Museo Mex., tom. ii., pp. 554-5. 'Between husband and wife cases of infidelity are rare.... To the credit of the Indians be it also said, that their progeny is legitimate, and that the vows of marriage are as faithfully cherished as in the most enlightened and favored lands. Youthful marriages are nevertheless of frequent occurrence.' Barnard's Tehuantepec, p. 222. Women of the Japateco race: 'their manners in regard to morals are most blameable.' Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 543. Moro, referring to the women of Jaltipan, says: 'Son de costumbres sumamente libres: suele decirse ademas que los jaltipanos no solo no las celan, sino que llevan las ideas de hospitalidad á un raro exceso.' Garay, Reconocimiento, p. 116; Ferry, Costal L'Indien, pp. 6-7; Registro Yucateco, tom. i., p. 166.

[951] 'I see in this jurisdiction major mistakes, and rituals involving childbirth and newborns, taking them to the rivers and submerging them in the water, making pleas to all aquatic animals, and then to land creatures, hoping they would be favorable and not offend.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., vol. II, pt. II, fol. 329. 'Among them, the belief persists that their life is connected to that of an animal, and that they must die when the animal dies.' Museo Mex., vol. II, pp. 554-5. 'Between husbands and wives, cases of infidelity are rare.... It should also be noted that among the Indians, their offspring are legitimate, and the vows of marriage are held as faithfully as in the most enlightened and favored lands. Nonetheless, youthful marriages are quite common.' Barnard's Tehuantepec, p. 222. Women of the Japateco race: 'their behavior regarding morals is quite blameworthy.' Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. XXXII, p. 543. Moro, referring to the women of Jaltipan, says: 'They have extremely liberal customs: it is also said that the people of Jaltipan not only do not feel jealousy, but they take hospitality to a remarkable extreme.' Garay, Reconocimiento, p. 116; Ferry, Costal L'Indien, pp. 6-7; Registro Yucateco, vol. I, p. 166.

[952] 'Iuntauanse en el Capul, que es vna casa del comun, en cada barrio, para hazer casamientos, el Cazique, el Papa, los desposados, los parientes: estando sentados el señor, y el Papa, llegauan los contrayentes, y el Papa les amonestaua que dixessen las cosas que auian hecho hasta aquella hora.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xi.

[952] 'The public house in each neighborhood, where marriages take place, is called Iuntauanse. The Cazique, the Pope, the engaged couple, and their relatives all gather there: while the lord and the Pope are seated, the couple arrives, and the Pope reminds them to share the things they have done up to that moment.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xi.

[953] Dampier's Voyages, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 114; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 50; Stephens' Yucatan, vol. ii., pp. 15-16; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 272; Dicc. Univ., tom. iv., p. 256; Baeza, in Registro Yucateco, tom. i., p. 166.

[953] Dampier's Voyages, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 114; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 50; Stephens' Yucatan, vol. ii., pp. 15-16; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 272; Dicc. Univ., tom. iv., p. 256; Baeza, in Registro Yucateco, tom. i., p. 166.

[954] 'Their amusements are scarcely worthy of note ... their liveliest songs are sad, and their merriest music melancholy.' Barnard's Tehuantepec, p. 222. 'Afectos á las bebidas embriagantes, conocen dos particulares, el chorote, y el balché ó guarapo, compuesto de agua, caña de azúcar, palo-guarapo y maiz quemado.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 162. See also: Fossey, Mexique, pp. 343, 364; Dampier's Voyages, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 115; Stephens' Yucatan, vol. i., pp. 144-5; Charnay, Ruines Américaines, pp. 496-7.

[954] 'Their entertainment is hardly notable ... their most upbeat songs are sad, and their happiest music is melancholic.' Barnard's Tehuantepec, p. 222. 'They have a taste for intoxicating drinks and know two specific ones, chorote, and balché or guarapo, made from water, sugar cane, palo-guarapo, and burnt corn.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 162. See also: Fossey, Mexique, pp. 343, 364; Dampier's Voyages, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 115; Stephens' Yucatan, vol. i., pp. 144-5; Charnay, Ruines Américaines, pp. 496-7.

[955] 'Provinciæ Guazacualco atque Ylutæ nec non et Cueztxatlæ indiginæ, multas ceremonias Iudæorum usurpabant, nam et circumcidebantur, more à majoribus (ut ferebant) accepto, quod alibi in hisce regionibus ab Hispanis hactenus non fuit observatum.' Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 261. 'They appear to regard with horror and avoid with superstitious fear all those places reputed to contain remains or evidences of their former religion.' Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec, p. 125. See further: Museo Mex., tom. ii., pp. 554-5; Charnay, Ruines Américaines, pp. 265, 286; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 281-2, 290, 313, 332, 335-6, 397; Id., Palestra Hist., fol. 110; Moro, in Garay, Reconocimiento, pp. 90, 93; Dicc. Univ., tom. iv., p. 257.

[955] 'The indigenous people of Guazacualco and Ylutæ, as well as Cueztxatlæ, adopted many Jewish ceremonies, as they were circumcised according to the tradition passed down from their ancestors (or so it was said), a practice that has not been observed by the Spaniards in these regions until now.' Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 261. 'They seem to regard with horror and avoid with superstitious fear all places believed to contain remnants or evidence of their former religion.' Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec, p. 125. See further: Museo Mex., tom. ii., pp. 554-5; Charnay, Ruines Américaines, pp. 265, 286; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 281-2, 290, 313, 332, 335-6, 397; Id., Palestra Hist., fol. 110; Moro, in Garay, Reconocimiento, pp. 90, 93; Dicc. Univ., tom. iv., p. 257.

[956] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 329; Baeza, in Registro Yucateco, tom. i., p. 168; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 313; Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 543. 'Ay en esta tierra mucha diuersidad de yeruas medicinales, con que se curan los naturales.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. vii., cap. iii. The Maya 'sabe las virtudes de todas las plantas como si hubiese estudiado botánica, conoce los venenos, los antídotos, y no se lo ocultan los calmantes.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 158, 162, 178.

[956] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., vol. ii, pt. ii, p. 329; Baeza, in Registro Yucateco, vol. i, p. 168; Morelet, Voyage, vol. i, p. 313; Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii, p. 543. 'In this land, there is a lot of diversity of medicinal herbs, with which the locals are healed.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii, bk. vii, ch. iii. The Maya 'know the properties of all the plants as if they had studied botany; they understand poisons, antidotes, and they are not unaware of pain relievers.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 158, 162, 178.

[957] Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 51; Museo Mex., tom. ii., p. 554. 'En Tamiltepec, los indios usan de ceremonias supersticiosas en sus sepulturas. Se les ve hacer en los cementerios pequeños montones de tierra, en los que mezclan víveres cada vez que entierran alguno de ellos.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 231.

[957] Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, vol. xcvii., p. 51; Museo Mex., vol. ii., p. 554. 'In Tamiltepec, the indigenous people perform superstitious ceremonies at their graves. They are seen making small mounds of earth in the cemeteries, in which they mix food every time they bury someone.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 231.

[958] The Miztecs 'siempre de mayor reputacion, y mas políticos.' Zapotecs 'naturalmente apazibles, limpios, lucidos, y liberales.' Nexitzas 'astutos, maliciosos, inclinados á robos, y desacatos, con otros Cerranos supersticiosos, acostumbrados á aleuosias, y hechizeros.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt. ii., fol. 151, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 202, 312, also fol. 204, 211, 228, 271, 282, 294, 335, 400. Choles, 'nacion ... feroz, guerrera é independiente.' Balbi, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 167. 'Siendo los Indios Mixes de natural feroz, barbaro, y duro, que quieren ser tratados con aspereza, y rigor.' Dávila, Teatro Ecles., tom. i., p. 224. See further: Burgoa, Palestra Hist., pt. i., fol. 101; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 161-2, 186-7; Torres, in Id., p. 179; Museo Mex., tom. ii., pp. 554-5; Tempsky's Mitla, p. 269; Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 543; Barnard's Tehuantepec, pp. 220-7; Charnay, Ruines Américaines, pp. 258-9, 287; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 439; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. i., p. 200; Dampier's Voyages, vol. ii., pt. ii., pp. 115-16; Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fund. Mex., p. 294; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 325.

[958] The Miztecs are "always held in high regard and very political." The Zapotecs are "naturally peaceful, clean, polished, and open-minded." Nexitzas are "shrewd, malicious, prone to theft and disrespect, along with other superstitious Cerranos who are accustomed to trickery and sorcery." Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., vol. i, pt. ii, fol. 151, vol. ii, pt. ii, fol. 202, 312, also fol. 204, 211, 228, 271, 282, 294, 335, 400. Choles, "a fierce, warlike, and independent nation." Balbi, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 167. "The Mixe Indians are naturally fierce, barbaric, and tough, and they expect to be treated with harshness and severity." Dávila, Teatro Ecles., vol. i, p. 224. See further: Burgoa, Palestra Hist., pt. i, fol. 101; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 161-2, 186-7; Torres, in Id., p. 179; Museo Mex., vol. ii, pp. 554-5; Tempsky's Mitla, p. 269; Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii, p. 543; Barnard's Tehuantepec, pp. 220-7; Charnay, Ruines Américaines, pp. 258-9, 287; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., vol. iii, p. 439; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii, pt. i, p. 200; Dampier's Voyages, vol. ii, pt. ii, pp. 115-16; Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fund. Mex., p. 294; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 325.

[959] 'Es el indio yucateco un monstruoso conjunto de religion é impiedad, de virtudes y vicios, de sagacidad y estupidez ... tiene ideas exactas precisas de lo bueno y de lo malo.... Es incapaz de robar un peso, y roba cuatro veces dos reales.... Siendo honrado en casi todas sus acciones ... se puede decir que el único vicie que le domina es el de la embriaguez.' Registro Yucateco, tom. i., pp. 291-3; Baeza, in Id., tom. i., pp. 166-8, 174; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 148; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; Mill's Hist. Mex., p. 158; Moro, in Garay, Reconocimiento, pp. 89-34; Müller, Reisen, tom. ii., p. 371.

[959] 'The Yucatecan Indian is a monstrous mix of religion and disbelief, of virtues and vices, of cleverness and foolishness... he has precise and clear ideas about what is good and what is bad... He is incapable of stealing a peso, yet he steals four times two reales... While being honest in almost all his actions... it can be said that the only vice that dominates him is intoxication.' Registro Yucateco, tom. i., pp. 291-3; Baeza, in Id., tom. i., pp. 166-8, 174; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 148; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; Mill's Hist. Mex., p. 158; Moro, in Garay, Reconocimiento, pp. 89-34; Müller, Reisen, tom. ii., p. 371.

[960] The Lacandones are of one stock with the Manches, and very numerous. They were highly civilized only one hundred and fifty years ago. Boyle's Ride, vol. i., preface, pp. 14-17. 'The old Chontals were certainly in a condition more civilised.' Id., pp. 286-95, 265-70. 'Die Chontales werden auch Caraiben genannt.' Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 243-8, 265, 283-90, 311, 321, 326, 330, 335. It seems there existed in Nicaragua: Chorotegans, comprising Dirians, Nagrandans, and Orotiñans; Cholutecans and Niquirans, Mexican colonies; and Chondals. Squier's Nicaragua, vol. ii., pp. 309-12. Examine further: Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 454; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. i., pp. 285-92; Puydt, Rapport, in Amérique Centrale, p. 69; Benzoni, Hist. del Mondo Nuovo, fol. 104; Malte-Brun, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1858, tom. clviii., p. 200; Berendt, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 425; Crowe's Cent. Amer., p. 40; Hassel, Mex. Guat., pp. 357-8, 370; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 18-19; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., pp. 202, 208, 272, tom. ii., pp. 49, 125, 313; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 79, 110-11; Valois, Mexique, pp. 288, 299-300; Escobar, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., pp. 89-97.

[960] The Lacandones are related to the Manches and are quite numerous. They were very developed only one hundred and fifty years ago. Boyle's Ride, vol. i., preface, pp. 14-17. 'The old Chontals were definitely more advanced.' Id., pp. 286-95, 265-70. 'The Chontales are also called Caribs.' Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 243-8, 265, 283-90, 311, 321, 326, 330, 335. It appears that in Nicaragua, there were Chorotegans, including Dirians, Nagrandans, and Orotiñans; Cholutecans and Niquirans, who were Mexican colonies; and Chondals. Squier's Nicaragua, vol. ii., pp. 309-12. For more details, look into: Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 454; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. i., pp. 285-92; Puydt, Rapport, in Amérique Centrale, p. 69; Benzoni, Hist. del Mondo Nuovo, fol. 104; Malte-Brun, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1858, tom. clviii., p. 200; Berendt, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 425; Crowe's Cent. Amer., p. 40; Hassel, Mex. Guat., pp. 357-8, 370; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 18-19; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., pp. 202, 208, 272, tom. ii., pp. 49, 125, 313; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 79, 110-11; Valois, Mexique, pp. 288, 299-300; Escobar, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., pp. 89-97.

[961] Crowe's Cent. Amer., pp. 40-1; Squier's Nicaragua, pp. 268, 278-9; Froebel's Cent. Amer., pp. 33-4; Dunn's Guatemala, pp. 277-8; Reichardt, Nicaragua, pp. 106-7; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 272; Lafond, Voyages, tom. i., p. 338; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 260, tom. ii., pp. 126, 197; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 414; Belly, Nicaragua, tom. i., pp. 200-1; Scherzer, Wanderungen, pp. 52-3; Foote's Cent. Amer., p. 104. Round Leon 'hay más indios tuertos ... y es la causa el contínuo polvo.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 64. In Guatemala, 'los hombres muy gruessos.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. v., caps. xi., xii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiv. 'Ceux de la tierra fria sont petits, trapus, bien membrés, susceptibles de grandes fatigues ... ceux de la tierra caliente sont grands, maigres, paresseux.' Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 47, 21. 'Kurze Schenkel, langen Oberleib, kurze Stirne und langes struppiges Haar.' Bülow, Nicaragua, p. 78. 'The disproportionate size of the head, the coarse harsh hair, and the dwarfish stature,' of the Masayas. Boyle's Ride, vol. ii., pp. 8-9.

[961] Crowe's Cent. Amer., pp. 40-1; Squier's Nicaragua, pp. 268, 278-9; Froebel's Cent. Amer., pp. 33-4; Dunn's Guatemala, pp. 277-8; Reichardt, Nicaragua, pp. 106-7; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 272; Lafond, Voyages, vol. i., p. 338; Morelet, Voyage, vol. i., p. 260, vol. ii., pp. 126, 197; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, vol. iii., p. 414; Belly, Nicaragua, vol. i., pp. 200-1; Scherzer, Wanderungen, pp. 52-3; Foote's Cent. Amer., p. 104. Around Leon 'there are more one-eyed Indians ... and this is due to the constant dust.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., vol. iv., p. 64. In Guatemala, 'the men are very stocky.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., book v., caps. xi., xii., dec. iv., book x., cap. xiv. 'Those from the cold land are short, stocky, well-built, and capable of enduring great fatigue ... those from the hot land are tall, thin, and lazy.' Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 47, 21. 'Short thighs, long torso, short forehead, and long, shaggy hair.' Bülow, Nicaragua, p. 78. 'The unusual size of the head, the coarse, rough hair, and the short stature' of the Masayas. Boyle's Ride, vol. ii., pp. 8-9.

[962] Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 407, 414. In Salvador, the women's 'only garment being a long straight piece of cotton cloth without a seam.' Foote's Cent. Amer., pp. 103-4. The Nicaraguans 'se rasent la barbe, les cheueux, et tout le poil du corps, et ne laissent que quelques cheueux sur le sommet de la teste.... Ils portent des gabans, et des chemises sans manches.' D'Avity, L'Amérique, tom. ii., p. 93. 'The custom of tattooing, it seems, was practiced to a certain extent, at least so far as to designate, by peculiarities in the marks, the several tribes or caziques ... they flattened their heads.' Squier's Nicaragua, vol. ii., pp. 341, 345; Id., Nicaragua, pp. 273-4; Valenzuela, in Id., Cent. Amer., p. 566; Tempsky's Mitla, pp. 363-5, 368; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 19-20, 46-9, 56-60; Juarros' Hist. Guat., pp. 193-5; Hassel, Mex. Guat., pp. 302-5; Valois, Mexique, pp. 278-9; Gage's New Survey, pp. 316-8; Montgomery's Guatemala, pp. 98-9; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 102, 126, 145, 171, 227, 245, 253; Galindo, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1834, tom. lxiii., p. 149; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 166; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 263.

[962] Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, vol. iii., pp. 407, 414. In Salvador, the women wear 'only a long straight piece of cotton cloth without a seam.' Foote's Cent. Amer., pp. 103-4. The Nicaraguans 'shave their beards, hair, and all body hair, leaving only a few strands on the top of their heads.... They wear overcoats and sleeveless shirts.' D'Avity, L'Amérique, vol. ii., p. 93. 'Tattooing, it seems, was practiced to some extent, at least to distinguish the different tribes or chiefs by unique markings... they flattened their heads.' Squier's Nicaragua, vol. ii., pp. 341, 345; Id., Nicaragua, pp. 273-4; Valenzuela, in Id., Cent. Amer., p. 566; Tempsky's Mitla, pp. 363-5, 368; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 19-20, 46-9, 56-60; Juarros' Hist. Guat., pp. 193-5; Hassel, Mex. Guat., pp. 302-5; Valois, Mexique, pp. 278-9; Gage's New Survey, pp. 316-8; Montgomery's Guatemala, pp. 98-9; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; Morelet, Voyage, vol. ii., pp. 102, 126, 145, 171, 227, 245, 253; Galindo, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1834, vol. lxiii., p. 149; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 166; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 263.

[963] The Lacandones have 'floating gardens which can navigate the lagoons like bolsas,' and are often inhabited. They have stone sepulchres highly sculptured. Pontelli, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 7, 1862. 'In these ancient Chontales villages the houses were in the centre, and the tombs, placed in a circle around.... The Indians who before the Spanish conquest inhabited Nicaragua did not construct any large temples or other stone buildings.' Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 126-7. They live like their forefathers 'in buildings precisely similar ... some huts of a single room will monopolise an acre of land.' Boyle's Ride, vol. ii., pp. 6-8; Gage's New Survey, pp. 318-19; Scherzer, Wanderungen, pp. 75, 430, 496; Puydt, Rapport, in Amérique Centrale, pp. 69-70; Valois, Mexique, p. 278; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 86, 102; Froebel's Cent. Amer., pp. 89, 96; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 19, 55; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; Berendt, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 425; West und Ost Indischer Lustgart, pt. ii., pp. 380, 390; Valenzuela, in Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 566.

[963] The Lacandones have "floating gardens that can move through the lagoons like bags," and these gardens are often inhabited. They have intricately carved stone tombs. Pontelli, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 7, 1862. "In these ancient Chontales villages, the houses were in the center, surrounded by tombs arranged in a circle.... The Indigenous people who lived in Nicaragua before the Spanish conquest did not build large temples or other stone structures." Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 126-7. They continue to live as their ancestors did, "in buildings that are exactly the same... some single-room huts can take up an acre of land." Boyle's Ride, vol. ii., pp. 6-8; Gage's New Survey, pp. 318-19; Scherzer, Wanderungen, pp. 75, 430, 496; Puydt, Rapport, in Amérique Centrale, pp. 69-70; Valois, Mexique, p. 278; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 86, 102; Froebel's Cent. Amer., pp. 89, 96; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 19, 55; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; Berendt, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 425; West und Ost Indischer Lustgart, pt. ii., pp. 380, 390; Valenzuela, in Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 566.

[964] They 'vivent le plus souvent de fruits et de racines.' Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 47, 20-2, 69. 'Tout en faisant maigre chère, ils mangent et boivent continuellement, comme les animaux.' Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 104, 92, 102, 132, 134, 145, 240, tom. i., pp. 205-6. Nicaraguans 'essen auch Menschenfleisch ... alle Tag machet nur ein Nachbar ein Fewer an, dabei sie alle kochen, vnd dann ein anderer.' West und Ost Indischer Lustgart, pt. i., p. 390. 'Perritos pequeños que tambien los comian, y muchos venados y pesquerías.' Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 413-14, 407. Hunting alligators: a man dives under, and fastens a noose round the leg of the sleeping monster; his companions then haul it on shore and kill it. Sivers, Mittelamerika, pp. 139, 130. Compare further: Findlay's Directory, vol. i., p. 253; Gage's New Survey, pp. 319-23; Scherzer, Wanderungen, pp. 412-13, 494; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 103-4; Juarros' Hist. Guat., pp. 196-7; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. vii.-ix., lib. x., cap. xiv.; Escobar, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 91; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 320; Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., pp. 42-3.

[964] They mostly live on fruits and roots.' Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Geological Voyage, pp. 47, 20-2, 69. 'While eating meager fare, they constantly eat and drink, like animals.' Morelet, Voyage, vol. ii., pp. 104, 92, 102, 132, 134, 145, 240, vol. i., pp. 205-6. Nicaraguans 'also eat human flesh ... every day a neighbor starts a fire, and they all cook together, and then another one.' West and East Indian Pleasure Garden, pt. i., p. 390. 'Small dogs that they also ate, and many deer and fish.' Andagoya, in Navarrete, Collection of Voyages, vol. iii., pp. 413-14, 407. Hunting alligators: a man dives under and ties a noose around the leg of the sleeping beast; his companions then pull it ashore and kill it. Sivers, Central America, pp. 139, 130. Compare further: Findlay's Directory, vol. i., p. 253; Gage's New Survey, pp. 319-23; Scherzer, Wanderings, pp. 412-13, 494; Benzoni, History of the New World, fol. 103-4; Juarros' History of Guatemala, pp. 196-7; Herrera, General History, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. vii.-ix., lib. x., cap. xiv.; Escobar, in London Geographical Society, Journal, vol. xi., p. 91; Laet, New World, p. 320; Waldeck, Voyage to Pitt, pp. 42-3.

[965] Dunlop's Cent. Amer., p. 337; Scherzer, Wanderungen, p. 173.

[965] Dunlop's Cent. Amer., p. 337; Scherzer, Wanderungen, p. 173.

[966] The Lacandones 'emploient des flèches de canne ayant des têtes de cailloux.' Galindo, in Antiq. Mex., tom. i., div. ii., p. 67. See also, Bülow, Nicaragua, pp. 79-80; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 305; Juarros' Hist. Guat., pp. 195, 278; Scherzer, Wanderungen, pp. 413, 430; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. i., p. 358.

[966] The Lacandones use cane arrows with stone tips. Galindo, in Antiq. Mex., vol. i., part ii., p. 67. See also, Bülow, Nicaragua, pp. 79-80; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 305; Juarros' Hist. Guat., pp. 195, 278; Scherzer, Wanderungen, pp. 413, 430; Froebel, Aus Amerika, vol. i., p. 358.

[967] Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., p. 31; Pontelli, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 7, 14, 1862.

[967] Morelet, Voyage, vol. ii., p. 31; Pontelli, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 7, 14, 1862.

[968] Valois, Mexique, pp. 278, 287; Sivers, Mittelamerika, p. 130; Scherzer, Wanderungen, p. 430; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 279; Squier's Nicaragua, pp. 272-3; Valenzuela, in Id., Cent. Amer., p. 567. The Lacandon hut contained 'des métiers à tisser, des sarbacanes, des haches et d'autres outils en silex.' Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 79, 104, 197, 211. 'Duermen en vna red, que se les entra por las costillas, o en vn cañizo, y por cabecera vn madero: ya se alumbran con teas.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiv., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. vi. At Masaya, 'Leur mobilier se compose de nattes par terre, de hamacs suspendus, d'un lit de cuir et d'une caisse en cèdre, quelquefois ornée d'incrustations de cuivre.' Belly, Nicaragua, tom. i., pp. 197-8.

[968] Valois, Mexique, pp. 278, 287; Sivers, Mittelamerika, p. 130; Scherzer, Wanderungen, p. 430; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 279; Squier's Nicaragua, pp. 272-3; Valenzuela, in Id., Cent. Amer., p. 567. The Lacandon hut contained 'looms, blowguns, axes, and other flint tools.' Morelet, Voyage, vol. ii., pp. 79, 104, 197, 211. 'They sleep in a net that goes around their sides, or on a bamboo mat, with a wooden block as a headrest: they’re already using torches for light.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., book x., chapter xiv., dec. ii., book iii., chapter vi. In Masaya, 'Their furniture consists of mats on the floor, suspended hammocks, a leather bed, and a cedar chest, sometimes decorated with copper inlays.' Belly, Nicaragua, vol. i., pp. 197-8.

[969] 'Le principe colorant est fixé an moyen d'une substance grasse que l'on obtient par l'ébullition d'un insecte nommé age.' Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 130, 197. Consult further, Squier's Nicaragua, pp. 269-73; Baily's Cent. Amer., pp. 124-5; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. vii., ix., lib. x., cap. xiv.; Crowe's Cent. Amer., pp. 44; Squier, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 215; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, p. 47; Dunlop's Cent. Amer., p. 338; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 274.

[969] 'The coloring principle is established using a greasy substance obtained by boiling an insect called age.' Morelet, Voyage, vol. ii., pp. 130, 197. For more information, see Squier's Nicaragua, pp. 269-73; Baily's Cent. Amer., pp. 124-5; Herrera, Hist. Gen., vol. iv., book viii., chapters vii., ix., book x., chapter xiv.; Crowe's Cent. Amer., pp. 44; Squier, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 215; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, p. 47; Dunlop's Cent. Amer., p. 338; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 274.

[970] Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 241-2; Lafond, Voyages, tom. i., p. 317; Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., p. 31; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 47-8. In their trade, the Lacandones 'are said to have employed not less than 424 canoes.' Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 271.

[970] Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 241-2; Lafond, Voyages, vol. i., p. 317; Morelet, Voyage, vol. ii., p. 31; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 47-8. It is reported that in their trade, the Lacandones 'used at least 424 canoes.' Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 271.

[971] The Quichés 'portent jusqu'au Nicaragua des hamacs en fil d'agave.' Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 145, 92, 130-1, 198, tom. i., pp. 260, 318, 320; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 18, 60; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. v., cap. xii.; Juarros' Hist. Guat., pp. 68, 271, 475; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 248, 345; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 319; Hardcastle, in Hist. Mag., vol. vi., p. 153; Gage's New Survey, p. 319.

[971] The Quichés bring agave fiber hammocks all the way to Nicaragua. Morelet, Voyage, vol. ii, pp. 145, 92, 130-1, 198, vol. i, pp. 260, 318, 320; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 18, 60; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii, book v, ch. xii.; Juarros' Hist. Guat., pp. 68, 271, 475; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 248, 345; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 319; Hardcastle, in Hist. Mag., vol. vi, p. 153; Gage's New Survey, p. 319.

[972] Among the Nahuatls 'mechanical arts are little understood, and, of course, the fine arts still less practiced.' Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 320; Id., Nicaragua, pp. 270-3. The Masayans have 'une caisse en cèdre, quelquefois ornée d'incrustations de cuivre.' Belly, Nicaragua, pp. 197-8. See also, Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., p. 130; Puydt, Rapport, in Amérique Centrale, p. 134; Gage's New Survey, p. 329; Valois, Mexique, pp. 287, 420-6; Sivers, Mittelamerika, pp. 127, 295; Funnell's Voy., p. 113; Dunn's Guatemala, p. 281; Pontelli, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 7, 1862.

[972] Among the Nahuatls, 'mechanical arts are little understood, and, of course, the fine arts are even less practiced.' Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 320; Id., Nicaragua, pp. 270-3. The Masayans have 'a cedar box, sometimes decorated with copper inlays.' Belly, Nicaragua, pp. 197-8. See also, Morelet, Voyage, vol. ii., p. 130; Puydt, Rapport, in Amérique Centrale, p. 134; Gage's New Survey, p. 329; Valois, Mexique, pp. 287, 420-6; Sivers, Mittelamerika, pp. 127, 295; Funnell's Voy., p. 113; Dunn's Guatemala, p. 281; Pontelli, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 7, 1862.

[973] Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 20, 49-51; Puydt, Rapport, in Amérique Centrale, p. 134; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 398; Gage's New Survey, pp. 318-9, 417; Pontelli, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 7, 1862. 'Chacun d'eux vint ensuite baiser la main du chef, hommage qu'il reçut avec une dignité imperturbable.' Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 245-6, 134.

[973] Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Geological Voyage, pp. 20, 49-51; Puydt, Report, in Central America, p. 134; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 398; Gage's New Survey, pp. 318-9, 417; Pontelli, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 7, 1862. "Each of them then came to kiss the chief's hand, an homage he received with unflappable dignity." Morelet, Journey, vol. ii., pp. 245-6, 134.

[974] 'Leur dernier-né suspendu à leurs flancs.' Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 198, 126, tom. i., pp. 204-5, 318. In Salvador, the 'bridegroom makes his wife's trousseau himself, the women, strange to say, being entirely ignorant of needlework.' Foote's Cent. Amer., p. 103. Further reference in Valois, Mexique, pp. 280, 288; Belly, Nicaragua, pp. 200-1, 253; Hassel, Mex. Guat., pp. 303-4; Revue Brit., 1825, in Amérique Centrale, p. 23; Bülow, Nicaragua, p. 80; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 272; Gage's New Survey, p. 319; Juarros' Hist. Guat., pp. 195-6; Tempsky's Mitla, p. 365; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 20, 47; Scherzer, Wanderungen, p. 66; Id., Die Indianer von Istlávacan, p. 11.

[974] 'Their newest addition hanging at their sides.' Morelet, Voyage, vol. ii., pp. 198, 126, vol. i., pp. 204-5, 318. In Salvador, the 'bridegroom makes his wife’s trousseau himself, with the women, strangely enough, being completely unaware of needlework.' Foote's Cent. Amer., p. 103. Further references in Valois, Mexique, pp. 280, 288; Belly, Nicaragua, pp. 200-1, 253; Hassel, Mex. Guat., pp. 303-4; Revue Brit., 1825, in Amérique Centrale, p. 23; Bülow, Nicaragua, p. 80; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 272; Gage's New Survey, p. 319; Juarros' Hist. Guat., pp. 195-6; Tempsky's Mitla, p. 365; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 20, 47; Scherzer, Wanderungen, p. 66; Id., Die Indianer von Istlávacan, p. 11.

[975] Gage's New Survey, pp. 323, 347-50; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 415; Valois, Mexique, pp. 279-80, 420-6; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, p. 48; Froebel's Cent. Amer., pp. 78-81; Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 306, 312; Valenzuela, in Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 567; Juarros' Hist. Guat., pp. 447-9; Coreal, Voyages, tom. i., pp. 88-9; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 34; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 320-2; Pontelli, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 14, 1862. 'Les Indiens ne fument pas.' Belly, Nicaragua, p. 164. 'Ihr gewöhnliches Getränke ist Wasser.' Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 304. 'Je n'ai entendu qu'à Flores, pendant le cours de mon voyage, des chœurs exécutés avec justesse.' Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 42-4, 325, tom. i., p. 196.

[975] Gage's New Survey, pp. 323, 347-50; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, vol. iii., p. 415; Valois, Mexique, pp. 279-80, 420-6; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, p. 48; Froebel's Cent. Amer., pp. 78-81; Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 306, 312; Valenzuela, in Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 567; Juarros' Hist. Guat., pp. 447-9; Coreal, Voyages, vol. i., pp. 88-9; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 34; Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 320-2; Pontelli, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 14, 1862. 'The Indians do not smoke.' Belly, Nicaragua, p. 164. 'Their usual drink is water.' Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 304. 'I only heard choirs performed accurately in Flores, during my journey.' Morelet, Voyage, vol. ii., pp. 42-4, 325, vol. i., p. 196.

[976] The Lacandon chief received me with 'the emblem of friendship (which is a leaf of the fan-palm).' Pontelli, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 14, 1862. See Tempsky's Mitla, pp. 364-5; Valois, Mexique, pp. 407-8; Escobar, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 91; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 394; Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 197; Foote's Cent. Amer., p. 122; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 48-9; Scherzer, Die Indianer von Istlávacan, pp. 7-15; Reichardt, Nicaragua, pp. 106, 234; Valenzuela, in Squier's Cent. Amer., pp. 566-7; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 206, tom. ii., pp. 58, 101-2, 104, 197; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pp. 293-4, vol. ii., pp. 11-12, 48.

[976] The Lacandon chief welcomed me with 'the symbol of friendship (which is a leaf from the fan-palm).' Pontelli, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 14, 1862. See Tempsky's Mitla, pp. 364-5; Valois, Mexique, pp. 407-8; Escobar, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 91; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 394; Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 197; Foote's Cent. Amer., p. 122; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 48-9; Scherzer, Die Indianer von Istlávacan, pp. 7-15; Reichardt, Nicaragua, pp. 106, 234; Valenzuela, in Squier's Cent. Amer., pp. 566-7; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 206, tom. ii., pp. 58, 101-2, 104, 197; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pp. 293-4, vol. ii., pp. 11-12, 48.

[977] At Masaya, 'The death-rate among children is said to be excessive.' Boyle's Ride, vol. ii., p. 10. 'Alle Glieder der Familie hatten ein äusserst ungesundes Aussehen und namentlich die Kinder, im Gesicht bleich und mager, hatten dicke, aufgeschwollene Bäuche,' caused by yucca-roots. Scherzer, Wanderungen, pp. 494, 173-4; Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 109-10, 152; Gage's New Survey, p. 318; Puydt, Rapport, in Amérique Centrale, p. 49; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. i., pp. 345-6; Hassel, Mex. Guat., pp. 302, 398; Escobar, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 91; Scherzer, Die Indianer von Istlávacan, pp. 10-11.

[977] In Masaya, it's reported that 'the death rate among children is extremely high.' Boyle's Ride, vol. ii., p. 10. 'All family members had an extremely unhealthy appearance, especially the children, who were pale and thin with swollen, distended bellies,' caused by yucca roots. Scherzer, Wanderungen, pp. 494, 173-4; Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 109-10, 152; Gage's New Survey, p. 318; Puydt, Rapport, in Amérique Centrale, p. 49; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. i., pp. 345-6; Hassel, Mex. Guat., pp. 302, 398; Escobar, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 91; Scherzer, Die Indianer von Istlávacan, pp. 10-11.

[978] Scherzer, Die Indianer von Istlávacan, pp. 11-12; Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., p. 63; Valois, Mexique, p. 408.

[978] Scherzer, The Indians of Istlávacan, pp. 11-12; Morelet, Voyage, vol. ii., p. 63; Valois, Mexico, p. 408.

[979] 'La somme des peines est donc limitée comme celle des jouissances; ils ne ressentent ni les unes ni les autres avec beaucoup de vivacité.' Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., pp. 205-7, 196, tom. ii., pp. 104, 132, 198, 200, 253. 'When aroused, however, they are fierce, cruel, and implacable ... shrewd ... cringing servility and low cunning ... extreme teachableness.' Crowe's Cent. Amer., pp. 42-3. 'Melancholy ... silent ... pusillanimous ... timid.' Dunn's Guatemala, p. 278. 'Imperturbability of the North American Indian, but are a gentler and less warlike race.' Foote's Cent. Amer., pp. 104-5. Nicaraguans 'are singularly docile and industrious ... not warlike but brave.' Squier's Nicaragua, p. 268. For further reference concerning these people see Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 555; Bülow, Nicaragua, pp. 79-81; Juarros' Hist. Guat., pp. 197-8; Belly, Nicaragua, pp. 109, 160; Puydt, Rapport, in Amérique Centrale, pp. 70, 135-6; T' Kint, in Id., pp. 157-8; Fossey, Mexique, p. 471; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pref., p. xiv., and p. 75; Gage's New Survey, pp. 311-12, 333; Valois, Mexique, pp. 238-9, 277, 288, 299, 430; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 47-9, 69; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 35; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; Scherzer, Wanderungen, pp. 53, 61, 455, 464-5; Dunlop's Cent. Amer., pp. 211, 337-8. The Lacandones are very laconic, sober, temperate and strict. Pontelli, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 7, 1862.

[979] 'The amount of suffering is therefore limited like that of pleasures; they experience neither with much intensity.' Morelet, Voyage, vol. i., pp. 205-7, 196, vol. ii., pp. 104, 132, 198, 200, 253. 'When provoked, however, they can be fierce, cruel, and relentless ... cunning ... submissive and sly ... extremely teachable.' Crowe's Cent. Amer., pp. 42-3. 'Melancholy ... quiet ... cowardly ... timid.' Dunn's Guatemala, p. 278. 'Calmness of the North American Indian, but they are a gentler and less warlike people.' Foote's Cent. Amer., pp. 104-5. Nicaraguans 'are notably docile and hardworking ... not aggressive but courageous.' Squier's Nicaragua, p. 268. For more information about these people, see Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 555; Bülow, Nicaragua, pp. 79-81; Juarros' Hist. Guat., pp. 197-8; Belly, Nicaragua, pp. 109, 160; Puydt, Rapport, in Amérique Centrale, pp. 70, 135-6; T' Kint, in Id., pp. 157-8; Fossey, Mexique, p. 471; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pref., p. xiv., and p. 75; Gage's New Survey, pp. 311-12, 333; Valois, Mexique, pp. 238-9, 277, 288, 299, 430; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 47-9, 69; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., vol. iv., p. 35; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., book iv., chap. vii.; Scherzer, Wanderungen, pp. 53, 61, 455, 464-5; Dunlop's Cent. Amer., pp. 211, 337-8. The Lacandones are very brief in speech, sober, temperate, and strict. Pontelli, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 7, 1862.

[980] The name Mosquito is generally supposed to have arisen from the numerous mosquito insects to be found in the country; others think that the small islands off the coast, "which lie as thick as mosquitoes," may have caused the appellation; while a third opinion is that the name is a corruption of an aboriginal term, and to substantiate this opinion it is said that the natives call themselves distinctly Misskitos. Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 134, 19-23. The Carib name is pronounced "Kharibees" on the coast. Macgregor's Progress of America, vol. i., pp. 770, 775. 'Il existe chez eux des langues très différentes, et nous avons remarqué qu'à cent lieues de distance ils ne se comprennent plus les uns les autres.' Varnhagen, Prem. Voy. de Amerigo Vespucci, p. 40. See further: Stout's Nicaragua, p. 113; Squier's Nicaragua, vol. ii., p. 308; Id., Cent. Amer., pp. 241, 244-7; 252-3; Bülow, Nicaragua, p. 77; Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 346; Galindo, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. iii., p. 290; Bell, in Id., vol. xxxii., pp. 258-9; Bard's Waikna, pp. 123, 201-2, 243; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 395-6; Young's Narrative, pp. 36, 86; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 243-7, 303, 347-50; Henderson's Honduras, p. 216; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pp. xii-xiii., 269, 287; Sivers, Mittelamerika, pp. 179-80, 287-8.

[980] The name Mosquito is generally believed to have come from the many mosquito insects found in the area; others think that the small islands off the coast, "which are as numerous as mosquitoes," may have inspired the name; while another view suggests that the name is a modified version of an indigenous term, and to support this view, it's noted that the locals refer to themselves as Misskitos. Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 134, 19-23. The Carib name is pronounced "Kharibees" along the coast. Macgregor's Progress of America, vol. i., pp. 770, 775. 'They have very different languages among them, and we've noticed that a hundred leagues away, they can no longer understand each other.' Varnhagen, Prem. Voy. de Amerigo Vespucci, p. 40. See further: Stout's Nicaragua, p. 113; Squier's Nicaragua, vol. ii., p. 308; Id., Cent. Amer., pp. 241, 244-7; 252-3; Bülow, Nicaragua, p. 77; Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 346; Galindo, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. iii., p. 290; Bell, in Id., vol. xxxii., pp. 258-9; Bard's Waikna, pp. 123, 201-2, 243; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 395-6; Young's Narrative, pp. 36, 86; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 243-7, 303, 347-50; Henderson's Honduras, p. 216; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pp. xii-xiii., 269, 287; Sivers, Mittelamerika, pp. 179-80, 287-8.

[981] 'Die Backenknochen treten nicht, wie bei andern amerikanischen Stämmen, auffallend hervor ... starke Oberlippe.' Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 134-6, 59, 70, 151. Consult also: Squier's Cent. Amer., pp. 230, 251, 597-8; Hassel, Mex. Guat., pp. 388-9; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. i., pp. 397-8; Varnhagen, Prem. Voy. de Amerigo Vespucci, pp. 40-1. The pure type has 'schlichte, gröbere, schwarze Haare und feinere Lippen.' Sivers, Mittelamerika, pp. 74, 177, 180, 287-8; Young's Narrative, pp. 26, 28-9, 72, 75, 79, 82, 87, 123; Uring's Hist. Voy., p. 226; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 256-9; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 248, 305, 403; Colon, Hist. Almirante, in Barcia, Historiadores, tom. i., p. 104; Bard's Waikna, pp. 127, 298, 317; Strangeways' Mosquito Shore, p. 329. The natives of Corn island are 'of a dark copper-colour, black Hair, full round Faces, small black Eyes, their Eye-brows hanging over their Eyes, low Foreheads, short thick Noses, not high, but flattish; full Lips, and short Chins.' Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 31-2, 7-8.

[981] 'The cheekbones don’t stand out as much, like in other American tribes... strong upper lip.' Mosquitoland, Report, pp. 134-6, 59, 70, 151. Also see: Squier's Central America, pp. 230, 251, 597-8; Hassel, Mexico Guatemala, pp. 388-9; Froebel, From America, vol. i., pp. 397-8; Varnhagen, First Voyage of Amerigo Vespucci, pp. 40-1. The pure type has 'simple, coarser, black hair and finer lips.' Sivers, Central America, pp. 74, 177, 180, 287-8; Young's Narrative, pp. 26, 28-9, 72, 75, 79, 82, 87, 123; Uring's Historical Voyages, p. 226; Bell, in London Geographical Society, Journal, vol. xxxii., pp. 256-9; Pim and Seemann's Notes, pp. 248, 305, 403; Colon, History of the Admiral, in Barcia, Historians, vol. i., p. 104; Bard's Waikna, pp. 127, 298, 317; Strangeways' Mosquito Shore, p. 329. The natives of Corn Island are 'of a dark copper color, black hair, full round faces, small black eyes, their eyebrows hanging over their eyes, low foreheads, short thick noses, not high, but flat; full lips, and short chins.' Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 31-2, 7-8.

[982] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. vi., lib. viii., cap. iii., v.; Esquemelin, Zee-Roovers, pp. 150-1; Squier, in Harper's Mag., vol. xix., p. 614; Id., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1858, tom. clx., p. 134; Martin's Brit. Col., vol. ii., p. 412; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 248-50, 280, 308, 403, 415; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., vol. i., p. 772; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 11, 32; Bard's Waikna, pp. 127, 253-6, 298; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 116-17, 136-7; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 256-60; Young's Narrative, pp. 12, 26, 29, 32, 72, 77, 83, 122, 133. 'Alcuni vsano certe camiciuole com'quelle, che vsiamo noi, lunghe sino al belico, e senza manche. Portano le braccia, e il corpo lauorati di lauori moreschi, fatti col fuoco.' Colombo, Hist. del Ammiraglio, pp. 403-5.

[982] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. vi., lib. viii., cap. iii., v.; Esquemelin, Zee-Roovers, pp. 150-1; Squier, in Harper's Mag., vol. xix., p. 614; Id., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1858, tom. clx., p. 134; Martin's Brit. Col., vol. ii., p. 412; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 248-50, 280, 308, 403, 415; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., vol. i., p. 772; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 11, 32; Bard's Waikna, pp. 127, 253-6, 298; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 116-17, 136-7; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 256-60; Young's Narrative, pp. 12, 26, 29, 32, 72, 77, 83, 122, 133. 'Some wear certain shirts like those we use, long down to the belly, and without sleeves. They have their arms and body decorated with Moorish designs, made with fire.' Colombo, Hist. del Ammiraglio, pp. 403-5.

[983] Strangeways' Mosquito Shore, p. 334; Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 185; Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 660; Id., in Harper's Mag., vol. xix., p. 613; Id., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1858, tom. clx., p. 134; Young's Narrative, pp. 13, 77, 98-9, 125; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 279, 295, 415-6; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 258-9; Bard's Waikna, pp. 293-4, 318-9; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 20, 137-9; Sivers, Mittelamerika, pp. 167, 178; Cockburn's Journey, pp. 23, 55-7.

[983] Strangeways' Mosquito Shore, p. 334; Froebel's Central America, p. 185; Squier's Central America, p. 660; Id., in Harper's Magazine, vol. xix., p. 613; Id., in New Annals of Voyages, 1858, vol. clx., p. 134; Young's Narrative, pp. 13, 77, 98-9, 125; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 279, 295, 415-6; Bell, in London Geographic Society, Journal, vol. xxxii., pp. 258-9; Bard's Waikna, pp. 293-4, 318-9; Mosquitoland, Report, pp. 20, 137-9; Sivers, Central America, pp. 167, 178; Cockburn's Journey, pp. 23, 55-7.

[984] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii.-v.; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., vol. i., pp. 774-5; Squier, in Harper's Mag., vol. xix., p. 613; Young's Narrative, pp. 14, 18, 21, 61, 74-7, 96, 98, 106; Bard's Waikna, pp. 100-11, 132-6, 297-303, 320; Sivers, Mittelamerika, pp. 75-6, 87, 168-74. The Woolwas had fish 'which had been shot with arrows.' Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 403, 248-50, 300-1, 407, 412-13; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 9-13, 35-7.

[984] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii.-v.; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., vol. i., pp. 774-5; Squier, in Harper's Mag., vol. xix., p. 613; Young's Narrative, pp. 14, 18, 21, 61, 74-7, 96, 98, 106; Bard's Waikna, pp. 100-11, 132-6, 297-303, 320; Sivers, Mittelamerika, pp. 75-6, 87, 168-74. The Woolwas had fish 'which had been shot with arrows.' Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 403, 248-50, 300-1, 407, 412-13; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 9-13, 35-7.

[985] Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pref., p. 18; Young's Narrative, pp. 76, 99, 133; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 335.

[985] Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pref., p. 18; Young's Narrative, pp. 76, 99, 133; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 335.

[986] Of the people of Las Perlas islands it is said; 'Aen't endt van haer geweer een hay-tandt, schieten met geen boogh.' Esquemelin, Zee-Roovers, pp. 71, 150. Also see: Colon, Hist. Almirante, in Barcia, Historiadores, tom. i., p. 105; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ix., cap. x., and dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii.; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 7-8; Bard's Waikna, pp. 120, 128.

[986] It's said about the people of the Las Perlas islands: 'Aren't they without their weapon, they shoot without any arc.' Esquemelin, Sea Rogues, pp. 71, 150. Also see: Colón, History of the Admiral, in Barcia, Historians, tom. i., p. 105; Herrera, General History, dec. iii., lib. ix., cap. x., and dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii.; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 7-8; Bard's Waikna, pp. 120, 128.

[987] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii.; Esquemelin, Zee-Roovers, p. 153; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., p. 8; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 406; Strangeways' Mosquito Shore, p. 331.

[987] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii.; Esquemelin, Zee-Roovers, p. 153; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., p. 8; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 406; Strangeways' Mosquito Shore, p. 331.

[988] 'Hammocks, made of a Sort of Rushes.' Cockburn's Journey, pp. 64, 23. 'El almohada vn palo, o vna piedra: los cofres son cestillos, aforrados en cueros de venados.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. v. Consult also: Young's Narrative, pp. 76-7; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., p. 85; Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 660; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 100, 116, 123, 138, 173.

[988] 'Hammocks, made of a type of reeds.' Cockburn's Journey, pp. 64, 23. 'The pillow is on a stick or a stone: the chests are small wicker baskets covered in deer skin.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. v. Also check: Young's Narrative, pp. 76-7; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., p. 85; Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 660; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 100, 116, 123, 138, 173.

[989] Sivers, Mittelamerika, p. 167; Bard's Waikna, pp. 127, 298-9. 'Auf irgend eine Zubereitung (of skins) verstehen sich die Indianer nicht.' Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 190, 148. 'They make large Jars here, one of which will hold ten Gallons, and not weigh one Pound.' Cockburn's Journey, p. 83.

[989] Sivers, Central America, p. 167; Bard's Waikna, pp. 127, 298-9. 'The Indians don't understand any kind of preparation (of skins).' Mosquitoland, Report, pp. 190, 148. 'They make large jars here, one of which can hold ten gallons and weighs less than a pound.' Cockburn's Journey, p. 83.

[990] Young's Narrative, pp. 11, 19, 76, 160-1; Martin's West Indies, vol. i., pp. 155-6; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 35, 85. 'Der Tuberose tree der Engländer liefert die stärksten Baumstämme, deren die Indianer sich zur Anfertigung ihrer grössten Wasserfahrzeuge bedienen.' Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 116, 70, 147.

[990] Young's Narrative, pp. 11, 19, 76, 160-1; Martin's West Indies, vol. i., pp. 155-6; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 35, 85. 'The tuberose tree provides the strongest logs that the Indigenous people use to make their largest watercraft.' Mosquitoland, Report, pp. 116, 70, 147.

[991] The Mosquitos have 'little trade except in tortoise-shells and sarsaparilla.' Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 659. Compare Bard's Waikna, p. 317; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 252; Strangeways' Mosquito Shore, p. 337; Young's Narrative, pp. 16, 82, 86-7, 91, 126; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii., v.; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 148, 171-4, 190.

[991] The Mosquitos have 'little trade except in tortoise shells and sarsaparilla.' Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 659. Compare Bard's Waikna, p. 317; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 252; Strangeways' Mosquito Shore, p. 337; Young's Narrative, pp. 16, 82, 86-7, 91, 126; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii., v.; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 148, 171-4, 190.

[992] The Mosquitos 'divisaient l'année en 18 mois de 20 jours, et ils appellaient les mois Ioalar.' Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 472. 'Dit konense reeckenen by de Maen, daer van sy vyftien voor een jaer reeckenen.' Esquemelin, Zee-Roovers, p. 152. 'Für die Berechnung der Jahre existirt keine Aera. Daher weiss Niemand sein Alter.' Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 142, 267-8. See also Bard's Waikna, pp. 244-5; Young's Narrative, p. 76; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. vi.

[992] The Mosquitos divided the year into 18 months of 20 days each, and they called the months Ioalar. Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., vol. vi., p. 472. 'They used to count by the moon, for which they calculated fifteen for one year.' Esquemelin, Zee-Roovers, p. 152. 'For the calculation of years, there is no era. Therefore, nobody knows their age.' Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 142, 267-8. See also Bard's Waikna, pp. 244-5; Young's Narrative, p. 76; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. vi.

[993] Bard's Waikna, pp. 292-3; Cockburn's Journey, p. 37; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 63. The natives of Honduras had 'pedaços de Tierra, llamada Calcide, con la qual se funde el Metal.' Colon, Hist. Almirante, in Barcia, Historiadores, tom. i., p. 104.

[993] Bard's Waikna, pp. 292-3; Cockburn's Journey, p. 37; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 63. The indigenous people of Honduras had 'pieces of land, called Calcide, which is used to melt the metal.' Colón, Hist. Almirante, in Barcia, Historiadores, vol. i., p. 104.

[994] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. v.; Cockburn's Journey, p. 45; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 10-11; Esquemelin, Zee-Roovers, p. 150; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 406; Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 184; Crowe's Cent. Amer., p. 49; Winterfeldt, Mosquito-Staat, p. 22; Bard's Waikna, pp. 231, 297-8; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., pp. 258-9; Squier, in Harper's Mag., vol. xix., p. 614; Id., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1858, tom. clx., p. 134; Young's Narrative, pp. 71, 98; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 171-2. 'Sie stehen unter eignen Kaziken, die ihre Anführer im Kriege machen und welchen sie unbedingt gehorchen.' Poyas, 'Ihre Regierungsform ist aristokratisch.' Hassel, Mex. Guat., pp. 388, 390. Mosquito 'conjurers are in fact the priests, the lawyers and the judges ... the king is a despotic monarch.' Bonnycastle's Span. Amer., vol. i., p. 174.

[994] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. v.; Cockburn's Journey, p. 45; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 10-11; Esquemelin, Zee-Roovers, p. 150; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 406; Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 184; Crowe's Cent. Amer., p. 49; Winterfeldt, Mosquito-Staat, p. 22; Bard's Waikna, pp. 231, 297-8; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., pp. 258-9; Squier, in Harper's Mag., vol. xix., p. 614; Id., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1858, tom. clx., p. 134; Young's Narrative, pp. 71, 98; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 171-2. 'They are under their own chiefs, who lead them in war and to whom they obey unconditionally.' Poyas, 'Their form of government is aristocratic.' Hassel, Mex. Guat., pp. 388, 390. Mosquito 'conjurers are basically the priests, the lawyers, and the judges... the king is an absolute monarch.' Bonnycastle's Span. Amer., vol. i., p. 174.

[995] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 335.

[995] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., vol. i., p. 335.

[996] Bard's Waikna, pp. 127, 129-30, 202-11, 236, 243, 299-300, 321-3; Strangeways' Mosquito Shore, pp. 332, 336; Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 137; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 216. 'They marry but one Wife, with whom they live till death separates them.' Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., p. 9. 'Doch besitzen in der That die meisten Männer nur ein Weib.' Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 144-6, 133-9; Salazar y Olarte, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. ii., p. 312.

[996] Bard's Waikna, pp. 127, 129-30, 202-11, 236, 243, 299-300, 321-3; Strangeways' Mosquito Shore, pp. 332, 336; Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 137; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., vol. iii., p. 216. 'They marry only one wife, with whom they stay until death separates them.' Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., p. 9. 'In reality, most men have only one wife.' Mosquitoland, Report, pp. 144-6, 133-9; Salazar y Olarte, Hist. Conq. Mex., vol. ii., p. 312.

[997] Esquemelin relates that the natives on the Belize coast and adjacent islands carried the new-born infant to the temple, where it was placed naked in a hole filled with ashes, exposed to the wild beasts, and left there until the track of some animal was noticed in the ashes. This became patron to the child who was taught to offer it incense and to invoke it for protection. Zee-Roovers, pp. 64-9, 149. The genitals are pierced as a proof of constancy and affection for a woman. Id., pp. 151-3. Compare Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. vi., lib. viii., cap. iii.-vi.; Young's Narrative, pp. 73, 75, 123, 125; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 251, 254-5, 257-8; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 249, 306-8; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 335; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 409; Crowe's Cent. Amer., pp. 49, 245-7.

[997] Esquemelin describes that the native people along the Belize coast and nearby islands would take the newborn baby to the temple, where it was laid naked in a hole filled with ashes, exposed to wild animals, and left there until tracks from an animal were found in the ashes. This animal then became the child's guardian, and the child was taught to offer incense and pray to it for protection. Zee-Roovers, pp. 64-9, 149. The genitals are pierced as a sign of loyalty and love for a woman. Id., pp. 151-3. Compare Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. vi., lib. viii., cap. iii.-vi.; Young's Narrative, pp. 73, 75, 123, 125; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 251, 254-5, 257-8; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 249, 306-8; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 335; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 409; Crowe's Cent. Amer., pp. 49, 245-7.

[998] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii., vi.; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 255-6. The Woolwas 'haben gewisse Jahresfeste bei welchen weder ein Fremder noch Weiber und Kinder des eignen Stammes zugelassen werden. Bei diesen Festen führen sie mit lautem Geschrei ihre Tänze auf, "wobei ihnen ihr Gott Gesellschaft leistet."' Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. i., pp. 407-8.

[998] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii., vi.; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 255-6. The Woolwas have certain annual festivals where neither strangers nor women and children from their own tribe are allowed. During these festivals, they perform their dances with loud shouts, "with their God joining them." Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. i., pp. 407-8.

[999] Squier, in Harper's Mag., vol. xix., pp. 603-6, 613; Sivers, Mittelamerika, pp. 171-2, 174-6; Martin's West Indies, vol. i., p. 155; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 337; Uring's Hist. Voy., pp. 223-5; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 10, 127; Bard's Waikna, pp. 205-9, 226-9, 232-3, 299; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 108, 141-2, 146-7, 196, 201-2, 267; Crowe's Cent. Amer., p. 247; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 306, 405; Young's Narrative, pp. 30-3, 72, 77-8, 125, 132-5; Esquemelin, Zee-Roovers, pp. 150-1. The natives of Honduras kept small birds which 'could talk intelligibly, and whistle and sing admirably.' Cockburn's Journey, pp. 52-3, 46, 70-2, 88-90.

[999] Squier, in Harper's Mag., vol. xix., pp. 603-6, 613; Sivers, Mittelamerika, pp. 171-2, 174-6; Martin's West Indies, vol. i., p. 155; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 337; Uring's Hist. Voy., pp. 223-5; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 10, 127; Bard's Waikna, pp. 205-9, 226-9, 232-3, 299; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 108, 141-2, 146-7, 196, 201-2, 267; Crowe's Cent. Amer., p. 247; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 306, 405; Young's Narrative, pp. 30-3, 72, 77-8, 125, 132-5; Esquemelin, Zee-Roovers, pp. 150-1. The natives of Honduras kept small birds that 'could talk clearly, and whistle and sing wonderfully.' Cockburn's Journey, pp. 52-3, 46, 70-2, 88-90.

[1000] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iv.-vi.; Cockburn's Journey, pp. 36, 45-6; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 8-9, 86; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 142-3; Martin's Brit. Col., vol. ii., p. 413; Bard's Waikna, pp. 228-32, 239-43, 256-8, 273-4. Sivers was thought possessed of the devil, and carefully shunned, because he imitated the crowing of a cock. Sivers, Mittelamerika, p. 178.

[1000] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iv.-vi.; Cockburn's Journey, pp. 36, 45-6; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 8-9, 86; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 142-3; Martin's Brit. Col., vol. ii., p. 413; Bard's Waikna, pp. 228-32, 239-43, 256-8, 273-4. Sivers was believed to be possessed by the devil and was carefully avoided because he mimicked a rooster's crow. Sivers, Mittelamerika, p. 178.

[1001] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. v., dec. v., lib. i., cap. x.; Crowe's Cent. Amer., pp. 245-7; Young's Narrative, pp. 23, 26, 28, 73, 82; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 253, 260-1; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 132, 148-51; Bard's Waikna, pp. 243-4.

[1001] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. v., dec. v., lib. i., cap. x.; Crowe's Cent. Amer., pp. 245-7; Young's Narrative, pp. 23, 26, 28, 73, 82; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 253, 260-1; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 132, 148-51; Bard's Waikna, pp. 243-4.

[1002] The dead 'are sewed up in a mat, and not laid in their grave length-ways, but upright on their feet, with their faces directly to the east.' Amer. Span. Settl., p. 46. 'Ein anderer Religionsgebrauch der alten Mosquiten war, dass sie bey dem Tode eines Hausvaters alle seine Bedienten mit ihm begruben.' Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 408. Bard's Waikna, pp. 68-73, 245-6; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 136, 143-4; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 307-8; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 255; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. i., p. 407; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. v.-vi.; Esquemelin, Zee-Roovers, pp. 152-3.

[1002] The dead are wrapped in a mat and not buried lengthwise in their graves, but upright on their feet, facing directly to the east.' Amer. Span. Settl., p. 46. 'Another religious practice among the old Mosquito people was that when a head of the household died, all his servants were buried with him.' Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 408. Bard's Waikna, pp. 68-73, 245-6; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 136, 143-4; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 307-8; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 255; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. i., p. 407; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. v.-vi.; Esquemelin, Zee-Roovers, pp. 152-3.

[1003] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. viii., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. vi., lib. viii., cap. iii., v.; Young's Narrative, pp. 78-82, 85, 87, 122, 133; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 250-2, 257-8; Bard's Waikna, pp. 245, 317, 324; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 135, 139-40, 144-5, 236; Strangeways' Mosquito Shore, p. 329; Puydt, Rapport, in Amérique Centrale, p. 71; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 248-9, 279, 308-9; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pref., pp. 13, 18; Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 240, 289, 302; Crowe's Cent. Amer., pp. 49, 243.

[1003] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. viii., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. vi., lib. viii., cap. iii., v.; Young's Narrative, pp. 78-82, 85, 87, 122, 133; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 250-2, 257-8; Bard's Waikna, pp. 245, 317, 324; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 135, 139-40, 144-5, 236; Strangeways' Mosquito Shore, p. 329; Puydt, Rapport, in Amérique Centrale, p. 71; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 248-9, 279, 308-9; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pref., pp. 13, 18; Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 240, 289, 302; Crowe's Cent. Amer., pp. 49, 243.

[1004] The Guatusos 'are said to be of very fair complexion, a statement which has caused the appellation of Indios blancos, or Guatusos—the latter name being that of an animal of reddish-brown colour, and intended to designate the colour of their hair.' Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 24; Id., Aus Amer., tom. i., p. 244. Speaking of Sir Francis Drake's mutineers and their escape from Esparsa northward, he says: 'It is believed by many in Costa Rica that the white Indians of the Rio Frio, called Pranzos, or Guatusos ... are the descendants of these Englishmen.' Boyle's Ride, vol. ii., pp. 210, 27, and vol. i., pref., pp. xx-xxii. 'Talamanca contains 26 different tribes of Indians; besides which there are several neighbouring nations, as the Changuenes, divided into thirteen tribes; the Terrabas, the Torresques, Urinamas, and Cavecaras.' Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 373; Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 413; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 407; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 331-3.

[1004] The Guatusos are described as having very light skin, which has led to them being called Indios blancos, or Guatusos—the latter name referring to a reddish-brown animal, meant to indicate the color of their hair. Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 24; Id., Aus Amer., tom. i., p. 244. Regarding Sir Francis Drake's mutineers and their escape from Esparsa to the north, it is stated: 'Many in Costa Rica believe that the white Indians of the Rio Frio, known as Pranzos, or Guatusos ... are the descendants of these Englishmen.' Boyle's Ride, vol. ii., pp. 210, 27, and vol. i., pref., pp. xx-xxii. 'Talamanca has 26 different tribes of Indians; in addition, there are several neighboring nations, such as the Changuenes, divided into thirteen tribes; the Terrabas, the Torresques, Urinamas, and Cavecaras.' Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 373; Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 413; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 407; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 331-3.

[1005] 'The indians who at present inhabit the Isthmus are scattered over Bocas del Toro, the northern portions of Veraguas, the north-eastern shores of Panama and almost the whole of Darien, and consist principally of four tribes, the Savanerics, the San Blas Indians, the Bayanos, and the Cholos.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 317. 'At the time of the conquest of Darien, the country was covered with numerous and well-peopled villages. The inhabitants belonged to the Carribbee race, divided into tribes, the principal being the Maudinghese, Chucunaquese, Dariens, Cunas, Anachacunas, &c. On the eastern shore of the Gulf of Uraba dwelt the immense but now nearly exterminated tribe of the Caimans,—only a few remnants of the persecutions of the Spaniards, having taken refuge in the Choco Mountains, where they are still found.... The Dariens, as well as the Anachacunas, have either totally disappeared or been absorbed in other tribes.' Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., pp. 91-2; Fitz-Roy, in Id., vol. xx., pp. 163-4; Roquette, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1855, tom. cxlvii., p. 30; Bateman, in N. Y. Century, 6th Decem., 1860; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 406; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., vol. i., p. 823; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, introd., p. ccii. See Tribal Boundaries.

[1005] 'The Indigenous people currently living in the Isthmus are spread across Bocas del Toro, the northern parts of Veraguas, the northeastern shores of Panama, and almost all of Darien. They mainly consist of four tribes: the Savanerics, the San Blas Indians, the Bayanos, and the Cholos.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 317. 'At the time of the conquest of Darien, the area was filled with many well-populated villages. The residents were part of the Carib race, which was divided into tribes, the main ones being the Maudinghese, Chucunaquese, Dariens, Cunas, Anachacunas, etc. On the eastern shore of the Gulf of Uraba lived the large but now nearly extinct tribe of the Caimans—only a few remnants survived the Spanish persecutions, having taken refuge in the Choco Mountains, where they can still be found.... The Dariens, along with the Anachacunas, have either completely vanished or been absorbed into other tribes.' Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., pp. 91-2; Fitz-Roy, in Id., vol. xx., pp. 163-4; Roquette, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1855, tom. cxlvii., p. 30; Bateman, in N. Y. Century, 6th Decem., 1860; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 406; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., vol. i., p. 823; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, introd., p. ccii. See Tribal Boundaries.

[1006] Savanerics, 'a fine athletic race.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 318. 'Tienen los cascos de la cabeça gruessos.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 138. 'The Chocós are not tall nor remarkable in appearance, but always look well conditioned.' Michler's Darien, p. 65. 'Son apersonados.' Dávila, Teatro Ecles., tom. ii., fol. 56; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 77, 87; Selfridge's Darien Surveys, pp. 10, 36; Colon, Hist. Almirante, in Barcia, Historiadores, tom. i., p. 107; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., pp. 95-7; Peter Martyr, dec. viii., lib. vi; Gisborne's Darien, p. 155; Cockburn's Journey, p. 235; D'Avity, L'Amérique, tom. ii., p. 98; Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, p. 365; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., vol. i., p. 823; Fransham's World in Miniature, p. 25. 'Afirmaua Pasqual de Andagoya, auer visto algunos tan grandes, que los otros hombres eran enanos con ellos, y que tenian buenas caras, y cuerpos.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. vi.; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 412; Gage's New Survey, p. 174; Darien, Defence of the Scots' Settlement, pp. 69-70; Cullen's Darien, pp. 65, 67.

[1006] Savanerics, 'a strong athletic group.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 318. 'They have thick skulls.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 138. 'The Chocós are not tall or particularly striking in appearance, but they always look fit.' Michler's Darien, p. 65. 'They are well-built.' Dávila, Teatro Ecles., tom. ii., fol. 56; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 77, 87; Selfridge's Darien Surveys, pp. 10, 36; Colon, Hist. Almirante, in Barcia, Historiadores, tom. i., p. 107; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., pp. 95-7; Peter Martyr, dec. viii., lib. vi; Gisborne's Darien, p. 155; Cockburn's Journey, p. 235; D'Avity, L'Amérique, tom. ii., p. 98; Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, p. 365; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., vol. i., p. 823; Fransham's World in Miniature, p. 25. 'Pasqual de Andagoya claimed he had seen some so large that the other men looked like dwarfs next to them, and they had handsome faces and strong bodies.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. vi.; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 412; Gage's New Survey, p. 174; Darien, Defence of the Scots' Settlement, pp. 69-70; Cullen's Darien, pp. 65, 67.

[1007] Golfo Dulce. 'Modicæ sunt staturæ, bene compositis membris, moribus blandis et non invenustis.' Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 329. 'It is a universal belief along the Atlantic coast, from Belize to Aspinwall, that the Frio tribe have white complexions, fair hair, and grey eyes.' Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pp. 20, 236, and pref., pp. xxi-xxii.; Squier, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1856, tom. cli., pp. 6, 12; Id., in Hist. Mag., vol. iv., p. 62; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 131-7.

[1007] Golfo Dulce. 'They are of moderate height, with well-proportioned limbs, charming manners, and not unattractive.' Laet, New World, p. 329. 'It is a widely held belief along the Atlantic coast, from Belize to Aspinwall, that the Frio tribe has white skin, fair hair, and gray eyes.' Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pp. 20, 236, and pref., pp. xxi-xxii.; Squier, in New Annals of Travel, 1856, tom. cli., pp. 6, 12; Id., in Hist. Mag., vol. iv., p. 62; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 131-7.

[1008] 'El miembro generativo traen atado por el capullo, haçiéndole entrar tanto adentro, que á algunos no se les paresçe de tal arma sino la atadura, que es unos hilos de algodon allí revueltos.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 109-11, 179. See also: Cockburn's Journey, pp. 181-3, 188; Wagner and Scherzer, Costa Rica, pp. 557-9; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., p. 251. Referring to Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, 'La gente que hallo andaua en cueros, sino eran señores, cortesanos, y mugeres.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 82, 66, 87. Urabá; 'Ex gentibus ijs mares nudos penitus, fœminas uero ab umbilico gossampina contectas multitia repererunt.' Peter Martyr, dec. ii., lib. i., also dec. iii., lib. iv., dec. vii., lib. x., dec. viii., lib. vi., viii.; Quintana, Vidas de Españoles (Balboa), p. 9; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 37, 87, 102, plate, 132-4, 138-48, plate; Wallace, in Miscellanea Curiosa, vol. iii., p. 418; Warburton's Darien, p. 322; Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 26; Andagoya, in Id., pp. 307-8, 407, 412; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v., vi., and dec. iv., lib. i., cap. x.; Michler's Darien, pp. 43, 65-6, 86.

[1008] 'The generative member is tied by a cocoon, making it go in so deep that to some it seems like such a weapon is nothing but the binding, which consists of some cotton threads tangled there.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., vol. iii., pp. 109-11, 179. See also: Cockburn's Journey, pp. 181-3, 188; Wagner and Scherzer, Costa Rica, pp. 557-9; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., p. 251. Referring to Vasco Núñez de Balboa, 'The people he found were dressed in skins, except for the lords, courtiers, and women.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 82, 66, 87. Urabá; 'From these people, they found the men completely naked, but the women were covered from the navel with cotton cloth.' Peter Martyr, dec. ii., lib. i., also dec. iii., lib. iv., dec. vii., lib. x., dec. viii., lib. vi., viii.; Quintana, Vidas de Españoles (Balboa), p. 9; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 37, 87, 102, plate, 132-4, 138-48, plate; Wallace, in Miscellanea Curiosa, vol. iii., p. 418; Warburton's Darien, p. 322; Navarrete, Col. de Viages, vol. iii., p. 26; Andagoya, in Id., pp. 307-8, 407, 412; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v., vi., and dec. iv., lib. i., cap. x.; Michler's Darien, pp. 43, 65-6, 86.

[1009] Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., pp. 314, 316; Porras, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. i., p. 285; Colon, in Id., p. 298; Cockburn's Journey, pp. 240-1; Gage's New Survey, p. 191; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 88, 284; and Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 99, 319; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., pp. 95-8; Selfridge's Darien Surveys, p. 10; Cullen's Darien, pp. 67-8; Esquemelin, Zee-Roovers, p. 142; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxlii.-ccxliv. The women of Cueba 'se ponian una barra de oro atravessada en los pechos, debaxo de las tetas, que se las levanta, y en ella algunos páxaros é otras figuras de relieve, todo de oro fino: que por lo menos pessaba çiento é çinqüenta é aun dosiçentos pessos una barreta destas.... Destos caracoles grandes se haçen unas conteçicas blancas de muchas maneras, é otras coloradas, é otras negras, é otras moradas, é cañuticos de lo mesmo: é haçen braçaletes en que con estas qüentas mezclan otras, é olivetas de oro que se ponen en las muñecas y ençima de los tobillos é debaxo de las rodillas por gentileça: en espeçial las mugeres.... Traen assimesmo çarçillos de oro en las orejas, é horádanse las nariçes hecho un agugero entre las ventanas, é cuelgan de allí sobre el labio alto otro çarçillo.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 126, 138.

[1009] Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., pp. 314, 316; Porras, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. i., p. 285; Colon, in Id., p. 298; Cockburn's Journey, pp. 240-1; Gage's New Survey, p. 191; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 88, 284; and Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 99, 319; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., pp. 95-8; Selfridge's Darien Surveys, p. 10; Cullen's Darien, pp. 67-8; Esquemelin, Zee-Roovers, p. 142; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxlii.-ccxliv. The women of Cueba would wear a gold bar across their chests, under their breasts, which lifts them up, and it has birds and other raised figures, all made of fine gold: each of these bars weighed at least one hundred and fifty, and sometimes two hundred grams.... From these large shells, they make white beads in various shapes, and others in red, black, and purple, as well as little tubes made from the same material: they create bracelets by mixing these beads with others and gold olives which they wear on their wrists and above their ankles and below their knees out of elegance: especially the women.... They also wear gold earrings and pierce their noses, making a hole between the nostrils, and hang another earring from there over their upper lip. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 126, 138.

[1010] Their hair 'they wear usually down to the middle of the Back, or lower, hanging loose at its full length.... All other Hair, except that of their Eye-brows and Eye-lids, they eradicate.' Wafer's New Voy., pp. 132-3; Gisborne's Darien, p. 155; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., p. 824; D'Avity, L'Amérique, tom. i., p. 98.

[1010] They usually wear their hair down to the middle of their back or lower, hanging loose to its full length. They remove all other hair except for their eyebrows and eyelashes. Wafer's New Voy., pp. 132-3; Gisborne's Darien, p. 155; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., p. 824; D'Avity, L'Amérique, tom. i., p. 98.

[1011] Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 86; Squier, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1836, tom. cli., p. 9; Froebel, Aus Amer., tom. i., p. 246; Id., Cent. Amer., p. 26; Wagner and Scherzer, Costa Rica, p. 253.

[1011] Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 86; Squier, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1836, tom. cli., p. 9; Froebel, Aus Amer., tom. i., p. 246; Id., Cent. Amer., p. 26; Wagner and Scherzer, Costa Rica, p. 253.

[1012] Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 95; Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., pp. 319, 321-2; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, p. 151; Michler's Darien, p. 84; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 149-52; Cockburn's Journey, pp. 234-5. On the banks of the Rio Grande, the Spaniards under Johan de Tavira found 'muchas poblaçiones en barbacoas ó casas muy altas, fechas é armadas sobre postes de palmas negras fortíssimas é quassi inexpugnables'.... 'Hay otra manera de buhíos ó casas en Nata redondos, como unos chapiteles muy altos.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 50, 131, 8, 46. 'En otras muchas partes hacian sus casas de madera y de paja de la forma de una campana. Estas eran muy altas y muy capaces que moraban en cada una de ellas diez y mas vecinos.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. 43.

[1012] Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 95; Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., pp. 319, 321-2; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, p. 151; Michler's Darien, p. 84; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 149-52; Cockburn's Journey, pp. 234-5. Along the banks of the Rio Grande, the Spaniards led by Johan de Tavira discovered 'many villages in barbacoa or very tall houses, built and supported on strong black palm posts that were almost impregnable'.... 'There is another type of buhíos or round houses in Nata, resembling very tall spires.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 50, 131, 8, 46. 'In many other places, they built their houses with wood and straw shaped like a bell. These were very tall and spacious, often housing ten or more families in each one.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. 43.

[1013] 'Hallaron muchos pueblos cercados, con palenques de madera.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. ix., dec. i., lib. ix., cap. ii., vi. 'Tengano le lor case in cima de gli alberi.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 160. See also: Irving's Columbus, vol. iii., p. 176; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 75; Colon, Hist. Almirante, in Barcia, Historiadores, tom. i., p. 108.

[1013] 'They found many surrounded towns with wooden palisades.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. ix., dec. i., lib. ix., cap. ii., vi. 'Let them build their houses on top of the trees.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 160. See also: Irving's Columbus, vol. iii., p. 176; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 75; Colon, Hist. Almirante, in Barcia, Historiadores, tom. i., p. 108.

[1014] Of Comagre's palace it is said, 'Longitudinem dimensi passuum centum quinquaginta, latitudinem uero pedum octoginta, in uacuo dinumerarunt: laquearibus et pauimentis arte eximia laboratis.' Peter Martyr, dec. ii., lib. iii. Compare further: Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 64-5, 87; Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 71-2, 98; Darien, Defence of the Scots' Settlement, p. 81.

[1014] Of Comagre's palace, it is said, 'Its length measures one hundred and fifty paces, while its width is eighty feet, counted in the open: the ceilings and floors are crafted with exceptional skill.' Peter Martyr, dec. ii., lib. iii. For further comparison, see: Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 64-5, 87; Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 71-2, 98; Darien, Defence of the Scots' Settlement, p. 81.

[1015] Squier, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1856, tom. cli., p. 11; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pref., pp. xii., xxiii.; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 407; Cockburn's Journey, pp. 204, 224-5; Wagner and Scherzer, Costa Rica, pp. 558-9. On the Chara Islands, 'comen los indios en estas islas muchos venados é puercos, que los hay en grandissima cantidad, é mahiz, é fésoles muchos é de diversas maneras, é muchos é buenos pescados, é tambien sapo ... é ninguna cosa viva dexan de comer por suçia que sea.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 110.

[1015] Squier, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1856, vol. cli., p. 11; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., preface, pp. xii., xxiii.; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 407; Cockburn's Journey, pp. 204, 224-5; Wagner and Scherzer, Costa Rica, pp. 558-9. On the Chara Islands, 'the Indians here eat many deer and pigs, which are found in great numbers, as well as corn and various kinds of beans, and many good fish, and also frogs... and they eat everything alive, no matter how gross it may be.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., vol. iii., p. 110.

[1016] 'Hanno la maggior parte di questa costiera per costume di mangiar carne humana e quando mangiauano de gli Spagnuoli, v'erano di coloro che ricusauano di cibarsene, temendo ancora che nel lor corpo, non gli facessero quelle carni qualche danno.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 49. On the coast 'they live principally upon fish, plantains, and bananas, with Indian corn and a kind of cassava.' Selfridge's Darien Surveys, pp. 10, 20. Compare Colon, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. i., p. 308; Balboa, in Id., tom. iii., pp. 364-5; Alcedo, Dicc., tom. v., p. 293; Cullen's Darien, pp. 65, 68-9; Colombo, Hist. Ammiraglio, p. 412; Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, pp. 20-2.

[1016] 'Most of them along this coast have a habit of eating human flesh, and when they consumed the flesh of Spaniards, there were some who refused it, still fearing that it could cause harm to their bodies.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 49. On the coast, 'they mainly eat fish, plantains, and bananas, along with corn and a type of cassava.' Selfridge's Darien Surveys, pp. 10, 20. Compare Colon, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, vol. i., p. 308; Balboa, in Id., vol. iii., pp. 364-5; Alcedo, Dicc., vol. v., p. 293; Cullen's Darien, pp. 65, 68-9; Colombo, Hist. Ammiraglio, p. 412; Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, pp. 20-2.

[1017] 'Cogen dos y tres vezes al año maiz, y por esto no lo engraneran.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 82, 88. 'Seguian mucho la caça de venados, y de aquellos puercos con el ombligo al espinazo.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v., xv. For further details see Michler's Darien, pp. 65, 68, 81; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 403, 407; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 71; and Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 79; Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., pp. 315, 319; Peter Martyr, dec. viii., lib. vii.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 132-3, 136, 139; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 88, 101, 106-7, 129-130, 152-6, 170-7.

[1017] 'They harvest corn two to three times a year, and for this reason, they don't grind it.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 82, 88. 'They often hunted deer and those pigs with their navels against their spines.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v., xv. For more details, see Michler's Darien, pp. 65, 68, 81; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 403, 407; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 71; and Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 79; Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., pp. 315, 319; Peter Martyr, dec. viii., lib. vii.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 132-3, 136, 139; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 88, 101, 106-7, 129-130, 152-6, 170-7.

[1018] Michler's Darien, p. 65; Cockburn's Journey, p. 236. 'Tienen por costumbre, assi los indios como las indias, de se bañar tres ó quatro veçes al dia, por estar limpios é porque diçen que descansan en lavarse.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 135-6.

[1018] Michler's Darien, p. 65; Cockburn's Journey, p. 236. 'Both the men and women have a tradition of bathing three or four times a day to stay clean and because they say it helps them relax.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., vol. iii., pp. 135-6.

[1019] In Cueva, 'no son flecheros, é pelean con macanas é con lanças luengas y con varas que arrojan, como dardos con estóricas (que son cierta manera de avientos) de unos bastones bien labrados.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 127, 129. 'Sunt autem ipsorum arma, non arcus, non sagittæ uenenatæ, uti habere indígenas illos trans sinum orientales diximus. Cominus hi certant ut plurimum, ensibus oblongis, quos macanas ipsi appellant, ligneis tamen, quia ferrum non assequuntur: et præustis sudibus aut osseis cuspidibus, missilibus etiam ad præluim utuntur.' Peter Martyr, dec. ii., lib. iii., also, dec. iv., lib. x., dec. v., lib. ix. Compare further, Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. ix., cap. vi., lib. x., cap. i.; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 403; Parras, in Id., tom. i., p. 285; Cockburn's Journey, p. 225; D'Avity, L'Amérique., p. 98; Otis' Panamá, pp. 77-8; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., pp. 95, 98.

[1019] In Cueva, "they are not archers; they fight with clubs and long spears and with sticks that they throw like darts with points (which are a kind of projectile) made from well-crafted rods." Oviedo, Hist. Gen., vol. iii., pp. 127, 129. "Their weapons, in fact, include no bows or poisoned arrows, as we mentioned in relation to those indigenous people beyond the eastern gulf. In close combat, they mostly fight with long blades, which they call macanas, made of wood because they do not have access to iron; and they also use fire-hardened stakes or bone-tipped projectiles." Peter Martyr, dec. ii., lib. iii., also, dec. iv., lib. x., dec. v., lib. ix. For further comparisons, see Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. ix., cap. vi., lib. x., cap. i.; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, vol. iii., p. 403; Parras, in Id., vol. i., p. 285; Cockburn's Journey, p. 225; D'Avity, L'Amérique., p. 98; Otis' Panamá, pp. 77-8; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., pp. 95, 98.

[1020] 'The pipe was made of two pieces of reed, each forming a half circle; these being placed together left a small hole, just large enough for the admission of the arrow.... The arrows are about eight inches long ... the point very sharp, and cut like a corkscrew for an inch up.... This is rolled in the poison.... The arrow will fly one hundred yards, and is certain death to man or animal wounded by it; no cure as yet having been discovered. A tiger, when hit, runs ten or a dozen yards, staggers, becomes sick, and dies in four or five minutes. A bird is killed as with a bullet, and the arrow and wounded part of the flesh being cut out, the remainder is eaten without danger.' Cochrane's Journal in Colombia, vol. ii., pp. 405-7. 'That poyson killeth him that is wounded, but not suddenly.... Whoso is wounded, liues a miserable and strict life after that, for he must abstaine from many things.' Peter Martyr, dec. viii., lib. viii. 'Some woorali (corova) and poisoned arrows that I obtained from the Indians of the interior were procured by them from Choco ... their deadly effect is almost instantaneous.' Cullen's Darien, p. 67. 'We inquired of all the Indians, both men and boys, at Caledonia Bay and at San Blas for the "curari" or "urari" poison ... they brought us what they represented to be the bona-fide poison.... It turned out to be nothing but the juice of the manzanillo del playa. So, if this is their chief poison, and is the same as the "curari", it is not so much to be dreaded.' Selfridge's Darien Surveys, pp. 136-7. See further, Fitz-Roy, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xx., p. 164; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi.; Michler's Darien, p. 77; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., p. 41.

[1020] 'The pipe was made from two pieces of reed, each shaped like a half circle; when put together, they left a small opening, just big enough for the arrow to fit through.... The arrows are about eight inches long ... the tip is very sharp and twisted like a corkscrew for an inch.... This is coated in poison.... The arrow can travel a hundred yards and is guaranteed to be fatal to any person or animal it wounds; no cure has been found yet. A tiger, when struck, runs ten or a dozen yards, stumbles, gets sick, and dies within four or five minutes. A bird is killed as if by a bullet, and after removing the arrow and the damaged flesh, the rest is safe to eat.' Cochrane's Journal in Colombia, vol. ii., pp. 405-7. 'That poison kills anyone who is wounded, but not immediately.... Whoever is wounded lives a painful and strict life afterward, as they must avoid many things.' Peter Martyr, dec. viii., lib. viii. 'Some woorali (corova) and poisoned arrows I got from the Indians in the interior were obtained by them from Choco ... their deadly effect is almost immediate.' Cullen's Darien, p. 67. 'We asked all the Indians, both men and boys, at Caledonia Bay and San Blas about the "curari" or "urari" poison ... they brought us what they claimed was the bona-fide poison.... It turned out to be nothing but the juice of the manzanillo del playa. So, if this is their main poison, and it's the same as "curari," it’s not as much to be feared.' Selfridge's Darien Surveys, pp. 136-7. See further, Fitz-Roy, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xx., p. 164; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi.; Michler's Darien, p. 77; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., p. 41.

[1021] Acosta, N. Granada, p. 6; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 88; Carli, Cartas, pt. i., p. 17. 'Traian suscoseletes fechos de algodon, que les llegaban é abaxaban de las espaldas dellos, é les llegaban á las rodillas é dende abaxo, é las mangas fasta los codos, é tan gruesos como un colchon de cama, son tan fuertes, que una ballesta no los pasa.' Pacheco, Col. Doc. Inéd., tom. ii., p. 516.

[1021] Acosta, N. Granada, p. 6; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 88; Carli, Cartas, pt. i., p. 17. 'Trajan raised cotton cloths, which came up and down from their backs, reaching their knees and below, with sleeves up to the elbows, and as thick as a mattress, so strong that a crossbow can’t penetrate them.' Pacheco, Col. Doc. Inéd., tom. ii., p. 516.

[1022] 'Cuando iban á la guerra llevaban coronas de oro en las cabezas y unas patenas grandes en los pechos y braceletes y otras joyas en otros lugares del cuerpo.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxv., ccxliv. 'El herido en la guerra es hidalgo, y goza de grandes franquezas.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 88. 'A los que pueden matar matan, é á los que prenden los hierran é se sirven dellos por esclavos.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 129, 126. See further: Quintana, Vidas Españoles (Balboa), p. 8; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v.; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 399, 403, 412; Peter Martyr, dec. iii., lib. iv., dec. viii., lib. viii.; Wafer's New Voy., p. 133.

[1022] 'When they went to war, they wore gold crowns on their heads, large breastplates on their chests, and bracelets and other jewelry on different parts of their bodies.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxv., ccxliv. 'The one injured in battle is a gentleman and enjoys significant privileges.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 88. 'Those who can kill do so, and those they capture are wounded and used as slaves.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 129, 126. See further: Quintana, Vidas Españoles (Balboa), p. 8; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v.; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 399, 403, 412; Peter Martyr, dec. iii., lib. iv., dec. viii., lib. viii.; Wafer's New Voy., p. 133.

[1023] 'La manta de la hamaca no es hecha red, sino entera é muy gentil tela delgada é ancha.... Hay otras, que la manta es de paja texida é de colores é labores.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 131, 136, 138, 142, 181. 'Muy buenas redes con anzuelos de hueso que hacen de concha de tortuga.' Vega, Hist. Descub. Amer., p. 145. 'Tenian los Reyes y Señores ricos y señalados vasos con que bebian.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxv. Compare further: Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., lib. ix., cap. i., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. i.; Peter Martyr, dec. ii., lib. i., dec. vii., lib. x.; Michler's Darien, pp. 66, 77; Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, pp. 21-2.

[1023] 'The hammock's blanket isn't made from netting, but from a whole, very fine, wide fabric... There are others where the blanket is woven from straw and comes in various colors and designs.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., vol. iii., pp. 131, 136, 138, 142, 181. 'Very good nets with bone hooks made from turtle shell.' Vega, Hist. Descub. Amer., p. 145. 'The kings and wealthy nobles had vessels from which they drank.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., chap. lxv. For more, see: Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., book vii., chap. xvi., book ix., chap. i., dec. ii., book ii., chap. i.; Peter Martyr, dec. ii., book i., dec. vii., book x.; Michler's Darien, pp. 66, 77; Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, pp. 21-2.

[1024] Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 348; Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 320; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, p. 29; Cockburn's Journey, pp. 172-3, 243-4; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 92-4, 160-2. Referring to Chiriquí earthen relics; 'The vessels ... are neatly and sometimes very gracefully formed of clay.... Several bear resemblance to Roman, Grecian, and Etruscan jars.... Dr. Merritt mentioned that the natives of the Isthmus now make their rude earthen utensils of a peculiar black earth, which gives them the appearance of iron.' Hist. Mag., vol. iv., p. 176. In Veragua 'vide sábanas grandes de algodon, labradas de muy sotiles labores; otras pintadas muy sútilmente a colores con pinceles.' Colon, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. i., p. 308.

[1024] Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 348; Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 320; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, p. 29; Cockburn's Journey, pp. 172-3, 243-4; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 92-4, 160-2. Referring to Chiriquí earthen artifacts; 'The vessels ... are neatly and sometimes very gracefully shaped from clay.... Several resemble Roman, Grecian, and Etruscan jars.... Dr. Merritt pointed out that the natives of the Isthmus now create their rough clay utensils from a distinctive black clay that makes them look like iron.' Hist. Mag., vol. iv., p. 176. In Veragua 'see large cotton sheets, embroidered with very delicate designs; others are painted very subtly in colors with brushes.' Colon, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. i., p. 308.

[1025] 'En estas islas de Chara é Pocosi no tienen canoas, sino balsas'.... In the Province of Cueba 'tienen canoas pequeñas, tambien las usan grandes ... hay canoa que lleva çinquenta ó sessenta hombres é mas.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 110, 159. See also: Michler's Darien, pp. 48, 66-7; Wafer's New Voy., p. 96; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 67; and Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 75; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 99; Acosta, N. Granada, p. 43.

[1025] 'In the islands of Chara and Pocosi, they don’t have canoes, only rafts'.... In the Province of Cueba 'they have small canoes, and they also use large ones... there are canoes that can carry fifty or sixty men or more.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., vol. iii., pp. 110, 159. See also: Michler's Darien, pp. 48, 66-7; Wafer's New Voy., p. 96; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 67; and Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 75; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 99; Acosta, N. Granada, p. 43.

[1026] Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 74, 88; Balboa, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 364-5; Peter Martyr, dec. viii., lib. vi.; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., lib. x., cap. iii.; Belcher's Voyage, vol. i., p. 250; Selfridge's Darien Surveys, pp. 10-11; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 99; Gisborne's Darien, p. 154; Otis' Panamá, p. 77; Cullen's Darien, pp. 65-6. 'Quando los indios no tienen guerra, todo su exerciçio es tractar é trocar quanto tienen unos con otros ... unos llevan sal, otros mahiz, otros mantas, otros hamacas, otros algodon hilado ó por hilar, otros pescados salados; otros llevan oro.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 140, tom. ii., p. 340.

[1026] Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 74, 88; Balboa, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, vol. iii., pp. 364-5; Peter Martyr, dec. viii., book vi.; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., book vii., ch. xvi., book x., ch. iii.; Belcher's Voyage, vol. i., p. 250; Selfridge's Darien Surveys, pp. 10-11; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 99; Gisborne's Darien, p. 154; Otis' Panamá, p. 77; Cullen's Darien, pp. 65-6. 'When the Indians are not at war, all their activity consists of trading what they have with each other ... some bring salt, others corn, others blankets, others hammocks, others cotton, either spun or waiting to be spun, others bring salted fish; some bring gold.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., vol. iii., p. 140, vol. ii., p. 340.

[1027] 'Este cacique Davaive tiene grand fundicion de oro en su casa; tiene cient hombres á la contina que labran oro.' Balboa, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 364-5. 'Hay grandes mineros de cobre: hachas de ello, otras cosas labradas, fundidas, soldadas hube, y fraguas con todo su aparejo de platero y los crisoles.' Colon, in Id., tom. i., p. 308. In Panamá, 'grandes Entalladores, y Pintores.' Dávila, Teatro Ecles., tom. ii., fol. 56. Compare further: Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 88; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. x.; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 29-30; Peter Martyr, dec. iii., lib. iv.; Bidwell's Isthmus, p. 37.

[1027] 'This chief Davaive has a huge gold smelting operation in his home; he employs a hundred men who work with gold.' Balboa, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, vol. iii., pp. 364-5. 'There are significant copper miners: I saw axes, other crafted and forged items, and all the equipment needed for silverwork along with the crucibles.' Colon, in Id., vol. i., p. 308. In Panama, 'great engravers and painters.' Dávila, Teatro Ecles., vol. ii., fol. 56. For further comparison: Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 88; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. x.; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 29-30; Peter Martyr, dec. iii., lib. iv.; Bidwell's Isthmus, p. 37.

[1028] Wafer's New Voy., pp. 178-86; Lussan, Jour. du Voy., p. 46; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 99.

[1028] Wafer's New Voy., pp. 178-86; Lussan, Jour. du Voy., p. 46; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 99.

[1029] 'Besan los pies al hijo, o sobrino, que hereda, estando en la cama: que vale tanto como juramento, y coronacion.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 255-6, 88. 'Todos tenian sus Reies, y Señores, á quien obedecian.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 346. 'Los hijos heredauan a los padres, siendo auidos en la principal muger.... Los Caziques y señores eran muy tenidos y obedecidos.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. x. See also, Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 129-30, 142, 156-7; Quintana, Vidas de Españoles, (Balboa), p. 9; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 399; Wafer's New Voy., p. 163; Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 73; Wallace, in Miscellanea Curiosa, vol. iii., p. 418; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 97; Funnell's Voyage, pp. 131-2; Selfridge's Darien Surveys, p. 20.

[1029] 'They kiss the feet of the son or nephew who inherits while in bed: this is worth as much as an oath and a coronation.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 255-6, 88. 'Everyone had their kings and lords to whom they obeyed.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., vol. ii., p. 346. 'The children inherited from their parents, being raised by the principal woman.... The chiefs and lords were well respected and obeyed.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. x. See also, Oviedo, Hist. Gen., vol. iii., pp. 129-30, 142, 156-7; Quintana, Vidas de Españoles, (Balboa), p. 9; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, vol. iii., p. 399; Wafer's New Voy., p. 163; Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 73; Wallace, in Miscellanea Curiosa, vol. iii., p. 418; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 97; Funnell's Voyage, pp. 131-2; Selfridge's Darien Surveys, p. 20.

[1030] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 8, 126, 129; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 77; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 66; Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 74.

[1030] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., vol. iii., pp. 8, 126, 129; Gomara, Hist. Ind., p. 77; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 66; Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 74.

[1031] Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 98; Macgregor's Process of Amer., pp. 823-5, 829; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxliv. 'Casauanse con hijas de sus hermanas: y los señores tenian muchas mugeres.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. x. 'De las mugeres principales de sus padres, y hermanas ó hijas guardan que no las tomen por mugeres, porque lo tienen por malo.' Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 402-3. Of wives: 'They may haue as many as they please, (excepting their kindred, and allies) vnlesse they be widdowes ... in some place a widdow marryeth the brother of her former husband, or his kinsman, especially if hee left any children.' Peter Martyr, dec. vii., lib. x., dec. viii., lib. viii.

[1031] Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 98; Macgregor's Process of Amer., pp. 823-5, 829; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxliv. 'They marry their sisters' daughters, and the leaders have many wives.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. x. 'From the principal women of their fathers, and sisters or daughters, they ensure that they are not taken as wives, as they consider it wrong.' Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 402-3. About wives: 'They can have as many as they want (except for their relatives and in-laws), unless they are widows ... in some places, a widow marries her deceased husband's brother or a relative, especially if he left any children.' Peter Martyr, dec. vii., lib. x., dec. viii., lib. viii.

[1032] The women 'observe their Husbands with a profound Respect and Duty upon all occasions; and on the other side their Husbands are very kind and loving to them. I never knew an Indian beat his Wife, or give her any hard Words.... They seem very fond of their Children, both Fathers and Mothers.' Wafer's New Voy., pp. 156-66. 'Tienen mancebias publicas de mugeres, y aun de hombres en muchos cabos.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 87. See also: Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 18, 20, 133-4; Quintana, Vidas de Españoles, (Balboa), pp. 9-10.

[1032] The women show their husbands a deep respect and commitment at all times, while their husbands are very kind and loving towards them. I have never seen an Indian man strike his wife or speak harshly to her.... Both fathers and mothers seem very affectionate toward their children. Wafer's New Voy., pp. 156-66. 'They have public relationships with women, and even with men in many places.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 87. See also: Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 18, 20, 133-4; Quintana, Vidas de Españoles, (Balboa), pp. 9-10.

[1033] 'Pipes, or fluites of sundry pieces, of the bones of Deere, and canes of the riuer. They make also little Drummes or Tabers beautified with diuers pictures, they forme and frame them also of gourdes, and of an hollowe piece of timber greater than a mannes arme.' Peter Martyr, dec. viii., lib. viii. See also: Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 127, 130, 137, 156; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 88; Darien, Defence of the Scots' Settlement, pp. 72-3; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., pp. 825, 832; Warburton's Darien, p. 321; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxliii.

[1033] 'They create pipes or flutes made from various pieces of deer bones and river reeds. They also make small drums or tambourines decorated with different pictures, shaping and constructing them from gourds and hollowed-out pieces of wood larger than an adult's arm.' Peter Martyr, dec. viii., lib. viii. See also: Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 127, 130, 137, 156; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 88; Darien, Defence of the Scots' Settlement, pp. 72-3; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., pp. 825, 832; Warburton's Darien, p. 321; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxliii.

[1034] In Comagre, 'vinos blancos y tintos, hechos de mayz, y rayzes de frutas, y de cierta especie de palma, y de otras cosas: los quales vinos loauan los Castellanos quando los beuian.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. ix., cap. ii. 'Tenia vna bodega con muchas cubas y tinajas llenas de vino, hecho de grano, y fruta, blanco, tinto, dulce, y agrete de datiles, y arrope.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 73. 'Hacian de maiz vino blanco i tinto.... Es de mui buen sabor aunque como unos vinos bruscos ó de gascuña.' Las Casas, Hist. Ind., MS., tom. ii., cap. xxvi. See also: Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 136-7, 141-2; tom. iv., pp. 96-7; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 64, 285; Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 71, 321; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 87, 102-3, 153-5, 164, 169-70; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 96.

[1034] In Comagre, 'white and red wines, made from maize, and various fruits, and a certain type of palm, and other things: these wines were praised by the Spaniards when they drank them.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. ix., cap. ii. 'He had a wine cellar with many barrels and jugs filled with wine, made from grain and fruit, white, red, sweet, and sour from dates, and syrup.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 73. 'They made white and red wine from maize.... It has a very good taste although it is somewhat rough like some bracing wines.' Las Casas, Hist. Ind., MS., tom. ii., cap. xxvi. See also: Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 136-7, 141-2; tom. iv., pp. 96-7; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 64, 285; Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 71, 321; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 87, 102-3, 153-5, 164, 169-70; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 96.

[1035] 'Quando hablan vno con otro, se ponen do espaldas.' Colon, Hist. Almirante, in Barcia, Historiadores, tom. i., p. 111; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 177-9.

[1035] 'When one talks to another, they turn their backs.' Columbus, History of the Admiral, in Barcia, Historians, vol. i., p. 111; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 177-9.

[1036] Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 255; Peter Martyr, dec. vii., lib. x., dec. viii., lib. viii.; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 37-9; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v.; Selfridge's Darien Surveys, pp. 10-11; Vega, Hist. Descub. Amer., p. 145. 'Deste nombre tequina se haçe mucha diferençia; porque á qualquiera ques mas hábil y experto en algun arte, ... le llaman tequina, que quiere deçir lo mesmo que maestro: por manera que al ques maestro de las responsiones é inteligencias con el diablo, llámenle tequina en aquel arte, porque aqueste tal es el que administra sus ydolatrías é çerimonias é sacrifiçios, y el que habla con el diablo.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 127. 'Tenian ó habia entre estas gentes unos sacerdotes que llamaban en su lengua "Piachas" muy espertos en el arte mágica, tanto que se revestia en ellos el Diabolo y hablaba por boca de ellos muchas falsedades, conque los tenia cautivos.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxlv.

[1036] Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 255; Peter Martyr, dec. vii., lib. x., dec. viii., lib. viii.; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 37-9; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v.; Selfridge's Darien Surveys, pp. 10-11; Vega, Hist. Descub. Amer., p. 145. 'The name tequina has a lot of variation; because anyone who is more skilled and experienced in any craft... is called tequina, which means the same as master: so that the master of the responses and communications with the devil is called tequina in that art, because he is the one who manages their idolatries, ceremonies, and sacrifices, and who speaks with the devil.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 127. 'Among these people, there were priests they called "Piachas" in their language, very skilled in magical arts, so much that the Devil would possess them and would speak through them many falsehoods, keeping them captive.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxlv.

[1037] The priests 'comunmente eran sus médicos, é conosçian muchas hiervas, de que usaban, y eran apropriadas á diversas enfermedades.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 126, 138-9, 141, tom. i., pp. 56-7. 'According to the diuers nature, or qualitie of the disease, they cure them by diuers superstitions, and they are diuersly rewarded.' Peter Martyr, dec. viii., cap. viii. Compare further; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 88; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxlv.; Wafer's New Voy., p. 28; Selfridge's Darien Surveys, p. 10; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 97; Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. v., p. 893.

[1037] The priests were commonly their doctors and knew many herbs, which they used for various illnesses. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., vol. iii., pp. 126, 138-9, 141, vol. i., pp. 56-7. 'Depending on the different nature or quality of the disease, they treat it through various superstitions, and they are rewarded in different ways.' Peter Martyr, dec. viii., cap. viii. For further comparison, see Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 88; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxlv.; Wafer's New Voy., p. 28; Selfridge's Darien Surveys, p. 10; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 97; Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. v., p. 893.

[1038] 'Quédame de deçir que en aquesta lengua de Cueva hay muchos indios hechiçeros é en espeçial un çierto género de malos, que los chripstianos en aquella tierra llaman chupadores.... Estos chupan á otros hasta que los secan é matan, é sin calentura alguna de dia en dia poco á poco se enflaquesçen tanto, que se les pueden contar los huesos, que se les paresçen solamente cubiertos con el cuero; y el vientre se les resuelve de manera quel ombligo traen pegado á los lomos y espinaço, é se tornan de aquella forma que pintan á la muerte, sin pulpa ni carne. Estos chupadores, de noche, sin ser sentidos, van á haçer mal por las casas agenas: é ponen la boca en el ombligo de aquel que chupan, y están en aquel exerçiçio una ó dos horas ó lo que les paresçe, teniendo en aquel trabaxo al paçiente, sin que sea poderoso de se valer ni defender, no dexando de sufrir su daño con silençio. É conosçe el assi ofendido, é vee al malhechor, y aun les hablan: lo qual, assi los que haçen este mal como los que le padesçen, han confessado algunos dellos; é diçen questos chupadores son criados é naborias del tuyra, y quél se los manda assi haçer, y el tuyra es, como está dicho, el diablo.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 159-60.

[1038] "Let me tell you that in this Cueva language, there are many witchcraft-practicing Indians, especially a certain type of evil ones that the Christians in that land call 'chupadores.' These beings suck the life out of others until they dry up and die, and without any fever, day by day they weaken so much that you can count their bones, which seem to be covered only by skin; their bellies distend in such a way that their navels are stuck to their backs and spines, and they take on a form resembling what is drawn to depict death, with no flesh or body fat. These chupadores, at night, without being noticed, go to harm others in their houses: they place their mouths on the navel of the person they are sucking, and they stay in that act for one or two hours or as long as they feel like, keeping the victim incapacitated and defenseless, who simply endures their harm in silence. The one suffering recognizes the offender and sees the evildoer, and they even speak to them; this is what both those who commit this evil and those who suffer from it have confessed; they say these chupadores are raised and nourished by the 'tuyra,' and that it is the 'tuyra' that commands them to do this, and the 'tuyra' is, as mentioned, the devil." Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 159-60.

[1039] 'Ay muchos, que piensan, que no ay mas de nacer, y morir: y aquellos tales no se entierran con pan, y vino, ni con mugeres, ni moços. Los que creen la immortalidad del alma, se entierra: si son Señores, con oro, armas, plumas, si no lo son, con mayz, vino, y mantas.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 255, 88. 'Huius reguli penetrale ingressi cameram reperiunt pensilibus repletam cadaueribus, gossampinis funibus appensis. Interrogati quid sibi uellet ea superstitio: parentum esse et auorum atauorumque Comogri regulea cadauera, inquiunt. De quibus seruandis maximam esse apud eos curami et pro religione eam pietatem haberi recensent: pro cuiusque gradu indu, menta cuique cadaueri imposita, auro gemmisque superintexta.' Peter Martyr, dec. ii., lib. iii., dec. iii., lib. iv., dec. vii., lib. x., dec. viii., lib. ix. 'Viendo la cantidad é número de los muertos, se conosçe qué tantos señores ha avido en aquel Estado, é quál fué hijo del otro ó le subçedió en el señorio segund la órden subçesiva en que están puestos.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 155-6, 142. For further accounts see Wagner and Scherzer, Costa Rica, pp. 556, 560; Cockburn's Journey, p. 183; Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., pp. 314, 316, 319; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, p. 30; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., lib. ix., cap. ii., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. xi.; Quintana, Vidas de Españoles, (Balboa), p. 10; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 401-2; Carli, Cartas, pt. i., pp. 105-6; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxlii., ccxlvii.; Purchas His Pilgrimes, vol. v., p. 894.

[1039] "Many think that there's nothing more than being born and dying; those people don't get buried with bread and wine, or with women and young men. Those who believe in the immortality of the soul do get buried: if they're nobles, with gold, weapons, and feathers; if they're not, with corn, wine, and blankets." Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 255, 88. "When they entered the chamber of this ruler, they found it filled with bodies hanging from cotton ropes. When asked what this superstition meant, they said it was the corpses of the ruler’s parents and ancestors. They stressed that taking care of these is very important to them and that they show great piety for their religion: each person is buried according to their status, with a mask placed on each corpse adorned with gold and gems." Peter Martyr, dec. ii., lib. iii., dec. iii., lib. iv., dec. vii., lib. x., dec. viii., lib. ix. "By seeing the amount and number of the dead, one can tell how many lords there were in that state, and who was the son of whom or succeeded in the lordship according to the order in which they are arranged." Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 155-6, 142. For further accounts see Wagner and Scherzer, Costa Rica, pp. 556, 560; Cockburn's Journey, p. 183; Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., pp. 314, 316, 319; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, p. 30; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., lib. ix., cap. ii., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. xi.; Quintana, Vidas de Españoles, (Balboa), p. 10; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 401-2; Carli, Cartas, pt. i., pp. 105-6; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxlii., ccxlvii.; Purchas His Pilgrimes, vol. v., p. 894.

[1040] The Terrabas 'naciones ... las mas braves é indómitas de todas ... Indios dotados de natural docilidad y dulzura de genio.' Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 19. Speaking of the natives of Panamá; 'muy deuotos del trabajo, y enemigos de la ociosidad.' Dávila, Teatro Ecles., tom. ii., p. 56. Darien: 'Son inclinados a juegos y hurtos, son muy haraganes.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 88. San Blas tribes: 'They are very peaceable in their natures'.... Chucunas and Navigandis: 'The most warlike' ... Coast tribes, 'from contact with foreigners, are very docile and tractable'.... The Sassardis: 'As a whole, this tribe are cowardly, but treacherous.' Selfridge's Darien Surveys, pp. 10-11, 36. Compare further, Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 24; Squier, in Nouvelles Annales Voy., 1856, tom. cli., p. 6; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pref., p. xii.; Wagner and Scherzer, Costa Rica, p. 557; Gage's New Survey, p. 426; Michler's Darien, p. 26; Alcedo, Dicc., tom. ii., p. 413; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 96; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., p. 830; Otis' Panamá, p. 77; Cullen's Darien, pp. 65-6, 68-9.

[1040] The Terrabas 'nations ... the bravest and most indomitable of all ... Indians who are naturally gentle and sweet-natured.' Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 19. Regarding the natives of Panamá; 'very devoted to work, and enemies of idleness.' Dávila, Teatro Ecles., vol. ii., p. 56. Darien: 'They are inclined to play and theft, they are very lazy.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 88. San Blas tribes: 'They are very peaceful by nature'.... Chucunas and Navigandis: 'The most warlike' ... Coast tribes, 'due to contact with outsiders, are very gentle and manageable'.... The Sassardis: 'Overall, this tribe is cowardly, but treacherous.' Selfridge's Darien Surveys, pp. 10-11, 36. For further comparison, see Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 24; Squier, in Nouvelles Annales Voy., 1856, vol. cli., p. 6; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pref., p. xii.; Wagner and Scherzer, Costa Rica, p. 557; Gage's New Survey, p. 426; Michler's Darien, p. 26; Alcedo, Dicc., vol. ii., p. 413; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 96; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., p. 830; Otis' Panamá, p. 77; Cullen's Darien, pp. 65-6, 68-9.


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