This is a modern-English version of The History of Cuba, vol. 5, originally written by Johnson, Willis Fletcher.
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The etext replicates the original book. Some obvious typographical errors have been corrected; a list follows this etext. The author’s incorrect and varied spellings of Spanish has not been corrected, modernized or normalized. |
FRANCISCO DE FRIAS
FRANCISCO DE FRIAS
One of the foremost agricultural and economic scientists of his time, Francisco de Frias y Jacott, Count of Pozos Dulces, was born in Havana on September 24, 1809, and died in Paris, France, on October 24, 1877. He studied in the United States and Europe, specializing in physics and chemistry, and then sought to devote his genius to the economic welfare of Cuba. He wrote notable works on Cattle Breeding, on Chemical Research, and on Labor and Population. His patriotic spirit provoked Captain-General Canedo to banish him for a time, but on his return as editor of El Siglo he conducted so powerful a campaign for social, economic, political and administrative reforms that the Spanish government was constrained to heed him and to plan new legislation for Cuba. For this purpose it formed a Junta of Information, of which he was a member representing Santa Clara. Upon the failure of that body he wrote a memorable protest against the policy which had compelled that result, and a year later removed to Paris.
One of the leading agricultural and economic scientists of his time, Francisco de Frias y Jacott, Count of Pozos Dulces, was born in Havana on September 24, 1809, and passed away in Paris, France, on October 24, 1877. He studied in the United States and Europe, focusing on physics and chemistry, and aimed to apply his expertise to improve the economic situation in Cuba. He published significant works on cattle breeding, chemical research, and labor and population. His patriotic fervor led to Captain-General Canedo exiling him for a time, but upon his return as the editor of El Siglo, he launched a powerful campaign for social, economic, political, and administrative reforms that forced the Spanish government to pay attention and to draft new legislation for Cuba. For this purpose, they created a Junta of Information, of which he was a representative for Santa Clara. After the failure of that group, he wrote a noteworthy protest against the policy that had led to that outcome, and a year later, he moved to Paris.
THE
HISTORY OF CUBA
BY
WILLIS FLETCHER JOHNSON
A.M., L.H.D.
Author of “A Century of Expansion,” “Four Centuries of
the Panama Canal,” “America’s Foreign Relations”
Honorary Professor of the History of American Foreign
Relations in New York University
WITH ILLUSTRATIONS
VOLUME FIVE
NEW YORK
B. F. BUCK & COMPANY, Inc.
156 Fifth Avenue
1920
BY
WILLIS FLETCHER JOHNSON
A.M., L.H.D.
Author of “A Century of Expansion,” “Four Centuries of
the Panama Canal,” “America’s Foreign Relations”
Honorary Professor of the History of American Foreign
Relations at New York University
WITH ILLUSTRATIONS
VOLUME FIVE
NEW YORK
B. F. Buck & Company, Inc.
156 5th Avenue
1920
Copyright, 1920,
By CENTURY HISTORY CO.
——
All rights reserved
Copyright, 1920,
By CENTURY HISTORY CO.
——
All rights reserved
ENTERED AT STATIONERS HALL
LONDON, ENGLAND.
PRINTED IN U. S. A.
ENTERED AT STATIONERS HALL
LONDON, ENGLAND.
PRINTED IN U.S.A.
REPUBLICA DE CUBA
——
SECRETARIA DE AGRICULTURA, COMERCIO Y TRABAJO
————
REPUBLIC OF CUBA
——
DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE, TRADE, AND LABOR
————
Habana, Cuba,
July 11, 1919.
Havana, Cuba,
July 11, 1919.
TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:
To Whom It May Concern:
The information in this volume pertaining to Cuba and her natural resources, climate, soil, mines, forests, fisheries, agricultural products, lands, rivers, harbors, mountains, mineral zones, quarries, foreign and domestic commerce, business opportunities, etc., has been compiled under the auspices of the Department of Agriculture, Commerce and Labor, and has been verified by the Bureau of Information.
The information in this volume about Cuba and its natural resources, climate, soil, mines, forests, fisheries, agricultural products, lands, rivers, harbors, mountains, mineral areas, quarries, and both foreign and domestic trade and business opportunities has been gathered with the support of the Department of Agriculture, Commerce, and Labor, and has been confirmed by the Bureau of Information.
It is intended to acquaint the world with the truth and actual facts in regard to Cuba, and for the guidance of those who may be interested.
It aims to inform the world about the truth and real facts regarding Cuba, and to guide those who may be interested.
Respectfully,
Respectfully,
SECRETARY OF AGRICULTURE
COMMERCE & LABOR.
Secretary of Agriculture
Commerce & Labor.
PREFACE
NATURE designed Cuba for greatness. That salient fact is written large and clear upon every page of the island’s history. He must lack vision who can not discern it even in the annals of political, military and social development of the Cuban nation. Although one of the earliest lands in the Western Hemisphere to be discovered and colonized, it was actually the last of all to be erected into political independence and thus to enter into an opportunity for improving fully the incomparable opulence of its natural endowment. No land ever shows of what it is capable until it is permitted to do so for its own sake and in its own name.
NATURE designed Cuba for greatness. That clear fact is evident on every page of the island’s history. One must lack vision not to see it, even in the records of the political, military, and social development of the Cuban nation. Although it was one of the earliest lands in the Western Hemisphere to be discovered and colonized, it was actually the last to gain political independence and thus the last to fully capitalize on its incredible natural resources. No land ever demonstrates its true potential until it is allowed to do so for its own benefit and in its own way.
During the long and tedious centuries of Spanish domination, therefore, the resources of Cuba remained largely latent. That is to be said in full view of the notorious fact that the island was openly declared to be “the milch cow of Spain.” In those two facts appears perhaps the most impressive of all possible testimonies to the surpassing richness of the island. If while it was a mere colony, only partially developed and indeed with its resources only in part explored and imperfectly understood, and with the supreme incentive to enterprise denied it—if in these unfavorable circumstances, we say, it could be a source of so great revenue to Spain and in spite of thus being plundered and drained could still accumulate so considerable a competence for its own people, what must its material opulence prove to be under its own free rule, with every advantage and every encouragement for its full development according to the knowledge of Twentieth Century science?
During the long and tedious centuries of Spanish rule, the resources of Cuba mostly remained untapped. This is especially significant considering the well-known fact that the island was openly referred to as “the milk cow of Spain.” These two facts highlight perhaps the most striking testimony to the island's extraordinary wealth. If, while it was just a colony—partially developed, with its resources only partially explored and poorly understood, and lacking any real motivation for enterprise—it could generate such significant revenue for Spain and still manage to accumulate a considerable wealth for its own people despite being exploited, just imagine how prosperous it could be under its own governance, with all the advantages and encouragement for full development according to the knowledge of Twentieth Century science.
We need not be fanciful or visionary if we believe that some important purpose was subserved in such withholding of Cuba from complete development until so late a date. Her neighbors went on ahead, developing their resources, and passing through all the political and social vicissitudes of which colonial and national experience is capable, inevitably with a great proportion of sheer loss through ill-directed experimentation. Cuba on the contrary remained held in abeyance until in the fulness of time she could profit from the experience and example of others and thus gain her development at a minimum of effort and expense and with a maximum of net profit.
We don’t need to be extravagant or idealistic to think that there was an important reason for delaying Cuba’s full development until relatively late. Her neighbors moved ahead, developing their resources and going through all the political and social ups and downs that come with colonial and national experiences, often facing significant setbacks due to misguided trials. In contrast, Cuba was held back until the right time when she could learn from the experiences of others, allowing her to develop with minimal effort and cost and achieve maximum benefit.
The beneficent design of nature, to which we have alluded, is to be seen, moreover, in the inherent conditions of insular existence. No other great island of the world is so fortunate in its geographical placing, either strategically or climatically, nor is any other comparable with it in topography and material arrangement and composition. It lies midway between the two great continents of the Western Hemisphere, within easy reach of both across landlocked seas, where it receives the commerce of both and serves as a mart of exchange between them. Similarly it lies between the Temperate Zone and the Torrid Zone, so as to receive at its very doors the products of each and of both, the products, that is to say, of all the world. Nor is it less significant that it lies directly upon the line of commerce and travel not only between North and South but equally between East and West, on the line of passage between the Atlantic and the Pacific and between the lands which border the one and those which occupy the shores of the other. Such strategic position—the strategy of commerce—is unique and incommensurable in value.
The beneficial design of nature, which we've mentioned, can also be seen in the inherent conditions of island life. No other major island in the world is as fortunate in its geographical location, both strategically and climatically, nor is any other comparable in its landscape and material composition. It sits right between the two major continents of the Western Hemisphere, easily accessible over calm seas, where it receives trade from both sides and acts as a marketplace for exchange. Likewise, it is located between the Temperate Zone and the Torrid Zone, enabling it to receive products right at its doorstep from both regions and from all around the world. It's also noteworthy that it lies directly on the trade and travel routes not only between North and South but also between East and West, serving as a passage between the Atlantic and the Pacific and between the lands bordering each ocean. This strategic position— the strategy of trade— is unique and immeasurably valuable.
Equally beneficent is the climatic situation of Cuba. Mathematically lying just within the tropical zone, it in fact enjoys a temperance of climate surpassing that of the temperate zone itself. It has all the geniality of the regions which lie to the south of it, so that it can produce all the fruits of the sultry tropics in profusion throughout a year-round season of growth; yet it escapes the oppressive and enervating heat which makes life in those lands burdensome to the visitor and indolent to the native. It has the comfort and the tonic properties of northern climes, yet without the trying and sometimes disastrous fluctuations and extremes which too often there prevail. As a result, Cuba can produce, if not always in fullest perfection yet with a gratifying degree of success, practically all the vegetable life of the world, from that which thrives close to the Arctic Circle to that which luxuriates upon the Equator.
The climate in Cuba is also quite beneficial. Lying just within the tropical zone, it actually boasts a milder climate than many temperate areas. It has all the warmth of the regions to the south, allowing it to produce a wide variety of tropical fruits year-round. However, it avoids the stifling heat that can make life in those hotter regions uncomfortable for visitors and lazy for locals. It offers the comfort and invigorating qualities of northern climates without the harsh and often damaging temperature swings typical of those areas. As a result, Cuba can grow nearly all types of plants found around the world, from those that thrive near the Arctic Circle to those that thrive at the Equator, usually with a satisfying level of success, if not always perfection.
In coastal contour, and thus in profusion of fine harbors, Cuba enjoys preeminence among the countries of the world. In varied contour of mountain, valley and plain, in endowment with springs and rivers, she is conspicuously fortunate. The often quoted tribute which her first discoverer paid spontaneously to her magic beauty has been repeated and confirmed uncounted times, with a deeper significance as it has been found that the beauty of this island is not merely superficial but intrinsic, and that Cuba is as hospitable to the interests and welfare of the visitor and resident as she is fair to the passing eye.
In terms of coastal shape and the abundance of beautiful harbors, Cuba stands out among countries worldwide. With its varied landscapes of mountains, valleys, and plains, as well as its abundance of springs and rivers, it is incredibly fortunate. The often-repeated praise from its first discoverer about its enchanting beauty has been echoed countless times, now carrying a deeper meaning as it has become clear that the island's beauty is not only skin-deep but inherent. Cuba is just as welcoming to the interests and well-being of visitors and residents as it is pleasing to the eye.
It is a grateful task to dwell in these pages upon the varied and opulent resources of the island, in all the natural conditions of the mineral, the vegetable and the animal kingdoms. We shall see that the hopes and dreams of the early conquerors, of rich mines of gold, have been far more than realized in other ways which they knew not of. The mines of what they regarded as base metals, and of metals unknown to them, are richer far than they ever hoped deposits of the “precious” metal to be, while the products of forests and plantations are immeasurably richer still. Today Cuba stands before the world a Treasure Island of incomparable worth even in her present estate, and of an assured potentiality of future opulence which dazzles the imagination.
It is a rewarding task to focus on the diverse and abundant resources of the island, covering all the natural aspects of minerals, plants, and animals. We will see that the hopes and dreams of the early conquerors for rich gold mines have been exceeded in ways they never imagined. The mines of what they considered base metals, along with metals they were unaware of, are much richer than they ever anticipated deposits of “precious” metal could be, while the products of the forests and plantations are even more abundant. Today, Cuba stands before the world as a Treasure Island of unmatched value, even in its current state, and with a clear potential for future wealth that is truly breathtaking.
We shall see, too, most grateful and inspiring of all, how at last the people of Cuba have come into their own and are improving the vast endowment with which nature has so bounteously provided them. It has been only since they gained their independence that they could or would do this; the result being that a score of years have seen more progress than the twenty score preceding. Indeed we may say that the great bulk of this progress has been achieved in the last six or seven years, the earlier years of independence being unfortunately marred with untoward circumstances of dissension and revolt which held in check the progress which the island should have made. But with the final establishment of a government capable of fulfilling all its appropriate functions, the advance of Cuba has been and is to-day swift and unerring.
We will also see, most gratefully and inspiringly of all, how the people of Cuba have finally taken charge of their destiny and are improving the incredible resources that nature has generously given them. It’s only since they gained their independence that they’ve been able and willing to do this; as a result, the last twenty years have seen more progress than the two hundred years before that. In fact, we can say that most of this progress has happened in the last six or seven years, as the earlier years of independence were unfortunately marked by conflicts and revolts that held back the progress the island should have made. But with the final establishment of a government that's capable of carrying out its functions, Cuba’s advancement has been and continues to be swift and steady.
The taking advantage of natural conditions and resources through scientific applications, the organization and administration of such governmental institutions as best conduce to the security, the prosperity and the happiness of a self-governing people, are agreeable themes to contemplate and are profitable to study. We shall see how agriculture, mining, manufactures and commerce have been promoted in both extent and character. We shall see how all parts of the island realm have been made accessible, for business or for pleasure, with railroads and a marvellous system of highways for motor vehicles. We shall learn of the sanitation of what was once a pestilence infested land until it has become one of the three or four most healthful in the world.
Taking advantage of natural conditions and resources through scientific methods, as well as organizing and managing governmental institutions that best ensure the security, prosperity, and happiness of a self-governing people, are interesting topics to consider and beneficial to study. We will explore how agriculture, mining, manufacturing, and commerce have expanded in both scope and quality. We will see how all parts of the island have become accessible for business or leisure, thanks to railroads and an incredible system of highways for vehicles. We will discover how what was once a disease-ridden land has been sanitized and has become one of the three or four healthiest places in the world.
We shall see, too, the practical creation and universal development of a scheme of free popular education which to-day gives to what was within the memory of living men one of the most illiterate of countries such school facilities as scarcely any other can surpass. If we were writing in this volume of some long-established Commonwealth, with many generations, perhaps centuries, of progress and culture behind it, we should not be able to restrain our admiration of much that has been accomplished. When we consider that we are writing of a land that suffered nearly four centuries of repression and oppression, followed by a dozen years of devastating strife, and less than twenty years ago began to live the free life of a sovereign people, we are entranced with amazement at the memory of what Cuba has been, with appreciation of what she is, and with the assured promise of what she is to be.
We will also see the practical creation and widespread development of a system of free public education that today provides what was once one of the most uneducated countries—within the memory of living people—with school facilities that few others can match. If we were writing in this book about a long-established Commonwealth with many generations, perhaps centuries, of progress and culture behind it, we would struggle to contain our admiration for all that has been achieved. When we think about the fact that we are discussing a nation that endured nearly four centuries of repression and oppression, followed by a dozen years of devastating conflict, and less than twenty years ago started living the free life of a sovereign nation, we are filled with amazement at the memory of what Cuba was, appreciation for what she is, and confidence in what she will become.
It was a fascinating task to trace the story of her existence in its many phases, largely of vicissitude, from the days of Diego Velasquez to those of Mario Menocal. But that after all was a record of what has been, of what has largely passed away. More welcome is it to contemplate what Cuba actually is, in present realization and achievement, and to scan with sane and discriminating vision the prospect of what she may be and what, we may well believe with confidence, she will be. It is to reveal the actual Cuba of to-day, and to suggest the surely promised Cuba of to-morrow, that these pages are written. So far as they may seem technical and statistical, their very dryness contains a potency of suggestion surpassing the dreams of romance. So far as they may seem touched with imagination, speculation, enthusiasm, they are still based upon the practical and indubitable foundation of ascertained facts. Their aim is to present to the world an accurate, comprehensive and sympathetic living picture of the Twentieth Century Republic of Cuba, and as such they are submitted to the reader with a cheerful confidence, if not always in the adequacy of its treatment, at least in the unfailing interest and merit of the theme.
It was an intriguing task to follow the story of her life through its many ups and downs, from the time of Diego Velasquez to that of Mario Menocal. However, that's mostly a record of what has been, of what has largely faded away. It’s more enjoyable to think about what Cuba actually is today, in terms of its accomplishments, and to look with clear and thoughtful eyes at the potential of what it might become and what we can confidently believe it will be. These pages are written to showcase the real Cuba of today and to hint at the undoubtedly bright Cuba of tomorrow. While they may seem technical and statistical at times, their very dryness carries a power of suggestion that surpasses romantic dreams. Even when they seem infused with imagination, speculation, and enthusiasm, they still rest on the solid ground of verified facts. The goal is to present an accurate, thorough, and engaging portrait of the Twentieth Century Republic of Cuba, and it is offered to the reader with cheerful confidence, if not always in the completeness of its treatment, at least in the enduring interest and value of the subject.
January, 1920.
January 1920.
WILLIS FLETCHER JOHNSON.
WILLIS FLETCHER JOHNSON.
CONTENTS
PAGE | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. The Cuban People | 1 | |
The People of Cuba—Hospitality Their Characteristic—Love of Children—Founders of the Cuban Nation from the Southern Provinces of Spain—An Admixture of French Blood—Immigration from Northern Spain—English, Irish, Italian and German Immigrants—Colonists from the United States. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. The Geography of Cuba | 10 | |
The Topography of Cuba—Five Distinct Zones—The Mountain Ranges—Plateaus and Plains—The Highest Peak in Cuba—The Organ Mountains—Beautiful Valleys and Fertile Plains—Action of the Water Courses—Character of the Soil. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Cuba's Climate | 19 | |
The Climate of Cuba—Freedom from Extremes of Temperature—Influence of the Trade Winds—No Ice and Little Frost—The Rainy Season and the Dry Season—Gloomy Days Practically Unknown. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Havana Province | 21 | |
The Province of Havana—The Pivotal Province of the Island—Visits by Columbus and Velasquez—Topography of the Province—Soil and Products—Agricultural Wealth—The Fruit Industry—Manufacturing—The Harbor of Havana—Transportation Facilities—The Water Supply—The Climate—The Seat of Government and Social Centre of the Island. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Pinar del Rio Province | 34 | |
The Province of Pinar del Rio—A Picturesque Region—Interesting Topography—The Organ Mountains—The Vinales Valley—A Rare Palm Tree—Hard Wood Timber—Agriculture—Harbors and Fishing Interests—Tobacco Lands of the Vuelta Abajo—Coffee Plantations—Mineral Resources. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Matanzas Province | 49 | |
The Province of Matanzas—Comparatively Unimportant in History—A Great Drainage and Traffic Canal—Rivers and Mountains—The Coast and Islands—The Henequen Industry—The City of Matanzas—The Caves of Bellamar—Sugar Production—Mineral Resources. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Santa Clara Province | 60 | |
The Province of Santa Clara—A Land of Great Variety of Scenes—Ancient Gold-Seeking—The Mountain Ranges—Rich Lands of the Parks and Valleys—Rivers and Lakes—Harbors—Cities of the Province—The “Swamp of the Shoe”—Forests, Sugar Plantations, Tobacco, and Coffee—Opportunities for Stock Raising. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Camaguey Province | 71 | |
The Province of Camaguey—Where Columbus First Landed—In the Days of Velasquez—Events of the Ten Years’ War—Topography of the Province—Mountain Ranges—Rivers and Coastal Lagoons—Harbors—Lack of Railroads—The Sugar Industry—Minerals—American Colonies—Some Noted Men. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Oriente Province | 83 | |
The Province of Oriente—Area and Topography—Mountains and Rivers—Fine Harbors—Great Sugar Mills—Scene of the First Spanish Settlement in Cuba—The Bay of Guantanamo—Santiago de Cuba—Copper Mines—Manzanillo—The Cauto Valley—Sugar Plantations and Stock Ranches—Timber and Minerals—American Colonies. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Isle of Pines | 99 | |
The Isle of Pines—An Integral Part of Cuba—American Settlements and Claims—Character of the Island—Infertile and Storm Swept—Vast Deposits of Muck—Marble Quarries—Efforts to Promote Agricultural Interests. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Mining and Resources | 104 | |
Mines and Mining—The Early Quest of Gold—First Working of Copper Mines—The Wealth of El Cobre—Copper in All Parts of Cuba—Operations in Pinar del Rio—Vast Iron Deposits in Oriente—Nickel and Manganese—Exports of Ore—American Investigation of Chrome Deposits—Many Beds of Great Richness—Manganese and Chrome for All the World. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Asphalt and Oil | 126 | |
Asphalt and Petroleum—Ocampo’s Early Discovery at Puerto Carenas—Humboldt’s Reports of Petroleum Wells—Prospecting for Oil in Many Places—Some Promising Wells—Asphalt Deposits of Great Value—Prospects for Important Petroleum Developments. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Forest Management | 135 | |
Forestry—Vast Resources of Fine Woods Recklessly Squandered in Early Times—Houses Built of Mahogany—Hundreds of Varieties of Valuable Timber Trees—A Catalogue of Sixty of the Most Useful—Need of Transportation for the Lumber Trade—Forests Owned by the State. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Farming | 144 | |
Agriculture—The Chief Interest of Cuba—Fertility of Soil, Geniality of Climate, and Variety of Products—The Rainfall—Many Farmers Specialists—The Government’s Experimental Station—Opportunities for Stock-Raising—Work of the Department of Agriculture—Its Various Bureaus—Value of Experimental Work Begun by General Wood and Extended by President Menocal—Improving Live Stock—Fruit Growing—Grains and Grasses—Combating Insect Pests—Bureau of Plant Sanitation. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Sugar | 160 | |
“King Cane”—Cuba’s Crop and the World’s Production—Natural Conditions Favorable to Sugar Culture—Extent of Lands Still Available—The “Savana” and “Cienaga” Lands—Assured Projects for Draining Great Swamps—Potential Increase of Sugar Production in Cuba—Methods of Planting, Culture and Harvesting—The Labor Problem—Improved Machinery—Something About the Principal Sugar Producing Concerns in Cuba and the Men Who Have Created Them and Are Directing Them—The Largest Sugar Company in the World—Cuba’s Assured Rank as the World’s Chief Sugar Plantation. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Cigarettes | 183 | |
The Tobacco Industry—First European Acquaintance with the Plant—The Famous Fields of the Vuelta Abajo—Immense Productivity—Methods of Culture and Harvesting—Various Regions of Tobacco Culture—Insect Pests—Wholesale Use of Cheesecloth Canopies—Monetary Importance of the Industry. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Henequen | 190 | |
The Henequen Industry—The Source of Binding Twine for the Wheat Fields—Cuban Plantations Now Surpassing Those of Yucatan—Methods of Growth and Manufacture—Magnitude of the Industry and Possibilities of Further Extension. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Coffee | 197 | |
The Coffee Industry—Early Plantations Which Were Neglected and Abandoned—An Attractive Industry—Methods of Culture—Harvesting and Marketing the Crop—Government Encouragement Being Given for Extension of the Industry. Chapter XIX. The Mango | 203 | |
The Mango—The King of Oriental Fruits—Two Distinct Types in Cuba—All Varieties Prolific—The Trees and the Fruits—Some of the Favorite Varieties—Marketing and Use. | ||
Citrus Fruits | 211 | |
Citrus Fruits—American Introduction of the Commercial Industry—Varieties of Oranges—Comparison with Florida and California Fruit—Grape Fruit in the Isle of Pines—Limes and Wild Oranges. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Bananas, pineapples, and other fruits. | 219 | |
Antiquity and Universality of the Banana—Its Many Uses—Commercial Cultivation in Cuba—Methods of Culture—Varieties—Pineapple Culture in Cuba—One of the Staple Crops—Difficulty of Marketing—The Canning Industry—The Fruit of the Anon—The Zapote or Sapodilla—The Tamarind—The Mamey—The Guava—The Mamoncillo—Figs of All Varieties—The Aguacate. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Grapes, Chocolate, and Vanilla | 232 | |
Grape Culture Discouraged by Spain—Recent Development of the Industry—Much Wine Drinking but Little Drunkenness—Food and Drink in the Cacao—The Chocolate Industry—Culture and Manufacture of Cacao—The Vanilla Bean—Methods of Gathering and Preparing the Crop. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Growing Vegetables | 240 | |
Vegetable Growing in Cuba—Regions Most Suitable for the Industry—Seed Brought from the United States—Winter Crops of Potatoes—Green Peppers a Profitable Crop—Cultivation of Tomatoes and Egg Plants—Okra—Lima Beans and String Beans—Squashes and Pumpkins—Desirability of the Canning Industry—Utility of Irrigation—Prospects of Profit in Truck Farming. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Standard Grains and Forage | 248 | |
Indian Corn Indigenous—Improvements in Culture Desirable—Millet or Kaffir Corn—Neglect of Wheat Growing—Culture of Upland Rice—Possibilities of Swamp Rice Culture—Profusion of Meadow and Pasture Grasses—Experiments with Alfalfa—Cultivation of Cow Peas and Beans—Peanut Plantations. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Pets | 257 | |
Paucity of Native Fauna—Deer, Caprimys and Ant Eaters—The Sand Hill Crane—Guinea Fowls, Turkeys and Quails—Buzzards, Sparrow Hawks, Mocking Birds and Wild Pigeons—Varieties of Parrots—The Oriole—The Tody—The Lizard Cuckoo—The Trogon—Water Birds. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Livestock Farming | 263 | |
Introduction of Horses and Cattle by the Spaniards—Improvement in the Quality of Stock—A Favorable Land for Cattle Ranges—Importation of Blooded Stock from the United States and Europe—Introduction of the Zebu—Great Profits in Hog Raising—Forage, Nuts and Root Crops for Stock Food—Sheep and Goat Raising for Wool, Meat and Hides—Value of the Angora Goat. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Chicken: Bees: Sponges | 278 | |
Recent Scientific Development of the Poultry Industry—President Menocal’s Importations of Choice Stock—Opportunities for Agriculture—Wild and Domesticated Bees—Varieties of Honey Yielding Flowers—Large Exportations of Wax and Honey—Valuable Sponge Fisheries on the Cuban Coast. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Historical Sites | 284 | |
Historic Interest of Havana Harbor—The Romance and Tragedy of El Morro—“The Twelve Apostles”—The Vast Fortress of La Cabaña—The “Road Without Hope”—A Scene of Slaughter—Cells of the Fortress Prison—The Castillo de Punta—The Ancient City Walls—The Romance of La Fuerza—Ancient Churches and Convents of Havana—The Cathedral and the Tomb of Columbus—The San Francisco Convent—San Agustin—La Merced—Santa Catalina—Santo Angel—Santa Clara—The Convent of Belen—The Old Echarte Mansion—La Chorrera—Fort Cojimar—Some Ancient Watch Towers and Fortresses—The Botanical Gardens. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Havana | 303 | |
The Charms of Havana—Early History of the City—Made the Capital of Cuba—The Quarries from Which It Was Built—Something About Its Principal Streets and Buildings—Various Sections of the City—On the Road to the Almandares—Principe Hill—The University of Havana—The Famous Prado—The National Theatre—The Central Park and Parque de Colon—Colon Cemetery—Music in Havana—Favorite Drives and Resorts—The Bathing Beach—Fishing—Jai Alai—Baseball—Horse Racing—Golf—Buildings of the Various Government Departments—Memories of the Old Presidential Palace—Some Fine New Buildings—The New Presidential Palace—The New Capitol—The National Hospital. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. A Paradise of Palm Drives | 326 | |
A Paradise of Palm Drives—Splendor of the Flamboyans—The Road to Guines—A Fine Drive to Matanzas—Roads from Havana to Guanajay, Artemisa and the Ruby Hills—Old Military Roads Improved and Extended—Fine Drives in Pinar del Rio—The Valley of Vinales—Some Wonderful Landscapes and Seascapes—Roads Radiating from Matanzas—The Roads of Santa Clara and Camaguey—Road Making Among the Mountains of Oriente. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Bays and Marinas | 340 | |
The Bays and Harbors of the Cuban Coasts—Bahia Honda—Cabanas—Mariel—Havana—Matanzas—The Land-Locked Bay of Cardenas—Santa Clara Bay—Sagua—Caibarien—The Bay of Nuevitas—Manati—Puerto Padre—Gibara—Banes—Nipe—Levisa—Baracoa—Guantanamo—Santiago—Manzanillo—Cienfuegos—Batabano—Santa Cruz—Various Other Ports, Great and Small. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Cuba's Railroad Systems | 353 | |
Origin of the Railroad Systems of Cuba—The United Railways of Havana—The Matanzas Railway—Electric Lines Around Havana—The Great Work of Sir William Van Horne—The Cuba Company’s Railroad System—The Cuba Central Road—The North Shore Line—Other Lines and Branches Existing or Projected. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Finance and Banking | 361 | |
Money and Banking in Cuba—The First Currency of the Island—The First Monetary Crisis at Havana—Development of Modern Coinage and Currency—Single Standard and Double Standard—Colonial Paper Money—Stabilization of Currency Under American Rule—Statistics of Shipments of Money—Coinage of Cuban Money Under the New System—Financing the Foreign Commerce of the Island. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Education Instructions | 367 | |
The Educational System of Cuba—Influences of Clericalism—Work of General Wood and Mr. Frye—Cooperation of Harvard University—Dr. Lincoln de Zayas—The Teaching of English—Progress Under President Menocal—Scope of the System—Some Special Schools—Normal Schools—The Institute of Havana—The National University—Cooperation with the United States—The Free Public Library. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ocean Shipping | 376 | |
Importance of Ocean Transportation to the Insular Republic—Development of the United Fruit Company—The Ward Line and Its Fleet—A Network of Communications with All Parts of the World—Service of the Munson Line—The Peninsular and Occidental Company—The Railroad Ferry Service from Key West to Cuba—The Pinillos Izquierdo Line from Spain—The Morgan or Southern Pacific Line—The Great Fleet of the Compagnie General Transatlantique—A New Line from Japan—Customs Regulations—The Consular Service of Cuba. | ||
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. U.S. Colonies in Cuba | 390 | |
American Colonies in Cuba—Founded After the War of Independence—Pernicious Activities of Unscrupulous American Speculators—Heroic Efforts of Illfounded Colonies—The Story of La Gloria and Its Neighbors—Colonization of the Isle of Pines—The Colony of Herradura—Various Colonies in Oriente—Inducements to Further Colonization. | ||
INDEX |
ILLUSTRATIONS
FULL PAGE PLATES | |
Francisco de Frias | Frontispiece |
FACING PAGE | |
The Vinales Valley | 36 |
San Juan River, Matanzas | 54 |
On the Cauto River | 92 |
National Theatre, Central Park, Havana | 144 |
The Gomez Building | 190 |
Pablo Desvernine | 284 |
In New Havana | 296 |
Colon Park | 306 |
An Avenue of Palms | 326 |
Grand Central Railway Station, Havana | 354 |
Leopoldo Cancio | 362 |
The Chamber of Commerce, Havana | 376 |
TEXT EMBELLISHMENTS | |
City Hall and Plaza, Cardenas | Page 56 |
A Mountain Road, Oriente | “ 84 |
Cuban Rural Home | “ 145 |
Fruit Vender, Havana | “ 209 |
THE HISTORY OF CUBA
CHAPTER I
THE PEOPLE OF CUBA
IN the last analysis, of course, the people of a country have much to do in making it what it is, or what it may be. From them must come the life, energy, character and development. They will regulate its social standing and fulfill the promise of its future. Society in Cuba, as in nearly all long settled countries, is many sided, and while resembling, more or less, that of all civilized communities, certain racial traits stand out prominently in the Island Republic.
IN the end, the people of a country play a huge role in shaping what it is and what it can become. Their life, energy, character, and development are essential. They determine its social standing and hold the key to its future. Society in Cuba, like in most long-established countries, is complex, and while it has similarities to other civilized communities, some distinct racial traits are clearly evident in the Island Republic.
If asked to name the most prominent or salient characteristics dominating the Cuban race, we should probably be justified in saying: unfailing hospitality, exceptional courtesy, and unmeasurable love of children.
If asked to name the most notable traits that define the Cuban culture, we would likely be right in saying: warm hospitality, outstanding politeness, and boundless love for children.
Hospitality in Cuba is not a pose, but on the contrary is perfectly natural, having descended from a long line of ancestors, as have the beauty of eyes and teeth and color of hair. Hospitality among those of higher education, like courtesy, is tempered with good form that breeding has rendered an essential characteristic of the individual. Journeying through the rural or remote sections, it is so manifestly genuine that unless held back or retarded through diffidence or suspicion, no one can avoid being deeply impressed with the extent to which hospitality has pervaded every corner of the country.
Hospitality in Cuba isn't just an act; it feels completely natural, passed down through generations, just like the beauty of people's eyes, teeth, and hair color. For those with higher education, hospitality, like courtesy, is shaped by good manners that breeding has turned into a key trait of the individual. Traveling through the rural or remote areas, it’s so obviously sincere that unless someone is held back by shyness or mistrust, it's impossible not to be truly moved by how deeply hospitality is woven into every part of the country.
John B. Henderson, the naturalist, in his “Cruise of the Barrera,” refers to an occasion when, after serving coffee in the house of a native family living far from contact with the outside world, a dollar had been surreptitiously given to a child; and when the guests, whom he had never seen before, were quite a mile away, the father came running breathlessly down the mountain path to return the money, which he said he could not possibly accept under any circumstances.
John B. Henderson, the naturalist, in his “Cruise of the Barrera,” refers to an occasion when, after serving coffee at the home of a native family living far from the outside world, a dollar had been secretly given to a child; and when the guests, whom he had never seen before, were about a mile away, the father came running breathlessly down the mountain path to return the money, which he said he could not possibly accept under any circumstances.
True courtesy, also, has kept hospitality close company in all grades of society. Among the higher ranks of scholars, statesmen and Government officials, the visitor who by chance has occasion to call on the Chief of any Department, if said individual belongs to the old type of genuine nobility, from the moment he crosses the threshold will note certain polite forms that, while never obtrusive, are always in evidence.
True courtesy has always gone hand in hand with hospitality across all levels of society. Among the upper ranks of scholars, statesmen, and government officials, a visitor who happens to visit the Chief of any Department will notice, as soon as they step through the door, certain polite manners that, while never overwhelming, are always present if that person belongs to the traditional type of genuine nobility.
No word, gesture or deed will come from the host that can possibly jar the sensibilities of the visitor, no matter what his errand may be. During his stay, courtesy will seem to pervade the atmosphere, and the caller cannot help feeling absolutely at home. Upon leaving, he will be made to feel that he has been more than welcome, and even if the topic discussed or the nature of the errand has been delicate, he will realize that he has been given all the consideration that one gentleman could expect of another.
No word, gesture, or action from the host will disturb the visitor's feelings, regardless of the reason for their visit. Throughout their time together, the atmosphere will feel completely polite, and the guest will feel entirely at home. When it's time to leave, the guest will feel more than welcome, and even if the conversation was sensitive or the purpose of the visit was tricky, they'll understand that they received all the respect one gentleman can expect from another.
The educated Cuban is by birth, by nature and by training, a polished gentleman and a diplomat; a man who will be at ease in any position, no matter how difficult, and whose superior, socially or intellectually, is seldom found in any court, committee or congregation of men. This all prevailing trait of courtesy is also surprisingly manifest among those who have had no advantages of education, and who have been denied the wonderfully civilizing influence of travel and contact with the outside world. Nor is this trait of courtesy and self possession confined by any means to the man.
The educated Cuban is inherently and naturally a refined gentleman and a diplomat; someone who can navigate any situation, no matter how challenging, and whose social or intellectual equal is rarely found in any court, committee, or gathering of people. This widespread trait of courtesy is also quite evident among those who haven’t had access to education and who have missed out on the enriching experience of travel and interaction with the outside world. Furthermore, this quality of courtesy and composure is certainly not limited to men.
Love of children, and willingness to make any sacrifice for their happiness, are perhaps exaggerated developments of the motherly instinct. A man will be polite to you in Cuba even if he intends to sign your death warrant the next moment. A Cuban mother will yield to any caprice of her children, even although she may realize that in so doing she endangers their future. As a result, Cuban children, although lovable and affectionate, are not always well behaved or gentle mannered. Still this depends largely, as it would in any country, on the temperament and education of the mother, who in Cuba has all to do towards forming the character of the child, especially the daughter, in whose “bringing up” the father is supposed to take no immediate interest or part.
The love for children and the readiness to sacrifice anything for their happiness may be somewhat exaggerated expressions of maternal instinct. A man in Cuba will treat you kindly even if he's about to sign your death warrant the next moment. A Cuban mother will give in to any whim of her children, even though she might understand that doing so could jeopardize their future. Because of this, Cuban kids, while lovable and affectionate, aren't always well-mannered or gentle. However, this largely depends, as it would in any country, on the mother's temperament and education, who in Cuba is entirely responsible for shaping the child's character, especially the daughter's, in whose upbringing the father is not expected to take a direct interest or role.
The love which parents, rich or poor, educated or ignorant, bestow on their children, no matter how many little ones may compose the family, or how small the purse which feeds them, is proverbial. No child, even of a far removed relative, is ever permitted to enter an institution of charity if it can be avoided, but will find instead an immediate and hearty welcome in the family of a man who may not know at times where to look for money for the next day’s meal.
The love that parents, whether wealthy or struggling, educated or not, give to their children, regardless of how many kids are in the family or how tight their budget is, is well-known. No child, even one from a distant relative, is ever allowed to enter a charity institution if it can be helped; instead, they will find a warm and welcoming home with someone who may not always know where their next meal is coming from.
The original stock from which sprang the natives of Cuba, and from which many of their traits undoubtedly came, reverts back to the followers of Columbus, and to the old time conquerors of Mexico and the New World. These gentlemanly adventurers were mostly from the southern provinces of the Iberian Peninsula, whose blood was more or less mixed with that of the Moor, and whose chief physical characteristics were regularity of features, beauty of eyes, teeth and hair, and whose mental attributes were dominated by pride, ambition, love of pomp and ceremony, with great powers of endurance, a strong aversion to ordinary forms of labor, exceptional courtesy, and an intelligence frequently marred with almost unbelievable cruelty.
The original stock from which the natives of Cuba descended, and from which many of their traits likely originated, goes back to the followers of Columbus and the early conquerors of Mexico and the New World. These noble adventurers mainly came from the southern regions of the Iberian Peninsula, whose blood was somewhat mixed with that of the Moors. They were characterized by distinct facial features, beautiful eyes, teeth, and hair. Their mental traits were marked by pride, ambition, a love for pomp and ceremony, great endurance, a strong dislike for mundane work, exceptional courtesy, and an intelligence that was often tainted by an almost unbelievable cruelty.
These original pioneers or soldiers of fortune in Cuba found the climate exceedingly to their liking and, after love of conquest and adventure had been tempered by increasing years, and the possible accumulation of modest means, they settled down to quiet and fairly industrious lives in the Pearl of the Antilles. From them sprang the true Cuban race, in which still remain many of the physical, moral, and intellectual traits of their ancestors.
These original pioneers or fortune seekers in Cuba really liked the climate, and as their love for conquest and adventure was mellowed by age and the chance to accumulate some modest wealth, they settled into quiet and fairly industrious lives in the Pearl of the Antilles. From them emerged the true Cuban race, which still retains many of the physical, moral, and intellectual traits of their ancestors.
Some of these early settlers made wives of comely Indian women, whose beauty had captured their fancy, and while the influence of the kindly, pleasure-loving “Cubenos” has not made any deep or striking impression on the race, it may account for the quite common fondness of display and love of gaiety found in the Cuban of today.
Some of these early settlers married attractive Native American women, whose beauty had caught their attention, and while the influence of the friendly, fun-loving "Cubenos" hasn't had a significant impact on the race, it might explain the common love of showiness and enjoyment of festivities seen in today's Cubans.
Next to the pioneers of Andalusia and southern Spain, it is probable that the introduction of French blood has influenced the Cuban type and life more than any other race foreign to the Island. Back in the seventeenth century French traders and privateers made frequent visits to Cuba, and some of them found Cuban wives, whose descendants afterward became citizens of the country. Then again, in the very first years of the nineteenth century, a large influx of French settlers, forced by revolution from Santo Domingo, fled as refugees to Cuba and made for themselves homes in Santiago and Santa Clara, whence with the increase of Havana’s distinction as the capital, many of them transferred their abiding place to that province and to Pinar del Rio, bringing with them their experience as coffee growers; this in the early part of the nineteenth century, becoming one of the most important industries of the Island.
Next to the pioneers of Andalusia and southern Spain, it's likely that the mix of French ancestry has had a bigger impact on the Cuban identity and lifestyle than any other foreign group on the Island. In the seventeenth century, French traders and privateers frequently visited Cuba, and some of them married Cuban women, with their descendants later becoming citizens of the country. Then, in the early nineteenth century, a significant number of French settlers, fleeing revolution in Santo Domingo, sought refuge in Cuba, settling in Santiago and Santa Clara. As Havana grew in prominence as the capital, many of them moved to that province and Pinar del Rio, bringing their experience in coffee farming; this shift in the early nineteenth century became one of the Island's key industries.
In the province of Havana, social life and the Cuban race itself, to a certain extent, were influenced by the various officials and army officers sent there from the mother country, many of whom found wives and made homes in Havana, bringing with them the predominating traits and customs of Madrid and other cities of Central Spain, which had given them birth.
In the province of Havana, social life and the Cuban identity to some degree were shaped by the different officials and military officers sent from the homeland. Many of them found wives and settled down in Havana, bringing with them the dominant traits and customs of Madrid and other cities in Central Spain, where they originated.
In later years, when Cuba began to obtain some prominence in the industrial and commercial world, immigrants from the mother country came to Havana in steadily increasing numbers. These were mostly from Galicia and other northern coast provinces of Spain. They were a plodding, frugal and industrious people, who, leaving a country that offered little compensation for the hardest forms of labor, found easier work and higher pay in Spain’s favorite colony.
In later years, when Cuba started to gain some visibility in the industrial and commercial landscape, immigrants from Spain arrived in Havana in larger and larger numbers. Most of them came from Galicia and other northern coastal provinces of Spain. They were hardworking, frugal, and industrious people who left a country that offered little reward for the most difficult types of labor and discovered easier jobs with better pay in Spain’s favored colony.
The Gallego in Cuba, however, prefers the life of the city, in which he plays quite an important part, since beginning at the very bottom of the ladder, through patient thrift and industry, maintained throughout a comparatively few years, he often succeeds in becoming the proprietor of a bodega, the ubiquitous barber shop, the corner café, or the sumptuous hotel on the Prado.
The Gallego in Cuba, however, prefers city life, where he plays a significant role. Starting from the very bottom and through hard work and saving, often within just a few years, he frequently ends up owning a bodega, a common barber shop, a corner café, or a lavish hotel on the Prado.
In the commercial life of the Island, he has a serious rival in the Catalan, who, while possessed of many of the traits of the hard working son of Galicia, is perhaps his superior in establishing successful enterprises of larger scope. The Catalan seldom if ever fails in business, and in energy, persistence and keen foresight, is quite the equal of those most famous of all traders and men of commerce, the sons of Israel.
In the business scene of the Island, he has a significant competitor in the Catalan, who, while sharing many characteristics with the hardworking people of Galicia, may actually have the upper hand when it comes to starting successful, larger-scale ventures. The Catalan rarely fails in business and matches the energy, determination, and sharp insight of the most renowned traders and entrepreneurs, the Jewish community.
Since the capture of Havana in 1763, when some of the members of the English army, captivated by the climate, concluded to remain there permanently, a small influx of English immigrants may be traced along through the past century, but never in sufficient numbers to play a very important part in the social or economical life of the country. Nevertheless, those who came and remained as permanent residents of Cuba, brought with them the elements of courage, thrift and integrity which characterize the English colonist in all parts of the world. Strange to relate, the general rule in regard to the unconformity of the English, when living in foreign climes, does not seem to apply in Cuba.
Since the capture of Havana in 1763, when some members of the English army, charmed by the climate, decided to stay permanently, there has been a small but steady trickle of English immigrants over the past century. However, they were never numerous enough to have a significant impact on the social or economic life of the country. Still, those who did settle in Cuba brought with them traits of courage, hard work, and honesty that define the English colonist everywhere. Interestingly, the usual pattern of English people being somewhat out of place in foreign lands doesn’t seem to apply in Cuba.
The immigrant from Great Britain, who settled in Cuba, while leaving the imprint of his character on his descendants, has nevertheless, sooner or later, become in many respects a typical native of the country, adopting even the language, and using it as his own, while his children, bright blue eyed and keenly intelligent, are often permitted to remain ignorant of their paternal tongue. Hence it is that we frequently meet with Robert Smith, Henry Brown, Herbert Clews, Frank Godoy, Tom Armstrong and Billy Patterson, sons or grandsons of former British subjects, who would look at you in doubt and fail to comprehend if saluted with such a common phrase as “a fine day” in English. Cuba has appreciated the sterling value of the small English immigration that has come to her shores, and only regrets that there is not more of it.
The immigrant from Great Britain who settled in Cuba, while leaving a mark on his descendants, has, sooner or later, become in many ways a typical native of the country, even adopting the language and using it as his own. Meanwhile, his children, bright blue-eyed and very intelligent, are often allowed to remain unaware of their father's language. Because of this, we often encounter Robert Smith, Henry Brown, Herbert Clews, Frank Godoy, Tom Armstrong, and Billy Patterson, sons or grandsons of former British subjects, who would look at you in confusion and fail to understand if greeted with a simple phrase like “a fine day” in English. Cuba values the genuine contribution of the small English immigration that has come to its shores and only wishes there were more of it.
Quite a large sprinkling from the Emerald Isle have become permanent residents of Cuba, and aside, perhaps, from a little trace of the original brogue, it would be hard to distinguish them from the wide awake Gallegos. The men of no race will so quickly adjust themselves to circumstances, and become, as it were, members of the family, no matter whether they settle in France, Italy, Spain, Cuba or the United States, as will the immigrants from Ireland. The Irishman brings with him, and always retains, his light-hearted, go-as-you-please and take-it-as-it-comes characteristics, no matter where he settles. More than all, the Irishman seldom makes trouble in any country but his own, and seems not only content, but quite willing, to accept the customs of his adopted country, even to the point of “running it” if opportunity offers.
A significant number of people from Ireland have made Cuba their permanent home, and aside from a slight hint of their original accent, it would be tough to tell them apart from the sharp-minded Gallegos. No other group adapts to new circumstances as quickly or integrates into the community as seamlessly as immigrants from Ireland, whether they settle in France, Italy, Spain, Cuba, or the United States. The Irish person carries with them their cheerful, easygoing attitude and ability to roll with the punches, no matter where they end up. More importantly, the Irish rarely cause trouble outside their own country and seem not only content but also eager to embrace the customs of their new home, even willing to take charge if the chance arises.
Why more Italians have not settled in Cuba, a country that in many respects resembles some sections of southern Italy, is not easy to determine, although it is probably due to a lack of propaganda on the part of the Republic itself. Occasional commercial houses are found, owned by Italians who have been residents there for many years, and a few of the laboring class, seeking higher wages within the last few years, have made their homes in Havana. Marvellous opportunities in the various fields of agriculture wait the keen witted thrifty Italian in Cuba. The certainty of a competence, if not a fortune, in small stock raising and grape growing, evidently has not been brought to his attention, otherwise more would have come and settled permanently in a country with whose people, in their fondness for music, their religious and social customs, they have much in common.
Why more Italians haven’t settled in Cuba, a country that in many ways resembles parts of southern Italy, isn’t easy to figure out, although it’s likely due to a lack of promotion from the Republic itself. Occasionally, you can find commercial businesses owned by Italians who have lived there for many years, and a few workers, looking for better wages in recent years, have made their homes in Havana. There are fantastic opportunities in various agricultural fields for the resourceful and hardworking Italian in Cuba. The potential for earning a decent living, if not making a fortune, in small livestock raising and grape growing clearly hasn’t been highlighted enough; otherwise, more would have come and made a permanent home in a country where they share so much in common with the locals, particularly in their love of music and their religious and social customs.
Of the Germans, of whom quite a number came to Cuba within the last thirty years, a different tale is told. The Teuton who roams abroad seems to come always with a definite purpose. He is diplomatic, courteous, observing, hard working, but essentially selfish in his motives, and makes no move the object of which is not to impress on the land he visits, or in which he may become a permanent resident, every custom, tradition and practice of the Fatherland that can possibly be implanted in the country that has given him shelter or social recognition. His club, his habits, his beer, his songs, his language and his precepts of “Deutscher Ueber Alles,” are spread to the utmost of his ability. But the German has been efficient and has catered in all his commercial dealings to the customs, caprices and even to the vices or weaknesses of the people with whom he trades and comes in contact. Hence it is that, up to the outbreak of the war of 1914, Germany certainly had the advantage over every competitor for trade from the Rio Grande to Patagonia.
Of the Germans, many of whom arrived in Cuba over the last thirty years, a different story is told. The German who travels abroad seems to always have a specific goal. He is diplomatic, polite, observant, hard-working, but primarily self-serving in his motives, making no move that isn’t aimed at making a mark on the land he visits or in which he may become a long-term resident, by instilling every custom, tradition, and practice from the Fatherland that he can into the country that has given him shelter or social acceptance. His clubs, habits, beer, songs, language, and principles of "Deutschland über Alles" are spread to the fullest extent of his capabilities. However, the German has been effective and has adapted in all his business dealings to the customs, whims, and even the vices or weaknesses of the people he trades with and interacts with. Because of this, up until the outbreak of the war in 1914, Germany certainly held an advantage over every competitor for trade from the Rio Grande to Patagonia.
Strange as it may seem, although Cuba is no farther from American territory in Florida than is Philadelphia from the City of New York, there was very little immigration from the United States and almost no citizens of that country, in spite of the attractions of the Pearl of the Antilles, had apparently ever thought of making a home in Cuba, until the Spanish-American War brought an army of occupation to the City of Havana in the fall of 1898.
Strange as it may seem, even though Cuba is just as close to Florida as Philadelphia is to New York City, there was very little immigration from the United States, and almost no American citizens seemed to consider making a home in Cuba, despite the allure of the Pearl of the Antilles, until the Spanish-American War brought an occupying army to Havana in the fall of 1898.
Following this army, as a result perhaps of favorable reports that came from the lips of returning soldiers, quite an influx of Americans, actuated by curiosity or motives of trade, came to Cuba and remained here permanently, many marrying into Cuban families, purchasing farms, or establishing branch houses and independent industries in the Island Republic. Most of these have succeeded socially and financially.
After this army, possibly due to positive reports from returning soldiers, a significant number of Americans, driven by curiosity or business interests, traveled to Cuba and decided to stay permanently. Many married into Cuban families, bought farms, or set up branch offices and independent businesses in the Island Republic. Most of these individuals have achieved success both socially and financially.
The larger part of the American settlers of 1900 came from Florida, and the Gulf States, although scattered throughout the various colonies of the Island are found people from almost every State of the Union. While the greater part of them, owing to the attractiveness and to better transportation facilities have remained in or near Havana, quite a number have settled in the Province of Camaguey, most of whom have prospered there as stock raisers and followers of agricultural industries.
The majority of American settlers in 1900 came from Florida and the Gulf States, although there are people from nearly every state in the Union scattered throughout the various colonies on the Island. While most of them have stayed in or around Havana due to its appeal and better transportation options, quite a few have settled in the Province of Camaguey, many of whom have thrived as livestock farmers and in agricultural industries.
The American as a rule, although of little experience as a colonizer, has nevertheless readily adapted himself to circumstances, and had made fast friends in his new surroundings. Many broad and excellent changes have been brought about by this influx of citizens from the sister Republic of the North. Most important of all was the introduction of an excellent system of modern sanitation which the Cuban has appreciated and followed with zeal. The absolute elimination of yellow fever and every other disease common to the tropics, can be placed to the credit of the country that became sponsor for Cuban Independence.
The American, although not very experienced as a colonizer, has quickly adapted to his new environment and made close friends there. Many significant and positive changes have come from the arrival of people from the neighboring Republic of the North. One of the most important changes has been the introduction of a modern sanitation system, which the Cuban people have embraced enthusiastically. The complete eradication of yellow fever and other diseases common in tropical areas is credited to the country that supported Cuba’s independence.
To this immigration may be attributed, also, many changes in Cuban social life, especially the gradually broadening sphere of activity among Cuban women, and the removal of some of the social barriers which from the immemorial had placed her in the position of a treasured toy, rather than that of an independent partner, and a responsible unit in the game of life.
To this immigration can be attributed many changes in Cuban social life, especially the expanding roles of Cuban women and the breaking down of some social barriers that had historically treated them as cherished possessions instead of independent partners and responsible contributors in life.
The impress of American influence on education, too, has been very great, since almost the first move of the military forces that took charge of the Island’s affairs with the exit of Spanish authority was to establish in Cuba a public school system, and modern ideas of education.
The impact of American influence on education has been significant, as almost immediately after the military took control of the Island following the departure of Spanish authority, they set up a public school system in Cuba along with modern educational ideas.
To the American farmer and fruit grower of Florida was due also the introduction of the citrus fruit industry, and the growing of vegetables on a large scale for the northern market, and while these enterprises are still, to a certain extent, in their infancy, many millions of dollars have been added thus to the wealth of the Island. In spite of what has been done, truth compels the statement, however, that in the United States really little is known of Cuba and her opportunities, although from the beginning of that country as a nation, aside from Mexico, geographically Cuba has been her closest neighbor.
To the American farmers and fruit growers in Florida, we owe the rise of the citrus fruit industry and the large-scale cultivation of vegetables for the northern market. Although these ventures are still somewhat new, they have already added millions of dollars to the wealth of the island. However, despite these advancements, it must be acknowledged that in the United States, very little is known about Cuba and its opportunities. This is surprising given that, from the start of Cuba as a nation, it has been geographically the closest neighbor to the U.S., aside from Mexico.
CHAPTER II
THE TOPOGRAPHY OF CUBA
TOPOGRAPHICALLY the surface of Cuba may be divided into five rather distinct zones, three of which are essentially mountainous. The first includes the entire eastern third of the province of Oriente, together with the greater part of its coast line, where the highest mountains of the Island are found. The second includes the greater part of the province of Camaguey, made up of gently rolling plains broken by occasional hills or low mountains, that along the northern coast, and again in the southeast center of the Province, rise to a height of approximately 1500 feet above the general level.
TOPOGRAPHICALLY the surface of Cuba can be divided into five distinct zones, three of which are mostly mountainous. The first zone covers the entire eastern third of the province of Oriente, along with most of its coastline, where the tallest mountains on the Island are located. The second zone includes most of the province of Camaguey, which consists of gently rolling plains interrupted by occasional hills or low mountains that reach about 1500 feet above the average level along the northern coast and again in the southeastern center of the province.
The next is a mountainous district including the greater part of eastern Santa Clara. The fourth comprises the western portion of this province together with all of Matanzas and Havana. The surface of this middle section is largely made up of rolling plains, broken here and there by hills that rise a few hundred feet above the sea level.
The next area is a hilly region that includes most of eastern Santa Clara. The fourth area covers the western part of this province along with all of Matanzas and Havana. The landscape of this central section mostly consists of rolling plains, with some hills rising a few hundred feet above sea level scattered throughout.
The fifth includes the province of Pinar del Rio, the northern half of which is traversed from one end to the other by several more or less parallel ranges of sierras, with mean altitudes ranging from 1,000 to 2,000 feet, leaving the southern half of the Province a flat plain, into which, along its northern edge, project spurs and foothills of the main range.
The fifth includes the province of Pinar del Rio, the northern half of which is crossed from one end to the other by several parallel mountain ranges, with average heights between 1,000 and 2,000 feet, leaving the southern half of the province as a flat plain, into which, along its northern edge, extend spurs and foothills of the main range.
The highest mountains of Cuba are located in the province of Oriente, where their general elevation is somewhat higher than that of the Allegheny or eastern ranges of the United States. The mountainous area of this province is greater than that of the combined mountain areas of all other parts of the Island. The mountains occur in groups, composed of different kinds of rock, and have diverse structures, more or less connected with one another.
The highest mountains in Cuba are found in the province of Oriente, where their overall elevation is a bit higher than that of the Allegheny or eastern ranges in the United States. The mountainous region in this province is larger than the combined mountain areas of all other parts of the island. The mountains are found in clusters, made up of various types of rock, and have different structures that are more or less interconnected.
The principal range is the Sierra Maestra, extending from Cabo Cruz to the Bay of Guantanamo, forty miles east of Santiago. This chain is continuous and of fairly uniform altitude, with the exception of a break in the vicinity of Santiago where the wide basin of Santiago Bay cuts across the main trend of the range. The highest peak of the Island is known as Turquino, located near the middle of the Sierra Maestra, and reaching an altitude of 8,642 feet.
The main mountain range is the Sierra Maestra, stretching from Cabo Cruz to the Bay of Guantanamo, about forty miles east of Santiago. This range is continuous and has a fairly consistent elevation, except for a gap near Santiago where the broad basin of Santiago Bay interrupts the main line of the range. The tallest peak on the island is called Turquino, situated near the center of the Sierra Maestra, and it rises to an elevation of 8,642 feet.
The hills back of Santiago Bay, separating it from the Valley of the Cauto, are similar in structure to the northern foothills of the main sierra. In the western part of the range, the mountains rise abruptly from the depths of the Caribbean Sea, but near the City of Santiago, and to the eastward, they are separated from the ocean by a narrow coastal plain, very much dissected. The streams which traverse it occupy valleys several hundred feet in depth, while the remnants of the plateau appear in the tops of the hills.
The hills behind Santiago Bay, which divide it from the Valley of the Cauto, have a similar structure to the northern foothills of the main sierra. In the western part of the range, the mountains rise sharply from the depths of the Caribbean Sea, but close to the City of Santiago, and further east, they are separated from the ocean by a narrow and rugged coastal plain. The rivers that flow through it cut valleys that are several hundred feet deep, while the remnants of the plateau can be seen at the tops of the hills.
East of Guantanamo Bay there are mountains which are structurally distinct from the Sierra Maestra, and these continue to Cape Maisi, the eastern terminus of Cuba. To the west they rise abruptly from the ocean bed, but further east, they are bordered by terraced foothills. Towards the north they continue straight across the Island as features of bold relief, connecting with the rugged Cuchillas of Baracoa, and with “El Yunque” lying to the southwest.
East of Guantanamo Bay, there are mountains that are different from the Sierra Maestra, stretching all the way to Cape Maisi, which is the eastern tip of Cuba. To the west, they rise steeply from the ocean floor, but farther east, they are surrounded by terraced foothills. To the north, they extend directly across the island as prominent features, connecting with the rugged Cuchillas of Baracoa and with "El Yunque" to the southwest.
Extending west from this eastern mass are high plateaus and mesas that form the northern side of the great amphitheatre which drains into Guantanamo Bay. Much of this section, when raised from the sea, was probably a great elevated plain, cut up and eroded through the ages since the seismic uplift that caused its birth.
Extending west from this eastern land are high plateaus and mesas that create the northern side of the large amphitheater draining into Guantanamo Bay. A lot of this area, when it was lifted from the sea, was likely a vast elevated plain, shaped and worn down over the ages since the seismic uplift that brought it into existence.
The most prominent feature of the northern mountains of Oriente Province, west of “El Yunque,” is the range comprising the Sierras Cristal and Nipe. These extend east and west, but are separated into several distinct masses by the Rio Sagua and the Rio Mayari, which break through and empty into harbors on the north coast. The high country south of these ranges has the character of a deeply dissected plateau, the upper stratum of which is limestone.
The most notable feature of the northern mountains of Oriente Province, west of “El Yunque,” is the range made up of the Sierras Cristal and Nipe. These extend east and west but are divided into several distinct sections by the Rio Sagua and the Rio Mayari, which flow through and empty into harbors on the north coast. The high land south of these ranges resembles a deeply cut plateau, with limestone forming the upper layer.
The character of the surface would indicate that nearly all the mountains of the eastern part of Oriente have been carved through erosion of centuries from a high plateau, the summits of which are found in “El Yunque” near Baracoa, and other flat topped mountains within the drainage basins of the Mayari and the Sagua rivers. The flat summits of the Sierra Nipe are probably remnants of the same great uplift.
The surface suggests that almost all the mountains in the eastern part of Oriente have been shaped by centuries of erosion from a high plateau, the peaks of which are located in “El Yunque” near Baracoa, along with other flat-topped mountains in the drainage areas of the Mayari and Sagua rivers. The flat peaks of the Sierra Nipe are likely remnants of the same major uplift.
Below this level are other benches or broad plateaus, the two most prominent occurring respectively at 1500 and 2000 feet above sea level. The highest summits rise to an altitude of 2800 or 3000 feet. The 2000 foot plateau of the Sierra Nipe alone includes an area estimated at not less than 40 square miles. It would seem that these elevated plateaus with their rich soils might be utilized for the production of wheat, and some of the northern fruits that require a cooler temperature than that found in other parts of Cuba.
Below this level are other ledges or wide plateaus, the two most notable ones being at 1500 and 2000 feet above sea level. The highest peaks reach an altitude of 2800 or 3000 feet. The 2000-foot plateau of the Sierra Nipe alone covers an area estimated at no less than 40 square miles. It seems that these high plateaus, with their fertile soils, could be used for growing wheat and some northern fruits that need a cooler climate than what is found in other parts of Cuba.
In the province of Oriente, the various mountain groups form two marginal ranges, which merge in the east, and diverge toward the west. The southern range is far more continuous, while the northern is composed of irregular groups separated by numerous river valleys. Between these divergent ranges lies the broad undulating plain of the famous Cauto Valley, which increases in width as it extends westward. The northern half of this valley merges into the plains of Camaguey, whose surface has been disturbed by volcanic uplifts only by a small group known as the Najassa Hills, in the southeast center of the province, and by the Sierra Cubitas Range, which parallels the coast from the basin of Nuevitas Bay until it terminates in the isolated hill known as Loma Cunagua.
In Oriente province, the different mountain groups form two marginal ranges that come together in the east and spread apart in the west. The southern range is much more continuous, while the northern one consists of irregular groups separated by many river valleys. Between these diverging ranges lies the wide, rolling plain of the famous Cauto Valley, which gets wider as it stretches westward. The northern half of this valley merges into the plains of Camaguey, where the surface has been slightly altered by volcanic activity, primarily by a small group known as the Najassa Hills in the southeast center of the province, and by the Sierra Cubitas Range, which runs parallel to the coast from the Nuevitas Bay basin and ends at the isolated hill called Loma Cunagua.
The central mountainous region of the Island is located in the province of Santa Clara, where a belt of mountains and hills following approximately northeast and southwest lines, passes through the cities of Sancti Spiritus and Santa Clara. Four groups are found here, one of which lies southwest of Sancti Spiritus, and east of the Rio Agabama. A second group is included between the valleys of the Agabama and the Rio Arimao.
The main mountainous area of the island is in the province of Santa Clara, where a range of mountains and hills runs roughly northeast to southwest, passing through the cities of Sancti Spiritus and Santa Clara. There are four groups in this region, one of which is located southwest of Sancti Spiritus and east of the Rio Agabama. A second group is situated between the valleys of the Agabama and the Rio Arimao.
The highest peak of Santa Clara is known as Potrerillo, located seven miles north of Trinidad, with an altitude of 2,900 feet. A third group lies southeast of the city of Santa Clara, and includes the Sierra del Escambray and the Alta de Agabama. The rounded hills of this region have an altitude of about 1,000 feet although a few of the summits are somewhat higher.
The highest point in Santa Clara is called Potrerillo, situated seven miles north of Trinidad, with an elevation of 2,900 feet. A third group is located southeast of Santa Clara and includes the Sierra del Escambray and the Alta de Agabama. The rounded hills in this area are around 1,000 feet high, although a few of the peaks are slightly taller.
The fourth group consists of a line of hills, beginning 25 miles east of Sagua la Grande, and extending into the province of Camaguey. The trend of this range is transverse to the central mountain zone as a whole, but it conforms in direction with the general geological structure of the region.
The fourth group is a line of hills that starts 25 miles east of Sagua la Grande and stretches into the province of Camaguey. This range runs across the central mountain zone as a whole, but it aligns with the general geological structure of the area.
East of the city of Santa Clara the hills of this last group merge with those of the central portion of the province. The summits in the northern line reach an altitude of only a thousand feet. The principal members are known as the Sierra Morena, west of Sagua la Grande, Lomas de Santa Fe, near Camaguani, the Sierra de Bamburanao, near Yaguajay, and the Lomas of the Savanas, south of the last mentioned town.
East of Santa Clara, the hills of this group blend with those in the central part of the province. The peaks in the northern range rise to just a thousand feet. The main mountains are called the Sierra Morena, located west of Sagua la Grande, Lomas de Santa Fe near Camaguani, the Sierra de Bamburanao near Yaguajay, and the Lomas of the Savanas, south of the last town mentioned.
In the province of Pinar del Rio, we find another system, or chain of mountains, dominated by the Sierra de los Organos or Organ mountains. These begin a little west of Guardiana Bay, with a chain of “magotes,” known as the “Pena Blanca,” composed of tertiary limestone. These are the result of a seismic upheaval running from north to south, almost at right angles with the main axis of the chains that form the mountainous vertebrae of the Island.
In the province of Pinar del Rio, there's another mountain range dominated by the Sierra de los Organos, or Organ mountains. This range starts just west of Guardiana Bay and features a series of “magotes,” known as the “Pena Blanca,” made up of tertiary limestone. These formations are the result of seismic upheaval that runs from north to south, nearly at right angles to the main axis of the ranges that create the mountainous spine of the Island.
Between the city of Pinar del Rio and the north coast at La Esperanza, the Organos are broken up into four or five parallel ridges, two of which are composed of limestone, while the others are of slate, sandstones and schists. The term “magote,” in Cuba, is applied to one of the most interesting and strikingly beautiful mountain formations in the world. They are evidently remnants of high ranges running usually from east to west, and have resulted from the upheaval of tertiary strata that dates back probably to the Jurassic period.
Between the city of Pinar del Rio and the north coast at La Esperanza, the Organos consist of four or five parallel ridges, two of which are made of limestone, while the others are made of slate, sandstones, and schists. In Cuba, the term “magote” refers to one of the most fascinating and visually stunning mountain formations in the world. They are clearly remnants of high ranges that typically run from east to west and are the result of the uplift of tertiary layers that likely date back to the Jurassic period.
The soft white material of this limestone, through countless eons of time, has been hammered by tropical rains that gradually washed away the surface and carved their once ragged peaks into peculiar, round, dome-shaped elevations that often rise perpendicularly to a height of 1,000 feet or more above the level grass plains that form their base. Meanwhile the continual seepage of water formed great caverns within that sooner or later caved in and fell, hastening thus the gradual leveling to which all mountains are doomed as long as the world is supplied with air and water. The softening and continual crumbling away of the rock have formed a rich soil on which grows a wonderful wealth of tropical vegetation, unlike anything known to other sections of Cuba, or perhaps in the world.
The soft white limestone has been shaped over countless ages by tropical rains that gradually eroded the surface, transforming its once jagged peaks into unique, round, dome-like formations that often rise straight up to heights of 1,000 feet or more above the flat grasslands below. Meanwhile, the constant seepage of water created large caverns inside that eventually collapsed, accelerating the slow leveling process to which all mountains are destined as long as the Earth has air and water. This softening and ongoing erosion of the rock have created rich soil that supports an incredible variety of tropical vegetation, unlike anything found in other parts of Cuba or perhaps anywhere else in the world.
The valley of the Vinales, lying between the City of Pinar del Rio and the north coast, might well be called the garden of the “magotes,” since not only is it surrounded by their precipitous walls, but several of them, detached from the main chain, rise abruptly from the floor of the valley, converting it into one of the most strangely beautiful spots in the world.
The Vinales Valley, located between the City of Pinar del Rio and the northern coast, could easily be referred to as the garden of the “magotes.” It's not just that the valley is enclosed by their steep cliffs; several of these formations, separate from the main range, rise sharply from the valley floor, making it one of the most uniquely beautiful places in the world.
John D. Henderson, the naturalist, in speaking of this region, says: “The valley of the Vinales must not be compared with the Yosemite or Grand Canon, or some famed Alpine passage, for it cannot display the astounding contrasts of these, or of many well-known valleys among the higher mountains of the world. We were all of us traveled men who viewed this panorama, but all agreed that never before had we gazed on so charming a sight. There are recesses among the Rocky Mountains of Canada in which one gazes with awe and bated breath, where the very silence oppresses, and the beholder instinctively reaches out for support to guard against slipping into the awful chasm below. But the Valley of Vinales, on the contrary, seems to soothe and lull the senses. Like great birds suspended in the sky, we long to soar above it, and then alighting within some palm grove, far below, to rejoice in its atmosphere of perfect peace.”
John D. Henderson, the naturalist, when discussing this region, says: “The valley of Vinales shouldn’t be compared with Yosemite or the Grand Canyon, or any famous Alpine pass, because it doesn’t showcase the incredible contrasts of those places, or many well-known valleys in the world’s higher mountains. We were all well-traveled men who marveled at this view, but we all agreed that we had never seen such a beautiful sight before. There are hidden spots among the Rocky Mountains of Canada that leave you in awe, where the silence is so heavy it feels like a weight, and you instinctively reach out for something to hold onto to keep from slipping into the terrifying chasm below. But the Valley of Vinales, on the other hand, feels calming and soothing to the senses. Like great birds gliding in the sky, we want to soar above it and then land in a palm grove far below, reveling in its atmosphere of perfect peace.”
A mountain maze of high, round-topped lomas dominates almost the entire northern half of Pinar del Rio. It is the picturesque remnant of an elevated plain that at some time in the geological life of the Island was raised above the surface 1500, perhaps 2000, feet. This, through the erosion of thousands of centuries, has been carved into great land surges, without any particular alignment or system.
A mountain maze of tall, rounded hills dominates almost the entire northern half of Pinar del Rio. It’s a beautiful remnant of an elevated plain that was once raised above the surface by 1500, maybe even 2000, feet at some point in the geological history of the Island. Over thousands of centuries of erosion, this has been shaped into large land formations, with no specific alignment or pattern.
Straight up through the center of this mountainous area are projected a series of more or less parallel limestone ridges. These, as a rule, have an east and west axis, and attain a greater elevation than the lomas. They are known as the Sierras de los Organos, although having many local names at different points. Water and atmospheric agencies have carved them into most fantastic shapes, so that they do, in places, present an organ pipe appearance. They are almost always steep, often with vertical walls or “paradones” that rise 1000 feet from the floor or base on which they rest.
Straight up through the middle of this mountainous area are a series of mostly parallel limestone ridges. Usually, they run east to west and reach a higher elevation than the lomas. They’re known as the Sierras de los Organos, although they have many local names at different points. Water and weather have shaped them into the most amazing forms, so in some places, they look like organ pipes. They are almost always steep, often with vertical walls or "paradones" that rise 1,000 feet from the ground or base they sit on.
The northernmost range, running parallel to the Gulf Coast, is known as the “Costanero.” The highest peak of Pinar del Rio is called Guajaibon, which rises to an altitude of 3000 feet, with its base but very little above the level of the sea. It is probably of Jurassic limestone and forms the eastern outpost of the Costaneros.
The northernmost mountain range, running alongside the Gulf Coast, is known as the “Costanero.” The tallest peak in Pinar del Rio is called Guajaibon, which reaches an altitude of 3000 feet, with its base barely above sea level. It is likely made of Jurassic limestone and serves as the eastern boundary of the Costaneros.
The southern range of the Organos begins with an interesting peak known as the Pan de Azucar, located only a few miles east of the Pena Blanca. From this western sentinel with many breaks extends the great southern chain of the Organos with its various groups of “magotes,” reaching eastward throughout the entire province. At its extreme eastern terminus we find a lower and detached ridge known as the Pan de Guanajay, which passes for a few miles beyond the boundary line, and into the province of Havana.
The southern range of the Organos starts with an intriguing peak called the Pan de Azucar, which is just a few miles east of the Pena Blanca. From this western lookout with many gaps, the extensive southern chain of the Organos stretches out, including various groups of “magotes,” extending eastward across the entire province. At its far eastern end, there's a lower and separate ridge called the Pan de Guanajay, which extends for a few miles beyond the border and into the province of Havana.
Surrounding the Organos from La Esperanza west, and bordering it also on the south for a short distance east of the city of Pinar del Rio, are ranges of round topped lomas, composed largely of sandstone, slate and shale. The surface of these is covered with the small pines, scrubby palms and undergrowth found only on poor soil.
Surrounding the Organos from La Esperanza to the west, and also bordering it on the south for a short distance east of the city of Pinar del Rio, are hills with rounded tops made mostly of sandstone, slate, and shale. The surface of these hills is covered with small pines, scraggly palms, and underbrush that you only find in poor soil.
From the Mulato River east, along the north coast, the character of the lomas changes abruptly. Here we have deep rich soil covered with splendid forests of hard woods, that reach up into the Organos some ten miles back from the coast. Along the southern edge of the Organos, from Herredura east, lies a charming narrow belt of rolling country covered with a rich sandy loam that extends almost to the city of Artemisa.
From the Mulato River east along the north coast, the landscape changes dramatically. Here, there’s deep, fertile soil blanketed with beautiful hardwood forests that stretch about ten miles inland into the Organos. Along the southern edge of the Organos, from Herredura east, there’s a lovely narrow strip of rolling terrain covered with rich sandy loam that goes almost all the way to the city of Artemisa.
Extensions, or occasional outcroppings, of the Pinar del Rio mountain system, appear in the province of Havana, and continue on into Matanzas, where another short coastal range appears, just west of the valley of the Yumuri. This, as before stated, has its continuation in detached ridges that extend along the entire north coast, with but few interruptions, until merged into the mountain maze of eastern Oriente.
Extensions, or occasional outcrops, of the Pinar del Rio mountain system can be found in Havana province and stretch into Matanzas, where another short coastal range emerges just west of the Yumuri valley. As mentioned earlier, this range continues in isolated ridges that run along the entire northern coast with only a few interruptions, eventually merging into the mountainous region of eastern Oriente.
Outside of the mountainous districts thus described, the general surface of Cuba is a gently undulating plain, with altitudes varying from only a few feet above the sea level to 500 or 600 feet, near El Cristo in Oriente. In Pinar del Rio it forms a piedmont plain that entirely surrounds the mountain range. On the south this plain has a maximum width of about 25 miles and ascends gradually from the shores of the Caribbean at the rate of seven or eight feet to the mile until it reaches the edge of the foothills along the line of the automobile drive, connecting Havana with the capital of Pinar del Rio.
Outside of the mountain areas just mentioned, the general landscape of Cuba is a gently rolling plain, with elevations ranging from just a few feet above sea level to 500 or 600 feet near El Cristo in Oriente. In Pinar del Rio, it forms a lowland area that completely surrounds the mountain range. On the southern side, this plain is about 25 miles wide at its widest point and gradually rises from the Caribbean shores at a rate of seven or eight feet per mile until it reaches the foothills along the route of the drive that connects Havana with the capital of Pinar del Rio.
North of the mountain range the lowland belt is very much narrower and in some places reaches a height of 200 feet as a rule deeply dissected, so that in places only the level of the hill tops mark the position of the original plain.
North of the mountain range, the lowland area is much narrower and in some spots reaches a height of 200 feet, typically deeply cut up, so that in some places only the tops of the hills indicate where the original plain was.
The two piedmont plains of Pinar del Rio unite at the eastern extremity of the Organos Mountains and extend over the greater part of the provinces of Havana and Matanzas and the western half of Santa Clara. The divide as a rule is near the center of this plain, although the land has a gradual slope from near its northern margin towards the south.
The two lowland plains of Pinar del Rio come together at the eastern edge of the Organos Mountains and cover most of the provinces of Havana and Matanzas, as well as the western half of Santa Clara. Generally, the divide is around the center of this plain, although the land gently slopes down from near its northern edge toward the south.
In the neighborhood of Havana, the elevation varies between 300 and 400 feet, continuing eastward to Cardenas. The streams flowing north have lowered their channels as the land rose, and the surface drained by them has become deeply dissected, while the streams flowing toward the south have been but little affected by the elevation and remain generally in very narrow channels.
In the Havana area, the height varies between 300 and 400 feet, extending eastward to Cardenas. The rivers flowing north have carved out their paths as the land has uplifted, creating a deeply cut landscape, while the rivers flowing south have been mostly unaffected by the rise and continue to run in narrow channels.
East of Cardenas the general elevation of the plain is low, sloping gradually both north and south from the axis of the Island. Considerable areas of this plain are found among the various mountain groups in the eastern half of Santa Clara province, beyond which it extends over the greater part of Camaguey and into Oriente. Here it reaches the northern coast between isolated mountain groups, extending as far east as Nipe Bay, and toward the south merges into the great Cauto Valley.
East of Cardenas, the land is mostly flat, gently sloping both north and south from the center of the Island. There are large sections of this flat land scattered among the different mountain ranges in the eastern part of Santa Clara province, and it stretches over most of Camaguey and into Oriente. Here, it meets the northern coast between separate mountain ranges, reaching as far east as Nipe Bay, and to the south, it blends into the expansive Cauto Valley.
From Cabo Cruz the plain extends along the northern base of the Sierra Maestra to the head of the Cauto valley. Its elevation near Manzanillo is about 200 feet, whence it increases to 640 feet at El Cristo. In the central section of Oriente, the Cauto River and its tributaries have cut channels into this plain from 50 to 200 feet in depth. In the lower part of the valley these channels are sometimes several miles across and are occupied by alluvial flats or river bottoms. They decrease in width towards the east and in the upper part of the valley become narrow gorges.
From Cabo Cruz, the plain stretches along the northern side of the Sierra Maestra to the beginning of the Cauto valley. Its height near Manzanillo is about 200 feet, rising to 640 feet at El Cristo. In the central area of Oriente, the Cauto River and its tributaries have carved channels into this plain, ranging from 50 to 200 feet deep. In the lower part of the valley, these channels can be several miles wide, filled with alluvial flats or river bottoms. They narrow towards the east and become steep gorges in the upper part of the valley.
A large part of this plain of Cuba, especially in the central provinces, is underlaid by porous limestone, through which the surface waters have found underground passages. This accounts for the fact that large areas are occasionally devoid of flowing surface streams. The rain water sinks into the ground as soon as it falls, and after flowing long distances under ground, emerges in bold springs, such as those of the Almandares that burst out of the river bank some eight miles south of the City of Havana. Engineers of the rope and cordage plant, just north of the City of Matanzas, while boring for water, found unexpectedly a swift, running river, only ten feet below the surface, that has given them an inexhaustible supply of excellent water.
A large part of the Cuban plain, especially in the central provinces, sits on porous limestone that allows surface water to find underground routes. This explains why large areas sometimes lack flowing surface streams. Rainwater seeps into the ground as soon as it falls and, after traveling underground for long distances, surfaces in strong springs, like those of the Almandares, which erupt from the riverbank about eight miles south of Havana. Engineers at the rope and cordage plant, just north of Matanzas, unexpectedly discovered a swift-running river only ten feet below the surface while drilling for water, providing them with a never-ending supply of excellent water.
Most of the plains of Cuba above indicated have been formed by the erosion of its surface, and are covered with residual soil derived from the underlying limestones. Where they consist of red or black clays they are exceedingly fertile. Certain portions of the plains, especially those bordering on the southern side of the mountains of Pinar del Rio, are covered with a layer of sand and gravel, washed down from the adjoining highlands, and are inferior in fertility to soils derived from the erosion of limestone. Similar superficial deposits are met in the vicinity of Cienfuegos, and in other sections of the Island, where the plain forms a piedmont adjacent to highlands composed of silicious rocks.
Most of the plains in Cuba mentioned earlier have been formed by the erosion of its surface and are topped with residual soil from the underlying limestones. Where they are made up of red or black clay, they are very fertile. Certain parts of the plains, especially those along the southern side of the mountains in Pinar del Río, are covered with a layer of sand and gravel washed down from the nearby highlands, and they are less fertile than soils that result from the erosion of limestone. Similar surface deposits can be found near Cienfuegos and in other areas of the island, where the plain is a foothill next to highlands made up of siliceous rocks.
CHAPTER III
THE CLIMATE OF CUBA
SINCE on the climate of country depends largely its healthfulness, nothing perhaps is of greater importance, especially to the man who wishes to find some place where he may build his permanent home and raise his family; to him this feature above all demands careful consideration.
SINCE the climate of a country greatly affects its healthiness, nothing is probably more important, especially for someone who wants to find a place to settle down and raise a family; for them, this aspect requires serious thought.
The most striking and perhaps the most important fact in regard to the climate of Cuba is its freedom from those extremes of temperature which are considered prejudicial to health in any country. The difference between the mean annual temperature of winter and that of summer is only twelve degrees, or from 76 degrees to 88 degrees. Even between the coldest days of winter, when the mercury once went as low as 58 degrees, and the extreme limit of summer, registered as 92 degrees, we have a difference of only 34 degrees; and the extremes of summer are seldom noticed, since the fresh northeast trade winds coming from the Atlantic sweep across the Island, carrying away with them the heated atmosphere of the interior.
The most noticeable and perhaps the most important aspect of Cuba's climate is its lack of temperature extremes that are considered harmful to health anywhere. The difference between the average annual temperature in winter and summer is only twelve degrees, ranging from 76 degrees to 88 degrees. Even between the coldest winter days, when temperatures once dropped to 58 degrees, and the highest summer temperatures, recorded at 92 degrees, there's only a 34-degree difference. The extreme summer heat is rarely felt because the cool northeast trade winds from the Atlantic blow across the island, replacing the warmer air from the interior.
The fact that the main axis of the Island, with its seven hundred mile stretch of territory, extends from southeast to northwest, almost at right angles to the general direction of the wind, plays a very important part in the equability of Cuba’s climate. Then again, the Island is completely surrounded by oceans, the temperature of which remains constant, and this plays an important part in preventing extremes of heat or cold.
The main axis of the Island, stretching seven hundred miles from southeast to northwest, almost at a right angle to the prevailing wind direction, significantly influences the stability of Cuba’s climate. Additionally, the Island is entirely surrounded by oceans, which have a consistent temperature, helping to prevent extreme heat or cold.
Ice, of course, cannot form, and frost is found only on the tops of the tallest mountain ranges. The few cold days during winter, when the thermometer may drop to 60 after sundown, are the advance waves of “Northers” that sweep down from the Dakotas, across Oklahoma and the great plains of Texas, eventually reaching Cuba, but only after the sting of the cold has been tempered in its passage of six hundred miles across the Gulf of Mexico.
Ice can't form, and frost only appears on the peaks of the tallest mountains. The rare cold days in winter, when the temperature might drop to 60 after sunset, are the early signs of "Northers" that come down from the Dakotas, through Oklahoma and the vast plains of Texas, eventually reaching Cuba, but only after the chill has been softened during its journey of six hundred miles across the Gulf of Mexico.
A temperature of 60 degrees in Cuba is not agreeable to the natives, or even to those residents who once lived in northern climes. This may be due to the fact that life in the Tropics has a tendency to thin the blood, and to render it less resistant to low temperature; and also because Cuban residences are largely of stone, brick or reinforced concrete, with either tile or marble floors, and have no provision whatever against cold. And, although the walls are heavy, the windows, doors and openings are many times larger than those of residences in the United States, hence the cold cannot readily be excluded as in other countries. There is said to be but one fire-place in the Island of Cuba, and that was built in the beautiful home of an American, near Guayabal, just to remind him, he said, of the country whence he came.
A temperature of 60 degrees in Cuba isn't comfortable for the locals or even for residents who used to live in colder regions. This might be because life in the tropics tends to thin the blood, making it less tolerant of lower temperatures; plus, most Cuban homes are made of stone, brick, or reinforced concrete, with tile or marble floors, and they have no heating at all. Although the walls are thick, the windows, doors, and openings are often much larger than those in homes in the United States, so the cold can't be kept out as effectively as in other countries. It's said there's only one fireplace in all of Cuba, and it's in the lovely home of an American near Guayabal, which he built just to remind him of his homeland.
Again in the matter of rainfall and its bearing on the climate of a country, Cuba is very fortunate. The rains all come in the form of showers during the summer months, from the middle of May until the end of October, and serve to purify and temper the heat of summer. On the other hand, the cooler months of winter are quite dry, and absolutely free from the chilling rains, sleets, snows, mists and dampness, that endanger the health, if not the life, of those less fortunate people who dwell in latitudes close to 40 degrees.
Once again, regarding rainfall and its impact on a country's climate, Cuba is quite lucky. The rain comes in the form of showers during the summer months, from mid-May to the end of October, helping to cleanse and moderate the summer heat. In contrast, the cooler winter months are very dry and completely free from the cold rains, sleets, snows, mists, and dampness that can threaten the health, if not the lives, of those less fortunate people living in areas near 40 degrees latitude.
Cloudy, gloomy days are almost unknown in Cuba, and the sun can be depended upon to shine for at least thirty days every month, and according to the testimony of physicians nothing is better than sunshine to eliminate the germs of contagious diseases. Hence we can truthfully says that in the matter of climate and health, Cuba asks no favor of any country on earth.
Cloudy, gloomy days are pretty rare in Cuba, and you can count on the sun to shine for at least thirty days each month. Doctors say that nothing is better than sunshine for getting rid of the germs that cause contagious diseases. So, we can honestly say that when it comes to climate and health, Cuba doesn't need any favors from any country in the world.
CHAPTER IV
PROVINCE OF HAVANA
THE Province of Havana, with its area of 3,171 square miles, is the smallest in Cuba, and yet, owing to the city of Havana, capital of the Republic, it plays a very important part in the social, political and economic life of the Island.
The Province of Havana, covering 3,171 square miles, is the smallest in Cuba, but because of the city of Havana, the capital of the Republic, it plays a significant role in the social, political, and economic life of the Island.
Geographically, it is the pivotal province of Cuba, since the narrowest place across the long arch-like stretch of the Island is found along the border between Havana and Pinar del Rio, where only twenty-two miles lie between the Mexican Gulf and the Caribbean Sea. The province proper measures about thirty miles from north to south, with an average width of fifty-five.
Geographically, it is the central province of Cuba, since the narrowest point along the long, arching stretch of the Island is at the border between Havana and Pinar del Rio, where only twenty-two miles separate the Gulf of Mexico from the Caribbean Sea. The province itself is about thirty miles long from north to south, with an average width of fifty-five.
The topography of Havana includes a varied assortment of hills, ridges, plateaus, valleys and plains, so that the scenery never becomes monotonous; and with the numerous automobile drives that radiate from the Capital, shaded with the luxuriant foliage of royal palms, bamboo and other forms of tropical vegetation, it offers to the tourist and traveler an almost endless panorama of charming change and pleasant surprise. The average altitude of Havana province is slightly lower than that of either Matanzas or Pinar del Rio, bordering on the east and west.
The landscape of Havana features a diverse mix of hills, ridges, plateaus, valleys, and plains, ensuring that the scenery remains interesting; with the many scenic drives that branch out from the capital, lined with lush royal palms, bamboo, and other types of tropical plants, it provides tourists and travelers with an almost endless view of delightful changes and nice surprises. The average altitude of Havana province is slightly lower than that of Matanzas or Pinar del Río, which are located to the east and west.
Columbus, on his second voyage of discovery, cruised along the southern coast of Cuba until he reached a point a little west of the Indian village of Batabano. Here he heard of another island not far to the south. Leaving the coast he threaded his way through shoals and scattered keys, that even up to the present time have been only imperfectly charted, and finally, on July 12, 1494, landed at some place on the northern shore. He called this island the Evangelist. It is the largest of a chain of keys running parallel with this part of the south coast, irregular in form with an area of approximately eight hundred square miles, and forms the southern half of the judicial district of Havana.
Columbus, on his second voyage of discovery, sailed along the southern coast of Cuba until he reached a point just west of the Indian village of Batabano. Here, he learned about another island not far to the south. Leaving the coast, he navigated through shallow waters and scattered keys that, even today, are only partially mapped. Finally, on July 12, 1494, he landed somewhere on the northern shore. He called this island the Evangelist. It is the largest in a chain of keys running parallel to this part of the southern coast, irregular in shape, with an area of about eight hundred square miles, and makes up the southern half of the judicial district of Havana.
Columbus remained here, taking on fresh water and wood, until July 25, and then began his return voyage east, sailing over shoals that displayed so many varying shades of green, purple and white, that his mariners are said to have become alarmed.
Columbus stayed here, refilling on fresh water and wood, until July 25, and then started his return voyage east, sailing over shallow waters that showed so many different shades of green, purple, and white that his crew reportedly became worried.
Some twenty years later Diego Velasquez cruised along the southern coast to a point west of the Guines River, where he founded a city, which he called San Cristobal de la Havana. The fifty odd colonists whom he left behind soon became dissatisfied with the general surroundings of the spot which he had selected for their abiding place and moved over to the north shore of the Island near the mouth of the Almandares River, which they found in every way more agreeable as a place of permanent residence. In 1519 a second move was made to the Bay of Carenas, where they located permanently on the harbor, destined soon after to become the most important port of the West Indies.
About twenty years later, Diego Velasquez traveled along the southern coast to a spot west of the Guines River, where he established a city called San Cristobal de la Havana. The fifty or so colonists he left behind quickly became unhappy with the general surroundings of the place he chose for them and moved to the north shore of the island, near the mouth of the Almandares River, which they found much more agreeable for permanent living. In 1519, they made a second move to the Bay of Carenas, where they settled permanently on the harbor, which would soon become the most important port in the West Indies.
The inhabitants of that irregular group of palm thatched huts little dreamed that four centuries later the Port of Havana would have a foreign commerce whose tonnage is excelled by only one other in the Western Hemisphere.
The people living in that uneven cluster of palm-thatch huts never imagined that four centuries later, the Port of Havana would host a foreign trade whose cargo weight is surpassed by only one other in the Western Hemisphere.
With the exception of the low, grass-covered plains of the southern shore, the topography of the Province of Havana is undulating and picturesque. The northern shore, throughout most of its length, especially from the City of Havana west to Matanzas, rises more or less abruptly from the beach until it reaches a rather uneven plateau, several hundred feet above the level of the sea.
Aside from the flat, grassy plains of the southern shore, the landscape of the Province of Havana is hilly and beautiful. The northern shore, for the most part, especially from the City of Havana to Matanzas, rises steeply from the beach until it reaches a rather bumpy plateau, several hundred feet above sea level.
In the northwestern corner, some two miles back from the shore line, the “Pan” or “Loma of Guayabon,” which is really a continuation of the Organ Mountains of Pinar del Rio, forms a palm covered, picturesque ridge, six hundred feet in height, extending from east to west for several miles. Along the southern edge of this range of hills, runs a beautiful automobile drive, connecting the capital with the city of Pinar del Rio, the wonderful valley of the Vinales, Guane and the extreme western end of the Island. A drive leading from the city of Guanajay extends fifty miles northwest to the Bay of Bahia Honda, chosen originally as a coaling station for the Navy, but never occupied.
In the northwestern corner, about two miles back from the shoreline, the “Pan” or “Loma of Guayabon,” which is really an extension of the Organ Mountains of Pinar del Rio, forms a picturesque ridge covered with palm trees, rising six hundred feet and stretching from east to west for several miles. Along the southern edge of this range, there’s a beautiful drive for cars that connects the capital with the city of Pinar del Rio, the stunning Vinales Valley, Guane, and the far western tip of the island. A road that starts in the city of Guanajay goes fifty miles northwest to Bahia Honda Bay, which was originally selected as a coaling station for the Navy but was never used.
In the east central part of the province lie two small mountains known as the Tetas de Bejucal, and from them, extending in an easterly direction into the Province of Matanzas, are broken ridges, plateaus, and hills that form one of the connecting links between the Organ group of mountains in the west, and the still higher cordilleras of the Province of Oriente in the extreme east.
In the east-central part of the province, there are two small mountains called the Tetas de Bejucal. From there, ridges, plateaus, and hills extend eastward into the Province of Matanzas, creating a connection between the Organ mountain range in the west and the even higher mountain chains of the Province of Oriente in the far east.
With the exception of the coastal plain running along the southern boundary, the remainder of the province is undulating, more or less hilly, and quite picturesque in its contour. A little east of the Tetas de Bejucal, from the top of the divide that forms the water shed of the province, looking south, one sees below him the Valley of the Guines, known as the Garden of Havana. Thousands of acres are here spread out before the view, all irrigated by the Guines River, whose source is in the never failing springs that gush from the base of a mountain ridge in the east center of the Province.
Except for the coastal plain along the southern edge, the rest of the province is rolling, somewhat hilly, and quite beautiful in its shape. Just east of the Tetas de Bejucal, from the top of the ridge that serves as the watershed for the province, looking south, one can see the Valley of the Guines below, known as the Garden of Havana. Thousands of acres stretch out before you, all irrigated by the Guines River, which originates from the constant springs that flow from the base of a mountain ridge in the eastern center of the province.
The rich soil of this section, furnished as it is with water throughout the year, produces a marvelous yield of sugar cane, potatoes, tomatoes, peppers, egg plants and other vegetables, affording an inexhaustible supply during the winter to the capital, forty miles north. Engineers are making a study of this river so that its water may be more economically distributed and the acreage of irrigated lands greatly increased.
The fertile soil in this area, which has a steady water supply year-round, yields an amazing harvest of sugar cane, potatoes, tomatoes, peppers, eggplants, and other vegetables, providing a continuous supply to the capital, forty miles north, even in winter. Engineers are examining this river to ensure its water is distributed more efficiently and to significantly expand the amount of irrigated land.
In the southwestern quarter of Havana Province, known as the Tumbadero District, experiments were first made in growing tobacco under cheese cloth. These were so successful that in a few years Tumbadero, or Havana wrappers, became famous for their fineness of texture, and within a short time thousands of acres in that section were converted into fields, or vegas, whose returns in tobacco leaf product were excelled in value only by those of the celebrated Vuelta Abajo district of Pinar del Rio. The towns of Alquizar and Guira de Melina were built and sustained by the reputation of the Tumbadero wrapper, and the tobacco district was soon extended well up into the center of the province, including Salud, Rincon, San Antonio de los Banos, and Santiago de las Vegas. In the northwestern corner of the Island, the rich valley extending south and east of the “Pan de Guayabon,” including the towns of Caimito, Hoyo Colorado, and Guayabal, has recently rivaled the Tumbadero district in the excellence of its tobacco, and excels in citrus fruit.
In the southwestern part of Havana Province, called the Tumbadero District, experiments were initially conducted using cheesecloth to grow tobacco. These efforts were so successful that within a few years, Tumbadero, or Havana wrappers, became famous for their fine texture. Shortly after, thousands of acres in that area were turned into fields, or vegas, yielding tobacco leaves whose value was only surpassed by those from the renowned Vuelta Abajo district in Pinar del Rio. The towns of Alquizar and Guira de Melina were established and thrived due to the reputation of the Tumbadero wrapper, and the tobacco district soon expanded well into the center of the province, covering areas like Salud, Rincon, San Antonio de los Banos, and Santiago de las Vegas. In the northwestern corner of the island, the rich valley south and east of the “Pan de Guayabon,” which includes the towns of Caimito, Hoyo Colorado, and Guayabal, has recently competed with the Tumbadero district in tobacco quality and surpasses it in citrus fruit production.
Over three-fourths of Havana Province have been blessed with a remarkably fertile soil, and although much of it has been under cultivation for three centuries or more, with the judicious use of fertilizers, the returns, either in fruit or vegetables, are very gratifying to the small farmer.
Over seventy-five percent of Havana Province has been fortunate to have incredibly fertile soil, and even though a lot of it has been farmed for over three hundred years, with the smart use of fertilizers, the harvests, whether in fruit or vegetables, are very rewarding for the small farmer.
Along the delightfully shaded automobile drives that radiate from the Capital in nearly all directions, the price of land within thirty miles of the city has risen so rapidly that it is being given over almost entirely to suburban homes and country estates, maintained by the wealthy residents of the capital. In a climate where frost is unknown, where the foliage remains fresh and green throughout the winter, it is comparatively easy to convert an ordinary farm into a veritable garden of Eden.
Along the beautifully shaded roads that spread out from the Capital in almost every direction, the price of land within thirty miles of the city has increased so quickly that it's almost entirely turning into suburban homes and country estates, owned by the affluent residents of the capital. In a climate where frost is absent, and where the greenery stays fresh and vibrant throughout the winter, it’s relatively easy to transform an ordinary farm into a true paradise.
One of the most beautiful places on the Island within the last few years has been created by General Mario G. Menocal, President of the Republic. It covers several hundred acres and is known as “El Chico,” or the “Little One.” A commanding residence of Cuban colonial architecture, standing a little back from the road, has been surrounded with beautiful drives, lined with every variety of fruit tree, flower and ornamental plant known to Cuba. The green lawn sweeps up to the stately building occupied by President Menocal as a residence or country seat in summer. On this place may be found many varieties of poultry, recently imported from the United States for experimental purposes, in which the President is deeply interested. Competent gardeners and caretakers are maintained, with the result that “El Chico,” where General Menocal and his family spend much of their time, has become one of the show places of the Province.
One of the most beautiful spots on the Island in recent years has been created by General Mario G. Menocal, the President of the Republic. It spans several hundred acres and is called “El Chico,” or the “Little One.” An impressive residence showcasing Cuban colonial architecture stands slightly set back from the road, surrounded by lovely drives lined with every type of fruit tree, flower, and ornamental plant found in Cuba. The lush green lawn extends up to the grand building that President Menocal uses as his summer residence. Here, you can find many types of poultry, recently imported from the United States for experimental purposes, which the President is very interested in. Skilled gardeners and caretakers are employed, resulting in “El Chico,” where General Menocal and his family spend a lot of their time, becoming one of the highlights of the Province.
Col. Jose Villalon, Secretary of Public Works, and Col. Charles Hernandez, Director of Posts and Telegraph, have pretty country estates located west of Havana, not far from El Chico.
Col. Jose Villalon, Secretary of Public Works, and Col. Charles Hernandez, Director of Posts and Telegraph, have nice country estates situated west of Havana, not far from El Chico.
The soil of the Province, throughout most of its extent, has been formed through the erosion of tertiary limestone, colored in many places a reddish brown of oxide of iron that has impregnated most of the soils of Cuba. Just south of Havana, serpentine has obtruded through the limestone along a belt some two or three miles in extent, and forms the round topped hills in evidence from the bay.
The soil in the Province, for the most part, has been created by the erosion of tertiary limestone, which in many areas appears a reddish-brown due to iron oxide that has seeped into most of Cuba's soils. Just south of Havana, serpentine has pushed through the limestone along a stretch of about two to three miles, forming the rounded hills visible from the bay.
The greater part of Havana Province, when found by the Spaniards, was covered with forests of hard woods, that were gradually cut away during the centuries in which the land has been tilled. The trees, according to early records, included cedar, mahogany, acana, majagua and others, still found in the mountainous districts and those sections of Cuba not yet brought under cultivation. These valuable hard woods formed the posts, joists, rafters, doors and windows of nearly all the old-time residences of early days. Many buildings that have remained standing through centuries, have ceilings that are supported by heavy carved timbers of mahogany and give promise still of long years of service if permitted to remain.
The majority of Havana Province, when discovered by the Spaniards, was filled with hardwood forests, which have gradually been cleared over the centuries as the land has been farmed. Early records noted that the trees included cedar, mahogany, acana, majagua, and others, which are still found in the mountainous areas and parts of Cuba that have not been cultivated yet. These valuable hardwoods were used for the posts, joists, rafters, doors, and windows of almost all the traditional homes from earlier times. Many buildings that have stood for centuries feature ceilings supported by heavy carved mahogany beams and still promise many more years of service if left intact.
The basic wealth of the province, as in nearly all other sections of Cuba, is dependent on agriculture, although since the inauguration of the Republic in 1902, manufacturing and various other industries are beginning to play a prominent part in her economical wealth.
The main source of wealth in the province, like in almost all other areas of Cuba, relies on agriculture. However, since the Republic was established in 1902, manufacturing and other industries have started to play a significant role in its economic prosperity.
In agricultural products, the Guines Valley previously referred to undoubtedly produces greater returns than any other similar lands in Cuba. Hundreds of thousands of crates of tomatoes, egg plants and other vegetables, that have been raised through the whiter month by irrigation, are shipped to the United States from December to April. Thousands of barrels of Irish potatoes from the Guines Valley, also, are sold in Philadelphia, New York and Boston during the month of March, at prices averaging four dollars per hundred weight.
In agricultural products, the Guines Valley has previously been recognized as producing greater returns than any other similar lands in Cuba. Hundreds of thousands of crates of tomatoes, eggplants, and other vegetables, cultivated through the winter months using irrigation, are shipped to the United States from December to April. Thousands of barrels of Irish potatoes from the Guines Valley are also sold in Philadelphia, New York, and Boston during March, with prices averaging four dollars per hundredweight.
In the Valley of Caimito, Guayabal and Hoyo Colorado, large crops of vegetables are shipped to the northern markets during the winter months, when good prices are assured. A certainty of profit, however, can only be depended on where irrigation from wells is secured.
In the Valley of Caimito, Guayabal, and Hoyo Colorado, large vegetable crops are sent to northern markets during the winter months when prices are good. However, a guaranteed profit can only be relied upon where irrigation from wells is ensured.
Large acreages of pineapples are grown in the same district, although the center of the pineapple industry in Havana today is located about thirty miles east of the City, on the road to Matanzas. Over a million crates every year are shipped out of Havana to the northern markets between the middle of May and the middle of July.
Large areas of pineapples are grown in the same district, although the heart of the pineapple industry in Havana today is located about thirty miles east of the city, along the road to Matanzas. Over a million crates are shipped out of Havana to the northern markets every year between mid-May and mid-July.
It is probable that no section of either the West Indies or the United States offers greater opportunities for the canning industry than is found in Cuba at the present time, especially in the Province of Havana, where facilities for transportation are plentiful. A general canning and preserving plant, intelligently conducted, could be operated in this province throughout the entire year. In this way all of the surplus pineapples not shipped abroad could be utilized.
It’s likely that no area in the West Indies or the United States provides more opportunities for the canning industry than Cuba does right now, particularly in the Province of Havana, where transportation options are abundant. A well-managed canning and preserving facility could operate year-round in this province. This would allow for all the excess pineapples that aren’t exported to be used effectively.
During the last few years several manufacturing industries have sprung up on the outskirts of Havana, all of which seem to be yielding satisfactory returns. Three large breweries are turning out a very good grade of beer that is disposed of throughout the Island. The plants are located in the suburbs of Havana, each surrounded by grounds rendered attractive by landscape gardeners and furnishing places for recreation and rest to both rich and poor on holidays, which are plentiful in Cuba. A large up-to-date bottling plant, located just west of the City, manufactures the containers for the output of the breweries.
Over the past few years, several manufacturing industries have emerged on the outskirts of Havana, all of which seem to be producing good returns. Three large breweries are making high-quality beer that's distributed throughout the Island. The plants are located in the suburbs of Havana, each surrounded by beautifully landscaped grounds that provide places for leisure and relaxation for both the wealthy and the less fortunate on the many holidays celebrated in Cuba. A modern bottling facility, located just west of the City, produces the containers for the breweries' output.
Between the city of Havana and the suburb of Ceiba, a modern rubber tire and tube factory has been established, and is said to be working on full time with very satisfactory profits. Several large soap and perfume factories, recently established, are supplying the demand for these products with satisfaction, it is said, both to the manufacturer and the consumer.
Between the city of Havana and the suburb of Ceiba, a modern factory for rubber tires and tubes has been set up and is reportedly operating full-time with quite satisfactory profits. Several large soap and perfume factories, which have been recently established, are meeting the demand for these products satisfactorily for both the manufacturers and the consumers.
A number of brick yards and tile factories are located not far from the City, the combined output of which is large. The erection of wooden buildings within the city limits of Havana is not tolerated. In fact they are not at all popular in Cuba since the climate is not conducive to the preservation of wood, aside from cedar and mahogany or other hard woods, which are too expensive for construction work. Limestone, easily worked, and of a fine quality for this climate, is found in abundance, hence it is that the vast amount of building going on at the present time in Cuba makes heavy demands on both this material and brick, for all constructive purposes.
A number of brickyards and tile factories are located close to the city, and they produce a lot in total. Building wooden structures within Havana's city limits is not allowed. In fact, they're not really popular in Cuba, as the climate isn't great for preserving wood, except for cedar and mahogany or other hardwoods, which are too costly for construction. Limestone, which is easy to work with and of excellent quality for this climate, is widely available, so the significant amount of construction happening in Cuba right now puts heavy demands on both this material and brick for all building needs.
Nature has again favored this Island in her large deposits of excellent cement-clay, limestone and sand, which are essential to the manufacture of cement. The Almandares factory located on the west bank of that river has long been in successful operation. Within the last year another large modern cement factory has been established on the eastern shores of the harbor of Mariel, twenty-five miles west of Havana, and today is turning out high-grade cement at the rate of six hundred barrels per day.
Nature has once again blessed this Island with abundant deposits of high-quality cement clay, limestone, and sand, which are crucial for making cement. The Almandares factory, situated on the west bank of that river, has been successfully operating for a long time. In the past year, another large modern cement factory has been set up on the eastern shores of the Mariel harbor, about twenty-five miles west of Havana, and it's currently producing premium cement at a rate of six hundred barrels per day.
Local factories have had a monopoly of the match-making industry in Cuba for many years. Few, if any matches are imported from abroad, and may never be, owing to the fact that the people of Cuba prefer the wax taper match. Although short and rather inconvenient to those who are not accustomed to this miniature candle, the flame burns longer and persists more successfully in a breeze, hence it is probable that the Cuban match will hold its own against all competitors. Quite a revenue is derived from the penny stamp tax placed on each box of matches.
Local factories have dominated the match-making industry in Cuba for many years. Little to no matches are imported from other countries, and they might never be, because the people of Cuba prefer the wax taper match. Although it's short and somewhat inconvenient for those not used to this tiny candle, the flame lasts longer and stays lit better in a breeze, so it's likely that the Cuban match will continue to compete well. A significant amount of revenue comes from the penny stamp tax on each box of matches.
Large quantities of pine lumber are imported into Cuba from the Gulf cities, especially from South Pascagoula, Miss., and Mobile. This material is used throughout the island for interior work, sash, doors, blinds, etc. Unless covered with paint, hard pine is not very lasting in this climate, for which reasons, perhaps, show cases, fancy work and ornamental doors are usually built of the native cedar and majagua, which are practically impervious to either decay or attack from boring insects.
A lot of pine lumber is imported into Cuba from the Gulf cities, especially from South Pascagoula, Mississippi, and Mobile. This material is used all over the island for interior work, windows, doors, blinds, and more. Unless it's painted, hard pine doesn’t hold up well in this climate, which is probably why display cases, decorative pieces, and ornamental doors are usually made from local cedar and majagua, which are nearly resistant to decay or damage from boring insects.
The most important industry of the Province, from the monetary viewpoint, at least, is the manufacture of cigars and cigarettes, which are produced in greater quantity in Havana and throughout the province than in any other part of the world. It is needless to state that the cigars made in Havana from the celebrated Vuelta Abajo leaf are shipped from this capital to all parts of the world, and may be found, it is said, on the private desk of every crowned head in Europe. Large shipments are made every year, also, to Japan and the Orient. Thousands of men and girls are employed in this industry, the value of which, in the export trade alone, amounts to over $30,000,000 a year.
The most important industry in the Province, at least from a financial perspective, is the production of cigars and cigarettes, which is higher in Havana and throughout the province than in any other place in the world. It's obvious that the cigars made in Havana from the famous Vuelta Abajo leaf are shipped from this capital to everywhere worldwide and are said to be found on the private desks of every king and queen in Europe. Large shipments are also sent every year to Japan and the East. Thousands of men and women work in this industry, which has an export value of over $30,000,000 a year.
The Province has but one harbor of any importance, the Bay of Havana, located near the center of the north coast. It covers several square miles, and although the entrance between the promontory of Morro and the Punta is only a few hundred yards across, the channel is deep, perfectly protected, and leads to an anchorage sufficient for large fleets of vessels. The shore portions of the main body of the harbor were rather shallow in early times, but during recent years have been well dredged up to the edge of the surrounding wharves, thus reclaiming a large amount of valuable land, and greatly increasing the capacity of the Bay for shipping purposes.
The Province has only one significant harbor, the Bay of Havana, which is located near the center of the north coast. It spans several square miles, and even though the entrance between the Morro promontory and the Punta is just a few hundred yards wide, the channel is deep, completely protected, and leads to an anchorage that can accommodate large fleets of vessels. The shore areas of the main part of the harbor used to be pretty shallow, but in recent years, they have been extensively dredged up to the edge of the surrounding wharves, reclaiming a substantial amount of valuable land and greatly increasing the Bay's capacity for shipping.
Since the inauguration of the Republic in 1902, a series of large, modern, perfectly equipped piers, built of concrete and iron, have been extended out from the shore line of the western side of the bay, so that the largest ships may now discharge and take on cargoes, eliminating thus, to a great extent, the custom of lightering which prevailed only a few years ago. Owing to the fact that nearly all the principal railroad systems of Cuba radiate from the Capital, each with a terminal system connecting with the wharves, the transportation facilities of this port are superior to any others in Cuba.
Since the Republic was established in 1902, a series of large, modern, well-equipped piers made of concrete and iron have been extended from the shoreline on the western side of the bay, allowing the largest ships to load and unload cargo, which largely eliminates the need for lightering that was common just a few years ago. Because almost all of Cuba’s major railway systems connect to the Capital, each with a terminal system linked to the docks, the transportation options at this port are better than anywhere else in Cuba.
Steam and sail vessels are leaving Havana for different parts of the world every day in the year, and it is a fact of which the Republic has reason to be proud, that under normal conditions, or up to the beginning of the great war, a greater amount of tonnage entered and left the Harbor of Havana than that of any other city of the Western hemisphere, with the exception of New York. Dredging is still going on with new wharves in process of construction and projected, so that today frontage on the bay is valuable and hard to secure at any price.
Steam and sail vessels leave Havana for various destinations around the world every day of the year. The Republic can be proud of the fact that, under normal circumstances up until the start of the great war, more cargo passed through the Harbor of Havana than any other city in the Western Hemisphere, except for New York. Dredging is still ongoing, with new wharves being built and planned, making waterfront property in the bay valuable and difficult to obtain at any price.
Owing to its excellent transportation facilities and to the local market furnished by the City of Havana itself, the growing of fruits and vegetables, within a radius of one hundred miles from the capital, has proved more profitable than in other parts of the Island.
Thanks to its great transportation options and the local market provided by the City of Havana, growing fruits and vegetables within a hundred-mile radius of the capital has been more profitable than in other regions of the Island.
Although several small streams flow to the north and south of the dividing ridge, passing through the center of the Island, none of them, either in length or depth, could well be termed rivers.
Although several small streams flow to the north and south of the dividing ridge, which runs through the center of the Island, none of them, in terms of length or depth, could truly be called rivers.
The Almandares, that has its origin in a group of magnificent springs near the western center of the Province, meanders through a comparatively level valley, emptying into the Gulf of Mexico, some three miles west of Havana Harbor. The mouth of this stream, with a depth of twelve or fourteen feet, accommodates schooners that come for sand and cement at the factory.
The Almandares, which starts from a cluster of beautiful springs near the western center of the province, flows through a relatively flat valley and empties into the Gulf of Mexico, about three miles west of Havana Harbor. The mouth of this river, with a depth of twelve to fourteen feet, allows schooners to come for sand and cement at the factory.
The Vento Springs, already referred to, are a most valuable asset of the City of Havana, since the abundant flow of water, that through skilful engineering has been conveyed some eight miles into the City, is of excellent quality. The quantity of water, with economy, is sufficient, according to engineering estimates, for a city of one or two millions.
The Vento Springs, as mentioned earlier, are a highly valuable asset for the City of Havana, as the abundant water flow has been skillfully channeled about eight miles into the city and is of excellent quality. The volume of water, when used efficiently, is enough, according to engineering estimates, for a city of one or two million residents.
In the latter part of the 16th century the Italian engineer Antonelli cut several ditches across the intercepting ridges and brought water from the Almandares River into the city of Havana, not only for domestic purposes but in sufficient quantity to supply the ships that dropped into port on their long voyages between Spain and the eastern coast of Mexico.
In the late 16th century, the Italian engineer Antonelli dug several ditches across the blocking ridges and brought water from the Almandares River into the city of Havana, not just for household use but also in enough quantity to supply the ships that docked at port during their long journeys between Spain and the eastern coast of Mexico.
On November 7, 1887, the famous Spanish engineer D. Francisco Albear y Lara completed the present aqueduct and system of water works by which the springs of Vento are made to contribute to the present Havana, with its 360,000 inhabitants, a supply of excellent drinking water, although only a small portion of the flow is utilized.
On November 7, 1887, the renowned Spanish engineer D. Francisco Albear y Lara finished the current aqueduct and water system that channels the springs of Vento to supply the city of Havana, which has 360,000 residents, with high-quality drinking water, even though only a small part of the water flow is used.
Owing to the peculiar coral and soft limestone formation on which the soil of this province has been deposited, numerous lagoons and rivers flow beneath the surface at various depths, ranging from 30 to 300 feet. These, when found and tapped, furnish an abundance of splendid fresh water, seldom contaminated with objectionable mineral matter. At the Experimental Station at Santiago tiago de las Vegas, a magnificent spring of water was discovered at a little over one hundred feet in depth.
Due to the unique coral and soft limestone formation where the soil in this province has settled, there are many lagoons and rivers flowing beneath the surface at various depths, ranging from 30 to 300 feet. When these are located and tapped, they provide a lot of excellent fresh water, which is rarely contaminated with undesirable mineral substances. At the Experimental Station in Santiago tiago de las Vegas, a fantastic spring of water was found at just over one hundred feet deep.
Other springs have formed a shallow lagoon just south of the city of Caimito, the exit from which is furnished by a small swift running stream, that after a surface flow of five or six miles suddenly plunges down into the earth some forty feet or more, disappearing entirely from view and never reappearing, as far as is known. Like many other streams of this nature, it may come to the surface in the salt waters of the Caribbean, off the south coast.
Other springs have created a shallow lagoon just south of the city of Caimito. This lagoon drains into a small, fast-moving stream that flows on the surface for about five or six miles before suddenly dropping down into the ground, over forty feet deep, disappearing completely and, so far as anyone knows, never coming back up. Like many other streams like this, it might resurface in the salt waters of the Caribbean off the south coast.
The disappearance of this river takes place within a hundred yards of the railroad station, in the town of San Antonio de los Banos, and furnishes rather an interesting sight for the tourist who is not familiar with this peculiar phenomenon.
The river disappears about a hundred yards from the train station in the town of San Antonio de los Banos, providing quite an interesting sight for tourists who aren't familiar with this unusual phenomenon.
Although the City of Havana is considered one of the most delightful winter resorts in the Western Hemisphere, there are many who claim, and with reason perhaps, that the Capital has many advantages also as a place in which to spend the summer. Many visitors from the Gulf States in summer have been loath to leave Cuba.
Although the City of Havana is seen as one of the best winter vacation spots in the Western Hemisphere, many people argue, and probably with good reason, that the Capital has a lot to offer as a summer destination too. Many visitors from the Gulf States in summer have been reluctant to leave Cuba.
The mean annual temperature of Havana varies only twelve degrees throughout the year. During the winter the mercury plays between the two extremes of 58 and 78 degrees, with an average of about 70. During the summer the temperature varies from 75 to 88 degrees, although there are occasional records where the mercury has reached 92 degrees. Even at this temperature, however, no great inconvenience is experienced, since the cool, strong, northeast winds, that blow from the Atlantic, straight across the Island, sweep into the Caribbean the overheated atmosphere that otherwise would hang over the land as it does in the interior of large continents, even in latitudes as high as northern Canada.
The average annual temperature in Havana only fluctuates by twelve degrees throughout the year. In winter, temperatures range from 58 to 78 degrees, with an average of about 70. In summer, the temperature varies between 75 and 88 degrees, though there are occasional days when it reaches 92 degrees. Even at this higher temperature, the weather isn’t too uncomfortable because the cool, strong northeast winds from the Atlantic blow across the island, pushing the hot air into the Caribbean. This prevents the stifling heat that often lingers over large continents, even in areas as far north as northern Canada.
This continual strong current of air, that blows from the Atlantic during at least 300 days in the year, with its healthful, bracing influence, tempers the heat of the sun that in latitude 22 is directly overhead, and probably prevents sun strokes and heat prostrations, which are absolutely unknown in Havana at any time of the year.
This constant strong breeze blowing in from the Atlantic for at least 300 days a year, with its refreshing and invigorating effect, moderates the intense heat of the sun that is directly overhead at latitude 22. It likely helps to prevent sunstroke and heat exhaustion, which are never experienced in Havana at any time of the year.
During the first Government of Intervention, American soldiers in the months of July and August, 1900, put shingled roofs on barracks and quarters built at Camp Columbia, in the suburbs of Havana, without the slightest discomfort. Officers who questioned the men with more or less anxiety, since they were not accustomed to the tropics, were laughed at for their fears, the soldiers declaring that, “although the sun was a little hot, the breeze was fine, and they didn’t feel any heat.” Of the thousands of horses and mules brought from Kentucky and Missouri not one has ever fallen, or suffered from heat prostration in the Island of Cuba.
During the first Intervention Government, American soldiers in July and August 1900 put shingled roofs on barracks and quarters at Camp Columbia, located in the suburbs of Havana, without any discomfort. Officers who anxiously questioned the men, since they weren’t used to the tropics, were laughed at for their worries, with the soldiers saying that “even though the sun was a bit hot, the breeze was nice, and they didn’t feel any heat.” Out of the thousands of horses and mules brought from Kentucky and Missouri, not one has ever fallen or suffered from heat exhaustion in Cuba.
The nights are invariably cool, so much so that even in July and August, during the early morning hours, a light covering is not uncomfortable. There is every reason to believe that in the near future summer resorts will be successfully established on many of the elevated plateaus and mountainous parks in various sections of the Island.
The nights are always cool, to the point that even in July and August, a light blanket feels just right in the early morning. It seems likely that soon summer resorts will be effectively set up on several of the high plateaus and mountain parks in different areas of the Island.
The Province of Havana, even during the times of Spanish rule, had three or four fine military drives radiating to the south and west of the Capital. Since the inauguration of the Republic, these highways, shaded with the evergreen laurel, the almendra, flamboyant and many varieties of palm, including the royal and the cocoanut, have been converted into magnificent automobile drives, to which have been added many kilometers of splendidly paved roads known as carreteras, which connect the towns and villages of the interior with each other as well as the capital with the principal cities of other sections of Cuba.
The Province of Havana, even during Spanish rule, had three or four great military roads leading to the south and west of the Capital. Since the start of the Republic, these roads, lined with evergreen laurel, almond trees, flamboyant trees, and various types of palm trees like the royal and coconut palms, have been transformed into beautiful drives for cars. Many kilometers of beautifully paved roads known as carreteras have also been added, connecting the towns and villages in the interior with each other and linking the capital to the major cities in other parts of Cuba.
Along these highways every three or four miles, are found road repair stations supported by the Department of Public Works, in which laborers to whom the keeping up of the road is assigned, live, and which shelter the necessary rollers and road builders under their direction. These stations are well built, well kept, and sometimes rather picturesque in appearance. Their presence should be a guarantee of the permanence and extension of good road-building in Cuba.
Along these highways every three or four miles, there are road repair stations supported by the Department of Public Works, where workers responsible for maintaining the roads live, and which house the necessary rollers and road builders under their supervision. These stations are well-built, well-maintained, and sometimes quite picturesque. Their presence should assure the continued improvement and expansion of quality road-building in Cuba.
The political, social and commercial heart of the Republic of Cuba centers in the city of Havana, hence the province shares more directly in the national life and prosperity than any other. Cables, wireless stations and passenger ships of various lines coming and going every day in the year, maintain constant touch with outside world centers.
The political, social, and commercial hub of the Republic of Cuba is in the city of Havana, making the province more directly involved in the national life and prosperity than any other. Cables, wireless stations, and passenger ships from various lines come and go every day of the year, keeping constant contact with major centers around the world.
The Presidency, the various departments of the Federal Government, the Army, Navy, higher Courts, Congress and Universities all pursue their activities at the capital. The surrounding province, therefore, although the smallest of the Island, will probably always remain the most important political division of the Republic.
The Presidency, the different departments of the Federal Government, the Army, Navy, higher Courts, Congress, and Universities all operate from the capital. The surrounding area, even though it's the smallest of the Islands, will likely always be the most significant political division of the Republic.
CHAPTER V
PROVINCE OF PINAR DEL RIO
TOPOGRAPHICALLY, the Province of Pinar del Rio is perhaps the most picturesquely beautiful in the Island. Owing also to its variety of soils, mahogany red, jet black, mulatto or brown, and the grey sands of the south and west, Pinar del Rio offers marvellous opportunities for many agricultural industries. Tobacco, of which it produces over $30,000,000 worth annually, has always been the most important product of this section of Cuba.
TOPOGRAPHICALLY, the Province of Pinar del Rio is probably the most picturesque and beautiful area on the Island. Because of its variety of soils—mahogany red, jet black, mulatto or brown, and the grey sands of the south and west—Pinar del Rio provides amazing opportunities for various agricultural industries. Tobacco, which has an annual production value of over $30,000,000, has always been the most significant product in this part of Cuba.
This Province, with its area of 5,764 square miles, owing to the fact, perhaps, that it lay west of Havana, the capital, and thus outside of the line of traffic and settlement that began in the eastern end of the Island, has played historically and politically a comparatively small part in the story of the Pearl of the Antilles. Its capital, Pinar del Rio, located about one hundred and twenty-five miles west of Havana, on the Western Railroad, was founded in 1776, and claims today a population of 12,000 people.
This province, covering an area of 5,764 square miles, has historically and politically played a relatively minor role in the story of the Pearl of the Antilles, possibly because it is located west of Havana, the capital, and thus outside the main routes of trade and settlement that started in the eastern part of the island. Its capital, Pinar del Rio, situated about 125 miles west of Havana on the Western Railroad, was established in 1776 and currently has a population of 12,000 people.
The delightful aroma and flavor of the tobacco grown in the section of which this city is the center, and whose quality has been equaled in no other place, has rendered this province, in one way at least, famous throughout the entire civilized world.
The wonderful smell and taste of the tobacco grown in this area, with this city at its heart and whose quality hasn’t been matched anywhere else, have made this province, in at least one way, well-known throughout the entire civilized world.
The topography of the province is more distinctly marked than that of any other in Cuba. The greater part of the surface, including the entire southern half, together with the coast plains between the mountains and the Gulf of Mexico, is quite level. Rising almost abruptly from the flat surface, we have the western terminus of the great central chain of mountains that forms the backbone of the Island. This begins near the shores of Guadiana Bay and extends in a northeasterly direction throughout almost the entire length of the Province. The main or central ridge of the Pinar del Rio system is known as the Sierra de Los Organos, or Organ Mountains, owing probably to the fact that the sides of these mountains, in many places, form great perpendicular fluted columns, whose giant organ like shafts reach upward for hundreds of feet.
The province’s landscape is more distinctly shaped than any other in Cuba. Most of the area, including the entire southern half and the coastal plains between the mountains and the Gulf of Mexico, is pretty flat. Rising almost straight up from this flat terrain is the western end of the major central mountain range that forms the backbone of the Island. It starts near the shores of Guadiana Bay and runs in a northeast direction for almost the entire length of the Province. The main ridge of the Pinar del Rio mountain system is called the Sierra de Los Organos, or Organ Mountains, likely because the sides of these mountains, in many areas, create large, upright fluted columns that resemble giant organ pipes reaching up hundreds of feet.
From this western terminal point the mountains rapidly widen out like an arrow head, so that between San Juan y Martinez on the south, and Malos Aguas on the north, the foot hills approach close to both coasts. On the south, however, they quickly recede towards the Capital, some twenty miles north, whence they continue throughout the northern center of the Province in a line more or less direct, leaving the southern half a great, broad level plain.
From this western end, the mountains quickly spread out like an arrowhead, so that between San Juan y Martinez to the south and Malos Aguas to the north, the foothills come close to both coasts. However, to the south, they quickly pull back towards the Capital, about twenty miles north, from where they extend through the northern center of the Province in a relatively straight line, leaving the southern half as a large, flat plain.
On the north coast, from the harbor of San Gayetano east, the mountains with their adjacent foothills follow more closely the shore line, until at Bahia Honda, sixty miles west of the city of Havana, they come almost down to the head of the harbor, gradually receding a little from this point east, until the chain disappears some ten miles west of the boundary line that separates Pinar del Rio from Havana.
On the north coast, from the harbor of San Gayetano heading east, the mountains and their nearby foothills follow the shoreline more closely. By Bahia Honda, sixty miles west of Havana, they almost reach the harbor's edge, gradually pulling back a bit from that point east until the mountain range fades away about ten miles west of the boundary line separating Pinar del Rio from Havana.
Strange as it may seem, nature in her mysterious caprice has twice repeated the form of a shoe at separate points in the outline of the south coast of Cuba. The first, known as the Peninsula of the Zapata, with its definitely formed heel and toe, is in the Province of Santa Clara; and again a second perfect shoe; that resembles with its high heel set well forward a slightly exaggerated type of the shoe so popular with the women of Cuba and all Latin American countries, forms the extreme western terminus of the Island and is almost separated from the mainland by a chain of shallow lakes. It extends from Cape Francis on the east to Cape San Antonio, some seventy-five miles west, with an average width of only about ten miles. Just in front of the heel we have the indentation known as the Bay of Corrientes, while on the opposite side, or top of the foot, lies the quiet and protected Bay of Guadiana. The lighthouse of Cape San Antonio is located on the extreme western point. From the toe to the heel, following the arch of the foot for forty miles, runs a low range of hills that introduce the mountain system of Cuba, developing later into the great central chain that continues to the other end of the Island.
As strange as it may sound, nature, in her mysterious whims, has twice created the shape of a shoe at different points along the southern coast of Cuba. The first, known as the Peninsula of Zapata, with its distinct heel and toe, is located in the Province of Santa Clara. A second, perfectly-shaped shoe, which features a high heel positioned well forward and resembles a slightly exaggerated version of the shoe popular among women in Cuba and throughout Latin America, is found at the extreme western tip of the Island, almost separated from the mainland by a series of shallow lakes. It stretches from Cape Francis in the east to Cape San Antonio about seventy-five miles to the west, with an average width of only around ten miles. Just in front of the heel is the indentation called the Bay of Corrientes, while on the opposite side, or the top of the foot, lies the calm and sheltered Bay of Guadiana. The lighthouse at Cape San Antonio is situated at the far western point. From the toe to the heel, along the arch of the foot for forty miles, runs a low range of hills that leads into Cuba's mountain system, later developing into the great central chain that continues to the other end of the Island.
Between the City of Pinar del Rio and Vinales, the range is broken up into three parallel ridges, the central one composed of limestone, while the other are of slates, schists and sand. The highest peak, known as the Pan de Guajaibon, has an altitude that has been variously estimated from 2500 to 3,000 feet. It rises abruptly from the narrow plain of the north coast, about eight miles, southwest of the harbor of Bahia Honda, and is difficult of ascent. The various parks, plateaus and circular basins or sumideros, often of large extent, with subterranean exits, form strangely picturesque spots that burst on the traveler, mounted on his sturdy sure footed pony, unexpectedly, and if a lover of scenery he will leave with sincere regret.
Between the city of Pinar del Río and Viñales, the mountain range is divided into three parallel ridges, with the central one made of limestone, while the others consist of slates, schists, and sand. The highest peak, called Pan de Guajaibón, is estimated to be between 2,500 and 3,000 feet high. It rises sharply from the narrow plain of the northern coast, about eight miles southwest of the harbor of Bahía Honda, and is hard to climb. The various parks, plateaus, and circular basins or sumideros, often quite large and with underground exits, create strangely beautiful spots that surprise travelers on their sturdy, sure-footed ponies. If they appreciate scenery, they'll leave with genuine regret.
One of these charming valleys, known as Vinales, lies between two prominent ridges, about twenty miles north of the City of Pinar del Rio, and is in many respects the most glorious bit of scenery in all the West Indies. A splendid macadamized automobile drive winds from the capital up along the foot hills to the crest of the ridge, whence it descends, crosses the valley, cuts through the northernmost ridge, and continues on to La Esperanza, on the north shore of the Province.
One of these beautiful valleys, called Vinales, is nestled between two prominent ridges, about twenty miles north of the city of Pinar del Rio, and is arguably the most stunning scenery in the entire West Indies. A fantastic paved road winds from the capital up along the foothills to the top of the ridge, then descends, crosses the valley, cuts through the northernmost ridge, and continues on to La Esperanza, on the northern shore of the province.
THE VINALES VALLEY
The Viñales Valley
A scene in the heart of the wonderland of Pinar del Rio, which innumerable tourists have declared second to no other spot in the world in romantic beauty and fascinating charm. The combination of cliffs and plain, with the rich coloring of tropical flora, is so bewildering as to create the illusion of a stage-setting made for scenic effect by some master artist.
A scene in the heart of the wonderland of Pinar del Rio, which countless tourists have claimed is unmatched anywhere else in the world for its romantic beauty and captivating charm. The blend of cliffs and plains, along with the vibrant colors of tropical plants, is so stunning that it feels like a backdrop designed for dramatic effect by some master artist.
Rex Beach, the novelist, writer and traveler, looked down from his auto into the valley for the first time in 1916. Stopping the machine suddenly, he jumped to the ground and stood spellbound, looking down into that beautiful basin, over a thousand feet below. After a moment’s pause he exclaimed: “I have visited every spot of interest from northern Alaska to Panama, and traveled through many countries, but never before in my life have I met anything so picturesquely, dramatically beautiful as this valley, this dream garden that lies at our feet. There is nothing like it in the Western Hemisphere, probably not in all the world.”
Rex Beach, the novelist, writer, and traveler, looked down from his car into the valley for the first time in 1916. Stopping the vehicle suddenly, he jumped out and stood mesmerized, gazing down into that stunning basin, over a thousand feet below. After a brief pause, he exclaimed: “I have visited every interesting spot from northern Alaska to Panama and traveled through many countries, but I have never seen anything as picturesque and dramatically beautiful as this valley, this dream garden that lies at our feet. There’s nothing like it in the Western Hemisphere, probably not in the entire world.”
The length of the basin is not over twenty miles while its width varies from three to ten. The floor is level, covered with rich waving grass, watered by a little stream, that comes meandering through the valley, dives beneath a mountain range, afterwards to reappear from a grotto-like opening on the northern side, beyond the valley, whence its waters eventually find their home in the Gulf of Mexico.
The basin is about twenty miles long and its width ranges from three to ten miles. The floor is flat, covered with lush, waving grass, and is fed by a small stream that winds through the valley, goes under a mountain range, and then reemerges from a cave-like opening on the northern side, beyond the valley, where its waters eventually flow into the Gulf of Mexico.
The peculiar, almost unreal, indentations of the northern ridge are silhouetted so vividly against the sky above that from the southern shore of the valley one is inclined at times to believe them fantastically formed clouds. The remarkable feature, however, of Vinales lies in the peculiar round-topped mountains that rise abruptly from the level surface below, and project themselves perpendicularly into the air, to a height varying from 1,200 to 2,000 feet.
The strange, almost surreal shapes of the northern ridge stand out so clearly against the sky that from the southern side of the valley, it's easy to sometimes mistake them for oddly shaped clouds. However, the standout feature of Vinales is the unique round-topped mountains that rise steeply from the flat ground below, reaching heights between 1,200 and 2,000 feet.
Unique imposing formations, resulting from millions of years of tropical rains and rock erosion, are covered with dense forests of strange palms and thousands of rare plants, whose varied foliage seems to be peculiar to this isolated spot in the western central part of Pinar del Rio. These singular dome-like lomas of Vinales, looming up so unexpectedly from the valley below, are usually accessible from one side, although but very few people seem to have taken the trouble to climb to their summits. All of these mountains and foothills, composed of limestone formations, are honeycombed with caves, some of them of rare beauty.
Unique, striking formations, shaped by millions of years of tropical rains and rock erosion, are covered in dense forests filled with unusual palm trees and thousands of rare plants, whose diverse leaves seem to be unique to this isolated area in the western central part of Pinar del Rio. These distinctive dome-shaped hills of Vinales rise unexpectedly from the valley below and can usually be accessed from one side, though very few people seem to have made the effort to climb to their peaks. All of these mountains and hills, made of limestone, are filled with caves, some of which are stunningly beautiful.
Shortly after the founding of the Republic, a group of men composed mostly of naturalists and scientists, representing the Smithsonian and like institutions in the United States, together with several Cuban enthusiasts in the study of nature, spent several months studying the fauna and flora of the Vinales Valley. In fact they rambled and worked through most of the line of foothills that traverse Pinar del Rio between its central ridges and the Gulf of Mexico. Some of the party were specialists in tertiary fossils, others in the myriad varieties of submarine life. These latter spent considerable time studying the various species of radiata, mollusca, crustacea and allied forms of life on the inner side of the long coral barrier reef which parallels the shore of the province of Pinar del Rio, from Bahia Honda to Cape San Antonio. Many new varieties of the snail family, also, were discovered and studied.
Shortly after the founding of the Republic, a group of men made up mostly of naturalists and scientists, representing the Smithsonian and similar institutions in the United States, along with several Cuban nature enthusiasts, spent several months studying the fauna and flora of the Vinales Valley. They explored and worked through most of the foothills that stretch across Pinar del Rio between its central ridges and the Gulf of Mexico. Some members of the group were specialists in tertiary fossils, while others focused on the countless varieties of marine life. These latter members spent significant time studying various species of radiata, mollusks, crustaceans, and related forms of life on the inner side of the long coral barrier reef that runs parallel to the shore of Pinar del Rio, from Bahia Honda to Cape San Antonio. Many new varieties of snails were also discovered and studied.
In this connection it may be stated that a very rare variety of the palm family, the Microoyco Calocoma, commonly called the Cork Palm, found only in Pinar del Rio, seems, owing perhaps to some unfavorable change in climate or surrounding conditions, to be disappearing from earth. Not more than seventy specimens are known to exist and these are all growing in an isolated spot in the mountains back of Consolacion del Sur. Several of them have been transplanted to the grounds of the Government Experimental Station for study and care. One also has been removed to the grounds of the President’s home at El Chico. The palms are not tall, none reaching a height of more than twenty feet, with a diameter of perhaps eight inches.
In this context, it's worth mentioning that a very rare type of palm, the Microoyco Calocoma, commonly known as the Cork Palm, found only in Pinar del Rio, seems to be disappearing from the planet, possibly due to some unfavorable changes in climate or surrounding conditions. There are no more than seventy known specimens, all of which are growing in a secluded area in the mountains behind Consolacion del Sur. Several of these have been moved to the Government Experimental Station for study and care. One has also been relocated to the grounds of the President’s residence at El Chico. The palms are not tall, with none exceeding twenty feet in height and a diameter of about eight inches.
This rare palm is one of those miraculous survivals of the carboniferous age that by some strange protecting influence have survived all the great seismic upheaval and geological changes wrought on the earth’s surface during the millions of years since the epoch, when this and similar varieties of carboniferous plants were the kings of the vegetable world. Their dead forms are frequently found imprinted in the coal fields of Pennsylvania and Brazil, but only in Cuba has this family of ancient palms persisted, mute survival of an antiquity that probably antedates any other living thing on earth. So slow is the growth of this remarkable plant, that only one crown of leaves appears each year. By simply counting the circles of scars left by the fallen leaves, it is clearly demonstrated that many of these remnants of a remote geological past were living in the mountains of Pinar del Rio long before Columbus dreamed of another continent. Some of them are today over a thousand years old, and may have antedated the fall of Rome, if not the birth of Christ on earth.
This rare palm is one of those miraculous survivors from the carboniferous age that, by some strange protective influence, have managed to withstand all the significant seismic upheavals and geological changes that have occurred on the earth's surface over the millions of years since the time when this and similar types of carboniferous plants dominated the plant world. Their fossilized remains are often found imprinted in the coal fields of Pennsylvania and Brazil, but only in Cuba has this family of ancient palms continued to exist, a silent testament to an era that likely predates any other living thing on earth. This remarkable plant grows so slowly that it only produces one crown of leaves each year. By simply counting the circles of scars left by the fallen leaves, it is clear that many of these remnants of a distant geological past were thriving in the mountains of Pinar del Rio long before Columbus envisioned another continent. Some of them are now over a thousand years old and may have existed before the fall of Rome, if not even before the birth of Christ.
A strange variety of indigenous wild legumes, belonging probably to the cow-pea tribe, is found growing luxuriantly in the low sandy soil of the southwestern coast. The vine forms a splendid cover crop of which cattle are very fond, while the peas, although small, are delicious eating. Plants of the lily family are found in great quantities in some of the fresh water lagoons of this Province, the ashes of which furnish 60% of high-grade potash.
A unique type of native wild legumes, likely part of the cow-pea family, grows abundantly in the low sandy soil along the southwestern coast. The vine creates an excellent cover crop that cattle really enjoy, and while the peas are small, they're quite tasty. There are also many plants from the lily family in some of the freshwater lagoons in this province, and the ashes from these plants provide 60% of high-quality potash.
Back in the mountains of Pinar del Rio, an exploring party from the Experimental Station came across, most unexpectedly, a little group of five immense black walnut trees. No one knows whence came the seed from which they sprung, since the district has never been settled, and the black walnut is not known in any other part of the Island. It is quite probable that many, if not all, of the forest trees of a commercial value in the Gulf States, and perhaps further north, would thrive in Cuba if planted there.
Back in the mountains of Pinar del Rio, a research team from the Experimental Station unexpectedly discovered a small group of five huge black walnut trees. Nobody knows where the seed that grew into them came from, since the area has never been settled, and black walnuts are not found anywhere else on the Island. It’s very likely that many, if not all, of the commercially valuable forest trees from the Gulf States, and maybe even further north, would do well in Cuba if they were planted there.
There is much fine, valuable hard-wood timber in the mountain ranges of Pinar del Rio, between Vinales and Bahia Honda, but lack of facility for the removal to the coast will probably cause it to remain unmolested for some years to come.
There is a lot of good, valuable hardwood timber in the mountain ranges of Pinar del Rio, between Vinales and Bahia Honda, but the difficulty of getting it to the coast will likely mean it stays untouched for a few more years.
The extreme length of Pinar del Rio, from southwest to northeast, in a straight line, is nearly two hundred miles, while its average width is fifty. The rivers and streams all have their sources in the central divide, and flow to the north and south, emptying into the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean Sea. None of these, of course, are available for navigation more than a few miles up from their mouths, and while serving as drainage streams during the rainy season, many of them, unfortunately, cease to flow during the dry months of February and March.
The total length of Pinar del Rio, from southwest to northeast, in a straight line, is nearly two hundred miles, while its average width is fifty. The rivers and streams all start in the central divide and flow north and south, emptying into the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean Sea. None of these rivers are navigable more than a few miles upstream from their mouths, and while they act as drainage streams during the rainy season, many of them unfortunately stop flowing during the dry months of February and March.
Some of them, with sources in large springs, back in the mountains, could be used very advantageously, with small expense, for irrigation purposes, thus rendering adjoining lands, especially in the tobacco and vegetable district, doubly valuable. With the control of the water supply, the profit to be made from these lands, on which three or four crops may be gathered a year, would seem almost incredible, especially if compared with the returns of similar lands in the United States.
Some of them, sourced from large springs in the mountains, could be used very effectively and at low cost for irrigation. This would make nearby lands, particularly in the tobacco and vegetable-growing areas, much more valuable. By managing the water supply, the profits from these lands—where three or four crops could be harvested each year—would seem almost unbelievable, especially when compared to the returns from similar lands in the United States.
As an illustration, in any of the rich sandy soils bordering streams like the Rio Hondo or Las Cabezas of the south coast, or the Manimani or the Mulata of the north coast, whose waters are always available for irrigation purposes, in January, February or March corn and cow peas may be planted on the same ground in the early spring. Crops from these may be gathered in late May or June, and the same land planted in carita beans, sweet potatoes or squash, that may be removed in September, leaving the field to be again planted in October with tobacco, peanuts, yuca, potatoes, peppers, tomatoes, egg plants or okra, that when gathered in January and February will bring splendid returns in either the local markets of Havana, or the early spring markets of the Atlantic and Gulf Coasts of the United States.
As an example, in any of the fertile sandy soils along streams like the Rio Hondo or Las Cabezas on the south coast, or the Manimani or Mulata on the north coast, where water is always available for irrigation, you can plant corn and cow peas together in early spring during January, February, or March. You can harvest those crops by late May or June, and then plant carita beans, sweet potatoes, or squash, which can be harvested in September. After that, you can replant the same land in October with tobacco, peanuts, yuca, potatoes, peppers, tomatoes, eggplants, or okra. When harvested in January and February, these crops will yield great profits in either the local markets of Havana or the early spring markets along the Atlantic and Gulf Coasts of the United States.
The short streams flowing from the mountain chains along the north coast are the Mariel, the Manimani, the Mulata, the San Marcos, the Guacamayo, the Caimito and Mantua, and the Rio Salado. Returning on the south coast we have the Cabeza, the Guama, Ovas, Hondo, Herradura, San Diego, Los Palacios, Bacuranabo, Sabanal and the Bayale.
The small streams coming down from the mountain ranges along the north coast are the Mariel, the Manimani, the Mulata, the San Marcos, the Guacamayo, the Caimito and Mantua, and the Rio Salado. On the south coast, we have the Cabeza, the Guama, Ovas, Hondo, Herradura, San Diego, Los Palacios, Bacuranabo, Sabanal, and the Bayale.
The northern coast of Pinar del Rio is fortunate in having three of the finest harbors of Cuba, bordering on the Gulf of Mexico. First, the beautiful Bay of Mariel, located about 30 miles west of Havana, has a narrow, deep entrance with a lighthouse on the eastern point, and the Government Quarantine Station for foreign ships on the western side at the entrance. This Bay rapidly widens out into a large deep basin, three miles in length from north to south, with an average width of perhaps a mile, together with several prolongations towards the west, all furnishing excellent anchorage and securely protected against any possible weather.
The northern coast of Pinar del Rio is lucky to have three of the best harbors in Cuba, by the Gulf of Mexico. First, there's the stunning Bay of Mariel, located about 30 miles west of Havana. It has a narrow, deep entrance marked by a lighthouse on the eastern point and the Government Quarantine Station for foreign ships on the western side at the entrance. This bay quickly opens up into a large, deep basin that's three miles long from north to south and about a mile wide on average, with several extensions to the west, all providing excellent anchorage and secure protection from any weather conditions.
The shores of Mariel are beautiful. Palm covered bluffs several hundred feet in height rise almost abruptly from the eastern side of the Bay. On top of this promontory or plateau is located a fine two-story building, erected in 1905 as a club house, but occupied at the present time by Cuba’s Naval Academy. The view from the crest over the surrounding country, with its tall mountains in the distance, its forest covered foothills and great valleys planted in sugar cane to the south and west, with the Gulf of Mexico lying off to the north, presents a picture of rare tropical beauty.
The shores of Mariel are stunning. Palm-covered cliffs rise nearly straight up from the eastern side of the bay, standing several hundred feet high. Atop this plateau is a beautiful two-story building, built in 1905 as a clubhouse but now home to Cuba’s Naval Academy. The view from the top overlooks the surrounding landscape, with tall mountains in the distance, forested foothills, and vast valleys filled with sugar cane to the south and west, while the Gulf of Mexico lies to the north, creating a scene of exceptional tropical beauty.
Between this promontory and the lighthouse a modern cement factory was built in 1917, turning out at the present time 1,000 barrels of Portland Cement per day, while near the head of the Bay, a narrow gauge railroad, bringing asphalt from back in the foothills, terminates alongside the shipping wharf.
Between this headland and the lighthouse, a modern cement factory was built in 1917, currently producing 1,000 barrels of Portland Cement each day. Nearby, at the bay's edge, a narrow gauge railroad brings asphalt from the foothills and ends next to the shipping wharf.
The quaint little fishing village of Mariel is located on the shore at the southern end of the Bay. Its inhabitants, although leading rather an uneventful life, seem quite content to remain, although Havana is less than thirty miles distant over a splendid automobile drive; one of the most beautiful in Cuba. The Quarantine Station is splendidly equipped and always in readiness to take care of any ship’s crew or passengers that may be detained by orders of the authorities in Havana. Mariel, owing to its natural beauty and its proximity to Havana, is frequently visited by President Menocal in his yacht, and furnishes a delightful, cool resting place for anyone during the summer season.
The charming little fishing village of Mariel sits on the southern shore of the Bay. Its residents, while leading fairly uneventful lives, seem pretty happy to stay, even though Havana is less than thirty miles away along a beautiful drive—one of the most stunning in Cuba. The Quarantine Station is well-equipped and always ready to handle any crew or passengers from ships that may be held by orders from the Havana authorities. Because of its natural beauty and its closeness to Havana, Mariel is often visited by President Menocal on his yacht, providing a lovely, cool spot for anyone to relax during the summer.
Ten or twelve miles further west, we have the Bay of Cabanas, another perfectly land-locked harbor, whose deep entrance is divided by an island into two channels. These open out into a wide picturesque expanse of water, extending east and west for some ten miles or more, with an average width of two or three.
Ten or twelve miles further west, we have the Bay of Cabanas, another perfectly sheltered harbor, whose deep entrance is split by an island into two channels. These lead into a wide, scenic stretch of water, extending east and west for around ten miles or more, with an average width of two or three.
On the small island that almost obscures the mouth of the harbor from the sea, a little old Spanish fort, with its obsolete guns, up to the present unmolested, bears mute evidence to those times when visits of pirates, with the equally troublesome corsairs of France and England, were common, and provision for defense was absolutely necessary. The village of Cabanas, in order to secure better protection from the danger mentioned, is located two or three miles back from the eastern end of the harbor.
On the small island that nearly blocks the harbor entrance from the sea, an old Spanish fort, with its outdated cannons, still stands untouched, serving as a silent reminder of a time when pirate visits, along with the troublesome corsairs from France and England, were frequent, making defense absolutely essential. The village of Cabanas is situated two or three miles back from the eastern end of the harbor to ensure better protection from the mentioned dangers.
Great fields of sugar cane surround the Bay on all sides. These, of course, have been greatly extended since the European War and the increased demand for sugar. A beautiful automobile drive that branches from the main line or Pinar del Rio road, at Guanajay, passes along the crest of the ridge of hills back of the Bay of Cabanas, for over ten miles, giving at almost every turn a new view to this beautiful sheet of water. Once known to the outside world, this magnificent Bay of Cabanas would soon become a popular resort for private yachts that spend the winter season in tropical waters.
Vast fields of sugar cane surround the Bay on all sides. These have significantly expanded since the European War due to the rising demand for sugar. A beautiful drive branches off from the main Pinar del Rio road at Guanajay, following the ridge of hills behind the Bay of Cabanas for over ten miles, offering a new view of this stunning body of water at almost every turn. Once discovered by the outside world, this magnificent Bay of Cabanas would soon become a popular destination for private yachts that spend the winter in tropical waters.
Fifteen miles further west, this same winding, hill-climbing, macadamized Government driveway, reaches another splendid harbor known as Bahia Honda, or Deep Bay. Like most of the bays of Cuba, the entrance to this, although comparatively narrow, is deep, and with two range lights maintained for the purposes of easy access day and night. This harbor extends back from the Gulf of Mexico some seven or eight miles, with an average width of three or four, furnishing good anchorage for ships of any draught.
Fifteen miles further west, this same winding, hilly government road reaches another beautiful harbor called Bahia Honda, or Deep Bay. Like most of Cuba's bays, the entrance here, while relatively narrow, is deep and has two range lights maintained for easy access day and night. This harbor stretches back from the Gulf of Mexico for about seven or eight miles, with an average width of three or four, providing good anchorage for ships of any draft.
Bahia Honda was selected by the United States Government in 1902, as a coaling station, a large body of land on the western shore being reserved for that purpose. Owing, however, to the completion of the Panama Canal later, and to the consequent advantages of having a naval station closer to the line of maritime travel, between Panama and the Atlantic Coast, Bahia Honda was surrendered to the Government of Cuba and Guantanamo became the principal United States Naval Station for the West Indies.
Bahia Honda was chosen by the United States Government in 1902 as a coaling station, with a large area on the western shore set aside for that purpose. However, after the Panama Canal was completed later on, and due to the benefits of having a naval station nearer to the main shipping route between Panama and the Atlantic Coast, Bahia Honda was given back to the Government of Cuba, and Guantanamo became the main United States Naval Station for the West Indies.
The harbor of Bahia Honda, dotted with islands, and with comparatively high lands extending all along its western and southern shores, offers the same advantages, not alone for an extensive commerce, but as a rendezvous for foreign yachts and pleasure craft, during the closed season or winter months of the north. The little village bearing the same name, two miles back from the Bay, is reached by a branch from the main driveway connecting Bahia Honda with Havana and intermediate cities.
The harbor of Bahia Honda, scattered with islands and surrounded by relatively high land along its western and southern shores, provides great benefits not just for extensive trade, but also as a meeting spot for foreign yachts and leisure boats during the off-season or winter months in the north. The small village of the same name, located two miles inland from the bay, is accessible via a branch road that connects Bahia Honda with Havana and nearby cities.
The Bay of La Esperanza, one hundred miles west of Havana, is inclosed by the long chain of islands and coral reefs known as the “Colorados,” that lie some eight or ten miles off the mainland, and protect three-fourths of the shore of Pinar del Rio from the heavy waves of the Gulf of Mexico. The entrance to this and adjacent bays is through narrow breaks in the barrier reef. Its waters have an average depth of only two or three fathoms; nevertheless considerable amounts of copper ore are shipped from the mines some fifteen miles back in the mountains during all seasons of the year.
The Bay of La Esperanza, one hundred miles west of Havana, is surrounded by the long chain of islands and coral reefs called the “Colorados,” which sit about eight to ten miles off the mainland and shield three-quarters of the Pinar del Rio shoreline from the intense waves of the Gulf of Mexico. The entrance to this bay and nearby ones is through narrow gaps in the barrier reef. The water here is only about two to three fathoms deep on average; however, significant amounts of copper ore are shipped from the mines located about fifteen miles inland in the mountains throughout the year.
In the angle of the ankle, formed by the shoe-like extension of the Province of Pinar del Rio, we have a beautiful wide indentation of the coast known as Guardiana Bay. On the shores, some ten years ago, was located a Canadian colony, but, owing to its isolation, and lack of transportation of all kinds, it has since been practically abandoned. This settlement, like the Isle of Pines, had little to recommend it except its beautiful climate and its perfect immunity from the cares and troubles of the outside world.
In the angle of the ankle, created by the shoe-like extension of the Province of Pinar del Rio, there's a beautiful wide indentation of the coast known as Guardiana Bay. About ten years ago, a Canadian colony was located along the shores, but due to its isolation and lack of all kinds of transportation, it has since been almost completely abandoned. This settlement, similar to the Isle of Pines, had little to offer besides its beautiful climate and its total escape from the worries and troubles of the outside world.
Aside from wide, deep indentations from the sea, and shallow landing places at the mouths of rivers, the south coast of Pinar del Rio has nothing to offer in the shape of harbors. Nevertheless, owing to the presence of long lines of outlying keys, and to the fact that northerly winds produce only smooth water off these shores, there is considerable local traffic carried on between various places on the south coast and Batabano, whence connection with Havana is secured by rail. A large part of the charcoal used in the capital is cut from the low lying forests that cover almost the entire length of Pinar del Rio’s south coast.
Other than the wide, deep indentations from the sea and shallow landing spots at the mouths of rivers, the south coast of Pinar del Rio doesn’t offer much in terms of harbors. However, due to the long lines of outlying keys and the fact that northerly winds create only calm water along these shores, there is a fair amount of local traffic between various places on the south coast and Batabano, which connects to Havana by rail. A significant portion of the charcoal used in the capital comes from the low-lying forests that stretch almost the entire length of Pinar del Rio’s south coast.
Across the ankle-like connection between the mainland and the peninsula forming the western extremity of the Island a depression runs from Guardiana Bay on the west to the Bay of Cortez on the east. Numerous fresh water lagoons or inland lakes lie so close that a small amount of dredging would cut a canal from one shore to the other, and save thus over a hundred miles of travel for local coasting vessels. At the present time these lakes, with their rich growth of aquatic plants, furnish a retreat during the winter season for many varieties of wild ducks, which the game laws of Cuba are endeavoring to protect. Wild deer are also very plentiful throughout the greater part of the Province, especially in the mountainous districts and in the jungles of the south coast.
Across the narrow land connection between the mainland and the peninsula at the western tip of the Island, a low area extends from Guardiana Bay in the west to the Bay of Cortez in the east. Several freshwater lagoons or inland lakes are so close together that a little dredging could create a canal from one side to the other, saving over a hundred miles of travel for local coasting vessels. Right now, these lakes, filled with lush aquatic plants, provide a winter haven for many types of wild ducks, which the game laws of Cuba are trying to protect. Wild deer are also quite abundant throughout most of the Province, especially in the mountainous regions and the jungles along the southern coast.
The capital, Pinar del Rio, is a modern and rather attractive little city of some 12,000 inhabitants, located on a gentle rise of ground in the western center of the Province. Immediately surrounding it is the celebrated tobacco district known as the Vuelta Abajo, or Lower Turn, so called, perhaps, owing to the fact that the coast line of this section recedes rapidly towards the south and west.
The capital, Pinar del Rio, is a modern and pretty appealing small city with about 12,000 residents, situated on a gentle slope in the western center of the Province. Encircling it is the famous tobacco area known as the Vuelta Abajo, or Lower Turn, probably named because the coastline in this region quickly retreats to the south and west.
The choice lands of this locality cover a relatively small area, not over thirty miles from east to west and less than half that distance from north to south. And even within this circumscribed area, the best tobacco is grown only in little vegas, or oases, whose soil seems to contain mineral elements the character of which has never been discovered, but that nevertheless give to the plant a peculiarly delightful aroma and flavor, not known to the tobacco of any other part of the world. As a result, the price of these little vegas, so favored by Nature, is very high, often running into thousands of dollars per acre.
The prime tobacco lands in this area are relatively small, spanning no more than thirty miles from east to west and less than half that distance from north to south. Even within this limited space, the finest tobacco is only grown in small patches, or oases, where the soil seems to contain mineral elements that have yet to be identified but give the plants a uniquely delightful aroma and flavor not found in tobacco from anywhere else in the world. Consequently, the price of these little patches, so favored by nature, is very high, often reaching thousands of dollars per acre.
Pinar del Rio is connected with Havana by the Western Railway, that traverses almost the entire length of the Province, terminating at the present time at the town of Guane within thirty miles of Guardiana Bay. This railroad furnishes transportation for the great level plains, together with the fertile foot hills that occupy the southern half of the Province.
Pinar del Rio is linked to Havana by the Western Railway, which runs almost the entire length of the province and currently ends in the town of Guane, about thirty miles from Guantánamo Bay. This railroad provides transportation for the vast flatlands and the fertile foothills that make up the southern half of the province.
An extension of the line has been granted and contracts signed carrying it around the western terminus of the Organ Mountains, whence it will follow the line of the north shore, returning east to Havana. This line when completed will furnish transportation to the entire length of the coast lands bordering on the Gulf of Mexico.
An extension of the line has been approved, and contracts have been signed to route it around the western end of the Organ Mountains. From there, it will follow the north shore before heading back east to Havana. Once completed, this line will provide transportation along the entire length of the coastal areas next to the Gulf of Mexico.
Along the Western Road are a number of prosperous little cities or villages, with populations varying from two to eight thousand, including Artemisa, Candelaria, San Cristobal, Taco-Taco, Los Palacios, Herradura, Consolacion del Sur, Ovas, etc., all of which are located along the foothills, and in the tobacco district is known as the Partido or Semi Vuelta. Beyond Pinar del Rio, we have San Luis, Martinez and Guane, which claim to be within the charmed zone of Vuelta Abajo.
Along the Western Road, there are several thriving small towns or villages, with populations ranging from two to eight thousand, including Artemisa, Candelaria, San Cristobal, Taco-Taco, Los Palacios, Herradura, Consolacion del Sur, Ovas, and others, all situated along the foothills, in the tobacco area known as the Partido or Semi Vuelta. Beyond Pinar del Rio, we find San Luis, Martinez, and Guane, which assert that they lie within the celebrated region of Vuelta Abajo.
Tobacco is also grown around the little town of Vinales, nestling in the center of that valley, and in nearly all of the foothills that border the north coast; hence the tobacco industry in this end of the Island, greatly exceeds in value, that of sugar cane, which up to the beginning of the great war, was grown only in the basins of rich heavy soil surrounding the harbors of Mariel, Cabanas and Bahia Honda. There are seven ingenios or sugar mills within the limits of this province that produced together 645,000 bags of sugar in 1918.
Tobacco is also cultivated around the small town of Vinales, located in the heart of that valley, and in almost all the foothills along the north coast. As a result, the tobacco industry in this part of the island is significantly more valuable than that of sugar cane, which, until the onset of the Great War, was only grown in the rich soil basins surrounding the harbors of Mariel, Cabanas, and Bahia Honda. There are seven sugar mills, or ingenios, in this province, which together produced 645,000 bags of sugar in 1918.
The growing of fruits and vegetables, especially since the birth of the Republic, was introduced into Pinar del Rio as an industry by Americans, many of whom settled along the line of the Western Road, many of these, taking advantage of the rich sandy loams between the railroad line and the Organ Mountains, have built up a really important industry not before known to Cuba.
The cultivation of fruits and vegetables, particularly since the establishment of the Republic, was introduced in Pinar del Rio as an industry by Americans. Many of them settled along the Western Road, and several took advantage of the fertile sandy soils between the railroad and the Organ Mountains, developing a significant industry that had not previously existed in Cuba.
An American colony was started at Herradura, one hundred miles west of Havana in 1902. Unfortunately, the inhabitants of the little settlement gave nearly all of their capital and energy to the planting of citrus fruit groves, which as a whole, have rather disappointed their owners. This was not because the growing of citrus fruit cannot be successfully carried on in Pinar del Rio, but was in most instances owing to the fact that the areas planted were very much larger than the available help could possibly handle and care for intelligently; hence many groves, lacking this care, have lapsed into grazing lands, whence they came.
An American colony was established at Herradura, a hundred miles west of Havana, in 1902. Unfortunately, the residents of the small settlement devoted almost all of their resources and energy to planting citrus fruit groves, which have largely disappointed them. This wasn’t because growing citrus fruit can't be successful in Pinar del Rio, but mostly because the areas planted were far larger than the available workforce could manage effectively. As a result, many groves, lacking proper care, have reverted to grazing land, where they originally began.
The growing of vegetables, green peppers, tomatoes, egg plants and beans, especially where farms were located near enough to streams to provide irrigation during the months of January, February and March, has proven very profitable, and within the near future will undoubtedly be still further extended.
The cultivation of vegetables like green peppers, tomatoes, eggplants, and beans, especially in areas where farms are close enough to streams for irrigation during the months of January, February, and March, has been very profitable and will likely expand even more in the near future.
In the early part of the 19th century, and for that matter, up to the abolition of slavery in 1878, the production of coffee in the mountainous districts of Pinar del Rio was the chief industry in the Province. Beautiful estates, the ruins of which are frequently scattered along the line of the Organ Mountains, especially in that section of the range included between San Cristobal and Bahia Honda, and splendid country homes with approaches cut from the main highways of travel up into these delightful picturesque retreats, were occupied during the summer months by prominent citizens of Havana, who found the growing of coffee both profitable and agreeable. The coffee trees still grow, although uncared for, and many thousand of pounds are still brought out of this almost forgotten district, on mule back, to be sold to the country groceries of Bahia Honda and San Cristobal, where the green beans bring twenty dollars per hundred weight.
In the early 19th century, and until the abolition of slavery in 1878, coffee production in the mountainous areas of Pinar del Río was the main industry in the province. Beautiful estates, which are often found as ruins along the Organ Mountains, particularly between San Cristobal and Bahia Honda, along with impressive country homes accessed from the main roads leading into these charming scenic retreats, were used in the summer by prominent citizens of Havana, who enjoyed both the profits and pleasures of coffee cultivation. The coffee trees still grow there, albeit neglected, and many thousands of pounds are still transported out of this almost forgotten area on mule back, where they are sold in the local grocery stores of Bahia Honda and San Cristobal, fetching twenty dollars per hundredweight for the green beans.
With the introduction of colonists from the Canary Islands, Italy, and other countries who love the fresh air of the mountains, and who do not object to the isolation which naturally follows a residence in remote sections, there is every reason to believe that the coffee industry will again be resumed. The settlement of these hills and vales with families whose children can assist in the picking of berries, will make the growing of coffee a great success.
With the arrival of settlers from the Canary Islands, Italy, and other countries who enjoy the fresh mountain air and aren’t bothered by the isolation that comes with living in remote areas, there’s every reason to believe that the coffee industry will start up again. Families moving into these hills and valleys, whose children can help pick the berries, will make coffee cultivation a big success.
Until 1913 the mining interests of Pinar del Rio were practically ignored, in spite of the fact that several excavations or shafts, that had been worked many years before, gave evidence of the existence of copper. It was in this year that Luciano Diaz, formerly Secretary of Public Works, became interested in the district known as Matahambre. Competent mining engineers, brought from the United States, assured Mr. Diaz that his claim was valuable, and merited the investment of capital. This proved to be true, since the mine has produced high-grade copper at the rate of about five million dollars per year since the date of its opening.
Until 1913, the mining potential of Pinar del Rio was mostly overlooked, even though several tunnels and shafts that had been worked many years earlier showed signs of copper. In that year, Luciano Diaz, who was once the Secretary of Public Works, took an interest in the area known as Matahambre. Skilled mining engineers brought in from the United States assured Mr. Diaz that his claim was valuable and worthy of investment. This turned out to be correct, as the mine has produced high-quality copper at a rate of about five million dollars per year since it opened.
Valuable deposits of manganese, too, have been recently discovered in the western end of the province, and will undoubtedly be developed in the near future. Excellent iron ore is found in the same chain, west of the capital, but owing to the difficulties of transportation, the mines have never been operated. Asphalt, asbestos and other substances used in the commercial world, are found at various points along the range, and await only intelligent direction and capital for their development.
Valuable manganese deposits have also been recently found in the western part of the province and will surely be developed soon. High-quality iron ore is located in the same mountain range, west of the capital, but due to transportation issues, the mines have never been worked. Asphalt, asbestos, and other commercially used materials are found at various spots along the range and are just waiting for smart management and funding for their development.
Although Narciso Lopez, with his unfortunate followers, endeavored to arouse the people of this Province against the iniquities of Spanish rule in the year 1852, the revolution had never reached the west until the winter of 1896, when General Antonio Maceo, with his army of Cuban veterans, carried the “invasion of the Occident” to its ultimate objective. After one of the most skilfully conducted campaigns known to history, he rested for a few weeks in the little town of Mantua, within a few miles of the extreme western shore of Cuba.
Although Narciso Lopez and his unfortunate followers tried to rally the people of this Province against the injustices of Spanish rule in 1852, the revolution didn't reach the west until the winter of 1896 when General Antonio Maceo, along with his army of Cuban veterans, took the “invasion of the Occident” to its final goal. After one of the most expertly managed campaigns in history, he took a break for a few weeks in the small town of Mantua, just a few miles from the far western coast of Cuba.
The crossing of the Trocha, that had been built between the harbor of Mariel and the south coast, by this invading army, was very distasteful to General Weyler, who soon filled Pinar del Rio with well armed regiments and gave Maceo battle for more than a year. Short of ammunition, and in a section of the country where it was almost impossible for the expedition to aid him, General Maceo was compelled to keep up a running fight for many months, and in the Organ Mountains and in their various spurs toward the north coast were fought some of the most stubbornly contested engagements of the War of Independence.
The invading army's crossing of the Trocha, which had been built between the harbor of Mariel and the south coast, was very displeasing to General Weyler. He quickly reinforced Pinar del Rio with well-armed regiments and battled Maceo for over a year. Low on ammunition and in an area where it was nearly impossible for his forces to assist him, General Maceo was forced to engage in a prolonged fight for many months. Some of the most fiercely contested battles of the War of Independence took place in the Organ Mountains and their various foothills leading to the north coast.
CHAPTER VI
PROVINCE OF MATANZAS
HISTORICALLY the province of Matanzas has played a comparatively unimportant part in the various events that have influenced the destiny of the Island. In the early days of conquest, little mention of the district was made. Grijalva, however, with a small body of men, was the first of the Spanish conquerors who, pushing his way along the northern coast of Cuba, reached the harbor now known as Matanzas on October 8, 1518. A very substantial fort of the same excellent style of military architecture as that seen in Havana, was erected on the western shore of the Bay of Matanzas to protect the city from invasion, in the middle of the eighteenth century.
HISTORICALLY, the province of Matanzas has had a relatively minor role in the events that have shaped the destiny of the Island. In the early days of conquest, the area received little attention. However, Grijalva, leading a small group of men, was the first Spanish conqueror to navigate along the northern coast of Cuba and reached the harbor now known as Matanzas on October 8, 1518. In the mid-eighteenth century, a significant fort, built in the same impressive military architecture style seen in Havana, was constructed on the western shore of the Bay of Matanzas to defend the city from invasions.
The province of Matanzas joins Havana on the east and has an area of 3,257 square miles. The surface as a whole is comparatively level, although the chain of mountains, which forms the backbone of the entire Island, is represented along the center of Matanzas in a series of low peaks and foothills sloping away to the northwest corner, in which the capital, Matanzas, is located on a bay of the same name.
The province of Matanzas is situated east of Havana and covers an area of 3,257 square miles. Overall, the land is relatively flat, although a chain of mountains runs through the center of Matanzas, forming a series of low peaks and foothills that slope down to the northwest corner, where the capital, Matanzas, is located on a bay with the same name.
Across the eastern center of the Province of Matanzas, nature left a depression that extends from the north coast at Cardenas, almost if not quite, to the shore of the Caribbean, at the Bay of Cochinos. The elevation above the sea level is so slight throughout this belt that a series of fresh water lagoons, swamps and low lands, without natural drainage of any kind, has rendered the district almost useless for agriculture and grazing purposes during the rainy season. Between the months of May and November this section is frequently flooded so that animals occasionally perish and crops are frequently destroyed.
Across the eastern center of the Province of Matanzas, nature created a depression that stretches from the north coast at Cardenas, almost to the Caribbean shore at the Bay of Cochinos. The elevation above sea level is so low throughout this area that a series of freshwater lagoons, swamps, and lowlands, without any natural drainage, has made the region nearly useless for farming and grazing during the rainy season. Between May and November, this area often gets flooded, causing animals to occasionally die and crops to frequently be ruined.
To relieve the situation a drainage canal was proposed a few years ago, that should furnish an artificial exit for the surplus water into the Bay of Cardenas. The length of the proposed canal was thirty miles, and work began on the big ditch in 1916. At the present time it is practically completed, at a cost of approximately five millions of dollars. Its width varies from sixteen to forty-four meters, carrying an average depth of one and a half meters, or five feet.
To improve the situation, a drainage canal was proposed a few years ago that would provide an artificial outlet for excess water into the Bay of Cardenas. The proposed canal was thirty miles long, and construction started on the big ditch in 1916. As of now, it is nearly finished, with a total cost of about five million dollars. Its width ranges from sixteen to forty-four meters, with an average depth of one and a half meters, or five feet.
The possibility of eventually converting this drainage canal into an avenue of traffic, between the north and the south coasts, furnishing thus water, or cheap transportation, between Havana, Matanzas, Cardenas and Cienfuegos, or other ports on the south coast, has naturally appealed to engineers who have studied the terrain. There are no engineering difficulties that would prevent a canal of this kind from being converted into a deep ship canal across the Island which would shorten the distance between New York and Panama by at least two hundred miles. Steamers bound north from Panama would then cross the Caribbean, pass through from Cochinos Bay to Cardenas, entering at once the Gulf Stream, the force of whose current would still further shorten the time between Panama and Pacific ports on the south, and all Atlantic ports north of Cuba. The engineering problem could not be more simple, since it is merely a question of dredging through earth and soft limestone rock for a distance of seventy-five miles, taking advantage, as does the present drainage canal, of the Auton River, where it empties into Cardenas Bay. That such a saving of time and distance will some day be consummated is more than probable. Not only the economics and benefits to be derived from such a shortening of miles between local points in times of peace, but the strategic advantage of the short cut for naval units in time of war, are more than manifest to any one at all familiar with the geography of Cuba and the West Indies. Cuba, for commercial and economical reasons, is deeply interested in the construction of a canal that would make the Province of Matanzas an intersea gateway, not only for her own coastwise trade, but for much of the northbound traffic that in the near future will carry millions of tons of raw material from the west coast of South America to the great manufacturing centers of the North Atlantic.
The potential to transform this drainage canal into a traffic route connecting the north and south coasts, providing water or affordable transportation between Havana, Matanzas, Cardenas, and Cienfuegos, or other southern ports, has naturally caught the attention of engineers who have examined the area. There are no engineering challenges that would stop this canal from being developed into a deep shipping canal across the Island, which would reduce the distance between New York and Panama by at least two hundred miles. Boats heading north from Panama would then traverse the Caribbean, move from Cochinos Bay to Cardenas, and immediately enter the Gulf Stream, whose current would further decrease the travel time between Panama and Pacific ports in the south, as well as all Atlantic ports north of Cuba. The engineering task could not be simpler, as it is just about dredging through earth and soft limestone for seventy-five miles, taking advantage of the Auton River where it flows into Cardenas Bay, much like the existing drainage canal. It is highly likely that such a reduction in time and distance will eventually happen. The economic advantages and benefits from this shortening of miles between local points during peacetime, along with the strategic benefits for naval forces during wartime, are obvious to anyone familiar with the geography of Cuba and the West Indies. For commercial and economic reasons, Cuba is keenly interested in constructing a canal that would make the Province of Matanzas an intersea gateway, not just for its own coastal trade but also for much of the northbound traffic that will soon carry millions of tons of raw materials from the west coast of South America to the major manufacturing hubs of the North Atlantic.
Running parallel with the north shore, a short series of remarkable hills rise abruptly from the surrounding level plain to an altitude of a thousand feet or more. One of these is known as the “Pan de Matanzas,” whose round, palm covered top may be seen for many miles at sea. Ships coming from New York usually make this peak above the horizon before any other part of the Island comes into view.
Running parallel to the north shore, a short series of impressive hills abruptly rise from the surrounding flat land to an elevation of a thousand feet or more. One of these is called the “Pan de Matanzas,” whose rounded, palm-covered top can be seen from many miles out at sea. Ships coming from New York typically spot this peak above the horizon before any other part of the Island is visible.
The Yumuri River, at some time in the remote geological past cut its way through these hills and found exit in Matanzas Bay. The valley lying between two of these parallel ridges, through which the Yumuri flows, has been rendered famous by Alexander Humboldt, who visiting the spot in the winter of 1800, traveling over most of South and Central America, pronounced it the most beautiful valley in the world. No terms of praise are too great to bestow on the Yumuri; but in truth it must be said that Humboldt had never seen the Valley of Vinales, one hundred and thirty miles west, or he would probably have hesitated in bestowing such superlative praise on the Yumuri.
The Yumuri River, at some point in the distant geological past, carved its path through these hills and flowed into Matanzas Bay. The valley situated between two of these parallel ridges, through which the Yumuri runs, became famous thanks to Alexander Humboldt, who visited the area in the winter of 1800 while traveling across much of South and Central America, and called it the most beautiful valley in the world. There are no words of admiration too grand for the Yumuri; however, it must be said that Humboldt had never seen the Valley of Vinales, located one hundred and thirty miles to the west, or he might have been more cautious in giving such high praise to the Yumuri.
Only a few miles south of the Yumuri, another river known as the San Juan has broken through the ridge which lies along the western shore, and empties its waters into the bay. Another small stream, the Canima, pouring its waters into the Bay, a little further east, flows through a series of limestone cliffs covered with a wealth of tropical forest and furnishes a source of recreation to visitors and many people of the capital, who make excursions to the head of navigation in motor launches.
Just a few miles south of the Yumuri, there's another river called the San Juan that has carved its way through the ridge along the western shore and flows into the bay. A bit further east, another small stream, the Canima, also drains into the bay. It winds through limestone cliffs thick with tropical forest and offers a recreational escape for visitors and many locals from the capital, who take trips to the navigable head in motorboats.
The Province has an average length of about 70 miles, with a width from north to south of fifty miles, and forms a fairly regular parallelogram. From the center of the coast line a narrow neck of land, known as the Punta Hicaco, projects out toward the northeast for some fifteen miles, inclosing the Bay of Cardenas on the west. The outer shore of this strip of land, known as El Veradero, forms the finest bathing beach in all Cuba, to which those who do not find it convenient to visit the United States in summer, can come during the warmer months.
The Province is about 70 miles long and 50 miles wide, making it a pretty regular parallelogram. From the center of the coastline, a narrow stretch of land called Punta Hicaco extends northeast for about fifteen miles, enclosing the Bay of Cardenas to the west. The outer shore of this land, known as El Veradero, features the best beach for swimming in all of Cuba, where those who can't easily travel to the United States in the summer can come during the warmer months.
A chain of islands varying in size from little keys of a half acre to that of Cayo Romano, seventy miles long, extends from a few miles east of Punta Hicaco, along the north shore of Cuba to the Harbor of Nuevitas, a distance of three hundred miles. The Bay of Cardenas, although large in extent is rather shallow in comparison with most harbors of Cuba. Extensive dredging, however, has rendered it available for steamers of 20-foot draft.
A chain of islands, ranging in size from small keys of half an acre to Cayo Romano, which is seventy miles long, stretches from a few miles east of Punta Hicaco along Cuba's northern coast to the Harbor of Nuevitas, covering a distance of three hundred miles. The Bay of Cardenas, while large, is relatively shallow compared to most harbors in Cuba. However, extensive dredging has made it suitable for steamers with a 20-foot draft.
The southern boundary of the Province is formed by the River Gonzalo, fairly deep throughout half its length, but obstructed by shoals at the mouth. The upper extension of this stream, known as Hanabana, flows along the larger part of its eastern boundary. Just south of the Gonzalo River lies the great Cienaga de Zapato, or Swamp of the Shoe, which belongs to the Province of Santa Clara. The land along the northern bank of the river is also low and marshy, with sharp limestone rocks frequently cropping out on the surface. Of navigable rivers, Matanzas has really none worthy of mention but with railroads it is quite well supplied.
The southern border of the Province is defined by the Gonzalo River, which is quite deep for a good part of its length, but has shallow areas near the mouth. The upper part of this stream, called Hanabana, runs along most of its eastern boundary. Just south of the Gonzalo River is the vast Cienaga de Zapato, or Swamp of the Shoe, which is part of the Province of Santa Clara. The land along the northern bank of the river is also low and marshy, with sharp limestone rocks often appearing at the surface. As for navigable rivers, Matanzas doesn’t really have any worth mentioning, but it does have a good number of railroads.
The surface as a whole is slightly rolling and has long been under cultivation, especially in the production of sugar cane, for which nearly all of this section is excellently adapted. There are forty sugar plantations in active operation in Matanzas Province, producing in 1917 over four million sacks. The cultivation of sugar cane, as in other provinces, is the chief source of wealth and yields the greatest revenue.
The land is mostly gently rolling and has been farmed for a long time, particularly for sugar cane, which this area is very well-suited for. There are forty sugar plantations currently running in Matanzas Province, which produced over four million sacks in 1917. Like other provinces, sugar cane farming is the main source of wealth and generates the highest revenue.
In recent years, or since revolutions have practically destroyed the industries of Yucatan, capital has been attracted to the cultivation of henequen, and to the extraction of the fibre known as sisal, from which not only rope and cables are made, but also binding twine, so essential to the wheat crop of the United States.
In recent years, especially after revolutions have nearly wiped out the industries in Yucatan, investment has shifted to cultivating henequen and extracting the fiber called sisal. This fiber is used not only to make ropes and cables but also binding twine, which is crucial for the wheat crop in the United States.
Leaving the city of Cardenas, which promises soon to be another great sisal center, and traveling west over the automobile drive towards Matanzas, a perfect panorama of growing henequen is spread out on both sides of the road as far as the eye can reach. The peculiar bluish green color of the fields of this valuable textile plant, dotted as they are with royal palms, produce a fascinating effect as one passes through league after league of henequen.
Leaving the city of Cardenas, which is set to become another major sisal center soon, and heading west along the highway toward Matanzas, a breathtaking view of growing henequen stretches out on both sides of the road as far as you can see. The unique bluish-green hue of the fields of this valuable textile plant, sprinkled with royal palms, creates a captivating effect as you drive through mile after mile of henequen.
There are many limestone hills, plateaus and plains in Matanzas Province, whose surface, covered with a thin layer of rich red soil, is especially adapted to the growth and cultivation of henequen, and it is quite possible that the sisal industry, in a short time, may equal if not excel in importance the sugar industry of the province.
There are many limestone hills, plateaus, and plains in Matanzas Province, whose surface, covered with a thin layer of rich red soil, is especially suited for growing and cultivating henequen. It's very possible that the sisal industry may soon match or even surpass the importance of the province's sugar industry.
Some twenty years ago a complete plant was established in the city of Matanzas for the manufacture of cables, cordage and binding twine for the local market. Thousands of acres of barren hillsides south of the city were planted in henequen at that time, and have since furnished enough raw material to keep this rope factory going throughout the entire year. The decortator, or machine by which the sisal is separated from the pulp of the leaves, is located near the crest of the hill, about a half a mile back of the factory. From this point down to the plain below, the green fresh sisal is conveyed by gravity in iron baskets, where it is received by women and spread out on wire lines to dry. Twenty-four hours later it is carried into the factory and there spun into rope of all sizes, from binding twine to the twelve-inch hawsers. Water was found alongside the factory only a few feet below the surface, where an underground stream furnishes an inexhaustible supply.
About twenty years ago, a complete facility was established in Matanzas for making cables, rope, and binding twine for the local market. At that time, thousands of acres of barren hillsides south of the city were planted with henequen, which has since provided enough raw material to keep this rope factory running all year round. The decorticator, the machine that separates sisal from the pulp of the leaves, is situated near the top of the hill, about half a mile behind the factory. From this point down to the plain below, fresh green sisal is transported by gravity in iron baskets, where it is received by women who spread it out on wire lines to dry. Twenty-four hours later, it is brought into the factory and spun into rope of all sizes, from binding twine to the twelve-inchhawsers. Water was found just a few feet below the surface alongside the factory, where an underground stream provides an endless supply.
Several millions were invested in the Matanzas henequen industry, started by a company of Germans, who recently sold out to local and foreign capitalists. It is said that the capacity of the plant will be greatly increased.
Several million were invested in the Matanzas henequen industry, started by a group of Germans, who recently sold to local and foreign investors. It's said that the capacity of the plant will be significantly increased.
The city of Matanzas, capital of the Province, is spread out over the side and along the base of the low hill that forms the western shore of the Bay. Although not possessing the wealth of Havana, the general appearance of the city, with its substantial stone buildings, gives every evidence of prosperity and comfort. Its population numbers approximately 40,000, the greater part of whom are interested in sugar, henequen and other local industries of the section.
The city of Matanzas, the capital of the Province, is located on the side and at the base of the low hill that makes up the western shore of the Bay. While it doesn’t have the wealth of Havana, the overall look of the city, with its solid stone buildings, shows clear signs of prosperity and comfort. Its population is around 40,000, most of whom are involved in sugar, henequen, and other local industries in the area.
Matanzas was first settled in 1693, but the modern city is laid out with wide streets, the oldest of which as usual radiate from the central plaza or city park, a quaint square ornamented with oriental palms and tropical flowers. The most pretentious drive of this provincial capital, however, has been built along the shore of the bay, a beautiful wide avenue lined with laurels and with statues of various local heroes, which add greatly to its interest. The view from the opposite side of the bay is excelled only by that of Havana from the heights of Cabanas.
Matanzas was first settled in 1693, but the modern city features wide streets, the oldest of which, like usual, radiate from the central plaza or city park, a charming square decorated with palm trees and tropical flowers. The most impressive drive in this provincial capital, however, runs along the bay, a beautiful wide avenue lined with laurels and statues of various local heroes, which greatly enhance its appeal. The view from the opposite side of the bay is surpassed only by that of Havana from the heights of Cabanas.
Just back of the City, or rather on the edge of its northwestern boundary, perched on the front of a commanding promontory known as La Loma de Monserrate, is located a quaint little cathedral dedicated to the Virgin of El Cobre. The altar and background of the nave are constructed of cork, brought from Spain for that purpose many years ago. From the crest of this flat topped hill, protected on the north by a stone wall, with spacious seats of the same material, under the shade of laurel trees, the traveller has spread before him a beautiful view of the Yumuri Valley, over which Humboldt gazed with admiration some hundred years ago.
Just behind the city, or more accurately on the edge of its northwestern border, there's a charming little cathedral dedicated to the Virgin of El Cobre, sitting atop a prominent hill known as La Loma de Monserrate. The altar and the backdrop of the nave are made of cork, which was brought from Spain for that purpose many years ago. From the top of this flat hill, which is protected on the north by a stone wall and has spacious seating made of the same material, under the shade of laurel trees, travelers can enjoy a stunning view of the Yumuri Valley, which Humboldt admired about a hundred years ago.
SAN JUAN RIVER, MATANZAS
San Juan River, Matanzas
Second only to Havana itself on the northern coast of Cuba is the great commercial and residence city of Matanzas. Instead of standing upon the shore of a land-locked bay, however, Matanzas is built on the banks of the San Juan River, a broad, deep stream affording admirable facilities for navigation, and lined for a considerable distance partly with handsome houses and business buildings and partly with busy docks and wharves, thronged with vessels of all descriptions.
Second only to Havana itself on the northern coast of Cuba is the major commercial and residential city of Matanzas. Instead of being located on the shore of a land-locked bay, Matanzas is situated along the banks of the San Juan River, a wide, deep river that provides excellent navigation facilities. The banks are lined for a significant stretch with elegant houses and business buildings, as well as busy docks and wharves filled with all kinds of vessels.
Leading from the Capital are several very beautiful automobile drives; one reaching out towards the north and rounding the eastern terminus of the Yumuri Valley, gives a beautiful view of that charming basin as it stretches away toward the west.
Leading from the Capital are several beautiful car drives; one heads north and curves around the eastern end of the Yumuri Valley, providing a lovely view of that delightful basin as it extends to the west.
Another delightful drive sweeps along the south shore towards Cardenas. A few miles from Matanzas, however, a sharp turn to the right leads up on to the summit of the ridge south of Matanzas. The drive passes through the long stretches of henequen fields whose plants furnish the fibre to the factory near the railway station.
Another enjoyable drive follows the south shore toward Cardenas. A few miles from Matanzas, though, a sharp right turn takes you up to the top of the ridge south of Matanzas. The drive goes through the long stretches of henequen fields, where the plants provide the fiber for the factory near the train station.
On the crest of the plateau, under the shade of a small grove of trees, is found an odd little building that serves as the entrance to the Bellamar Caves. This famous underground resort is quite well known to tourists who visit Cuba in the winter season. Visitors are lowered by means of an elevator to a depth considerably below the level of the sea, after which guides take the party in charge and lead the way through several miles of interesting underground passages, ornamented with stalactites, stalagmites and other beautiful formations peculiar to those old time waterways that forced their tortuous channels through the bowels of the earth thousands of years ago.
On the edge of the plateau, shaded by a small grove of trees, there’s a quirky little building that serves as the entrance to the Bellamar Caves. This well-known underground resort is popular among tourists visiting Cuba during the winter season. Visitors are lowered by an elevator to a depth far below sea level, after which guides take charge and lead the way through several miles of fascinating underground passages, decorated with stalactites, stalagmites, and other stunning formations unique to those ancient waterways that carved their winding paths through the earth's depths thousands of years ago.
Many of these formations are of a peculiar pearl white with a delicate texture that resembles Parian marble and gives a metal-like ring when struck. The entire cave is lighted with electricity and entrance to the more inaccessible spots has been rendered possible through artificial steps and balustrades. The city of Matanzas furnished an interesting and pleasant spot in which the tourist can spend a few days agreeably.
Many of these formations are a unique pearl white with a delicate texture that looks like Parian marble and gives a metallic sound when struck. The whole cave is lit with electricity, and access to the harder-to-reach areas has been made possible with artificial steps and railings. The city of Matanzas offers an interesting and pleasant place for tourists to spend a few enjoyable days.
The harbor of Matanzas is a wide mouthed roadstead, cutting back from the Atlantic some five or six miles with a width varying from three to four. Dredging within recent years has greatly improved the port, although with deep draft vessels, lightering is still necessary to convey freight from the warehouses out to the various places of anchorage.
The harbor of Matanzas is a wide bay, extending about five or six miles from the Atlantic with a width between three to four miles. Recent dredging has significantly improved the port, but for deep draft vessels, lightering is still required to transport cargo from the warehouses to the different anchorage spots.
The view of the City, covering the slopes of the hills on the west as you enter the bay, is very attractive. Since the Province of Matanzas has no harbors on the south coast, nearly all the sugar produced in her forty big mills is shipped from either Matanzas or Cardenas, both of which are connected with railroads that tap the various agricultural sections lying south of them.
The view of the City, spreading over the hills on the west as you enter the bay, is quite appealing. Since the Province of Matanzas lacks harbors on the south coast, almost all the sugar produced in its forty large mills is shipped from either Matanzas or Cardenas, both of which are linked by railroads that connect to the different agricultural areas situated to the south.
The second city of the Province, Cardenas, is located on Cardenas Bay, a large and well protected harbor thirty miles east of Matanzas. In comparison with most of the harbors, however, it is comparatively shallow, needing a good deal of dredging to make it available for deep draft vessels. Cardenas, like Matanzas, is comparatively modern, with wide streets, regularly laid out. The old square, with its statue of Columbus, has been recently remodeled at considerable cost.
The second city of the province, Cardenas, is situated on Cardenas Bay, a large and well-protected harbor thirty miles east of Matanzas. However, compared to most harbors, it’s relatively shallow, requiring a lot of dredging to accommodate deep-draft vessels. Cardenas, like Matanzas, is fairly modern, with wide, regularly laid-out streets. The old square, featuring a statue of Columbus, has recently been remodeled at a significant expense.
The first serious indication of revolt on the part of the Cuban people against the rule of Spain, was started here by General Narciso Lopez, who landed at Cardenas with 600 men, mostly Americans from New Orleans, on May 19, 1850. Within a few hours they had captured the Spanish garrison and made prisoners of Governor Serrute and several of his officials. The city was theirs, but to the unspeakable chagrin of General Lopez, only one man came to his aid on Cuban soil, and before nightfall, after defeating a Spanish column sent to oppose him, the disappointed revolutionist abandoned the city, and with his followers embarked for Key West.
The first serious sign of rebellion from the Cuban people against Spanish rule started here with General Narciso Lopez, who arrived at Cardenas with 600 men, mostly Americans from New Orleans, on May 19, 1850. Within a few hours, they had taken over the Spanish garrison and captured Governor Serrute along with several of his officials. The city was under their control, but to General Lopez's great disappointment, only one person came to support him on Cuban soil. By nightfall, after defeating a Spanish column sent to confront him, the disheartened revolutionary left the city and, with his followers, headed to Key West.
It was on May 11, 1898, that Cardenas Bay became the scene of an engagement between blockading vessels of the United States fleet and the Spanish batteries, in which Ensign Worth Badgley was killed, he being the first officer to lose his life in the war.
It was on May 11, 1898, that Cardenas Bay became the site of a clash between the blockading ships of the United States fleet and the Spanish artillery, where Ensign Worth Badgley was killed, making him the first officer to die in the war.
The exportation of sugar from the rich lands tributary to this bay has always given Cardenas importance as a shipping point and rendered it, for a city of only 30,000, quite a wealthy and prosperous community. Many beautiful residences have been built along its stately avenues, and the great henequen industry recently started in the great fields to the west will add, undoubtedly, to the wealth of the locality. Splendid stone warehouses line the shore for a mile or more, with a capacity sufficient to hold in storage while necessary the enormous crop of sugar that is produced in the province.
The export of sugar from the rich lands surrounding this bay has always made Cardenas an important shipping hub and turned it into a fairly wealthy and prosperous community for a city of just 30,000. Many beautiful homes have been built along its grand avenues, and the booming henequen industry that recently started in the vast fields to the west will likely increase the area's wealth. Impressive stone warehouses stretch along the shore for over a mile, with enough capacity to store the enormous sugar crop produced in the province as needed.
The presence of naphtha and many surface indications of oil deposits south and east of the City of Cardenas have rendered that section attractive as a field of exploration. Up to the present time, however, no paying wells have been found, although many expert oil men are still confident that the entire district from Cardenas to Itabo, and even further east, will some day prove a valuable field for petroleum products.
The presence of naphtha and several signs of oil deposits south and east of the City of Cardenas have made that area appealing for exploration. So far, however, no profitable wells have been discovered, although many experienced oil professionals still believe that the entire region from Cardenas to Itabo, and even further east, will eventually turn out to be a valuable source for petroleum products.
Midway between Cardenas and the City of Matanzas, just north of the beautiful highway connecting these two cities, rises a range of low serpentine hills, whose altitude is approximately five hundred feet. These peculiarly symmetrical, round, loaf-like elevations above the level surface of the surrounding country, are covered with a short scrubby growth of thorny brush, and several varieties of maguey, of the century plant family. Nothing else will grow on these serpentine hills; hence in most respects they are decidedly unattractive. Since the beginning of the international war, however, and the great demand for chrome, some local mineralogists noted that little streams and rivulets running down these hills left deposits of a peculiar black, glistening sand. This sand, when analyzed, proved to come from the erosion of chromite, the mineral so much in demand by the smelting industry of the United States for hardening steel. In the spring of 1918 two well-known mining engineers and geologists, with instructions from Washington, visited several of these serpentine hills and found valuable deposits of chromite that will probably furnish a very profitable source of this much sought-for mineral and add greatly to the mining industry of this province.
Halfway between Cardenas and the city of Matanzas, just north of the beautiful highway connecting these two cities, there are a range of low, winding hills that rise about five hundred feet. These oddly symmetrical, round, loaf-like hills above the flat land around them are covered with short, scraggly thorny brush and various kinds of maguey from the century plant family. Nothing else really grows on these winding hills, so in many ways, they aren’t very attractive. However, since the start of the international war and the high demand for chrome, some local mineral experts noticed that small streams and rivulets flowing down these hills left behind deposits of a unique black, shiny sand. When analyzed, this sand was found to come from the erosion of chromite, the mineral that’s highly sought after by the smelting industry in the United States for hardening steel. In the spring of 1918, two well-known mining engineers and geologists, under orders from Washington, visited several of these winding hills and discovered valuable deposits of chromite that will likely provide a very profitable source of this in-demand mineral and significantly boost the mining industry in this region.
During the War of Independence, Generals Antonio Maceo and Maximo Gomez led the invading columns of the Revolutionary Army into this Province for the first time, in the fall of 1896. The great beds of dead leaves lying between rows of cane, dried by the November winds, formed useful material for the insurgent armies. The torch once applied to this vast tinder box, with the prevailing easterly winds, all Matanzas was aflame. Under cover of the great canopy of smoke which rose over the land, the invading armies of the Occident swept rapidly on through the Province, fighting only when compelled to, since the object of the invasion was to carry the war into Havana and Pinar del Rio, where Revolution had never before been known.
During the War of Independence, Generals Antonio Maceo and Maximo Gomez led the Revolutionary Army's invading forces into this Province for the first time in the fall of 1896. The thick layers of dead leaves between the rows of sugarcane, dried out by the November winds, provided useful materials for the insurgent armies. Once a torch was set to this massive tinderbox, the east winds caused all of Matanzas to catch fire. As the massive cloud of smoke rose over the land, the invading armies from the West moved swiftly through the Province, only engaging in battle when necessary, since their goal was to bring the fight to Havana and Pinar del Rio, places where the Revolution had never been known before.
The vast cane fields that today line the railroad tracks on both sides, bear no evidence of the ravages of Revolution, while handsome modern mills, many of which have been erected since the beginning of the great European War of 1914, have helped to feed the world with sugar that could be obtained in sufficient quantities in no other place.
The extensive sugarcane fields that now border the railroad tracks on either side show no signs of the destruction from the Revolution. Meanwhile, impressive modern mills, many of which have been built since the start of the great European War in 1914, have contributed to supplying the world with sugar that can't be found in sufficient amounts anywhere else.
CHAPTER VII
PROVINCE OF SANTA CLARA
PROBABLY in no part of Cuba is the topography more varied or the scenery more beautiful than in the Province of Santa Clara, with its area of 8,250 square miles. Mountain, valley, table land and plain seem to be thrown together in this, the central section of the Island, in reckless yet picturesque confusion. The main system of mountains, extending throughout the entire length of Cuba, disappears and reappears along the northern coast of Santa Clara, thus permitting easy communication between her rich central plains, covered with sugar estates, and her harbors on the coast.
Probably in no part of Cuba is the landscape more varied or the scenery more beautiful than in the Province of Santa Clara, which covers an area of 8,250 square miles. Mountains, valleys, highlands, and plains seem to be thrown together in this central section of the island in a wild yet picturesque mix. The main mountain range, which runs the entire length of Cuba, appears and disappears along Santa Clara's northern coast, allowing for easy access between its rich central plains filled with sugar plantations and its coastal ports.
In the southwestern center of this province, we have another group of mountains, foot hills and fertile valleys, in which are located some of the old coffee estates of slavery days, established at the close of the 18th century, shortly after the negro uprising in Santo Domingo. These cafetales, in the early half of the following century, made Cuban coffee famous throughout the world. Nestling within this mountain cradle lies the city of Trinidad, founded by Diego Velasquez in January, 1514. The presence of gold, which the Indians panned from the waters of the Arimo River, rendered Trinidad an important center for the early Spanish conquerors during the first years of Cuban history. Sancti Spiritus, lying on the edge of a fertile plateau, some forty-five miles to the northeast, was founded a few months later.
In the southwestern part of this province, there's another group of mountains, foothills, and fertile valleys, home to some of the old coffee plantations from the slavery era, established at the end of the 18th century, shortly after the slave revolt in Santo Domingo. These coffee farms, in the early part of the next century, helped make Cuban coffee famous worldwide. Nestled within this mountainous area is the city of Trinidad, founded by Diego Velasquez in January 1514. The gold that the Indigenous people panned from the Arimo River made Trinidad an important hub for the early Spanish conquerors during the initial years of Cuban history. Sancti Spiritus, located on the edge of a fertile plateau about forty-five miles to the northeast, was founded a few months later.
Gold was the god of the Spanish conquerors, and to secure it was their chief aim and ambition. Its discovery in this section of Santa Clara brought hope to them and despair to the Indians, on whom the former depended for labor with which to dig this precious metal from the earth. Velasquez found the natives of Trinidad, like those of Oriente, a gentle, confiding people, who asked only permission to live as they had always done; tilling the soil, fishing, visiting and dancing, at which they were most clever, an ideal and harmless life, suited to their tastes. They grew corn, sweet potatoes, tobacco and yucca, from which they made their cazaba bread, still used by the country people of the present day. The Spaniards, however, soon changed this earthly dream of ease and joy into one of arduous and repugnant toil, rather than to submit to which, many of them committed suicide by poison and by drowning.
Gold was the god of the Spanish conquerors, and securing it was their main goal and ambition. Its discovery in this part of Santa Clara brought hope to them and despair to the Indians, who they relied on for labor to extract this precious metal from the earth. Velasquez found the natives of Trinidad, like those in Oriente, to be gentle and trusting people who only wanted permission to live as they always had; farming the land, fishing, visiting, and dancing, which they excelled at—an ideal and peaceful life that suited their preferences. They cultivated corn, sweet potatoes, tobacco, and yucca, from which they made their cazaba bread, still used by the local people today. However, the Spaniards quickly turned this earthly dream of ease and joy into one of hard and repulsive labor. Many preferred to take their own lives by poison or drowning rather than endure it.
Velasquez, enthusiastic over the locality of his newly founded city, Trinidad, despatched at once one of his caravels to La Espanola in Santo Domingo, with orders to bring back cattle, mares and other material necessary to further the interests of the new settlement. And so it came to pass that this section of southern Santa Clara, with its fertile lands, beautiful scenery and promise of gold, played an important part in the early colonization of the Island.
Velasquez, excited about the location of his newly established city, Trinidad, immediately sent one of his ships to La Española in Santo Domingo, instructing them to return with cattle, mares, and other supplies needed to support the new settlement. Thus, this area of southern Santa Clara, with its fertile lands, stunning scenery, and potential for gold, played a significant role in the early colonization of the Island.
The desire to accumulate wealth through the toil of the unhappy Indians, of whom the Spaniards made slaves, tempted even Las Casas, the great defender of the Cuban aborigines, to accept assignment of them as a gift from the crown, so that he might share something of the prosperity of the early conquerors. It is reported that Las Casas repented this departure from the path of rectitude and afterwards was led to indorse the importation of African slaves in order to save the Cuban Indians from extermination.
The urge to gain wealth from the hard work of the miserable Native Americans, whom the Spaniards enslaved, even led Las Casas, the strong advocate for the Cuban natives, to accept their assignment as a gift from the crown so he could share in the prosperity of the early conquerors. It’s said that Las Casas regretted straying from the right path and later supported the importation of African slaves to protect the Cuban Indians from extinction.
It was on the banks of the beautiful Arimo, some twenty-five miles east of Trinidad, that this celebrated old historian and defender of the faith maintained his ranch and other worldly possessions. Throughout the sixteenth century this section of Santa Clara was an important station on the line of travel between Santiago de Cuba and Havana.
It was along the scenic Arimo River, about twenty-five miles east of Trinidad, that this famous old historian and defender of the faith had his ranch and various worldly belongings. Throughout the sixteenth century, this part of Santa Clara was an important stop on the travel route between Santiago de Cuba and Havana.
Caravels leaving “Tierra Firme,” or the great continent of South America, that had been discovered, frequently made this shore, on the other side of the Caribbean, or were driven against it by storms, the crews afterwards reaching Santiago de Cuba by travel overland, along the south coast. Owing probably to the fact that all of this coast, from the mouth of the Zaza River east to the Cauto, is low, covered with dense jungle, reports reached Spain to the effect that the most of Cuba was a swamp, which is far from the truth, since by far the greatest portion of the Island is rolling and mountainous.
Caravels leaving "Tierra Firme," or the vast continent of South America that had been discovered, often landed on this shore across the Caribbean, or were pushed against it by storms. The crews then traveled overland along the south coast to reach Santiago de Cuba. Likely because the entire coast from the mouth of the Zaza River to the east up to the Cauto is low and covered with thick jungle, reports made their way to Spain claiming that most of Cuba was a swamp. This is far from the truth, as the majority of the island is actually rolling and mountainous.
More than half of Santa Clara is hilly and broken, although owing to the fertility of the soil this interferes but little with the agricultural development of the Province.
More than half of Santa Clara is hilly and uneven, but because the soil is so fertile, this has little impact on the agricultural growth of the Province.
The mountains of Santa Clara form the central zone of the great volcanic upheaval that raised Cuba from the depths of the Caribbean. A broad belt or double chain lies between the city of Santa Clara and Sancti Spiritus. Another ridge, just south of the latter city, extends from the Tunas de Zaza railroad to a point east of the Manatee River, near the harbor of Cienfuegos. A second group lies between the valleys of the rivers Arimao and Agabama, names taken from the original appellations given them by the Indians.
The Santa Clara mountains make up the central area of the massive volcanic activity that lifted Cuba from the depths of the Caribbean. There’s a wide belt or double chain that runs between the city of Santa Clara and Sancti Spiritus. Another ridge, located just south of Sancti Spiritus, stretches from the Tunas de Zaza railroad to a point east of the Manatee River, close to the Cienfuegos harbor. A second group is situated between the valleys of the Arimao and Agabama rivers, named after the original names given to them by the Indigenous people.
The highest peak of this central region, called Potrerillo, is located some seven miles north of Trinidad and reaches an altitude of about 3,000 feet. The mountains of this group extend northwest as far as the Manicaragua Valley. A third group, lying southeast of the city of Santa Clara, includes the Sierra del Escambray and the Sierra de Agabama. The average altitude of these latter hills is only about a thousand feet.
The highest peak in this central area, known as Potrerillo, is situated roughly seven miles north of Trinidad and stands at an elevation of around 3,000 feet. The mountains in this range stretch northwest all the way to the Manicaragua Valley. A third range, located southeast of the city of Santa Clara, includes the Sierra del Escambray and the Sierra de Agabama. The average height of these hills is only about a thousand feet.
Another range of hills begins at a point on the north coast of the Province, twenty-five miles east of Sagua la Orande, and runs parallel with the north shore of the Island into the Province of Camaguey, in the western edge of which it disappears in the great level prairies of that region. The highest peaks of this group are the Sierra Morena, west of Sagua la Grande, and the Lomas de Santa Fe, near Camajuani. A little further east they are known as the Lomas de Las Sabanas.
Another range of hills starts at a point on the north coast of the Province, twenty-five miles east of Sagua la Grande, and runs parallel to the north shore of the Island into the Province of Camaguey, where it fades into the vast flat plains of that area. The highest peaks in this group are the Sierra Morena, located west of Sagua la Grande, and the Lomas de Santa Fe, near Camajuani. A bit further east, they are called the Lomas de Las Sabanas.
With the exception of the northern coast range, the other ranges of Santa Clara have resulted from seismic forces, working apparently at right angles to the main line of upheaval, leaving the tangled mass of hills and valleys characteristic of this great central zone of the Province. What is known as the schistose or pre-cretaceous limestones of Trinidad, are supposed to be the oldest geological formations in the Island of Cuba.
With the exception of the northern coast range, the other ranges of Santa Clara have formed due to seismic forces that seem to work at right angles to the main line of uplift, creating the complex mix of hills and valleys typical of this central region of the Province. The schistose or pre-cretaceous limestones of Trinidad are believed to be the oldest geological formations on the Island of Cuba.
From the foot of the Sierra de Morena, near the north coast, a wide, comparatively level plain sweeps across the province to the Caribbean Sea, broken only at a few points by one or two abrupt hills, northeast of Cienfuegos. Lying between the northern chain of mountains and the coast, we find quite a broad area of rich level land washed by the salt water lagoons of the north shore.
From the base of the Sierra de Morena, close to the northern coast, a wide, mostly flat plain stretches across the province to the Caribbean Sea, interrupted only at a few spots by one or two steep hills to the northeast of Cienfuegos. Nestled between the northern mountain range and the coast, there is a fairly large area of fertile land nourished by the saltwater lagoons of the northern shore.
Again, in the extreme southeast corner of Santa Clara, is found another large tract comprising perhaps a thousand square miles, located between the Zaza and the two Jatabonico rivers that form the boundary between the province and Camaguey.
Again, in the far southeast corner of Santa Clara, there's another large area covering around a thousand square miles, situated between the Zaza River and the two Jatabonico rivers that mark the border between the province and Camaguey.
Between the various chains of mountains and hills that cut the province of Santa Clara into hundreds of parks and valleys, are exceptionally rich lands, sufficiently level for cultivation. The Manicaragua Valley, sloping towards the eastern edge of the Bay of Cienfuegos, is noted for an excellent quality of tobacco grown in that region.
Between the different mountain ranges and hills that divide the province of Santa Clara into countless parks and valleys, there are incredibly fertile lands that are flat enough for farming. The Manicaragua Valley, which slopes toward the eastern edge of Cienfuegos Bay, is known for producing high-quality tobacco in that area.
Of navigable rivers, owing to the short plains between the various divides and the coast line, there are practically none in Santa Clara, although many of the streams have considerable length, and are utilized for floating logs to the coast during the rainy season. The Arimao, with its falls, known as the Habanillo, is a picturesque and beautiful stream, rising in the mountains of the southern central zone and flowing in a westerly direction, until it empties into the Bay of Cienfuegos.
Of navigable rivers, due to the short plains between the different divides and the coastline, there are almost none in Santa Clara. However, many of the streams are quite long and are used for floating logs to the coast during the rainy season. The Arimao, with its waterfalls known as the Habanillo, is a scenic and beautiful stream that rises in the mountains of the southern central region and flows westward until it empties into the Bay of Cienfuegos.
The Canao, another small stream with its source near the city of Santa Clara, takes a southwesterly course and empties into the same bay. The Damiji flows south to and into Cienfuegos Harbor. The Hanabana rises in the northwestern extremity of the province, and, flowing south and west, forms much of its western boundary until it empties into a little lake a few miles north of the Bay of Cochinos, known as El Tesoro or Treasure Lake. From this a continuation of the river known as the Gonzalo runs due west throughout the entire length of the Cienaga de Zapata until it empties into Broa Bay, an eastern extension of the Gulf of Batabano.
The Canao, another small stream that starts near the city of Santa Clara, flows southwest and ends in the same bay. The Damiji flows south into Cienfuegos Harbor. The Hanabana originates in the northwestern part of the province and flows south and west, forming much of its western boundary before it drains into a small lake a few miles north of the Bay of Cochinos, called El Tesoro or Treasure Lake. From here, a continuation of the river known as the Gonzalo runs directly west all the way through the Cienaga de Zapata until it flows into Broa Bay, which is an eastern extension of the Gulf of Batabano.
The Manatee River is a small stream with its origin in the center of the nest of mountains that lie north of Trinidad; it flows south until it empties into the Caribbean, midway between the ports of Casilda and Tunas de Zaza. The Zaza River has its origin in a number of tributary streams in the northeast corner of the Province, whence it wanders through many twists and turns between hills and ridges until it finally passes into the level lands of the southwest corner of the Province, whence it eventually finds its way to the Caribbean. This stream, although troubled with bars just beyond its mouth, has a considerable depth for some twenty or more miles.
The Manatee River is a small stream that starts in the center of the mountains north of Trinidad. It flows south until it empties into the Caribbean, halfway between the ports of Casilda and Tunas de Zaza. The Zaza River begins from several tributary streams in the northeast corner of the Province, winding through many twists and turns between hills and ridges until it finally reaches the flatlands in the southwest corner of the Province, where it eventually flows into the Caribbean. This stream, despite having some bars just beyond its mouth, has a significant depth for about twenty miles or so.
The most important river commercially in this Province, known as the Sagua, rises a little west of the capital, Santa Clara, and flows in a northerly direction until it empties into the Bay across from the Sagua Light on the north coast. The city of Sagua la Grande, a small but aristocratic place, is located about twenty miles from the mouth of the river, and is the distributing point for that section of the province. The river is navigable for small boats from the port of Isabella to the city above. Another small stream, known as the Sagua la Chica, empties into the Bay, about midway between La Isabella and the port of Caibarien.
The most important commercial river in this province, called the Sagua, starts just west of the capital, Santa Clara, and flows north until it empties into the bay opposite the Sagua Light on the north coast. The city of Sagua la Grande, a small but upscale place, is about twenty miles from the river's mouth and acts as the distribution point for in that part of the province. The river is navigable for small boats from the port of Isabella to the city above. Another smaller stream, known as the Sagua la Chica, flows into the bay roughly halfway between La Isabella and the port of Caibarien.
The southern coast of the province of Santa Clara, not including the indentations of gulfs and bays, is approximately two hundred and fifty miles long. This, of course, includes the great western extension of the Zapata peninsula, whose shore line alone is one hundred miles in length. The northern shore, bordering on the great lagoon that separates it from the Atlantic, measures one hundred and fifty miles, forming thus for the province an irregular parallelogram whose average width north to south is about seventy-five miles.
The southern coast of the province of Santa Clara, not counting the inlets of gulfs and bays, is about two hundred and fifty miles long. This includes the large western stretch of the Zapata peninsula, whose shoreline alone measures one hundred miles. The northern shore, which borders the large lagoon that separates it from the Atlantic, is one hundred and fifty miles long, creating an irregular parallelogram for the province with an average width of about seventy-five miles from north to south.
In the center of the south coast we find the harbor of Cienfuegos, a beautiful, perfectly land-locked, deep water bay, dotted with islands, from whose eastern shores tall mountains loom up on the near horizon in majestic beauty. One of the picturesque old forts of the early eighteenth century on the west bank of the channel guards the approach to the entrance of the harbor. Some ten miles back, located on a gently sloping rise of ground, is the city of Cienfuegos, which next to Santiago de Cuba is the most important shipping port on the southern coast.
In the middle of the south coast, we come across the harbor of Cienfuegos, a stunning, completely sheltered deep-water bay filled with islands. From its eastern shores, tall mountains rise dramatically on the nearby horizon. An old, picturesque fort from the early eighteenth century on the west bank of the channel protects the entrance to the harbor. About ten miles inland, situated on a gentle slope, is the city of Cienfuegos, which, after Santiago de Cuba, is the most significant shipping port on the southern coast.
As far as definitely known, this port was first entered by the old Spanish conqueror Ocampo, in 1508. No definite settlement was made however, until 1819, when refugees from the insurrection of Santo Domingo established a colony, from which rose the present city of Cienfuegos. These involuntary immigrants from Santo Domingo were coffee growers in their own country, and from their efforts splendid coffee plantations were soon located in the rich valleys and on the mountain sides that lay off towards the northeast. Large groves of coffee, struggling under the dense forest shade, still survive in these mountains, from which the natives of the district bring out on mule back large crops of excellent coffee that have been grown under difficulties.
As far as we know, this port was first visited by the old Spanish conqueror Ocampo in 1508. However, it wasn't until 1819 that a permanent settlement was established, when refugees from the uprising in Santo Domingo created a colony, which eventually became the present city of Cienfuegos. These involuntary immigrants from Santo Domingo were coffee farmers in their home country, and thanks to their hard work, amazing coffee plantations soon emerged in the fertile valleys and on the mountainsides to the northeast. Large coffee groves, fighting to thrive under the thick shade of the forest, still exist in these mountains, from which the locals carry down substantial harvests of top-quality coffee that have been cultivated against the odds.
The city of Cienfuegos, or a Hundred Fires, is substantially built of stone and brick, with wide streets, radiating from a large central plaza, as in all Spanish cities the favorite meeting place where people discuss the topics of the day, and listen to the evening concerts of the municipal band. There are several social clubs in Cienfuegos and a very good theatre, together with the city hall and hospital, which are creditable to the community. The population is estimated at 36,000.
The city of Cienfuegos, meaning a Hundred Fires, is mainly constructed of stone and brick, featuring wide streets that radiate from a large central plaza, which, like in all Spanish cities, serves as a popular gathering spot for discussions on current events and for enjoying the evening concerts of the municipal band. Cienfuegos has several social clubs and a good theater, along with the city hall and hospital, all of which contribute positively to the community. The population is estimated to be around 36,000.
Sancti Spiritus is one of the seven cities founded by Diego Velasquez in 1514, and still bears every evidence of its antiquity. Its streets are crooked and but little has been done to bring the city into line with modern progress. This is owing largely to the fact of its being located twenty-five miles back from the southern coast, and some ten miles off the main railroad line, connecting the eastern and western sections of the Island. It lies on the edge of the plateau, east of the mountain group of southern Santa Clara. An old, tall-towered church still bears the date of its founding by Velasquez. The city has a population of approximately 15,000.
Sancti Spiritus is one of the seven cities established by Diego Velasquez in 1514, and it still shows signs of its ancient origins. Its streets are winding, and not much has been done to update the city to modern standards. This is mainly because it is located twenty-five miles inland from the southern coast and about ten miles from the main railroad that connects the eastern and western parts of the island. It sits on the edge of the plateau, east of the southern Santa Clara mountain range. An old church with tall towers still displays the date of its founding by Velasquez. The city has a population of around 15,000.
Santa Clara, the capital, is located almost in the center of the province, well above the sea level. Its wide, well kept streets are suggestive of health and prosperity. It was founded in 1689, and until 1900 was the eastern terminus of the main railroad line running east from Havana. Rich fertile lands surround Santa Clara, while the mining interests a little to the south, although not at present developed, give every promise of future importance. Copper ore of excellent quality has been found in a number of places between Santa Clara and Trinidad, while silver, zinc and gold are found in the same zone, but up to the present not in quantities that would justify the investment of capital in their development. Ten thousand tons of asphalt are mined annually not far from the city, and considerable tobacco is grown in the surrounding country. The population is estimated at 15,000.
Santa Clara, the capital, is situated almost in the center of the province, well above sea level. Its wide, well-maintained streets reflect an atmosphere of health and prosperity. Founded in 1689, it served as the eastern endpoint of the main railroad line running east from Havana until 1900. Rich, fertile lands surround Santa Clara, and the mining interests a bit to the south, though currently underdeveloped, show promise for future significance. High-quality copper ore has been discovered in several locations between Santa Clara and Trinidad, while silver, zinc, and gold are present in that area but have not yet been found in quantities sufficient to warrant investments for their extraction. Each year, ten thousand tons of asphalt are mined not far from the city, and a considerable amount of tobacco is cultivated in the surrounding region. The estimated population is 15,000.
Sagua la Grande is located on the Sagua River, twenty miles up from the port of La Isabella. It is a comparatively modern city, with wide streets, and is the distributing point for the large sugar estates of that section. Its population is 12,000.
Sagua la Grande is situated on the Sagua River, twenty miles upstream from the port of La Isabella. It's a relatively modern city with wide streets and serves as the distribution hub for the large sugar plantations in the area. Its population is 12,000.
The Port of Caibarien has grown into considerable importance owing to the large amount of sugar brought in by the different railroads, for storage in the big stone warehouses that line the wharf. Shoal water necessitates lightering out some fifteen miles to a splendid anchorage under the lee of Cayo Frances, on the outer edge of the great salt water lagoon which envelops the entire north coast of Santa Clara. The population is 7,000.
The Port of Caibarien has become quite important due to the significant amount of sugar delivered by various railroads, which is stored in the large stone warehouses along the wharf. Shallow waters require lightering about fifteen miles to an excellent anchorage sheltered by Cayo Frances, located on the outer edge of the vast saltwater lagoon that surrounds the entire northern coast of Santa Clara. The population is 7,000.
Five miles west, on the line between Caibarien and Santa Clara, is the little old city of Remedios, that once occupied a place on the coast, but was compelled by the unfriendly visits of pirates, as were many other cities in Cuba in the olden days, to move back from the sea shore, so that the inhabitants could be warned of an approaching enemy. Around Remedios, large fields of tobacco furnish the chief source of income to this city of six or seven thousand people.
Five miles west, along the border between Caibarien and Santa Clara, lies the small, historic city of Remedios. It used to be right on the coast but had to move inland due to frequent pirate attacks, just like many other cities in Cuba back in the day, so that the residents could be alerted to an approaching enemy. Surrounding Remedios, expansive tobacco fields provide the main source of income for this city of about six or seven thousand people.
The great “Cienaga de Zapata,” or Swamp of the Shoe, so called on account of its strange resemblance to a heeled moccasin, although geographically a part of the Province of Matanzas, has nevertheless always been included in the boundaries of Santa Clara. Its length from east to west is about sixty-five miles, with an average width from north to south of twenty. Many plans, at different times since the first Government of Intervention, have been formed for the drainage and reclaiming of this great swamp of the Caribbean, whose area is approximately twelve hundred square miles.
The huge “Cienaga de Zapata,” or Swamp of the Shoe, got its name because it oddly resembles a heeled moccasin. Even though it’s geographically part of Matanzas Province, it has always been considered part of Santa Clara. It stretches about sixty-five miles from east to west, with an average width of twenty miles from north to south. Since the first Government of Intervention, there have been many plans at different times to drain and reclaim this vast Caribbean swamp, which covers about twelve hundred square miles.
Nearly all of the surface is covered with hard wood timber, growing in a vast expanse of water, varying in depth from one to three feet. Owing to its lack of incline in any direction, reclamation of this isolated territory is not easy, although the land, after the timber was removed and the water once disposed of, would probably be very valuable.
Almost the entire area is covered with hardwood trees, growing in a large body of water that ranges in depth from one to three feet. Because there’s little slope in any direction, reclaiming this remote land isn’t straightforward, but once the trees are cut down and the water drained, the land would likely be quite valuable.
Enormous deposits of peat and black vegetable muck, cover the western shores of this peninsula and will, when utilized for either fuel, fertilizer or gas production, be an important source of revenue, as will its forests of hard wood, when transportation to the coast is rendered possible.
Enormous deposits of peat and black organic matter cover the western shores of this peninsula. Once they are used for fuel, fertilizer, or gas production, they will become a significant source of revenue, just like the hardwood forests when transportation to the coast becomes feasible.
Just east of the heel of the “Zapata” and some forty miles west of the harbor of Cienfuegos, a deep, open, wide-mouthed roadstead projects from the Caribbean some eighteen miles into the land, almost connecting with the little lake known as “El Tesero” or Treasure, located at the most southerly point of the Province of Matanzas. This roadstead, known as the Bay of Cochinos, furnishes shelter from all winds excepting those from the south, against which there is no protection, although abutments thrown out from the shore might give artificial shelter, and thus render it a fairly safe harbor.
Just east of the heel of the “Zapata” and about forty miles west of the Cienfuegos harbor, a deep, open roadstead juts out from the Caribbean, extending around eighteen miles inland and almost connecting with a small lake called “El Tesero” or Treasure, located at the southernmost point of the Province of Matanzas. This roadstead, known as the Bay of Cochinos, provides shelter from all winds except those coming from the south, which it cannot protect against. However, structures built out from the shore could offer some artificial shelter, making it a fairly safe harbor.
Quite a large forest of valuable woods lies a few miles back from the coast, between Cochinos Bay and the harbor of Cienfuegos. The broken surface of the dog teeth rocks, however, upon which this forest stands, renders the removal of logs difficult and dangerous, since iron shoes will not protect the feet of draft animals used in the transport of wood to the coast. A narrow strip of very good vegetable land, running only a mile or so back from the beach, extends along this section of the coast for about twenty-five miles, awaiting the intelligent efforts of some future gardener to produce potatoes and other vegetables on a large scale for spring shipments to Cienfuegos.
A large forest of valuable trees is located a few miles inland from the coast, between Cochinos Bay and the harbor of Cienfuegos. The uneven dog-tooth rock surface underneath this forest makes it hard and risky to remove logs, as iron shoes won't protect the feet of the draft animals used to transport wood to the coast. There's a narrow strip of excellent farmland, about a mile inland from the beach, stretching about twenty-five miles along this stretch of coast, waiting for the smart efforts of some future gardener to grow potatoes and other vegetables on a large scale for spring shipments to Cienfuegos.
The great source of wealth of the Province of Santa Clara, of course, is sugar, and to that industry nearly all of her industrial energies are at present devoted. Seventy great sugar estates, with modern mills, are located within the Province, yielding an annual production of approximately eight million sacks of sugar, each weighing 225 pounds. The fertility of Santa Clara soil has never been exhausted, and the great network of railroads covering the Province furnishes easy transportation to the harbors of Cienfuegos, Sagua and Caibarien. Considerable amounts of sugar are also shipped from Casilda, the port of Trinidad on the south coast, and some from Tunas de Zaza, at the mouth of the Zaza River, thirty miles further east. The sugar produced in the Province in 1918 was valued at eighty million dollars.
The main source of wealth in the Province of Santa Clara is sugar, and nearly all its industrial efforts are currently focused on that industry. Seventy large sugar estates with modern mills are located in the Province, producing about eight million sacks of sugar each year, with each sack weighing 225 pounds. The soil in Santa Clara remains highly fertile, and the extensive railroad network in the Province provides easy transportation to the ports of Cienfuegos, Sagua, and Caibarien. Significant amounts of sugar are also shipped from Casilda, the port of Trinidad on the south coast, as well as some from Tunas de Zaza at the mouth of the Zaza River, thirty miles further east. The value of the sugar produced in the Province in 1918 was eighty million dollars.
The tobacco of Santa Clara Province, although not of the standard quality obtained in the western provinces of Pinar del Rio and Havana, still forms a very important industry. That coming from the Manicaragua Valley, northeast of Cienfuegos, has obtained a good reputation for its excellent flavor.
The tobacco from Santa Clara Province, while not as high-quality as what's produced in the western provinces of Pinar del Rio and Havana, is still a major industry. The tobacco from the Manicaragua Valley, located northeast of Cienfuegos, has earned a solid reputation for its great flavor.
Coffee culture in the mountains and valleys lying between Trinidad and Sancti Spiritus, introduced by French refugees from the Island of Santo Domingo the first years of the last century, was at one time a very important industry. With the introduction of machinery for hulling and polishing the beans, and with better facilities for the removal of the crop to the coast, there is every reason to believe that this industry, in the near future, will resume some of the importance which it enjoyed half a century ago, or before the abolition of slavery rendered picking the berries expensive, since this work can be done only by hand. The growing of coffee offers a delightful and profitable occupation to large families, since the work of gathering and caring for the berries is a very pleasant occupation for women and children.
Coffee culture in the mountains and valleys between Trinidad and Sancti Spiritus, started by French refugees from the Island of Santo Domingo in the early years of the last century, was once a major industry. With the introduction of machinery for hulling and polishing the beans, along with better facilities for transporting the crop to the coast, there’s every reason to believe that this industry will regain some of the significance it had half a century ago, or before the abolition of slavery made picking the berries costly, since this work can only be done by hand. Growing coffee provides a rewarding and enjoyable opportunity for large families, as gathering and taking care of the berries is a pleasant job for women and children.
The breeding of fine horses, of high-grade hogs, of angora goats, sheep and milch cows, will undoubtedly, when the attention of capital is called to the natural advantages of this section of the country, rival even the sugar industry of the Province. In no part of the world could moderate sized herds of fine animals be better cared for than on the high table lands and rich valleys of Santa Clara.
The breeding of quality horses, high-grade pigs, angora goats, sheep, and dairy cows will definitely, once investors notice the natural benefits of this area, compete with even the sugar industry of the Province. No place in the world could provide better care for moderately sized herds of top-quality animals than the high plains and fertile valleys of Santa Clara.
Santa Clara bore its part in the trials and sufferings endured by the patriots of Cuba in the War of Independence. The range of mountains between Sancti Spiritus and Trinidad, during those four fearful years, furnished a safe retreat for the Cuban forces, when the soldiers of Spain, abundantly supplied with ammunition, which their opponents never enjoyed, pressed them too hard. It was in these dense forests and rocky recesses which Nature had provided that the great old chieftain, General Maximo Gomez, in the last years of the war, defied the forces of Spain.
Santa Clara played its part in the hardships and struggles faced by the Cuban patriots during the War of Independence. The mountain range between Sancti Spiritus and Trinidad provided a safe haven for the Cuban forces during those four grueling years when the Spanish soldiers, well-stocked with ammunition that their opponents lacked, pushed them to their limits. It was in these thick forests and rocky hideouts that nature had gifted them where the legendary leader, General Maximo Gomez, stood up against the Spanish forces in the final years of the war.
CHAPTER VIII
PROVINCE OF CAMAGUEY
ACCORDING to the log of the Santa Maria, the first glimpse of the Island of Cuba enjoyed by Christopher Columbus, sailing as he did in a southwesterly course across the Bahama Banks, is supposed by many to have been at some point along the northern coast of what is now known as the Province of Camaguey. The area of this Province, including Cayos Romano, Guajaba, Sabinal and Coco, is approximately 11,000 square miles. The general trend of the coast lines is similar to those of the Province of Santa Clara, and the length of each is approximately one hundred and seventy-five miles. The average width of the province is eighty miles, although between the southern extension of Santa Cruz del Sur and the mouth of the harbor of Nuevitas, we have a hundred miles.
ACCORDING to the log of the Santa Maria, the first sighting of the Island of Cuba by Christopher Columbus, as he sailed on a southwest route across the Bahama Banks, is believed by many to have occurred somewhere along the northern coast of what we now call the Province of Camaguey. This Province, which includes Cayos Romano, Guajaba, Sabinal, and Coco, is about 11,000 square miles in size. The coastlines generally resemble those of the Province of Santa Clara, with each stretch being roughly one hundred seventy-five miles long. The average width of the province is eighty miles, although between the southern part of Santa Cruz del Sur and the harbor entrance at Nuevitas, it measures a hundred miles.
The same gentle graceful inoffensive natives were found in this section of Cuba as those who first received the Spanish conquerors at Baracoa and other places in the Island. Those of the great plains belonging to this province were known as Camagueyanos, and although for many years Spain called this section of the island Puerto Principe, the musical Indian term stuck, and with the inauguration of the Republic in 1901, the name of Camaguey was officially given to this part of Cuba.
The same kind, graceful, and peaceful natives were found in this part of Cuba as those who first welcomed the Spanish conquerors in Baracoa and other areas of the island. The people from the great plains in this province were known as Camagueyanos, and even though Spain had named this section of the island Puerto Principe for many years, the musical Indian name lingered on. With the start of the Republic in 1901, the name Camaguey was officially adopted for this area of Cuba.
In the year 1515, Diego Velasquez, with his fever for founding cities, established a colony on the shore of the Bay of Nuevitas, and christened it Puerto Principe. In those early days, however, there was no rest for the unprotected, hence the first settlement was moved in a short time to another locality not definitely known, but a year later the city was permanently established in the center of the province, about fifty miles from either shore, where it remains today, with many features of its antiquity still in evidence.
In 1515, Diego Velasquez, driven by his passion for founding cities, set up a colony along the Bay of Nuevitas and named it Puerto Principe. However, in those early days, there was no safety for the vulnerable, so the first settlement was quickly relocated to an unknown area. But a year later, the city was permanently established in the center of the province, about fifty miles from either coast, where it still exists today, with many aspects of its history still visible.
The first of the old Spanish adventurers who succeeded in making himself both famous and rich without flagrant trespass of law, was Vasco Porcallo de Figueroa, one of the original settlers whom Velasquez left in the City of Puerto Principe founded in 1515. This sturdy old pioneer did not bother with gold mining, but succeeded in securing large grants of land in the fertile plains of Camaguey, where he raised great herds of cattle and horses, exercising at the same time a decidedly despotic influence over the natives and everyone else in that region.
The first of the old Spanish adventurers who managed to become famous and wealthy without openly breaking the law was Vasco Porcallo de Figueroa, one of the original settlers that Velasquez left in the City of Puerto Principe, which was founded in 1515. This tough old pioneer didn't focus on gold mining but was successful in obtaining large land grants in the fertile plains of Camaguey, where he raised large herds of cattle and horses while also exerting a distinctly despotic influence over the locals and everyone else in the area.
Vasco, although spending more than half of the year in the cities of Puerto Principe and Sancti Spiritus, had a retreat of his own, probably some place in the Sierra de Cubitas, where he held princely sway and guarded his wealth from intrusive buccaneers and other ambitious adventurers of those times. It was he who, meeting Hernando de Soto on his arrival at Santiago de Cuba, escorted that famous explorer across the beautiful rolling country of Camaguey, which he seemed to consider as his own special domain, and finally accepted the position of second in command in that unfortunate expedition of De Soto into the Peninsula of Florida in 1539. Fighting the savage Seminoles was not however to his taste, and the old man returned to Havana inside of a year, mounted his horse and rode home, firmly convinced, he said, that Camaguey was the only country for a white man to live and die in.
Vasco, while spending more than half the year in the cities of Puerto Principe and Sancti Spiritus, had a retreat of his own, likely somewhere in the Sierra de Cubitas, where he held a prominent position and kept his wealth safe from intrusive pirates and other ambitious adventurers of that era. He was the one who, upon meeting Hernando de Soto upon his arrival in Santiago de Cuba, escorted the famous explorer across the beautiful rolling landscape of Camaguey, which he seemed to think of as his own special territory, and ultimately took the role of second in command in that ill-fated expedition of De Soto into the Florida Peninsula in 1539. However, fighting the fierce Seminoles wasn’t to his liking, and the old man returned to Havana within a year, mounted his horse, and rode home, firmly convinced, as he said, that Camaguey was the only place for a white man to live and die.
Even with the removal of the capital far into the interior, the peacefully inclined citizens were not free from molestation and unwelcome visits. During the middle of the seventeenth century, the famous English corsair, Henry Morgan, afterwards Governor of Jamaica, paid his respects to several Cuban cities, including Puerto Principe. In 1668 he crossed the Caribbean with twelve boats and seven hundred English followers, intending to attack Havana. He afterward changed his mind, however, and landing in the Bay of Santa Maria began his march on the capital of Camaguey.
Even after the capital was moved deep into the interior, the peaceful citizens still faced harassment and unwanted visits. In the mid-seventeenth century, the infamous English pirate, Henry Morgan, who later became Governor of Jamaica, visited several Cuban cities, including Puerto Principe. In 1668, he crossed the Caribbean with twelve ships and seven hundred English followers, planning to attack Havana. However, he changed his mind and, after landing in the Bay of Santa Maria, began his march toward the capital of Camaguey.
The inhabitants made a desperate resistance, the Mayor and many of his followers being killed, but the town was finally compelled to surrender and submit to being sacked, during which process many women and children were burned to death in a church behind whose barred doors they had taken refuge. Morgan finally retired from Puerto Principe with his booty of $50,000 and five hundred head of cattle.
The residents fought back fiercely, with the Mayor and many of his supporters killed, but the town ultimately had to surrender and endure a violent looting, during which many women and children were killed in a church where they had sought safety behind locked doors. Morgan eventually left Puerto Principe with his stolen goods worth $50,000 and five hundred cattle.
During the Ten Years’ War the province of Camaguey became the center of active military operations. The inhabitants of this section had descended from the best families of Spain, who had emigrated from the Mother Country centuries before. They were men of refinement and education, men whose prosperity and contact with the outside world had made life impossible under the oppressive laws of the Spanish monarchy.
During the Ten Years’ War, the province of Camaguey became the center of intense military activities. The people living in this area were descendants of noble families from Spain who had emigrated from the Mother Country centuries earlier. They were refined and educated individuals, whose wealth and interactions with the outside world made life unbearable under the harsh laws of the Spanish monarchy.
Ignacio Agramonte, a scion of one of the best known families of Camaguey, was a born leader of men, and soon found himself in command of the Cuban forces. The struggle was an ill advised one, because the odds in numbers were too great, and the resources of the Cubans were so limited that success was impossible. The effort of General Agramonte and his followers, all men of note and social standing, was a brave one, and the sacrifice of the women, the mothers, sisters and daughters, of that period, were not surpassed by any country in its fight for liberty.
Ignacio Agramonte, a member of one of the most well-known families in Camaguey, was a natural leader and quickly took charge of the Cuban forces. The struggle was misguided because the odds were heavily stacked against them, and the Cubans had so few resources that success was unlikely. The efforts of General Agramonte and his followers, all distinguished men of social standing, were courageous, and the sacrifices made by the women—mothers, sisters, and daughters—during that time were matched by few other countries in their fight for freedom.
But the unfortunate death of General Agramonte, and the long uphill struggle, brought about the inevitable. The treaty of Zanjon in 1878 was ultimately forced upon the revolutionists, many of whom afterwards emigrated with their families to the United States, where some have remained as permanent citizens of that Republic; among others, Doctor Enrique Agramonte, a brother of Ignacio, who after fighting through the ten tiresome years, left his country, never to return.
But the tragic death of General Agramonte and the long, challenging struggle led to the unavoidable. The treaty of Zanjon in 1878 was eventually imposed on the revolutionaries, many of whom later moved with their families to the United States, where some have stayed as permanent residents of that nation; among them was Doctor Enrique Agramonte, a brother of Ignacio, who, after fighting for ten exhausting years, left his country and never came back.
In the more recent struggles for Cuban liberty, known as the War of Independence, Camaguey again took a prominent part and General Maximo Gomez, who had succeeded Agramonte at his death, and General Antonio Maceo, had the satisfaction of carrying the campaign of the Occident, from Oriente, across Camaguey, where they defeated the Spanish forces in several battles, and in the winter of 1896 led their victorious troops in three parallel invading columns, to the extreme western end of the Island. Thus the revolution was carried for the first time in history beyond the Jucaro and Moron Trocha, or fortified ditch, near the western border of Camaguey.
In the recent fight for Cuban freedom, known as the War of Independence, Camaguey played an important role again. General Maximo Gomez, who took over after Agramonte's death, and General Antonio Maceo were pleased to lead the campaign from Oriente, through Camaguey, where they defeated Spanish forces in several battles. During the winter of 1896, they directed their victorious troops in three parallel invading columns all the way to the far western end of the Island. This was the first time in history that the revolution reached beyond the Jucaro and Moron Trocha, the fortified ditch near Camaguey's western border.
Narrow crooked streets still prevail in some parts of Camaguey and the erection of modern buildings, that has become so common in Havana, has not reached this quiet old municipality of the plains which still lives and breathes an atmosphere smacking of centuries past.
Narrow, winding streets still exist in some areas of Camaguey, and the construction of modern buildings, which has become so common in Havana, hasn't reached this peaceful old town in the plains that still carries the vibe of centuries gone by.
Topographically, although the surface of Camaguey, in altitude and contour, varies much, it is, as a whole, far more level than any other province in the Island. Great fertile savannas and grass covered plains predominate in almost every part. The potreros, or grazing lands, of Camaguey, have made it famous as the breeding place par excellence for horses and cattle, and its equal is not found anywhere in the West Indies.
In terms of geography, while the landscape of Camaguey varies significantly in elevation and shape, it is generally much flatter than any other province on the island. Vast, fertile savannas and grassy plains dominate almost every area. The potreros, or grazing lands, of Camaguey have made it well-known as the top place for breeding horses and cattle, and you won't find anything like it anywhere else in the West Indies.
In spite of the comparatively level nature of the country, with the exception of the low, heavily covered forest belt that sweeps along the entire southern coast, extending back from ten to twenty-five miles, the rest of the province partakes more of the character of an elevated plateau, interspersed with low ranges of mountains and foothills, which give pleasing diversity to the general aspect of the country.
Despite the mostly flat landscape of the region, except for the low, dense forest area that runs along the entire southern coast, stretching back ten to twenty-five miles, the rest of the province resembles an elevated plateau, dotted with low mountain ranges and foothills that add appealing variety to the overall scenery.
The longest range in Camaguey is a continuation of the great central chain, that follows the trend of the Island. It begins with a prominent peak known as the Loma Cunagua, which rises abruptly from the low level savannas ten miles east of the town of Moron in the northwestern corner of the Province. A little further southeast, the range again appears and finally develops into the Sierra de Cubitas, which follows the direction of the north coast, terminating finally in the picturesque peak of Tubaque, on the Maximo River.
The longest range in Camaguey continues from the central mountain chain that runs along the trend of the Island. It starts with a prominent peak called Loma Cunagua, which rises sharply from the low savannas about ten miles east of the town of Moron in the northwestern part of the Province. A bit further southeast, the range reappears and eventually becomes the Sierra de Cubitas, which runs toward the north coast, ending at the beautiful peak of Tubaque, on the Maximo River.
A small stream, known as the Rio Yaguey, sweeps west along the southern edge of this ridge and finally breaks through its western end, emptying into the lagoon or Bay of Cayo Romano. A parallel range of lower hills, with various spurs, lies a little south of the main Sierra de Cubitas. The bountifully watered prairies, valleys and parks south and west of these hills form the ideal grazing ground of the Pearl of the Antilles. Several large herds of fine hogs and cattle, recently established in this section, will soon play an important part in the meat supply of Cuba.
A small stream called the Rio Yaguey flows west along the southern edge of this ridge and eventually breaks through its western end, pouring into the lagoon or Bay of Cayo Romano. A parallel range of lower hills, with various spurs, sits just south of the main Sierra de Cubitas. The well-watered prairies, valleys, and parks to the south and west of these hills create the perfect grazing area of the Pearl of the Antilles. Several large herds of fine pigs and cattle, recently established in this area, will soon play a significant role in Cuba's meat supply.
As in Santa Clara, an independent group, or nest, of low peaks and beautiful forest covered hills, occupies the southeastern center of the Province of Camaguey. The lands in this section are very fertile and the delightful variety of hill, valley and plain renders it a very attractive country in which to make one’s permanent home. Several elevations of moderate altitude, known as lomas, rise from the more level country, a little to the north of the above mentioned district, and form something of a connecting link between the Najasa, or mountains of the southwest, and the Sierra de Cubitas of the north shore.
As in Santa Clara, an independent cluster of low peaks and beautiful forest-covered hills sits in the southeastern center of the Province of Camaguey. The land in this area is very fertile, and the lovely mix of hills, valleys, and plains makes it a very appealing place to settle down. Several moderately high elevations, known as lomas, rise from the flatter land a bit to the north of the previously mentioned area and serve as a connection between the Najasa mountains in the southwest and the Sierra de Cubitas on the north shore.
As before mentioned, several chains of the north coast, originating in Santa Clara, sweep over and terminate in Camaguey, some ten or fifteen miles east of the boundary line. The mountains of this district, owing to the fact that they were distant from the coast, have never been denuded of their virgin forests, and with the opening of the Cuba Railroad, connecting Santa Clara with Santiago de Cuba on the south coast, and the Bay of Nipe on the north, a considerable quantity of valuable timber has been taken out within recent years.
As mentioned earlier, several mountain ranges on the north coast, starting in Santa Clara, extend and end in Camaguey, about ten to fifteen miles east of the border. The mountains in this area, because they are far from the coast, have never lost their untouched forests. With the launch of the Cuba Railroad, which links Santa Clara with Santiago de Cuba on the south coast and the Bay of Nipe on the north, a significant amount of valuable timber has been harvested in recent years.
Camaguey has no rivers of importance, although numerous streams flowing from the central plateaus, toward both the northern and southern coast, are utilized during the rainy season to float logs to shipping points. These short streams, varying from ten to thirty miles in length, each form basins or valleys of rich grass lands that are always in demand for stock raising. Between the Jatobonico del Sur, which forms a part of the western boundary of the Province, and the Rio Jobobo, which forms the southeastern boundary, are more than a dozen streams emptying into the Caribbean. Among these are Los Guiros, the Altamiro, the Najasa and the Sevilla.
Camaguey doesn't have any significant rivers, but there are several streams that flow from the central plateaus to both the northern and southern coasts. During the rainy season, these streams are used to transport logs to shipping points. These short streams, which range from ten to thirty miles long, each create basins or valleys of lush grasslands that are always in demand for cattle raising. Between the Jatobonico del Sur, which marks the western boundary of the province, and the Rio Jobobo, which makes up the southeastern boundary, there are more than a dozen streams that flow into the Caribbean. Some of these include Los Guiros, the Altamiro, the Najasa, and the Sevilla.
The Najasa has its origin a little south of the City of Camaguey, and passes through a heavily timbered country, carrying many logs to the landing of Santa Cruz del Sur. A railroad was surveyed from the latter city to the capital some years ago, but has never been completed.
The Najasa starts just south of the City of Camaguey and goes through a densely wooded area, transporting many logs to the dock at Santa Cruz del Sur. A railroad was planned from that city to the capital a few years back, but it was never finished.
On the north coast, between the Jatibonico del Norte, which forms the northwestern boundary, and the Puentes Grandes, forming the northeastern, we have some ten or a dozen short streams, among the most important of which are the Rio de los Perros, emptying into the Lagoon of Turaguanao; the Rio Caonao emptying into the lagoon of Romano; the Jiguey, cutting through the western extremity of the Sierra de Cubitas and emptying into the eastern end of the above mentioned lake; the Rio Maximo, rising on the south side of the chain, sweeping around its eastern end and emptying into the Bay of Sabinal; and the Saramaguacan, one of the longest in the province, rising in the mountains of the Najasa, whence it flows in a northeasterly direction and empties into the harbor of Nuevitas. Both the Chambas and the Rio Caonao, when not obstructed by mud bars at their mouths, are navigable for light draft schooners and sloops, for some twelve or fifteen miles into the interior.
On the north coast, between the Jatibonico del Norte, which marks the northwestern boundary, and the Puentes Grandes that form the northeastern boundary, there are about ten or twelve small streams. Among the most notable are the Rio de los Perros, which flows into the Lagoon of Turaguanao; the Rio Caonao, which drains into the lagoon of Romano; the Jiguey, which cuts through the western edge of the Sierra de Cubitas and empties into the eastern part of the aforementioned lake; the Rio Maximo, which originates on the south side of the mountain range, curves around its eastern end, and flows into the Bay of Sabinal; and the Saramaguacan, one of the longest rivers in the province, rising in the Najasa mountains, flowing northeast, and emptying into the harbor of Nuevitas. Both the Chambas and the Rio Caonao, when not blocked by mud bars at their mouths, can be navigated by small draft schooners and sloops for about twelve to fifteen miles inland.
At no point on the south Coast of Camaguey can be found any harbor worthy of the name, although at Jucaro, Santa Cruz del Sur and Romero, considerable timber and sugar are shipped from piers that extend out into the shallow waters of the Jucaro and Guacanabo gulfs.
At no point on the south coast of Camaguey is there a harbor worth mentioning, although at Jucaro, Santa Cruz del Sur, and Romero, significant amounts of timber and sugar are shipped from piers that stretch out into the shallow waters of the Jucaro and Guacanabo gulfs.
The long system of salt water bays or lagoons, beginning at Punta Hicaco in Matanzas, continues along the entire north coast of Camaguey and terminates in the beautiful harbor of Nuevitas. The lagoons of Camaguey are formed by a series of keys or islands, of which Cayo Romano, seventy-five miles in length, with an average width of ten miles, is the most important.
The extensive system of saltwater bays or lagoons, starting at Punta Hicaco in Matanzas, stretches along the entire northern coast of Camaguey and ends at the stunning harbor of Nuevitas. The lagoons of Camaguey are created by a series of keys or islands, with Cayo Romano, which is seventy-five miles long and about ten miles wide on average, being the most significant.
Although most of the area of this island is covered with a dense jungle of low trees, the eastern end rises to quite a high promontory, with more or less arable land, planted at the present time in henequen, and yielding a very good revenue to the owner. An unknown number of wild ponies, variously estimated at from six hundred to two thousand, inhabit the jungles of Cayo Romano, living largely on the leaves of the forest, and consequently degenerating in size and form to such an extent that they have a very little commercial value.
Although most of the island is covered with a thick jungle of small trees, the eastern end rises to quite a high point, with somewhat arable land, currently planted with henequen, and generating a good income for the owner. An estimated unknown number of wild ponies, ranging from six hundred to two thousand, live in the jungles of Cayo Romano, mainly feeding on the leaves of the forest, which has led to their size and form deteriorating to the point where they hold very little commercial value.
Cayo Coco, really an extension of Romano, reaches out to the westward some fifteen miles further, while the Island of Guajaba, separated by a narrow pass with only three feet of water, incloses the beautiful harbor of Guanaja. Sabinal, some 25 miles in length by ten or twelve in width, forms the northern shore of the harbor of Nuevitas. On the latter key there is fairly good grazing ground and much territory that eventually will probably be planted in henequen, as is the promontory of Nuevitas, just north of the city of that name.
Cayo Coco, really a continuation of Romano, stretches about fifteen miles to the west, while the Island of Guajaba, separated by a narrow channel just three feet deep, encloses the beautiful harbor of Guanaja. Sabinal, about 25 miles long and ten to twelve miles wide, makes up the northern shore of the harbor of Nuevitas. On this key, there is decent grazing land and a lot of land that will likely be used for henequen farming, like the promontory of Nuevitas, just north of the city with the same name.
These salt water lakes or bays are often twenty-five miles or more in length by ten wide and with an average depth of fifteen feet. Unfortunately, not only are they separated by narrow passes seldom carrying over three feet, but exit to the ocean for any craft drawing over five or six feet is very difficult to find.
These saltwater lakes or bays are often twenty-five miles long or more and about ten miles wide, with an average depth of fifteen feet. Unfortunately, they're also separated by narrow passes that usually have a depth of no more than three feet, making it very hard for any vessel that draws more than five or six feet to find a way out to the ocean.
The harbor of Nuevitas, in the northwestern corner of the Province, is one of the finest in the Island. Its width varies from three to ten miles, while its length is approximately twenty, carrying excellent deep water anchorage throughout almost its entire extent. A peculiar river-like opening, six miles in length, deep and narrow, connects it with the Atlantic Ocean.
The harbor of Nuevitas, located in the northwestern corner of the province, is one of the best on the island. Its width ranges from three to ten miles, and it stretches about twenty miles long, offering great deep-water anchorage for nearly its entire length. A unique, river-like opening, six miles long, deep, and narrow, connects it to the Atlantic Ocean.
In proportion to its size, the province of Camaguey has less railroad mileage than any other in the Island. Until 1902, when Sir William Van Horn, late President of the Cuba Company, connected the City of Santa Clara by rail with Santiago de Cuba, there were but two railroads in that section of the country. One, the Camaguey & Nuevitas Road, connected the capital with practically the only shipping point on the north coast. Another, built many years before, for military purposes, connected the town of San Ferrando, on the north coast, with Jucaro on the south coast, and ran parallel with what was known as the Trocha, a military ditch about eighty kilometers in length, with two story concrete forts at each kilometer, and low dug-outs, or shooting boxes, located midway between the principal forts. The ground was cleared on either side of the railroad for a kilometer, while on both sides a perfect network of barbed wire, fastened by staples to the top of wood stakes, rendered it difficult for either infantry or cavalry to cross from one side to the other. This modern military device was established by the Spanish forces in 1895, so as to prevent the Cubans from carrying the revolution into Santa Clara and the western provinces.
In relation to its size, the province of Camaguey has less railroad mileage than any other area in the island. Until 1902, when Sir William Van Horn, the former President of the Cuba Company, connected Santa Clara by rail with Santiago de Cuba, there were only two railroads in that region. One, the Camaguey & Nuevitas Road, linked the capital with almost the only shipping point on the north coast. The other, built many years earlier for military purposes, connected the town of San Ferrando on the north coast with Jucaro on the south coast. It ran alongside what was known as the Trocha, a military ditch about eighty kilometers long, with two-story concrete forts every kilometer and low dugouts, or shooting boxes, positioned halfway between the main forts. The land on either side of the railroad was cleared for a kilometer, and there was an extensive network of barbed wire, secured with staples to the tops of wooden stakes, making it challenging for either infantry or cavalry to cross from one side to the other. This modern military strategy was established by Spanish forces in 1895 to prevent Cubans from bringing the revolution into Santa Clara and the western provinces.
As in the other provinces of Cuba, cane growing and the making of sugar forms the chief industry, although, owing to the wonderfully rich potreros, or grazing lands of Camaguey, the raising of live stock in the near future will doubtless rival all other sources of wealth in that section.
Like in the other provinces of Cuba, sugarcane farming and sugar production are the main industries. However, thanks to the incredibly fertile grazing lands of Camaguey, raising livestock will likely become just as important as other forms of wealth in that area in the near future.
There are twenty sugar mills in the province with a production of approximately 3,000,000 bags. The two mills at Las Minas and Redencion, between Camaguey and Nuevitas, have been in operation for many years, but with the opening up of the Van Horn railroad a new impetus was given to sugar production, and during the past ten years, some eighteen new mills have been established at various points along the railroad where lands were fertile and comparatively cheap.
There are twenty sugar mills in the province producing about 3,000,000 bags. The two mills in Las Minas and Redencion, located between Camaguey and Nuevitas, have been running for many years, but the opening of the Van Horn railroad has boosted sugar production. Over the past ten years, around eighteen new mills have been built at different locations along the railroad where the land was fertile and relatively inexpensive.
A line known as the North Shore Railroad of Cuba, connecting the city of Nuevitas with Caibarien, in Santa Clara Province, some 200 miles west, was surveyed and capital for it was promised, in 1914. The breaking out of the European war delayed work on the road, but its completion can be assured in the near future.
A line called the North Shore Railroad of Cuba, linking the city of Nuevitas with Caibarien in Santa Clara Province, about 200 miles west, was surveyed and funding for it was promised in 1914. The outbreak of the European war postponed work on the rail line, but its completion is expected soon.
Several large sugar estates have been located along the line that will open up a territory rich in soil and natural resources. Important iron mines, too, in the foothills of the Sierra de Cubitas, are waiting only this transportation to add an important revenue to the Province. A great deal of valuable timber will be available when the line is in operation.
Several large sugar plantations have been established along the route that will develop a region rich in soil and natural resources. Important iron mines, also located in the foothills of the Sierra de Cubitas, are just waiting for this transportation to bring significant income to the Province. A lot of valuable timber will be accessible once the line is operational.
Owing to the large beds of valuable ore belonging to the mineral zone of the Cubitas, it is quite probable that the mining industry will some day rank next to that of general farming in Camaguey, although as far as natural advantages are concerned, there is no industry which in the end can rival that of stock raising.
Due to the large deposits of valuable ore in the mineral zone of Cubitas, it’s very likely that the mining industry will eventually be just as important as general farming in Camaguey. However, when it comes to natural advantages, no industry can truly compete with livestock farming.
During 1895, the first year of the War of Independence, over a million head of sleek, fat cattle were registered in the Province of Camaguey, where the grasses are so rich that an average of seventy head can be kept in condition throughout the year on a hundred acres of land. The two grasses commonly found in Camaguey were both brought from abroad. Of these, the Guinea, imported from western Africa, grows luxuriantly on all the plateaus and higher lands of the province, while the Parana, a long running grass from the Argentine, does best in the lower lands and savannas. One stock man of Camaguey at least, has succeeded in producing splendid fields of alfalfa, from which seven or eight cuttings are taken each year.
During 1895, the first year of the War of Independence, over a million healthy, fat cattle were registered in the Province of Camaguey, where the grasses are so rich that an average of seventy cattle can thrive year-round on a hundred acres of land. The two main types of grass found in Camaguey were both imported. The Guinea, imported from western Africa, grows abundantly on all the plateaus and higher areas of the province, while the Parana, a long grass from Argentina, thrives in the lower lands and savannas. At least one rancher in Camaguey has successfully created excellent alfalfa fields, producing seven or eight cuttings each year.
Fruits of all kinds, especially oranges and pineapples, grow luxuriantly in this Province, but owing to the lack of transportation, the railroad haul to Havana being practically prohibitory, shipments of fruit and vegetables to the northern markets are confined almost entirely to a steamer which leaves the harbor of Nuevitas once every two weeks.
Fruits of all kinds, especially oranges and pineapples, thrive in this province, but due to a lack of transportation and the high costs of shipping by rail to Havana, sending fruits and vegetables to northern markets is limited almost entirely to a steamer that departs from the harbor of Nuevitas once every two weeks.
Owing perhaps to the rich and comparatively cheap lands offered by the Province of Camaguey, more Americans are said to have settled in this section than in any other part of Cuba. The first colony, called La Gloria, was located in 1900 on the beautiful bay of Guanaja or Turkey Bay, some five or six miles back from the shore. The location, although healthful and in a productive country, was most unfortunate as far as transportation facilities were concerned. Two hundred or more families made clearings in the forests of the Cubitas, and there made for themselves homes under adverse circumstances. The worst of these was the isolation of the spot, and lack of communication with any city or town nearer than Camaguey, some forty-five miles southwest, or Nuevitas, forty miles east; without railroads, wagon roads, or even water communication by vessels drawing over seven feet.
Because of the rich and relatively inexpensive land available in the Province of Camaguey, more Americans are believed to have settled in this area than anywhere else in Cuba. The first colony, known as La Gloria, was established in 1900 on the beautiful bay of Guanaja, or Turkey Bay, about five or six miles inland from the shore. Although the location was healthy and situated in productive land, it was quite unfortunate when it came to transportation options. Over two hundred families cleared land in the Cubitas forests and built homes under challenging conditions. The biggest issue was the isolation of the area and the lack of communication with any city or town closer than Camaguey, which is about forty-five miles southwest, or Nuevitas, forty miles east; there were no railroads, wagon roads, or even water routes for vessels with a draft over seven feet.
The Zanja, or ditch, some three miles in length, connecting the harbor of Nuevitas with Guanaja Bay, was recently dredged to a depth of three or four feet, so that launches can now pass from La Gloria to Nuevitas, but aside from the fertility of the soil, there was but little to commend La Gloria as a place of permanent residence. Only grit and perseverance on the part of sturdy Americans has sustained them during the past sixteen years. But they concluded to make the best of the situation in which they found themselves, and are producing nearly everything needed for their subsistence. A considerable amount also of farm produce and fruit will soon be shipped to northern markets from the harbor of Nuevitas. A very creditable agricultural fair is held in La Gloria each winter, and the contents of the weekly paper seems to bear every evidence of progress and content. In spite of adverse conditions, the people of La Gloria have prospered and enjoy there many comforts not found in colder climates, and with the opening up of the North Shore Road, this really attractive section of country, which includes several smaller colonies scattered along the water front, will be brought in close touch once more with the civilization of the outside world.
The Zanja, or ditch, about three miles long, linking the harbor of Nuevitas with Guanaja Bay, was recently dredged to a depth of three or four feet, allowing launches to travel from La Gloria to Nuevitas. However, besides the fertile soil, there was not much to recommend La Gloria as a place to live permanently. Only the determination and perseverance of the hardworking Americans has kept them going for the past sixteen years. They decided to make the best of their situation and are now producing nearly everything they need to survive. A significant amount of farm produce and fruit will soon be shipped to northern markets from the harbor of Nuevitas. Each winter, a commendable agricultural fair takes place in La Gloria, and the content of the weekly paper clearly shows evidence of progress and satisfaction. Despite the challenges, the people of La Gloria have thrived and enjoy many comforts not available in colder climates. With the opening of the North Shore Road, this appealing area, which includes several smaller colonies along the waterfront, will be brought back into close connection with the outside world.
Another colony, also unfortunate in its location, was established at Ceballos on the Jucaro and Moron railroad, about eight miles north of its junction with the Cuba Company road at Ciego de Avila. The soil was well adapted to the growth of citrus fruit, and large groves were laid out by Americans, some ten or twelve years ago, along the line of the old clearing that bordered the Trocha. The groves, as far as nature could provide, were successful, but the excessive freight rates between Ceballos and either the city of Havana or the Bay of Nipe, have proved discouraging to the original settlers.
Another colony, also unfortunate in its location, was established at Ceballos on the Jucaro and Moron railroad, about eight miles north of its junction with the Cuba Company road at Ciego de Avila. The soil was well-suited for growing citrus fruit, and large groves were planted by Americans around ten or twelve years ago along the line of the old clearing that bordered the Trocha. The groves, as much as nature allowed, thrived, but the high shipping costs between Ceballos and either Havana or the Bay of Nipe have discouraged the original settlers.
Several smaller colonies have been located along the Cuba Company’s railway and the line connecting the city of Camaguey with Nuevitas, but again the long distance between these points and large markets, either local or foreign, have worked to the disadvantage of the growers. If stock raising instead of fruit growing had occupied the time and attention of these American pioneers, more satisfactory results would have been obtained.
Several smaller colonies have been found along the Cuba Company’s railway and the route connecting the city of Camaguey with Nuevitas, but once again, the long distance between these areas and major markets, whether local or foreign, has hurt the growers. If raising livestock instead of growing fruit had taken the time and attention of these American pioneers, the results would have been more satisfactory.
Nuevitas, located on the southern shore of the harbor of that name, is a modern city with wide streets and a population of approximately 7,000 people. Its location, at the terminus of the Camaguey Railroad, and on the only harbor of the north coast, renders it a place of considerable commercial importance, since large quantities of sugar, lumber and livestock leave the port during the year, while coasting steamers of local lines touch every few days.
Nuevitas, situated on the southern shore of the harbor that shares its name, is a modern city with wide streets and a population of about 7,000 people. Its position, at the end of the Camaguey Railroad and on the only harbor on the north coast, makes it a place of significant commercial importance, as large amounts of sugar, lumber, and livestock depart from the port throughout the year, while local coasting steamers stop by every few days.
Camaguey, the capital of the Province, so long known as Puerto Principe, has a population of about 45,000 people. The natives of this city have long enjoyed and merited an enviable reputation for integrity, intelligence and social standing, traits that were inherited from a number of excellent families who came to Cuba from Southern Spain in the early colonial days. The rich grazing lands of Camaguey and the salubrious climate, not only of the north coast, but of the great plateaus of the interior, were very attractive to the better class of pioneers who came over in the sixteenth century in search of peace, permanent homes and wealth based on legitimate industry.
Camagüey, the capital of the province formerly known as Puerto Príncip, has a population of about 45,000 people. The locals have long enjoyed and deserved a strong reputation for honesty, intelligence, and social standing, qualities that were passed down from several distinguished families who arrived in Cuba from Southern Spain during the early colonial period. The fertile grazing lands of Camagüey and the healthy climate—not just on the northern coast but also in the vast plateaus of the interior—were very appealing to the more affluent pioneers who came in the sixteenth century seeking peace, stable homes, and wealth through legitimate industry.
There is no section of the Island more highly esteemed for the integrity of its people than that of the isolated, aristocratic city of Camaguey, such as the families of Agramonte, Betancourt, Cisneros, Luaces, Sanchez, Quesada and Varona. Nearly all these families through the long painful Ten Years’ War suffered privations, followed by exile and loss of everything but pride, dignity and good names.
There’s no part of the Island more respected for the honesty of its people than the remote, elite city of Camaguey, including families like Agramonte, Betancourt, Cisneros, Luaces, Sanchez, Quesada, and Varona. Almost all of these families endured hardships during the grueling Ten Years’ War, leading to exile and the loss of everything except their pride, dignity, and good names.
CHAPTER IX
PROVINCE OF ORIENTE
THE Province of Oriente, called by Spain Santiago de Cuba, forms the eastern extremity of the Island, and is not only the largest in area, but, owing to the exceptional fertility of its soil, the great number of magnificent harbors, the size and extent of its plains and valleys, together with the untold wealth of its mines of iron, copper, manganese, chrome and other minerals, it must be considered industrially as one of the most important provinces of Cuba.
The Province of Oriente, known as Santiago de Cuba by Spain, is located at the eastern tip of the island. It is not only the biggest in size, but due to its incredibly fertile soil, numerous beautiful harbors, vast plains and valleys, along with the immense resources of its iron, copper, manganese, chrome, and other minerals, it is considered one of the most significant industrial provinces in Cuba.
Its area consists of 14,213 square miles, its form is triangular, Cape Maysi, the eastern terminus of the island, forming the apex of the triangle, while the base, with a length of about one hundred miles, extends from Cabo Cruz along the Manzanillo coast to the north shore. One side of the triangle, formed by the south coast, has a length of nearly 250 miles, while another, without counting the convolutions of the sea coast, borders for two hundred miles on the Atlantic.
Its area is 14,213 square miles and it has a triangular shape, with Cape Maysi, the eastern tip of the island, at the top of the triangle. The base, which is about one hundred miles long, stretches from Cabo Cruz along the Manzanillo coast to the north shore. One side of the triangle, created by the south coast, is nearly 250 miles long, while the other side, not counting the twists and turns of the coastline, runs about 200 miles along the Atlantic.
Mountain chains follow both the north and south shores of Oriente, while about one-third of its area, which composes the eastern section, is a great tangle or nest of irregular mountains, flat top domes, plateaus, and foothills, with their intervening basins, parks and valleys.
Mountain ranges line both the north and south coasts of Oriente, while roughly one-third of its area, which makes up the eastern part, is a complex mix of uneven mountains, flat-topped domes, plateaus, and foothills, along with the basins, parks, and valleys in between.
While the main chain, or mountainous vertebrae, seems to disappear in the Sierra de Cubitas of Camaguey, it reappears again, just west of the Bay of Manati, in the extreme northern part of the province, and extends along the north shore at broken intervals, until it finally melts into that great eastern nest of volcanic upheavals that forms the eastern end of the Island. From this north shore chain, innumerable spurs are thrown off to the southward between Manati and Nipe Bay, reaching sometimes twenty-five or thirty miles back into the interior.
While the main range, or mountainous backbone, seems to vanish in the Sierra de Cubitas of Camaguey, it reemerges just west of the Bay of Manati, in the far northern part of the province. It stretches along the north coast in uneven segments until it eventually blends into the massive eastern area of volcanic formations that makes up the eastern tip of the Island. From this northern range, countless spurs extend southward between Manati and Nipe Bay, reaching as far as twenty-five or thirty miles into the interior.
Along the southern shore of Oriente from Cabo Cruz to Cabo Maysi, ascending at times abruptly from the beach, and at others dropping back a little, we have the longest and tallest mountain range of Cuba. One peak, known as Turquino, located midway between the city of Santiago de Cuba and Cape Cruz, reaches an altitude of 8,642 feet.
Along the southern shore of Oriente from Cabo Cruz to Cabo Maysi, rising sharply at times from the beach and at other times receding a bit, lies the longest and tallest mountain range in Cuba. One peak, called Turquino, situated between the city of Santiago de Cuba and Cape Cruz, reaches a height of 8,642 feet.
From the crest of this range, known as the Sierra Maestra, the great network of spurs are thrown off to the north toward the valley of the Cauto, while between these mountain offshoots several of the Cauto’s most important tributaries, including the Cautill, Contraemaestre and Brazos del Cauto, have their sources.
From the top of this range, called the Sierra Maestra, the major network of ridges extends north toward the Cauto valley. Nestled between these mountain spurs are several key tributaries of the Cauto, including the Cautill, Contraemaestre, and Brazos del Cauto, all of which begin here.
The interior of the Province, from the Mayari River west, is the largest valley in Cuba, with a virgin soil marvellously rich through which runs the Cauto River, emptying into the Caribbean Sea, a little north of the City of Manzanillo. This stream, with its tributaries, forms the most extensive waterway in the Island.
The area of the Province, starting from the Mayari River to the west, is the biggest valley in Cuba, featuring incredibly fertile virgin soil through which the Cauto River flows, emptying into the Caribbean Sea just north of Manzanillo. This river, along with its tributaries, creates the longest waterway in the island.
A tributary on the north known as the Rio Salado, rising south of the city of Holguin, flows in a westerly direction and empties into the Cauto just above the landing of Guamo, some fifteen miles from the Caribbean. Small streams empty into all of the numerous deep water gulfs and bays that indent the north coast of Oriente. Each serves its purpose in draining adjacent lands, but none, with the exception of the Mayari, is navigable. This stream, the most important perhaps of the north coast, rises in the eastern center of the Province, cutting its way west along the base of the Crystal Mountains, until it reaches their western end, whence it makes a sharp turn to the north, and after tumbling over the falls, gradually descends and empties into Nipe Bay.
A northward tributary called the Rio Salado, which flows south of the city of Holguin, heads west and empties into the Cauto just above the Guamo landing, about fifteen miles from the Caribbean. Small streams flow into the many deep-water gulfs and bays that line the north coast of Oriente. Each one helps drain the surrounding land, but none are navigable except for the Mayari. This river, perhaps the most significant on the north coast, originates in the eastern part of the Province, cutting west along the base of the Crystal Mountains until it reaches their western end, where it takes a sharp turn north, tumbles over the falls, and gradually flows into Nipe Bay.
The Sagua de Tanamo and its tributaries drain quite a large basin east of the Mayari, and empty into the Gulf of Tanamo. The Moa, a short stream, rises not far from the Tanamo but flows north to the ocean. The Toa, flowing east, cuts through valleys for fifty miles, and finally empties into the Atlantic thirty miles west of Cape Maysi.
The Sagua de Tanamo and its tributaries drain a large area east of Mayari and flow into the Gulf of Tanamo. The Moa, a short stream, starts not far from the Tanamo but flows north to the ocean. The Toa, flowing east, carves through valleys for fifty miles and eventually empties into the Atlantic thirty miles west of Cape Maysi.
But little is known of this river; and like many of the streams which for countless centuries have been cutting their tortuous ways through the table lands and gorges of the eastern part of Oriente, its shores have seldom been visited by human beings since the Siboney Indians, who once made that section their home, gave up trying to be Christians and took their chances of happiness on the other side of the “Great Divide.”
But not much is known about this river; and like many of the streams that have been carving their winding paths through the plateaus and canyons of the eastern part of Oriente for countless centuries, its banks have rarely been visited by people since the Siboney Indians, who once lived in that area, stopped trying to be Christians and sought their chances of happiness on the other side of the “Great Divide.”
The Harbor of Puentes Grandes, that separates Oriente from Camaguey on the north coast, is sufficiently deep for ordinary draft vessels, but owing to sand spits and coral reefs that extend for some distance out into the Atlantic, and to the fact that good harbors lie within a few miles on either side, commerce up to the present has never sought this place as a port of entry.
The Harbor of Puentes Grandes, which separates Oriente from Camaguey on the north coast, is deep enough for regular ships, but because of sandbars and coral reefs that stretch out into the Atlantic, along with the presence of better harbors just a few miles away on either side, trade has never really considered this spot as a port of entry.
About twelve miles east, however, we have the Bay of Manati with a fairly easy entrance and an elbow-like channel that will give anchorage to vessels drawing fathoms. On the shore of Manati Bay has been established a very fine sugar mill surrounded by thousands of acres of cane grown in the Yarigua Valley. Sugar is exported from this port directly to the United States.
About twelve miles east, however, we have the Bay of Manati with a pretty easy entrance and a bend-like channel that provides anchorage for ships drawing fathoms. On the shore of Manati Bay, there’s an excellent sugar mill surrounded by thousands of acres of cane grown in the Yarigua Valley. Sugar is shipped from this port directly to the United States.
Within the next twenty-five miles, east, are found two well protected harbors, Malagueta and Puerto Padre. The latter is the deeper and more important, owing to the large basin of fertile lands immediately surrounding it. Puerto Padre has excellent anchorage and belongs to the type of narrow mouthed bays so common to the north coast of Cuba.
Within the next twenty-five miles to the east, there are two well-protected harbors: Malagueta and Puerto Padre. The latter is deeper and more significant because of the large area of fertile land that surrounds it. Puerto Padre offers great anchorage and is one of the narrow-mouthed bays typical of Cuba's northern coast.
On the eastern shore of Puerto Padre are located two of the Cuban American Sugar Company’s largest mills, “El Chaparra” and “Las Delicias,” each with a capacity of 600,000 bags of sugar per year. These two mills are considered, both in location and equipment, among the finest in the world. The sugar, of course, is shipped directly from Puerto Padre to New York, rendering them independent of railroad transportation, and consequently large revenue producing properties.
On the eastern shore of Puerto Padre, there are two of the Cuban American Sugar Company’s biggest mills, “El Chaparra” and “Las Delicias,” each capable of producing 600,000 bags of sugar every year. These mills are regarded as some of the best in the world, both in terms of location and equipment. The sugar is shipped directly from Puerto Padre to New York, which makes them independent of railroad transportation and, as a result, highly profitable properties.
General Mario Menocal, General Manager of the Cuban American Company’s mills, began his great industrial career at Chaparra, which he left to assume the Presidency of the Republic in 1913. It is a very neat little city, with wide avenues, comfortable homes, good schools and many of the conveniences of much larger places. President Menocal visits Chaparra several times during the grinding season each year.
General Mario Menocal, the General Manager of the Cuban American Company’s mills, started his impressive industrial career in Chaparra. He left Chaparra to become the President of the Republic in 1913. It’s a tidy little city with wide streets, nice homes, good schools, and many of the amenities found in larger towns. President Menocal visits Chaparra several times each year during the grinding season.
Some thirty-five miles east we have the large open roadstead of Jibara, with sufficient depth of water to provide for shipping, but with very little protection from northerly gales. On the western side of this harbor is located the city of Jibara, which forms the shipping place for the rich Holguin district, some thirty miles south.
Some thirty-five miles east, there's the large open roadstead of Jibara, deep enough for shipping but offering very little protection from northern winds. On the western side of this harbor is the city of Jibara, which serves as the shipping hub for the wealthy Holguin district, about thirty miles to the south.
Some forty miles further east, around the bold Punta de Lucrecia, we have another fine, deep-water, perfectly protected harbor, known as the Bay of Banes, whose rich valleys lying to the south and west contribute cane to the Ingenio Boston, belonging to the United Fruit Company, whose output is approximately half a million bags of sugar per year.
Some forty miles further east, around the prominent Punta de Lucrecia, we have another excellent deep-water harbor that’s fully protected, called the Bay of Banes. The fertile valleys to the south and west provide sugarcane for the Ingenio Boston, which is owned by the United Fruit Company, and its annual production is about half a million bags of sugar.
Southeast of Banes, about fifteen miles, we reach the entrance of the Bay of Nipe, considered one of the finest and best protected harbors in the world. Its entrance is sufficiently wide for ships to pass in or out at ease, while the bay itself furnishes forty-seven miles of deep water anchorage.
Southeast of Banes, about fifteen miles away, we arrive at the entrance to the Bay of Nipe, which is regarded as one of the finest and most protected harbors in the world. Its entrance is wide enough for ships to easily navigate in and out, and the bay itself offers forty-seven miles of deep water anchorage.
Nipe Bay is a little round inland sea, measuring ten miles from north to south by fifteen from east to west. The Mayari River flows into the bay from the southern shore and furnishes, for light draft boats, transportation to the city, some six miles up the river. On the north shore of the bay is located the town of Antilla, terminus of the northern extension of the Cuba Company’s lines, and one of the most important shipping places on the north coast. On the Bay of Nipe is located the Ingenio Preston, one of the finest sugar mills in Cuba, contributing 371,000 bags in the year 1918 to the sugar stock of the world.
Nipe Bay is a small, round inland sea, about ten miles long from north to south and fifteen miles wide from east to west. The Mayari River flows into the bay from the southern shore, providing transportation for light draft boats to the city, located about six miles up the river. On the northern shore of the bay is the town of Antilla, which is the endpoint of the northern extension of the Cuba Company’s lines and one of the most important shipping hubs on the north coast. Located on the Bay of Nipe is Ingenio Preston, one of the best sugar mills in Cuba, which produced 371,000 bags in 1918 for the global sugar supply.
Some seven or eight miles east of the entrance of Nipe lies another large, beautiful, land-locked bay, or rather two bays, separated by a tongue of land extending into the entrance of the harbor and known as Lavisa and Cabonico, both of which are deep, although the first mentioned, with a length of eight miles and a width of six, is the larger of the two. The shores of both these harbors are covered with magnificent hardwood forests, most of which have remained intact. The lands surrounding them are rich, and will, within a very short time, probably be converted into large sugar estates. These beautiful virgin forests, with their marvellously fertile soil, surrounding the harbors of Lavisa and Cabonico, might have been purchased ten years ago at prices varying from eight to twelve dollars an acre. In 1918 they were sold at fifty dollars per acre, and were easily worth twice that sum.
About seven or eight miles east of the entrance to Nipe, there’s another large, beautiful, land-locked bay, or actually two bays, divided by a stretch of land that juts into the harbor and is called Lavisa and Cabonico. Both bays are deep, but the first one mentioned is the larger of the two, measuring eight miles long and six wide. The shores of these harbors are lined with stunning hardwood forests, most of which are still untouched. The surrounding lands are rich and will likely soon be turned into large sugar plantations. These beautiful untouched forests, along with their incredibly fertile soil, around the harbors of Lavisa and Cabonico could have been bought ten years ago for prices ranging from eight to twelve dollars per acre. By 1918, they were being sold for fifty dollars per acre, and they were easily worth double that amount.
Fifteen miles further east we have another fine deep-water harbor known as Tanamo. Its entrance is comparatively easy, and although the bay is very irregular in shape, the channel furnishes good anchorage for fairly deep draft vessels. The Sagua de Tanamo River, whose tributaries drain the rich valleys south of the bay, has its source in the great nest of mountains in the eastern end of Oriente.
Fifteen miles further east, there's another great deep-water harbor called Tanamo. Its entrance is relatively easy, and even though the bay has a very irregular shape, the channel provides good anchorage for fairly deep-draft vessels. The Sagua de Tanamo River, which has tributaries draining the rich valleys south of the bay, originates in the large mountain range at the eastern end of Oriente.
Baracoa, some twenty miles east, is a small, picturesque anchorage, but with almost no protection against northerly winds, and for this reason cannot rank as a first class port, although a good deal of shipping leaves it during the year, the cargoes consisting mostly of cocoanuts and bananas, for which this district has always been quite a center of production in Oriente.
Baracoa, located around twenty miles to the east, is a charming small harbor, but it offers little protection from northern winds. Because of this, it can’t be considered a top-tier port, even though quite a bit of shipping operates from there throughout the year, transporting mainly coconuts and bananas, which have always been significant products from this area in Oriente.
It was on this harbor that Diego Velasquez made the first settlement in Cuba, in the year 1512. He called it the city of Nuestra Senora de la Asuncion, but the original Indian name of Baracoa has remained attached to the spot where Spanish civilization began in the Pearl of the Antilles.
It was at this harbor that Diego Velasquez established the first settlement in Cuba in 1512. He named it the city of Nuestra Senora de la Asuncion, but the original Indian name of Baracoa has stayed connected to the place where Spanish civilization began in the Pearl of the Antilles.
It was here that General Antonio Maceo with a little band of thirty men landed from Costa Rica in March, 1895, and began the War of Independence, which ultimately led to the formation of the Republic of Cuba.
It was here that General Antonio Maceo and a small group of thirty men landed from Costa Rica in March 1895 and started the War of Independence, which eventually resulted in the establishment of the Republic of Cuba.
Rounding Cape Maysi at the extreme eastern end of Cuba, and following the south coast, no harbor is found until we reach Guantanamo Bay, nearly a hundred miles west. This magnificent harbor was first visited by Columbus on his second voyage when he sailed along the south coast in 1494. The celebrated navigator referred to it as “Puerto Grande,” but the original Indian name of Guantanamo again replaced that of the white invaders.
Rounding Cape Maysi at the far eastern end of Cuba and following the south coast, there’s no harbor until we get to Guantanamo Bay, almost a hundred miles to the west. This impressive harbor was first visited by Columbus on his second voyage when he sailed along the south coast in 1494. The famous explorer called it “Puerto Grande,” but the original Indian name, Guantanamo, eventually took back its place from the white invaders.
The Bay of Guantanamo is considered one of the finest harbors in the world. It was selected from all the ports of Cuba by Captain Lucien Young in 1901 as the best site for a naval station in the West Indies for the United States Navy. Arrangements were later made between Cuba and authorities in Washington, by which it was formally ceded for that purpose. Not only is Guantanamo a large bay, extending some fifteen miles up into the interior, but its mouth is sufficiently wide and deep to permit three first-class men of war to enter or leave the harbor abreast at full speed, without danger of collision or contact with the channel’s edge on either side.
The Bay of Guantanamo is known as one of the best harbors in the world. Captain Lucien Young chose it in 1901 from all the ports in Cuba as the ideal location for a naval station for the United States Navy in the West Indies. Later, arrangements were made between Cuba and officials in Washington to formally cede the area for that purpose. Guantanamo is not only a large bay, extending about fifteen miles inland, but its entrance is wide and deep enough for three first-class warships to enter or leave the harbor side by side at full speed, without the risk of colliding or hitting the edges of the channel.
The Guantanamo River, after draining the great wide valleys that lie to the north and west, enters the Bay on the western shore. The City of Guantanamo, some fifteen miles back, is connected by rail with the coast, and also with the city of Santiago de Cuba, fifty miles further west. It was founded toward the end of the eighteenth century by French refugees from Santo Domingo, and has at present a population of 28,000.
The Guantanamo River, after flowing through the vast valleys to the north and west, enters the Bay on the western shore. The City of Guantanamo, about fifteen miles inland, is connected by train to the coast and also to the city of Santiago de Cuba, which is fifty miles further west. It was established toward the end of the eighteenth century by French refugees from Santo Domingo and currently has a population of 28,000.
Eleven large sugar estates are located in the Guantanamo valley, which is one of the largest cane producers in Oriente.
Eleven large sugar plantations are situated in the Guantanamo valley, which is one of the biggest cane producers in Oriente.
Fifty miles further west we find the harbor of Santiago de Cuba, absolutely land-locked, and probably the most beautiful of all in the West Indies. Its entrance, between two headlands, is narrow and might easily escape observation unless the passing vessel were less than a mile from shore. Rounding the high promontory of the east, with its old-fashioned fort of the middle eighteenth century, one enters a magnificent bay, dotted with palm covered islands, gradually opening and spreading out towards the north. Its winding channels present changing views at every turn, until the main or upper bay is reached, on the northern shore of which is located the city of Santiago de Cuba, that for half a century after its founding in 1515 was the capital of Cuba.
Fifty miles further west, we come to the harbor of Santiago de Cuba, which is completely landlocked and probably the most beautiful of all the harbors in the West Indies. Its entrance, nestled between two headlands, is narrow and could easily go unnoticed unless a passing ship is less than a mile from shore. Rounding the tall promontory to the east, with its old-fashioned fort from the mid-eighteenth century, you enter a stunning bay, dotted with palm-covered islands, gradually opening and spreading out toward the north. Its winding channels offer changing views at every turn until you reach the main or upper bay, where the city of Santiago de Cuba is located on the northern shore. For half a century after its founding in 1515, it was the capital of Cuba.
Santiago played a very important part in the early history, or colonial days, of the Pearl of the Antilles, passing through the trials and tribulations that befell the first white settlers in this part of the Western Hemisphere. Not many years after its founding, it was sacked and burned by French corsairs.
Santiago played a crucial role in the early history, or colonial days, of the Pearl of the Antilles, experiencing the struggles and hardships that faced the first white settlers in this part of the Western Hemisphere. Not long after its founding, it was attacked and destroyed by French pirates.
Santiago was one of the few cities in all Cuba that retained the names given them by their Spanish founders. It was here in June, 1538, that Hernando de Soto, appointed Governor by the King of Spain, recruited men for that unfortunate expedition into the great unknown territory across the Gulf, which cost him his life, although his name became immortal as the discoverer of the Mississippi River.
Santiago was one of the few cities in all of Cuba that kept the names given to it by its Spanish founders. It was here in June 1538 that Hernando de Soto, appointed Governor by the King of Spain, recruited men for that ill-fated expedition into the vast unknown territory across the Gulf, which ended up costing him his life, though his name became legendary as the discoverer of the Mississippi River.
Santiago became famous in American history through the destruction of Cervera’s fleet by Admirals Sampson and Schley, and the capitulation of the city to United States forces in July, 1898. It has a population of about 45,000. The city lies on the southern slope of the plateau, rising from the bay towards the interior. Its streets are well laid out and fairly wide, with several charming little parks, or plazas, such as are found in all Latin American cities.
Santiago became well-known in American history due to the destruction of Cervera’s fleet by Admirals Sampson and Schley, and the city's surrender to U.S. forces in July 1898. It has a population of around 45,000. The city is located on the southern slope of the plateau, gradually rising from the bay towards the interior. Its streets are well-planned and fairly wide, featuring several lovely small parks, or plazas, like those found in all Latin American cities.
The commercial standing of the city is based on the heavy shipments of sugar and ores, iron, copper and manganese mined in the surrounding mountains. The building of the Cuba Company’s railroad connecting it with the other end of the Island and with the Bay of Nipe on the north coast, did much towards increasing the importance of Santiago. The outlying districts of the city are reached by a splendid system of automobile drives, surveyed and begun at the instigation of General Leonard Wood, then governor of the Province, in 1900. These well-built, macadamized carreteras wind around hills and beautiful valleys, many of which have a historic interest, especially the crest of the Loma San Juan, or San Juan Hill, captured by the American forces in the summer of 1898. A unique kiosk has been built on the summit of this hill from which a view of El Caney, over toward the east, and many other points which figured in that sharp, brief engagement, are indicated on brass tablets, whose pointed arrows, together with accompanying descriptions, give quite a comprehensive idea of the battle which loosened the grip of the Spanish monarchy on the Pearl of the Antilles, and made Cuban liberty possible for all time to come. In the valley just below is a beautiful Ceiba tree, under which the peace agreement between American and Spanish commanders was concluded in July, 1898. The grounds are inclosed by an iron fence with various inscriptions instructive and interesting.
The city’s commercial status is fueled by the large shipments of sugar and ores like iron, copper, and manganese mined from the nearby mountains. The construction of the Cuba Company’s railroad, connecting it to the other end of the Island and the Bay of Nipe on the north coast, significantly boosted Santiago's importance. The outskirts of the city are accessible via a fantastic system of roadways, surveyed and initiated by General Leonard Wood, who was the governor of the Province in 1900. These well-constructed, macadamized roads wind through hills and scenic valleys, many of which hold historical significance, particularly the crest of Loma San Juan, or San Juan Hill, captured by American forces in the summer of 1898. A unique kiosk has been built on top of this hill, offering views of El Caney to the east and several other locations involved in that brief but intense battle, indicated on brass tablets. These tablets, with their pointed arrows and descriptions, provide a thorough overview of the battle that ended Spanish rule over the Pearl of the Antilles and secured Cuban freedom for the future. In the valley below stands a beautiful Ceiba tree, where the peace agreement between American and Spanish commanders was signed in July 1898. The area is enclosed by an iron fence with various interesting and informative inscriptions.
Santiago is named in honor of the Patron Saint of Spain, and the Archbishop of Cuba, in keeping with custom and early traditions, still makes his headquarters in this picturesque and historically interesting capital of the Province of Oriente.
Santiago is named after the Patron Saint of Spain, and the Archbishop of Cuba, following tradition and early customs, still has his headquarters in this charming and historically significant capital of the Province of Oriente.
Between Santiago and Cabo Cruz, one hundred and fifty miles west, is but one harbor worthy of mention, the Bay of Portillo, a rather shallow although well protected indentation of the south coast. On the rich level lands at the base of the mountains back of and around the harbor of Portillo, grow enormous fields of cane, feeding the mill on the western side of the bay. Several other indentations of the south coast furnish landing places from which either timber or agricultural products may be shipped, when southerly winds do not endanger the anchorage. A small harbor known as Media Luna, between Cabo Cruz and Manzanillo, forms the shipping place of the Ingenio Isabel, which produced 175,000 sacks of sugar in 1918.
Between Santiago and Cabo Cruz, one hundred and fifty miles to the west, there’s only one harbor worth mentioning: the Bay of Portillo. It's a rather shallow but well-protected inlet on the south coast. In the fertile lowlands at the foot of the mountains surrounding the Portillo harbor, vast fields of sugarcane thrive, supplying the mill on the western side of the bay. Several other inlets along the south coast provide landing spots for shipping timber or agricultural products, as long as southerly winds don’t pose a risk to the anchorage. A small harbor called Media Luna, located between Cabo Cruz and Manzanillo, serves as the shipping point for Ingenio Isabel, which produced 175,000 sacks of sugar in 1918.
The somewhat shallow harbor of Manzanillo is located at the mouth of a small stream in the Sierra Maestra. Vessels of more than fifteen feet draft, find the Manzanillo channel somewhat difficult. The city itself is comparatively modern, with wide streets regularly planned and laid out. Its population is about 18,000, although the municipal district contains some 35,000 inhabitants. Manzanillo is one of the chief shipping ports and distributing points for the rich valley of the Cauto, the largest valley by far in Cuba. This river during the rainy season is navigable for river boats for some hundred miles to the interior. Bars that have formed near its mouth on the west shore of Guacanabo Gulf prevent the navigation of deeper craft.
The somewhat shallow harbor of Manzanillo is located at the mouth of a small stream in the Sierra Maestra. Vessels with a draft of more than fifteen feet find the Manzanillo channel somewhat challenging. The city itself is relatively modern, with wide streets that are well-planned and organized. Its population is about 18,000, although the municipal district has around 35,000 residents. Manzanillo is one of the main shipping ports and distribution centers for the rich Cauto Valley, which is the largest valley in Cuba by far. This river is navigable by riverboats for about a hundred miles inland during the rainy season. Bars that have formed near its mouth on the west shore of Guacanabo Gulf block the navigation of larger vessels.
The City of Bayamo, located on the Bayamo River, a tributary of the Cauto, is connected by the southern branch of the Cuba Company’s Railroad with Manzanillo, twenty-five miles west, and also with Santiago de Cuba. It was one of the original seven cities founded by Diego Velasquez in 1514. In the early days of colonial occupation, Bayamo passed through the same period of trials and tribulations that afflicted nearly all of the early settlements in Cuba.
The City of Bayamo, situated along the Bayamo River, a tributary of the Cauto, is linked by the southern branch of the Cuba Company’s Railroad to Manzanillo, twenty-five miles to the west, as well as to Santiago de Cuba. It was one of the original seven cities established by Diego Velasquez in 1514. In the early days of colonial rule, Bayamo experienced the same challenges and struggles that almost all of the early settlements in Cuba faced.
Historically it has never been prominent as the birth-place of struggles in which the natives of Cuba endeavored to throw off the yoke of Spain. It was the home of Cespedes, the first revolutionary President of the Island, who freed his slaves in 1868, and with a small force of men raised the cry known as the “Crita de Baire,” that started the Ten Years’ War.
Historically, it hasn't been a significant place for the struggles of the Cuban people trying to break free from Spanish rule. It was the home of Cespedes, the first revolutionary President of the Island, who freed his slaves in 1868 and, with a small group of men, raised the call known as the “Crito de Baire,” which launched the Ten Years’ War.
Again, in February, 1895, General Bartolome Maso with his son and a few loyal companions left his home in the city of Bayamo, and at his farm called “Yara” declared war against the armies of the Spanish Monarchy, never surrendering until Independence was eventually secured through the defeat of Spain by American forces in 1898. The city, although boasting only of some 5,000 inhabitants, is located in the fertile plains of the Cauto Valley, known throughout the world as the largest sugar cane basin ever placed under cultivation. The Cuban National Hymn had its origin in this little city and is known as the “Himno de Bayamo.”
Again, in February 1895, General Bartolome Maso, along with his son and a few loyal companions, left his home in Bayamo and, at his farm called “Yara,” declared war against the armies of the Spanish Monarchy, never surrendering until Independence was eventually secured through the defeat of Spain by American forces in 1898. The city, although having only about 5,000 residents, is located in the fertile plains of the Cauto Valley, known worldwide as the largest sugar cane basin ever cultivated. The Cuban National Hymn originated in this small city and is known as the “Himno de Bayamo.”
ON THE CAUTO RIVER
ON THE CAUTO RIVER
The Cauto River, traversing Oriente Province, is the largest stream in Cuba, and is of inestimable value for navigation, for water supply, and for drainage. It is the salient feature of many fine landscape scenes, ranging from the idyllic to the majestic.
The Cauto River, running through Oriente Province, is the biggest river in Cuba and is extremely valuable for navigation, water supply, and drainage. It stands out in many beautiful landscapes, from the peaceful to the impressive.
Holguin, located in the northern center of the Island, among picturesque hills and fertile valleys, is the most important city in northern Oriente. It was founded in 1720, receiving its charter in 1751, and boasts of a population of about 10,000. The harbor of Gibaro, twenty-five miles north, with which it is connected by rail, is the shipping port of the Holguin district. The country is very healthful and long noted as a section in which Cuban fruits acquire perhaps their greatest perfection. Americans living in this city, within the last ten years, have established splendid nurseries, known throughout the Island.
Holguin, situated in the northern center of the Island among scenic hills and fertile valleys, is the most significant city in northern Oriente. It was founded in 1720 and received its charter in 1751, with a population of around 10,000. The Gibaro harbor, twenty-five miles to the north, which is connected by rail, serves as the shipping port for the Holguin district. The area is very healthy and has long been recognized as a place where Cuban fruits reach their highest quality. In the past ten years, Americans living in this city have established outstanding nurseries that are well-known throughout the Island.
Victoria de las Tunas, a small city located on the Cuba Company’s Railroad, some 20 miles from the western boundary of the Province, acquired celebrity in the War of Independence owing to its capture after a siege of several days by the Cuban forces under General Calixto Garcia, in the fall of 1897.
Victoria de las Tunas, a small city on the Cuba Company’s Railroad, about 20 miles from the western edge of the Province, became famous during the War of Independence because it was captured after a several-day siege by the Cuban forces led by General Calixto Garcia in the fall of 1897.
It was in this engagement that Mario Menocal, then Chief of Staff with the rank of Colonel in the insurgent forces, distinguished himself through a brilliant charge made at a critical moment, in which he led his Cuban cavalry against the well equipped forces of Spain. Colonel Menocal was wounded in this engagement, but as a reward for intelligent and courageous action he was shortly afterward made Brigadier General, and given command of the insurgent forces in the Province of Havana, which he held up to the time of the Spanish surrender in 1898.
It was during this battle that Mario Menocal, who was the Chief of Staff and held the rank of Colonel in the rebel forces, stood out by making a remarkable charge at a crucial moment, leading his Cuban cavalry against the well-equipped Spanish forces. Colonel Menocal was injured in this battle, but as a reward for his smart and brave actions, he was soon promoted to Brigadier General and given command of the rebel forces in the Province of Havana, a position he held until the Spanish surrendered in 1898.
An incident indicative of the character and discipline of the Cuban forces took place at the capture of Victoria de las Tunas, when General Calixto Garcia, after caring for the Spanish wounded, furnished an escort to protect his prisoners and non-combatants who wished to leave the city, in a march overland to the town of Manati, where they were delivered into the safe keeping of the Spanish authorities, as the Cubans were unable to keep prisoners owing to shortage of food. General Calixto Garcia was a native of Holguin, owing to which fact, perhaps, much consideration was shown to both persons and property in the surrounding district, where he had both friends and relatives.
An event that reflects the character and discipline of the Cuban forces occurred during the capture of Victoria de las Tunas. General Calixto Garcia, after taking care of the Spanish wounded, arranged for an escort to protect his prisoners and non-combatants who wanted to leave the city. They traveled overland to the town of Manati, where they were handed over to the Spanish authorities since the Cubans couldn't keep prisoners due to a lack of food. General Calixto Garcia was from Holguin, which may explain why he showed such consideration for both people and property in the surrounding area, where he had friends and family.
The sugar industry, of course, as in all provinces but Pinar del Rio, is the chief source of wealth in Oriente. The entire northeastern half, including the great valley of the Cauto River, as well as the rich lands in the valley of Guantanamo, and the basin surrounding the Bay of Nipe, are devoted almost entirely to the production of sugar. The European War of 1914 gave a great impetus to this industry, owing to the demands made by the allies for this staple food product. An illustration of this may be found in the increased acreage of cane in Oriente between the years of 1913 and 1918. In 1913 Oriente was producing 3,698,000 bags, while in 1918 the sugar crop reach 6,463,000 bags. Forty-two large sugar centrals are in operation in Oriente at the present time, with a marked increase each year.
The sugar industry, as in all provinces except Pinar del Rio, is the main source of wealth in Oriente. The entire northeastern half, including the large valley of the Cauto River, as well as the fertile lands in the valley of Guantanamo and the area around the Bay of Nipe, is almost completely dedicated to sugar production. The European War of 1914 significantly boosted this industry due to the allies' demand for this essential food product. This is evident in the increased acreage of sugar cane in Oriente between 1913 and 1918. In 1913, Oriente produced 3,698,000 bags, while by 1918, the sugar crop had increased to 6,463,000 bags. Currently, there are forty-two large sugar mills operating in Oriente, with noticeable growth every year.
Next in importance to the production of sugar ranks stock raising. Thousands of acres that cover the plateaus, foothills, mountains, parks and valleys, supplied as they are with an abundance of fresh water and splendid grass, furnish strong inducements to the stock grower of Oriente, who has nothing to fear from cold, snow, drought or storm. The profits of stock raising where the business is conducted under intelligent management, are certainties, which is true of all sections of the Island adapted to this industry.
Next in importance to sugar production is livestock farming. Thousands of acres that span the plateaus, foothills, mountains, parks, and valleys, which are rich in fresh water and lush grass, present strong opportunities for livestock farmers in Oriente, who don't have to worry about cold weather, snow, drought, or storms. The profits from livestock farming, when managed wisely, are guaranteed, which holds true for all areas of the Island that are suited for this industry.
Coffee, as in the provinces of Santa Clara and Pinar del Rio, owes its introduction into Cuba to the French refugees who, driven by revolution out of Santo Domingo, fled to Cuba and settled there in the first years of the nineteenth century. The large profits that have resulted from the cultivation of sugar cane have undoubtedly drawn capital from the coffee industry, and unless a sufficient amount of cheap labor can be secured, the gathering of this crop is not always profitable. In spite of the rather heavy tariff, and the excellent quality of the bean, it is compelled to compete with the imported article from Porto Rico and other countries. It is quite probable, too, that through years of neglect in cultivation, the habit of prolific bearing has deteriorated.
Coffee, like in the provinces of Santa Clara and Pinar del Río, was introduced to Cuba by French refugees who fled the revolution in Santo Domingo and settled in Cuba during the early 1800s. The huge profits from sugar cane farming have definitely pulled investment away from the coffee industry, and without enough cheap labor, harvesting coffee isn’t always profitable. Despite the fairly high tariffs and the great quality of the beans, coffee still has to compete with imports from Puerto Rico and other countries. It’s also likely that years of neglect in farming have harmed the plant’s ability to produce abundantly.
The rich, narrow, deep soiled vales among the tangled mountains that cover the eastern extremity of the province are especially adapted to the growth of cacao, but in spite of most satisfactory returns most of the farmers of Cuba seem to prefer life in the open potreros, with its cultivation of sugar cane and care of live stock, to that of comparative retirement, imposed upon those who devote themselves to coffee and cacao in the mountainous districts. Cacao, nevertheless, owing to the more extensive manufacture of chocolate in all parts of the world, is in increasing demand, and it is practically certain that the near future will bring immigrants from mountainous countries, who will find the cultivation of both coffee and cacao to their liking, as well as to their permanent profit.
The rich, narrow, deep-soiled valleys among the tangled mountains in the eastern part of the province are perfectly suited for growing cacao. However, despite the good profits, most farmers in Cuba seem to prefer life in the open pastures, with its focus on sugar cane farming and livestock care, rather than the relative seclusion that comes with growing coffee and cacao in the mountains. Nevertheless, cacao is in higher demand due to the increasing global production of chocolate, and it’s likely that the future will see immigrants from mountainous regions who will enjoy growing both coffee and cacao, reaping ongoing benefits.
But very little tobacco is grown in Oriente, aside from that which has long been cultivated on the banks of the Mayari River. In the neighborhood of the little village bearing that name, considerable tobacco of an inferior grade has been grown for many years, The German Government up to the blockading of her ports in 1914, consumed almost the entire Mayari crop, the soldiers of that country seeming to prefer it to any other tobacco.
But very little tobacco is grown in Oriente, except for what has been cultivated along the banks of the Mayari River. In the area around the small village of the same name, a significant amount of lower-quality tobacco has been produced for many years. Before the blockading of its ports in 1914, the German Government consumed almost the entire Mayari crop, as the soldiers from that country seemed to prefer it over any other tobacco.
More valuable timber grows in the interior of Oriente than in any other part of Cuba, and much of it will probably remain standing until more economical methods are introduced by which logs can be conveyed to the coast for shipment. Large amounts of cedar and mahogany are exported every year from Oriente, especially from the valley of Sagua de Tanamo, which empties into Tanamo Bay on the north coast.
More valuable timber grows in the interior of Oriente than anywhere else in Cuba, and a lot of it will likely remain untouched until more cost-effective ways are developed to transport logs to the coast for shipping. Large quantities of cedar and mahogany are exported every year from Oriente, particularly from the Sagua de Tanamo valley, which flows into Tanamo Bay on the north coast.
Several American colonies have been located in the different parts of this province, most of them devoting their energies to the growing of fruits and vegetables that are shipped to northern markets from the terminus of the railroad at Antilla, on Nipe Bay. Some of them, too, have built up stock farms that are giving splendid results.
Several American colonies have been established in various parts of this province, with most focusing their efforts on growing fruits and vegetables that are shipped to northern markets from the end of the railroad at Antilla, on Nipe Bay. Some of them have also developed stock farms that are producing excellent results.
Owing to the size of the province, and its comparatively few inhabitants, greater opportunities for colonization are found here than in the western end of the Island. Thousands of acres of magnificent lands, at present owned in huge tracts, are still available for purchase and division into small farms. These would furnish homes for families that might be brought from Italy and the Canary Islands greatly to the profit of the Republic itself as well as to the immigrants. People of this class are especially desired in Oriente, and every effort is being made by the Government to encourage their immigration, since energy, combined with a fair degree of intelligence, on the rich lands of this section of Cuba, can result only in success.
Due to the size of the province and its relatively small population, there are more opportunities for colonization here than in the western part of the Island. Thousands of acres of beautiful land, currently owned in large sections, are still available for purchase and can be divided into small farms. These would provide homes for families that could be brought in from Italy and the Canary Islands, benefiting both the Republic and the immigrants. People like this are especially desired in Oriente, and the Government is making every effort to promote their immigration, as energy, paired with a decent level of intelligence, on the fertile lands of this part of Cuba can only lead to success.
The mineral wealth of Oriente is undoubtedly greater than that of any of the other provinces. Although both iron and copper have been mined here for many years, the mineral zones of the Island have never been fully exploited, or even intelligently prospected, by men familiar with the mining industry. Copper was discovered by the early Spanish conquerors and mined at El Cobre, in the early years of the 16th century. The ore deposits of this mine have never been exhausted, and are still worked with profit. The same mineral has been discovered in other sections of the province, but owing to lack of transportation facilities, but little effort has been made towards mining it. The Spanish Iron Company, for more than a half century, has been taking iron ore from the sides of the mountains on the coast, just east of the city of Santiago de Cuba, and shipping it from the port of Daquiri.
The mineral wealth of Oriente is definitely greater than that of any other province. While both iron and copper have been mined here for many years, the mineral areas of the Island have never been fully tapped or even properly explored by people experienced in the mining industry. Copper was found by the early Spanish conquerors and mined at El Cobre in the early 16th century. The ore deposits from this mine have never run out and are still profitably worked. The same mineral has been found in other parts of the province, but due to a lack of transportation options, not much effort has been made to mine it. The Spanish Iron Company has been extracting iron ore from the mountains on the coast, just east of Santiago de Cuba, and shipping it from the port of Daquiri for over fifty years.
These mines are in the form of terraces, that are cut into the sides of the mountains, so that the ore can be easily withdrawn and shipped to the United States for smelting purposes. These properties have recently changed hands, and with the investment of greater capital will soon be put into a still higher state of production.
These mines are set up like terraces carved into the sides of the mountains, making it easy to extract the ore and ship it to the United States for processing. These properties have recently changed ownership, and with more investment, they will soon reach an even higher level of production.
Perhaps the most profitable iron mines in the Republic are those owned by the Bethlehem Steel Company, in the Valley of the Mayari, some eighteen or twenty miles back from the coast. The mineral here is easily removed from the surface, and sent by gravity down to the large reducing mills on the shore of the Bay, where most of the waste material is washed out with water. The iron ore of Oriente is of a very high grade and is impregnated with a sufficient amount of nickel to add greatly to its value.
Perhaps the most profitable iron mines in the Republic are those owned by the Bethlehem Steel Company, located in the Mayari Valley, about eighteen to twenty miles inland from the coast. The mineral is easy to extract from the surface and is transported by gravity to the large reducing mills along the Bay, where most of the waste material is washed away with water. The iron ore from Oriente is of very high quality and contains enough nickel to significantly increase its value.
The recent demand for chrome, brought about by the enormous increase in the consumption of steel in the United States, brought the chrome districts of the world, including those of Cuba, into considerable prominence. The great shortage of tonnage, too, made it inconvenient to bring chrome from Brazil. Recent investigations made in Cuba, however, demonstrated the fact that this Province alone, with the investment of a few hundred thousand dollars in road building, can supply the mills of the United States with all the chrome and manganese needed for the development of the steel industries. Several manganese mines are being worked at the present time, most of them on the northern slope of the Sierra Maestra, whence the ore is conveyed by rail to Santiago de Cuba and shipped to Atlantic ports, where the demand is greatest.
The recent demand for chrome, driven by the huge increase in steel consumption in the United States, has brought the chrome-producing regions of the world, including those in Cuba, into the spotlight. The significant shortage of shipping capacity also made it difficult to transport chrome from Brazil. However, recent studies conducted in Cuba have shown that this province alone, with an investment of a few hundred thousand dollars in road construction, can supply U.S. mills with all the chrome and manganese needed for the growth of the steel industry. Several manganese mines are currently in operation, most of them located on the northern slope of the Sierra Maestra, from where the ore is transported by rail to Santiago de Cuba and shipped to Atlantic ports, where the demand is the highest.
The development of the mining industry in Oriente has hardly begun, but with the enormous amount of iron and copper that will be needed for building purposes throughout the world in the near future, there is every reason to believe that this province will have an opportunity to open up and to work many of her mines, with very satisfactory returns on the capital invested.
The mining industry in Oriente is just getting started, but given the huge demand for iron and copper needed for construction around the world in the near future, there’s every reason to think that this province will have a chance to develop and operate many of its mines, yielding very good returns on the capital invested.
CHAPTER X
THE ISLE OF PINES
ALTHOUGH from the early days of Spanish conquest the Isle of Pines was considered by Spain as an integral part of Cuba, as are Cayo Romano and all other adjacent islands, in the treaty of Paris that concluded the controversy in regard to Spain’s possessions in the West Indies the Isle of Pines was referred to as a locality distinct in itself, and as possibly not coming within the jurisdiction of Cuban territory.
ALTHOUGH since the early days of the Spanish conquest, Spain viewed the Isle of Pines as a key part of Cuba, just like Cayo Romano and other nearby islands, the Treaty of Paris that settled the dispute over Spain’s holdings in the West Indies identified the Isle of Pines as a distinct location, suggesting it might not fall under Cuban jurisdiction.
A rule placed on any mariner’s chart of the West Indies, connecting in a straight line Cabo Cruz, in the Province of Oriente, and Cape San Antonio, the western extremity of Cuba, includes the Isle of Pines within the limits of the seismic uplift which formed the Pearl of the Antilles. More than all, during much of the geological history of the region across the shallow sandy bed, covered now with only a few fathoms of water, the Isle of Pines was connected by land with Cuba.
A guideline marked on any sailor’s map of the West Indies draws a straight line from Cabo Cruz, in the Province of Oriente, to Cape San Antonio, the western tip of Cuba, including the Isle of Pines within the area of the seismic uplift that created the Pearl of the Antilles. Moreover, throughout much of the geological history of the region, across the shallow sandy seabed, which is now just a few fathoms underwater, the Isle of Pines was once connected to Cuba by land.
During the first government of American intervention, several ambitious citizens of the United States bought large tracts of territory in the Isle of Pines, whose owners considered them of so little value that they parted with them at prices varying from 75¢ to $1.25 per acre. These properties were immediately divided up into small farms, varying from five to forty acres, and placed on the market in the United States. With glowing descriptions of the country they were sold at prices gradually increased from $15 to $50 and even $75 an acre.
During the initial period of American intervention, several enterprising individuals from the United States purchased large pieces of land in the Isle of Pines, which the original owners deemed so insignificant that they sold them for prices ranging from 75¢ to $1.25 per acre. These lands were quickly subdivided into smaller farms, ranging from five to forty acres, and offered for sale in the United States. With enticing descriptions of the area, they were marketed at progressively higher prices, starting at $15 and going up to $50 and even $75 per acre.
In view of the beautiful printed matter so widely distributed, and the values which fertile farming lands in the United States had acquired in recent years, these prices apparently did not seem exorbitant, especially to men of means, who during the greater part of their experiences had fought out the struggle of life in the cold northwest. Many Americans were thus induced to come and settle in the Isle of Pines, with the hope, if not of amassing a fortune as pictured in the alluring terms of the propaganda, at least of securing a competence for their declining years.
In light of the beautiful printed materials that were widely shared, and the value that fertile farmland in the United States has gained in recent years, these prices didn’t seem outrageous, especially to wealthy individuals who spent much of their lives battling through the challenges of the harsh northwest. Many Americans were therefore motivated to move to the Isle of Pines, hoping, if not to strike it rich as described in the enticing promotional materials, at least to ensure a comfortable living for their later years.
More than all, the Isle of Pines was thoroughly advertised throughout the American Union as belonging to the United States, whose emblem of Liberty floated as an indication of ownership never to be lowered. This matter of ownership was finally brought before the Congress of the United States and through treaty with the Republic of Cuba, afterwards confirmed by decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, was definitely settled in favor of the smaller Republic. Cuba, in consideration of the waiving of all American claims on the Isle of Pines, agreed to cede to the United States coaling stations at Bahia Honda and Guantanamo. Thus the disputed territory retained its original position as the southern half of the judicial district of the Province of Havana.
More than anything else, the Isle of Pines was heavily promoted across the American Union as belonging to the United States, with its emblem of Liberty flying high as a sign of ownership that would never be lowered. This issue of ownership was eventually taken to the Congress of the United States and, through a treaty with the Republic of Cuba, later confirmed by a decision from the Supreme Court of the United States, it was ultimately resolved in favor of the smaller Republic. In exchange for dropping all American claims on the Isle of Pines, Cuba agreed to give the United States coaling stations at Bahia Honda and Guantanamo. As a result, the disputed territory maintained its original status as the southern half of the judicial district of the Province of Havana.
The Island contains approximately 1200 square miles, a third or more of which is occupied by a large swamp bounded on the north by a depression running east and west across the Island, and extending to its southern shore on the Caribbean. The soil as a rule is sandy and poor, lacking nearly all the essential elements of plant food, and hence, for successful agriculture, needs large quantities of fertilizer.
The Island is about 1200 square miles, with a third or more covered by a large swamp that is bordered to the north by a dip that runs east to west across the Island, extending to its southern shore by the Caribbean. Generally, the soil is sandy and low-quality, missing almost all the essential nutrients for plants, so it requires a lot of fertilizer for successful farming.
The natural drainage of the Island is good, and the climatic conditions are almost identical with those of Cuba. Aside from poverty of soil, that which has most obstructed its prosperity is its geographical position, lying as it does some fifty miles from the mainland, within the curve formed by the concave littoral of the southern shore, from which it is separated by shallow seas and sand bars. The only harbor with sufficient depth for ocean going steamers is the open roadstead of La Ensenada de Siguanea, which furnishes little or no protection from heavy western winds. Vessels plying between the Isle of Pines and the United States are compelled to go several hundred miles out of their way in rounding the western extremity of Cuba.
The natural drainage on the Island is good, and the climate is almost the same as Cuba's. Besides the poor soil, the main thing holding back its prosperity is its location, sitting about fifty miles from the mainland, within the curve of the southern shore. It's separated by shallow seas and sandbars. The only harbor deep enough for ocean-going steamers is the open roadstead of La Ensenada de Siguanea, which offers little to no protection from strong west winds. Ships traveling between the Isle of Pines and the United States have to go several hundred miles out of their way to go around the western tip of Cuba.
All products raised in the Isle of Pines at the present time are shipped on light draft steamers to the landing of Batabano, whence they are transferred to a branch of the United Railways of Havana and carried across Cuba to the wharves of the capital for export. This loss of time and breaking of bulk has been, of course, disadvantageous to the fruit and vegetable growers of the Isle of Pines. Nevertheless large shipments, especially of grape fruit, have been made, and during those seasons in which Florida has suffered from frost, the returns to the grower have been very satisfactory.
All products grown on the Isle of Pines are currently shipped on shallow draft steamers to the Batabano landing, where they are transferred to a branch of the United Railways of Havana and transported across Cuba to the capital's docks for export. This delay and handling have certainly been a setback for the fruit and vegetable growers of the Isle of Pines. However, significant shipments, especially of grapefruit, have been made, and during winters when Florida has been hit by frost, the profits for the growers have been quite favorable.
Unfortunately, too, this interesting outpost of the Republic of Cuba lies directly within the path of the cyclones which during the months of September and October form in the Lesser Antilles to the southwest, and travelling northwesterly rake the Caimeros, the Isle of Pines and the extreme western end of Cuba. These great whirling storms usually pass through the straits between Cape San Antonio and Yucatan, following the curve of the western Gulf States until exhausted in the forests of northern Florida and Georgia. The cyclone of October, 1917, destroyed all the fruit of the Isle of Pines and practically ruined the citrus groves, greatly discouraging the people who had devoted so many years of time and toil to their care and development.
Unfortunately, this fascinating outpost of the Republic of Cuba is directly in the path of cyclones that form in the Lesser Antilles to the southwest during September and October. These storms travel northwest, hitting the Caimeros, the Isle of Pines, and the far western tip of Cuba. These powerful storms typically move through the straits between Cape San Antonio and Yucatan, following the curve of the western Gulf States until they dissipate in the forests of northern Florida and Georgia. The cyclone in October 1917 destroyed all the fruit on the Isle of Pines and nearly ruined the citrus groves, which deeply discouraged the people who had dedicated so many years of hard work to their care and growth.
In spite of these disadvantages, however, the greater part of the Americans who have made their homes in the Isle of Pines, with genuine Yankee grit, refuse to lose courage, and have started all over again to restore those sections that were temporarily devastated. The Isle of Pines is not an attractive place for the man of small means, since considerable capital is absolutely necessary for successful agriculture in that section. Nevertheless, there is every reason to believe that with time, and intelligently directed effort, the Island may eventually become a really valuable asset to the Republic.
In spite of these challenges, most of the Americans who have settled in the Isle of Pines, with true American determination, refuse to give up. They've restarted their efforts to rebuild the areas that were temporarily affected. The Isle of Pines isn’t an appealing spot for those with limited funds, as significant investment is essential for successful farming in that region. Still, there’s every reason to believe that with time and smart efforts, the Island could eventually become a valuable resource for the Republic.
There seems to be no reason why the great deposits of muck from the swamps which form the southern part of the Island, lying also along the coast of the mainland in many places, might not be transferred to those soils of the Isle of Pines lacking in humus, and thus in time build a foundation of sufficient fertility to produce almost any crop desired.
There doesn’t seem to be any reason why the large deposits of muck from the swamps in the southern part of the Island, which also extend along the coast of the mainland in various areas, couldn’t be moved to the humus-deficient soils of the Isle of Pines. This could eventually create a foundation rich enough to grow almost any crop you want.
In the northern half of the Isle of Pines are several low mountains, or ridges and hills, especially on either side of Nueva Gerona, which are composed largely of crystalline marble known as the Gerona marble. It is probable also that this same material forms part of the Sierra Pequena, or Little Ridge, located a few miles east, as well as that of the Sierra de Canada seen in the distance.
In the northern part of the Isle of Pines, there are several low mountains, ridges, and hills, particularly on both sides of Nueva Gerona, which are mainly made up of crystalline marble known as Gerona marble. It's likely that this same material is also part of the Sierra Pequena, or Little Ridge, a few miles to the east, as well as the Sierra de Canada visible in the distance.
This marble is thoroughly crystalline, retaining little or no trace of organism that it may originally have held. The greater part of it is rather coarse, although there are some beds of fine white statuary marble. The color varies from pure white to dark grey, with strongly marked banding in places. These rocks probably belong to the Paleozoic age, although the crystalline character of the material renders the period of their origin somewhat doubtful. In some beds the impurities of the original limestone have recrystallized and formed silicate minerals, chiefly fibrous hornblende. This deposit of marble has been estimated to be not less than 2,000 feet in thickness.
This marble is fully crystalline, showing little to no evidence of any organisms it might have originally contained. Most of it is quite coarse, though there are some layers of fine white statuary marble. The color ranges from pure white to dark grey, with prominent banding in areas. These rocks likely date back to the Paleozoic era, but the crystalline nature of the material makes the exact period of their formation somewhat uncertain. In some layers, the impurities of the original limestone have recrystallized and formed silicate minerals, primarily fibrous hornblende. This marble deposit is estimated to be at least 2,000 feet thick.
The drinking water of the Isle of Pines is abundant, and like that of nearly all other parts of Cuba is of excellent quality. Several mineral springs exist which have a local reputation for medicinal properties. Many beautiful homes, and miles of splendid driveways, have been built by the property owners of the Isle of Pines, who have a natural pride in its beauty and development.
The drinking water on the Isle of Pines is plentiful and, like almost everywhere else in Cuba, is of great quality. There are several mineral springs known locally for their healing properties. Many stunning homes and miles of gorgeous driveways have been constructed by the property owners of the Isle of Pines, who take natural pride in its beauty and progress.
To those pioneers from the United States who have done so much towards the regeneration and building up of this section, that has always been agriculturally despised, or at least ignored by the natives, the Government of Cuba feels greatly indebted, and it realizes fully that only through immigration of this kind will this excellent work be continued. Agricultural fairs, to which the Government of Cuba contributes a generous amount for prizes, are held each year in the Island, and social life among the residents, enlivened as it is by visitors from the north during the winter season, is said to be charming.
To the pioneers from the United States who have contributed so much to the development and improvement of this region, which has always been looked down upon or at least overlooked by the locals, the Government of Cuba feels deeply grateful. It understands that only through this type of immigration can this important work continue. Agricultural fairs, which the Government of Cuba generously supports with prize money, are held each year on the Island, and the social life among the residents, made lively by visitors from the north during the winter season, is said to be delightful.
The principal cities are Nueva Gerona and Santa Fe, while numberless small colonies are found every few miles along the highways that have been built within the last ten years. The Isle of Pines has an attractive future and many of the rosy dreams of the early American pioneers, with time, patience and capital, will undoubtedly be realized.
The main cities are Nueva Gerona and Santa Fe, with countless small communities every few miles along the roads built in the last decade. The Isle of Pines has a promising future, and many of the hopeful visions of the early American pioneers will surely come to fruition with time, patience, and investment.
CHAPTER XI
MINES AND MINING
AFTER a lapse of more than four centuries, there are grounds for believing that the dreams of the early Spanish conquerors, who overran Cuba shortly after its discovery by Columbus, may be realized, though not exactly as they expected. Gold may never be found in paying quantities, yet the mineral wealth of the Island may exceed in value its present agricultural output, which amounts annually to hundreds of millions of dollars. The followers of Columbus as a rule cared little for the more quiet pursuits of agriculture, but were obsessed with a craving for the precious metals, and during the first half of the 16th century, with the aid of the Indians, mined and shipped a sufficient amount of gold to encourage greatly the rulers of Spain, who were quite as persistent in their craze for the yellow metal as were the pioneers of the New World.
AFTER more than four centuries, there’s reason to believe that the dreams of the early Spanish conquerors, who took over Cuba shortly after Columbus discovered it, might come true, although not exactly as they envisioned. Gold may never be found in large quantities, but the Island's mineral wealth could outweigh its current agricultural production, which totals hundreds of millions of dollars each year. The followers of Columbus generally cared little for the more steady work of agriculture but were driven by a desire for precious metals, and during the first half of the 16th century, with the help of the indigenous people, they mined and shipped enough gold to greatly excite the rulers of Spain, who were just as obsessed with the shiny metal as the pioneers of the New World were.
Narvaez, Velasquez’s most active lieutenant, at the head of 150 men in 1512, marched from Oriente westward in a wild search for gold. Samples of this metal were found in various places and sent back to Velasquez, who forwarded them to King Ferdinand. The seven cities founded within the next two years were said to have been selected, not owing to the fertility of their soil or on account of advantageous locations, but solely with reference to their proximity to gold deposits.
Narvaez, Velasquez’s most active lieutenant, led 150 men in 1512, marching from Oriente westward in a frantic search for gold. Samples of this metal were discovered in several locations and sent back to Velasquez, who passed them on to King Ferdinand. The seven cities established in the next two years were reportedly chosen not for the fertility of their soil or their strategic locations, but purely based on their closeness to gold deposits.
In spite of these early discoveries, however, the amount of gold found in Cuba, although encouraging at the time, has never approached the value of other metals far more common and found in almost unlimited quantities. The district that first seems to have yielded a fair amount of gold was along the shores of the Arimao River, where the Cubenos panned a few hundred dollars in nuggets from the bed of the stream, and this determined the location of the city of Trinidad in 1514.
Despite these early discoveries, the amount of gold found in Cuba, while promising at the time, has never come close to the value of other metals that are much more common and found in nearly unlimited amounts. The area that initially seemed to produce a decent amount of gold was along the shores of the Arimao River, where the Cubenos panned a few hundred dollars in nuggets from the stream bed, leading to the establishment of the city of Trinidad in 1514.
The first and largest shipment of gold from the Island of Cuba, amounting to $12,437, was forwarded to Spain in the summer of 1515, and was converted into coin of the realm by the King. Since the royal share was one-fifth of all produced, it would seem that the total yield during the first four years in Cuba amounted to $62,000.
The first and biggest shipment of gold from Cuba, totaling $12,437, was sent to Spain in the summer of 1515, and the King turned it into currency. Since the royal share was one-fifth of everything produced, it appears that the total yield in Cuba during the first four years was around $62,000.
The large quantities of gold found in Mexico by Cortez, some ten years later, so greatly excited the Spanish conquerors in their quest for this metal, that gold mining in Cuba gradually became an abandoned industry, and by 1535 had practically ceased. Since that time there have been no discoveries that would seem to justify further search.
The large amounts of gold discovered in Mexico by Cortez, about ten years later, excited the Spanish conquerors so much in their pursuit of this metal that gold mining in Cuba slowly became a neglected industry and by 1535 had nearly come to an end. Since then, there haven't been any discoveries that would seem to justify a renewed search.
Some time during the year 1529, copper was discovered on the crest of a hill known as Cardenillo, about ten miles west of Santiago de Cuba. Mines in this vicinity had apparently been previously worked by the Cubeno Indians, who did not enlighten the Spaniards in regard to their existence. The value of the find was not recognized until a certain bell-maker, returning as a passenger from Mexico, visited the mines and analyzed samples of the ore. As a result of his report the people of Santiago soon became aroused over the prospective value of the find and petitioned the crown for experts and facilities with which to develop the mine.
Some time in 1529, copper was found on the top of a hill called Cardenillo, about ten miles west of Santiago de Cuba. The Cubeno Indians had apparently mined in this area before but hadn’t informed the Spaniards about it. The significance of the discovery wasn’t realized until a bell-maker, returning from Mexico, visited the mines and examined samples of the ore. After his report, the people of Santiago quickly grew excited about the potential value of the find and asked the crown for experts and resources to help develop the mine.
Dr. Ledoux, the famous French metallurgist, carefully analyzed the ore from these mines, and as a result reached the conclusion that the natives of Cuba, although apparently making no use of the copper themselves, had trafficked with the Indians of Florida, since in the many assays made of the copper relics of those tribes, it was found that the same percentage of silver and gold were contained in them as was found in the ore of the Cuban deposits. No other copper ores known have percentages of silver and gold so closely identical to those of “El Cobre.”
Dr. Ledoux, the well-known French metallurgist, carefully examined the ore from these mines and concluded that the native people of Cuba, while seemingly not using the copper themselves, had traded with the Indians of Florida. This was evident because, in the numerous tests done on the copper artifacts of those tribes, it was found that they contained the same percentage of silver and gold as the ore from the Cuban deposits. No other known copper ores have silver and gold percentages so closely matching those of “El Cobre.”
Little was done, however, toward the development of the Santiago mines until 1540, when the Spanish crown found itself short of material with which to make castings for its artillery and ordered an investigation of the Cuban copper deposits. In April of 1540, a German returning from a Flemish settlement in Venezluela visited “El Cobre” and entered into an agreement with the town council to work the mine. The ore yielded, according to the records, from 55% to 60% of pure copper, carrying with it also gold and silver. Samples were again sent to Spain to be tested by the crown. In 1514 forty negroes were set to work in the mines, under the direction of Gaspar Lomanes, and smelted some 15,000 pounds.
Little was done, however, toward developing the Santiago mines until 1540, when the Spanish crown found itself short on materials for making castings for its artillery and ordered an investigation of the Cuban copper deposits. In April 1540, a German returning from a Flemish settlement in Venezuela visited “El Cobre” and entered into an agreement with the town council to work the mine. The ore yielded, according to the records, between 55% and 60% pure copper, also containing gold and silver. Samples were again sent to Spain to be tested by the crown. In 1514, forty African slaves were put to work in the mines under the direction of Gaspar Lomanes, and they smelted around 15,000 pounds.
In 1546 the German referred to above, John Tezel of Nuremberg, returned from Germany, where he had carried samples of ore from the “El Cobre” and reported it “medium rich in quality and very plentiful in quantity.” Tezel spent the remainder of his life, 20 years, in exploiting the copper of that section.
In 1546, the German mentioned earlier, John Tezel from Nuremberg, came back from Germany, where he had taken samples of ore from “El Cobre” and said it was “medium rich in quality and very plentiful in quantity.” Tezel spent the next 20 years of his life extracting copper from that area.
Up to 1545 Juan Lobera had shipped 9,000 pounds of Cuban Copper to Spain. In the spring of 1547 still further shipments that had arrived in Seville and were ordered cast into artillery to be placed in the first fort in Cuba, La Fuerza, for the protection of the City of Havana. Three cannon were cast, of which one, a falconet, burst in the making, and was perhaps responsible for the report that Cuban copper was of “an intractable quality.”
Up to 1545, Juan Lobera had shipped 9,000 pounds of Cuban copper to Spain. In the spring of 1547, additional shipments arrived in Seville and were ordered to be made into artillery for the first fort in Cuba, La Fuerza, to protect the City of Havana. Three cannons were cast, but one, a falconet, exploded during the process, which might have led to the belief that Cuban copper was of "an intractable quality."
Don Gabriel Montalvo, appointed Governor of Cuba in 1573, was much impressed by the reports he had heard of the rich copper deposits near the city of Santiago de Cuba, and visited some of the old workings, but found the native Cubenos very reluctant to give him information in regard to mineral deposits, fearing evidently that they would be compelled to work in them as miners.
Don Gabriel Montalvo, who was appointed Governor of Cuba in 1573, was very intrigued by the reports he heard about the rich copper deposits near Santiago de Cuba. He visited some of the old mining sites but discovered that the native Cubans were hesitant to share information about the mineral deposits, clearly fearing they would be forced to work there as miners.
A copper deposit was soon afterwards found near Havana, and samples of ore were forwarded to Spain with the request that 50 negroes be detailed to exploit the mine. The quality of the ore was apparently satisfactory for the casting of cannon, and the king ordered that it be used for ballast in ships returning from Havana, in order to furnish material for the Royal Spanish Navy.
A copper deposit was soon discovered near Havana, and samples of ore were sent to Spain with a request for 50 Black workers to be assigned to mine it. The ore quality seemed good enough for making cannons, and the king ordered that it be used as ballast in ships coming back from Havana to provide material for the Royal Spanish Navy.
In 1580, some mining was done, but the find soon proved to be a pocket and not a true vein, and the cost of transportation to Havana was declared prohibitive, in spite of the fact that it showed a “fifth part good copper.” Other copper mines were afterwards reported in the neighborhood of Bayamo, near the southeastern center of the Province of Oriente.
In 1580, some mining took place, but the discovery quickly turned out to be a pocket rather than a real vein, and the cost of transporting the material to Havana was deemed too high, even though it contained “one-fifth good copper.” Other copper mines were later reported near Bayamo, close to the southeastern center of the Province of Oriente.
In May, 1587, although comparatively little copper had been taken from “El Cobre” mine, due largely to lack of food crops in the vicinity with which to supply the slaves, the Governor reported that “There is so much metal, and the mines are so numerous that they could supply the world with copper, and only lately there is news of a new mine of even better metal than the rest.”
In May 1587, even though relatively little copper had been extracted from the "El Cobre" mine, mainly because there weren't enough food crops nearby to feed the slaves, the Governor reported, “There is so much metal, and the mines are so numerous that they could supply the world with copper, and just recently, there’s news of a new mine with even better metal than the others.”
Effective work in these mines began in 1599. The much needed protection from the incursion of pirates and privateers, that had long preyed on Spain’s possessions in the West Indies, revived industries of all kinds in Cuba, especially copper mining and ship-building. Juan de Texeda, who had been commissioned by the King to go to Havana and do what he could towards protecting the rich shipments of gold that were being sent from Mexico to Spain against the attacks of the English Admiral, Drake, sampled Cuban copper and pronounced it excellent. On the site of the present Maestranza Building, now devoted to the Department of Public Works and the Public Library, Texeda soon established a foundry, where he “cast the copper into both cannon and kettles.”
Effective work in these mines started in 1599. The much-needed protection from pirates and privateers, who had long targeted Spain's possessions in the West Indies, revitalized industries of all kinds in Cuba, especially copper mining and shipbuilding. Juan de Texeda, who had been sent by the King to Havana to help protect the valuable shipments of gold being sent from Mexico to Spain from attacks by the English Admiral, Drake, tested Cuban copper and declared it excellent. At the site of what is now the Maestranza Building, which is currently home to the Department of Public Works and the Public Library, Texeda quickly set up a foundry, where he “cast the copper into both cannon and kettles.”
The mining of copper with profit depends on the price of the metal in the market and on the cost of extracting and transporting the ore to the smelter. This, of course, is true with all metals, hence it frequently happens that mines containing abundant ore are not worked, owing to the fact that the cost of production, when taken into consideration with the market price, eliminates the possibility of profit. During the past century the mines of “El Cobre” and vicinity, the extent of whose deposits seem to be almost unlimited, have been worked at such times and to such an extent as the market price of the ore would seem to justify.
The profitability of copper mining relies on the market price of the metal and the costs of extracting and transporting the ore to the smelter. This is true for all metals, which is why it often happens that mines with plenty of ore are not operated because the production costs, when compared to the market price, make profit impossible. Over the past century, the “El Cobre” mines and nearby areas, which seem to have nearly limitless deposits, have been operated only when the market price of the ore has justified it.
Indications, such as boulders that through seismic disturbances or erosion seem to have rolled down from their original beds, and occasional outcroppings of copper-bearing ore, are found in every Province of the Island, although up to 1790 but few explorations worthy of mention were made outside of the Province of Oriente. The demands for metals of all kinds, especially chrome, manganese and copper, have resulted in more or less desultory prospecting since 1915, which has resulted in finding outcroppings of copper scattered throughout the mountains of Pinar del Rio. Claims have been located near Mantua, Vinales, Las Acostas, Santa Lucia, Pinar del Rio, and at various places between La Esperenza and Bahia Honda along the north coast.
Indications, like boulders that appear to have rolled down from their original places due to seismic events or erosion, and occasional sightings of copper ore, can be found in every province of the island. However, until 1790, only a few notable explorations took place outside of the Province of Oriente. Since 1915, the increasing demand for various metals, particularly chrome, manganese, and copper, has led to some inconsistent prospecting activities, which have uncovered copper deposits scattered throughout the mountains of Pinar del Río. Claims have been established near Mantua, Viñales, Las Acostas, Santa Lucía, Pinar del Río, and in various locations between La Esperenza and Bahía Honda along the northern coast.
Reports of copper or “claims,” resulting from traces found, have been made also in the Isle of Pines and at Minas, only a short distance east of the city of Havana, in that province. Copper claims have been registered near Pueblo Nuevo, too, in the Province of Matanzas. In the province of Santa Clara, claims have been recorded in the districts of Cienfuegos, Trinidad and Sancti Spiritus. Several very promising copper mines have been opened up in this province that will undoubtedly yield a profit if worked under intelligent management and with the judicious employment of capital. In the Province of Camaguey, copper has been discovered near Minas, and as several different places along the line of the Sierra de Cubitas. In Oriente, copper claims have been registered near Holguin and Bayamo, while “El Cobre,” of course, has been famous for its yield of ore since the days of the Spanish conquerors.
Reports of copper or "claims," based on found traces, have also been made in the Isle of Pines and at Minas, just a short distance east of Havana city, in that province. Copper claims have been registered near Pueblo Nuevo as well, in the Province of Matanzas. In the province of Santa Clara, claims have been recorded in the districts of Cienfuegos, Trinidad, and Sancti Spiritus. Several very promising copper mines have opened up in this province that will surely be profitable if managed wisely and if capital is used effectively. In the Province of Camaguey, copper has been discovered near Minas and at several different locations along the Sierra de Cubitas. In Oriente, copper claims have been registered near Holguin and Bayamo, while "El Cobre" has, of course, been famous for its ore yield since the days of the Spanish conquerors.
The excessive demand for copper resulting from the War in Europe, together with the high prices offered for that metal, recalled the fact that many years ago Spanish engineers and prospectors, among the hills of Pinar del Rio, frequently found small outcroppings of copper ore, and in some cases sank shafts for short distances, where the ore had been removed and carried to the coast on mule back. The low price of copper at that time, however, and the scarcity of labor following the abolition of slavery at the conclusion of the Ten Years’ War, discouraged serious work on the part of the old timers, traces of whose efforts still remain at various points along the northern slope of the Organos Mountains.
The high demand for copper due to the war in Europe, along with the high prices being offered for that metal, reminded us that many years ago, Spanish engineers and prospectors often discovered small copper ore outcroppings in the hills of Pinar del Rio. In some instances, they even dug shafts a short distance down, where the ore was extracted and transported to the coast on mules. However, the low price of copper at that time and the shortage of labor after slavery was abolished at the end of the Ten Years’ War discouraged serious efforts from the old-timers, whose marks still exist at various spots along the northern slope of the Organos Mountains.
The first record we have of the exploration of the mineral zone in which the famous copper mine of this Province was discovered, dates back to 1790, but it resulted in no definite or profitable work. An English company of which General Narciso Lopez was president, during the early part of the 19th century, made some explorations in the district of El Brujo and Cacarajicara, located in the mountains back of Bahia Honda; but the defeat of Lopez’s revolutionary forces, and his subsequent execution in 1851, put an end to the effort.
The first record we have of exploring the mineral area where the famous copper mine in this province was discovered goes back to 1790, but it didn't lead to any significant or profitable work. An English company, led by General Narciso Lopez, conducted some explorations in the El Brujo and Cacarajicara region in the early 19th century, located in the mountains behind Bahia Honda. However, the defeat of Lopez’s revolutionary forces and his execution in 1851 ended those efforts.
Shortly after the Spanish American War, Col. John Jacob Astor, the American millionaire, became interested in the copper deposits of Pinar del Rio, which resulted in the establishment of several claims, none of which, however, were developed. Shortly after this a Mr. Argudin located claims known as Regelia and Jesus Sacramento, the former only two kilometers from that of the mine Matahambre. A small amount of preliminary work was done, but apparently proved unpromising.
Shortly after the Spanish-American War, Col. John Jacob Astor, the American millionaire, became interested in the copper deposits of Pinar del Rio, leading to the establishment of several claims, none of which were developed. Shortly after this, a Mr. Argudin located claims known as Regelia and Jesus Sacramento, the former just two kilometers from the Matahambre mine. Some preliminary work was done, but it seems it did not yield promising results.
In 1912 Alfredo Porta, a well-known citizen and politician of Pinar del Rio, interested Mr. Luciano Diaz, a former Secretary of the Treasury and a man of some means, in a claim which he had denounced some eight kilometers back from La Esperanza, on the north coast of the province. Messrs. Porta and Diaz secured the services of an experienced mining engineer, Mr. Morse, who visited the district, made a careful survey of the claim, and informed the owners that in his estimate Matahambre was worthy of the investment of any amount of capital, since the grade of the ore, and the amount exposed through Mr. Morse’s preliminary work, was sufficient to place it in the list of paying mineral properties.
In 1912, Alfredo Porta, a well-known figure and politician from Pinar del Río, got Mr. Luciano Diaz, a former Secretary of the Treasury with some wealth, interested in a claim he had reported about eight kilometers back from La Esperanza, on the north coast of the province. Porta and Diaz hired an experienced mining engineer, Mr. Morse, who visited the area, conducted a thorough survey of the claim, and told the owners that in his opinion, Matahambre was worth investing any amount of money in because the quality of the ore and the quantity revealed by Mr. Morse’s preliminary work were enough to classify it as a profitable mineral property.
Work began at Matahambre in the early part of 1913 under the technical direction of C. L. Constant, of New York. During the first year a number of galleries, only a little below the surface, were thrown out in different directions. Paying ore found in these galleries was very promising. The first two carloads of ore, shipped by rail from the City of Pinar del Rio to Havana, sold for a sufficient amount of money to pay for all of the preliminary work that had been done. In 1915, a shaft was sunk to a depth of 100 feet and afterwards carried down to the 400-foot level, where it about reached the level of the sea. Later this shaft was sent down 150 feet further. The ore taken out at the 400-foot level proved to be the highest grade of all found, although it is said that no ore was encountered at any depth that was not of sufficient value more than to pay for the cost of mining. In fact the percentage of gold and silver in many cases has paid for the expense of mining the copper. In 1918, six shafts, known as 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 and 10, were in operation, and all yielding excellent ore. There are some 15 different varieties of copper ore taken from Matahambre.
Work started at Matahambre in early 1913 under the technical guidance of C. L. Constant from New York. In the first year, several galleries, just below the surface, were created in different directions. The ore found in these galleries was very promising. The first two carloads of ore, shipped by rail from the City of Pinar del Rio to Havana, sold for enough money to cover all the preliminary work that had been completed. In 1915, a shaft was dug to a depth of 100 feet and later extended down to the 400-foot level, which was around the sea level. This shaft was eventually pushed down another 150 feet. The ore extracted from the 400-foot level turned out to be the highest grade found, although it’s reported that no ore was encountered at any depth that didn’t cover the mining costs. In fact, the amounts of gold and silver in many cases have offset the expenses of mining the copper. By 1918, six shafts, known as 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, and 10, were in operation, all producing excellent ore. There are about 15 different types of copper ore extracted from Matahambre.
The ore for some time was conveyed to the docks at Santa Lucia with mule teams and motor trucks. These were eventually replaced by wire cables and the ore was sent to the coast by gravity, greatly decreasing the cost of transportation. Splendid wharves and receiving sheds, dumps, etc., have been built at Santa Lucia, whence the ore is lightered out to deep water anchorage. Fully 300 tons a day are now being removed and conveyed to the landing. An average of 8,000 tons a month is shipped in steamers that can take aboard 800 tons a day. This mineral is consigned to the United States Metal Refining Company. In 1916, thirty-three steamers carried 75,000 tons of mineral to this Company.
The ore was transported to the docks at Santa Lucia using mule teams and trucks for a while. Eventually, these were replaced by wire cables, and the ore was sent to the coast by gravity, which significantly reduced transportation costs. Impressive wharves, receiving sheds, dumps, and more have been built at Santa Lucia, where the ore is loaded onto barges to be taken out to deep water. Currently, about 300 tons a day are being removed and transported to the landing. On average, 8,000 tons a month are shipped on steamers that can carry 800 tons a day. This mineral is sent to the United States Metal Refining Company. In 1916, thirty-three steamers delivered 75,000 tons of mineral to this company.
Quite a little city has sprung up around the mine, and 2,000 men are given employment by the Company. Comfortable quarters have been erected for the officials, employees and other members of the force. A large amount of ore was mined in 1918 and held for the completion of a new concentration plant, which will enable the Company to utilize ore which under war freight rates would not have been profitable to export. Following the demise of Sr. Luciano Diaz, his son Antonio Diaz assumed control and is carrying on the work of the proposed improvements.
A small city has developed around the mine, providing jobs for 2,000 people through the Company. Comfortable housing has been built for the officials, employees, and other staff members. A large quantity of ore was mined in 1918 and is being stored for the completion of a new concentration plant, which will allow the Company to make use of ore that wouldn't have been profitable to export under war freight rates. After the passing of Sr. Luciano Diaz, his son Antonio Diaz took over and is continuing with the planned improvements.
At the time of the closing of the Spanish régime in Cuba, fourteen mineral claims had been made in the Province of Pinar del Rio. Between 1909 and 1911, 212 were denounced, including 48 of the Company headed by Mr. Astor. From 1911 to 1918, 2970 claims were registered in the Bureau of Mines. A large proportion of the interest in copper mining in Pinar del Rio was undoubtedly the result of the wonderful wealth that has come from Matahambre, the ore from which mined in 1916 was valued at $5,500,000.
At the end of the Spanish rule in Cuba, there were fourteen mineral claims in the Province of Pinar del Río. Between 1909 and 1911, 212 claims were filed, including 48 by the company led by Mr. Astor. From 1911 to 1918, 2,970 claims were registered with the Bureau of Mines. A significant portion of the interest in copper mining in Pinar del Río was definitely due to the incredible wealth generated by Matahambre, where the ore mined in 1916 was valued at $5,500,000.
Not until the early part of the 19th century did the presence of those enormous deposits of iron ore found throughout the mountain districts of Oriente present themselves to the outside world as a profitable commercial proposition.
Not until the early 1800s did the massive deposits of iron ore located in the mountain regions of Oriente become recognized by the outside world as a profitable business opportunity.
Nearly all of the great iron deposits of Oriente lie within a few feet of the surface; and on the southern slopes of the Sierra Maestra it is necessary only to scrape the dirt from the side of the hills, take out the ore and send it down to the sea coast by gravity. Similar conditions exist at the Mayari mines on the north coast, just back of Nipe Bay, where the deposits need nothing but washing with cold water. The soil being thus removed at little cost, the iron is ready for shipment to the smelters of the United States.
Almost all of the major iron deposits in Oriente are just a few feet below the surface. On the southern slopes of the Sierra Maestra, all you have to do is scrape away the dirt from the hillsides, extract the ore, and let it slide down to the coast by gravity. You can find similar conditions at the Mayari mines on the north coast, right behind Nipe Bay, where the deposits only need to be washed with cold water. Since the soil can be removed at a low cost, the iron is ready to be shipped to the smelters in the United States.
In spite of the fact that this ore was found to be equal to the best Swedish, and that nature in her own laboratories had supplied the requisite amount of nickel and manganese, making these mines of Oriente perhaps the most valuable in the world, but little attention has been paid to this marvellously rich source of minerals, beyond those few who are drawing dividends from the industry. The recent purchase of the Spanish American Iron Company’s holdings at Daiquiri for $32,000,000, however, has called the attention of mining interests in the United States to the fact that millions of tons of untouched ore still lie in the eastern provinces of Cuba. Twenty-five percent of the area of Oriente contains wonderful deposits of ore, mostly iron, and awaits only the necessary capital to place it on the markets of the world.
Despite the fact that this ore has been found to be on par with the best from Sweden, and that nature itself has provided the required amounts of nickel and manganese, making the Oriente mines potentially the most valuable in the world, little attention has been paid to this incredibly rich mineral source, aside from a few who are profiting from the industry. However, the recent purchase of the Spanish American Iron Company’s holdings in Daiquiri for $32,000,000 has brought mining interests in the United States to the realization that millions of tons of untouched ore still remain in the eastern provinces of Cuba. Twenty-five percent of the Oriente area is rich in iron ore deposits and only needs the necessary investment to bring it to global markets.
This nickeliferous iron ore, in which the presence of nickel, so essential to the making of steel, has been contributed by nature in just the right proportions, is found in large quantities also in the provinces of Camaguey and Pinar del Rio. The extent of these mineral deposits is not yet known, but millions of tons are in sight, awaiting only cheap transportation to bring them into the markets of the world, where the grade and quality of the ore will undoubtedly command satisfactory prices.
This nickel-rich iron ore, which contains just the right amount of nickel that's crucial for making steel, is also found in large quantities in the provinces of Camaguey and Pinar del Rio. The full extent of these mineral deposits isn't known yet, but millions of tons can be seen, just waiting for affordable transportation to get them into global markets, where the quality and grade of the ore will surely secure good prices.
Up to the present time nearly all of the iron ore exported from Cuba comes from the large deposits of Oriente. The iron on the south coast is loaded into the steamers from the wharves at Daiquiri and Juraguay. That on the north coast, brought down from the Mayari mines, is shipped from the harbor of Nuevitas.
Up to now, almost all the iron ore exported from Cuba comes from the large deposits in Oriente. The iron from the south coast is loaded onto steamers at the docks in Daiquiri and Juraguay. The iron from the north coast, which is brought down from the Mayari mines, is shipped out from the port of Nuevitas.
Below are given the tons of copper and iron shipped from Cuba during the year from July, 1917, to June, 1918:
Below are the tons of copper and iron shipped from Cuba during the year from July 1917 to June 1918:
IRON tons |
COPPER tons | |
July to December, 1917 | 272,403 | 41,809 |
January to June, 1918 | 218,301 | 52,569 |
Total | 490,704 | 94,378 |
On the south side of the Sierra de Cubitas, in the Province of Camaguey, a distinctly marked zone of this excellent iron ore runs parallel to the main chain of the Cubitas for many miles. Grass covered hills, rising more or less abruptly from the surface, seem to be composed of solid masses of iron ore. So great is the value of this mineral zone that the North Shore Road of Cuba, now under construction and practically completed from its eastern deep water terminus on Nuevitas Harbor to the Maximo River just east of the Sierra de Cubitas, was primarily intended as a means of exploiting and conveying the ore from this zone to the sea coast.
On the south side of the Sierra de Cubitas, in the Province of Camaguey, there’s a well-defined area of high-quality iron ore that runs parallel to the main chain of the Cubitas for many miles. Grass-covered hills that rise somewhat steeply from the ground appear to be made up of solid iron ore. The value of this mineral zone is so significant that the North Shore Road of Cuba, which is currently being built and almost finished from its eastern deep water point at Nuevitas Harbor to the Maximo River just east of the Sierra de Cubitas, was mainly designed to extract and transport the ore from this zone to the coastline.
In the western portion of the Organ Mountains of Pinar del Rio, other deposits of nickeliferous iron have been denounced and registered, although the cost of building a railroad to deep water on the north coast up to the present prevented the development of the mines, located about 20 miles southeast of Arroyo de Mantua.
In the western part of the Organ Mountains in Pinar del Rio, additional deposits of nickel-rich iron have been reported and recorded, but the expense of constructing a railroad to the deep water on the north coast has so far stopped the development of the mines, which are situated about 20 miles southeast of Arroyo de Mantua.
With the enormous amount of constructive work that will undoubtedly follow the great European War, in which iron and steel will play such an important part, there is every reason to believe that capital will be forthcoming with which to build the necessary roads and to develop the nickel bearing iron ores of Cuba.
With the huge amount of construction work that will definitely follow the great European War, where iron and steel will play a major role, there’s every reason to believe that funding will be available to build the necessary roads and develop the nickel-bearing iron ores of Cuba.
Structural steel, today and in the future, will probably play a greater part in the world’s progress and development than any other one of the products of nature. The demand for steel, of course, was greatly accentuated by the European conflict, without which modern warfare would be practically impossible. The splendid steel turned out in our mills of today would be impossible of manufacture without the addition of a certain percentage of either manganese or chrome. The alloys of these two metals with iron gives steel its elasticity, hardness and real value.
Structural steel, now and in the future, will likely play a bigger role in the world’s progress and development than any other natural resource. The demand for steel was definitely increased by the European conflict, without which modern warfare would be nearly impossible. The excellent steel produced in our mills today couldn’t be made without adding a certain percentage of either manganese or chrome. The combination of these two metals with iron gives steel its elasticity, hardness, and true value.
Manganese ores are found in California, Colorado, Arkansas, Georgia, Michigan, New Jersey and Virginia, but nowhere within the limits of the United States have the United States have the deposits of manganese proved to be sufficiently extensive to supply the domestic requirements of the country, even in normal times. The total output of manganese in the United States in 1901 was less than 12,000 tons. Southern Russia contains very large deposits of the metal, but up to 1919, 70% to 80% of the manganese consumed in the United States had been brought from the interior of Southern Brazil.
Manganese ores are found in California, Colorado, Arkansas, Georgia, Michigan, New Jersey, and Virginia, but there haven't been enough manganese deposits in the United States to meet the country's domestic needs, even in normal times. In 1901, the total manganese output in the United States was less than 12,000 tons. Southern Russia has very large deposits of the metal, but until 1919, 70% to 80% of the manganese used in the United States had been imported from the interior of Southern Brazil.
The immediate and imperative demand for both manganese and chrome, impelled the Government at Washington to seek other sources, closer by, in order to save the time consumed in securing shipments from Brazil.
The urgent need for both manganese and chrome pushed the government in Washington to look for other, closer sources to save time on shipments from Brazil.
Small amounts of manganese had been secured from Cuba during the ten years previous to the War, but the extent of these deposits remained unknown until, in the spring of 1918, the United States Geological Survey and Bureau of Mines sent two expert engineers, Messrs. Albert Burch, consulting engineer of the Bureau of Mines, and Ernest F. Burchard, geologist of the United States Geological Survey, to Cuba in order to ascertain the quality and quantity of manganese and chrome that might be furnished by that Republic.
Small amounts of manganese had been obtained from Cuba during the ten years leading up to the War, but the size of these deposits was unclear until the spring of 1918. At that time, the United States Geological Survey and Bureau of Mines dispatched two expert engineers, Albert Burch, a consulting engineer from the Bureau of Mines, and Ernest F. Burchard, a geologist from the United States Geological Survey, to Cuba to determine the quality and quantity of manganese and chrome that could be supplied by that Republic.
The party reached Havana in the latter part of February, and were there joined by Sr. E. I. Montoulieu, a Cuban mining engineer, detailed by the Treasury Department to act as an escort and associate throughout research work in the Island. During the two months of their stay these gentlemen made a rapid survey of the more important chrome and manganese zones, the report of which was made to the United States Government in September of 1918.
The group arrived in Havana in late February, where they were joined by Sr. E. I. Montoulieu, a Cuban mining engineer assigned by the Treasury Department to serve as an escort and collaborator throughout their research in the Island. During their two months there, these individuals conducted a swift survey of the key chrome and manganese areas, and their findings were reported to the United States Government in September 1918.
The chrome deposits, which up to the time of the visit of these engineers had attracted attention in Cuba, are all located within distances varying from ten to twenty-five miles from the north coast of the Island. Some twelve groups were examined which displayed considerable diversity in quality, size and accessibility.
The chrome deposits that had drawn attention in Cuba before the engineers' visit are all situated between ten to twenty-five miles from the north coast of the Island. About twelve groups were examined, showing significant differences in quality, size, and accessibility.
Manganese claims have been registered near Mantua and Vinales, in the Province of Pinar del Rio, but time did not permit an extended study of those deposits. Valuable manganese deposits of known value are found also in the districts of Cienfuegos and Trinidad in the Province of Santa Clara. By far the largest deposits of this ore, and the only ones that are being extensively worked, are located in the Province of Oriente.
Manganese claims have been registered near Mantua and Vinales, in the Province of Pinar del Rio, but there wasn't enough time for a detailed study of those deposits. Valuable manganese deposits with known value are also found in the districts of Cienfuegos and Trinidad in the Province of Santa Clara. The largest deposits of this ore, and the only ones that are being actively mined, are located in the Province of Oriente.
The most westerly deposit of chrome visited was found in the eastern part of Havana province, and two others were located, one near Coliser, in the Province of Matanzas, another near Canasi, and a third near the automobile drive about half way between the City of Matanzas and Cardenas. In the province of Camaguey, only a few miles north of the city, valuable deposits of chrome were found quite accessible to the railroad for shipment. Other chrome deposits were found in Oriente; one near Holguin, another south of Nipe Bay, and three groups in the mountains not far from the coast between Punta Corda and Baracoa.
The farthest west chrome deposit examined was in the eastern part of Havana province, with two others found—one near Coliser in Matanzas Province and another near Canasi. A third deposit was located along the highway about halfway between the City of Matanzas and Cardenas. In Camaguey province, just a few miles north of the city, valuable chrome deposits were discovered that were easily accessible for shipping by railroad. Additional chrome deposits were identified in Oriente: one near Holguin, another south of Nipe Bay, and three groups in the mountains not far from the coast between Punta Corda and Baracoa.
All of the chrome deposits examined by these engineers were found in serpentinized basic rocks. The ore lies in lenticular and tabular masses, ranging in thickness from one to more than fifty feet. The ore is generally fine grained to medium coarse, and runs from spotted material, consisting of black grains of chromite ranging in diameter from 1/30 to ¼ of an inch, embedded in light green serpentine, to a solid black material containing little or no visible serpentine.
All the chrome deposits examined by these engineers were found in serpentinized basic rocks. The ore is located in lens-shaped and flat masses, varying in thickness from one to over fifty feet. The ore typically ranges from fine-grained to medium coarse and consists of spotted material, with black grains of chromite that range in diameter from 1/30 to ¼ of an inch, embedded in light green serpentine, to a solid black material with little or no visible serpentine.
Most of the masses of ore are highly inclined and certain of them are exposed in ravines, on steep hillsides and in mountainous or hilly regions. The deposits west of Nipe Bay are in areas of moderate relief, and those near Camaguey are in an area of very low relief. The deposits in the eastern part of Oriente, which are the largest visited, are in a mountainous country and very difficult of access.
Most of the ore deposits are steeply inclined, with some exposed in ravines, on steep hillsides, and in mountainous or hilly areas. The deposits west of Nipe Bay are in regions with moderate elevation, while those near Camaguey are in a very flat area. The largest deposits visited, located in the eastern part of Oriente, are in a mountainous area and are very hard to reach.
In Matanzas Province small deposits of chrome were visited on the “Jack” claim, seven miles northwest of the railroad station on Mocha, and on the Anna Maria claim ten miles west of Cardenas. The latter is only two miles from the railroad but no ore had been shipped from it. Considerable development work has been done on the “Jack” claim and about 450 tons of ore were on hand in February of 1918.
In Matanzas Province, small deposits of chrome were visited on the “Jack” claim, seven miles northwest of the Mocha railroad station, and on the Anna Maria claim ten miles west of Cardenas. The latter is only two miles from the railroad, but no ore has been shipped from it. Significant development work has been done on the “Jack” claim, and about 450 tons of ore were available in February of 1918.
Another promising claim was located in a group of several serpentine hills that rise from the comparatively level surface about a mile north of kilometer 36, on the automobile drive between Cardenas and Matanzas. The outcropping chrome and loose lumps of float, found on the surface, were of high grade, exceeding probably 50%.
Another promising claim was found in a group of serpentine hills that rise from the mostly flat ground about a mile north of kilometer 36, on the drive between Cardenas and Matanzas. The exposed chrome and loose pieces found on the surface were of high quality, likely exceeding 50%.
Since the visit of the American engineers another very promising chromite claim has been located some four kilometers from the railroad, near Coliseo, in the Province of Matanzas. The owners of this claim announce an unlimited quantity of good grade ore, and were shipping in the winter of 1918 and 1919 two carloads of ore per day to the United States by rail, using the Havana and Key West Ferry. Messrs. Burch and Burchard state in their report that the geological conditions in the areas referred to above warrant further exploration.
Since the visit of the American engineers, another very promising chromite claim has been found about four kilometers from the railroad, near Coliseo in Matanzas Province. The owners of this claim report an unlimited supply of high-quality ore and were shipping two carloads of ore per day to the United States by rail during the winter of 1918 and 1919, using the Havana and Key West Ferry. Messrs. Burch and Burchard mention in their report that the geological conditions in the areas mentioned above justify further exploration.
The deposits of chrome examined in Camaguey consist of three groups, which lie along a narrow zone, beginning nine miles north of the City of Camaguey and extending southeast to a point only two miles from Alta Gracia, on the Nuevitas Railroad. A level plain, covered with a thin mantle of clay and limonite gravel, extends from the City of Camaguey northward until its junction with the hills of the Sierra de Cubitas, rendering the country easily accessible by wagon road. Float ore is found in this zone, and broken ore caps some ten or twelve small hills that rise from five to fifty feet above the surrounding surface. In this zone there are also fifteen or more other outcroppings of chromite, most of them obscured by broken ore and rock debris. Prospecting has been done here to obtain samples of ore for analysis, but it has not shown either the nature or the extent of the deposits. On the surface, however, there is a considerable quantity of ore in the form of broken rocks or coarse float, probably 20,000 tons.
The chrome deposits in Camaguey are divided into three groups, which are located along a narrow strip starting nine miles north of the City of Camaguey and stretching southeast to just two miles from Alta Gracia on the Nuevitas Railroad. A flat plain, covered with a thin layer of clay and limonite gravel, runs north from the City of Camaguey until it meets the Sierra de Cubitas hills, making the area easily accessible by wagon road. Float ore can be found in this zone, and broken ore caps about ten to twelve small hills that rise between five and fifty feet above the surrounding land. There are also fifteen or more other chromite outcroppings in this area, most of which are hidden by broken ore and rock debris. Prospecting has taken place here to collect ore samples for analysis, but it hasn't revealed the nature or size of the deposits. However, there is a significant amount of ore at the surface in the form of broken rocks or coarse float, likely around 20,000 tons.
Ten samples of ore from the deposits near Camaguey contain from 27% to 36% of chromic oxide. Only two produced less than 30% while a few ran above 35%. This is a low grade ore but is suitable for certain purposes. If it should require concentration, sufficient water is available in small streams within a mile of the deposit.
Ten samples of ore from the deposits near Camaguey contain between 27% and 36% chromic oxide. Only two had less than 30%, while a few exceeded 35%. This is low-grade ore, but it's suitable for certain uses. If concentration is needed, there’s enough water in small streams within a mile of the deposit.
Twenty miles north of Camaguey, near the eastern end of the Cubitas iron ore beds, are several other deposits of chrome that were examined by A. C. Spencer of the United States Geological Survey in 1907. All of these denoted noteworthy quantities of chrome float, apparently of high grade, and the occurrence of tabular bodies of chrome from one to five feet in width. On one claim boulders of chrome ore are distributed over a belt of some 1700 feet, and on another, fragments of ore are found in an area 150 by 250 feet. On still another claim, five deposits lie within an area measuring 1200 by 3000 feet. One of these seems to be continuous for something over 900 feet.
Twenty miles north of Camaguey, near the eastern end of the Cubitas iron ore beds, there are several other chrome deposits that were examined by A. C. Spencer from the United States Geological Survey in 1907. All of these showed significant amounts of chrome float, seemingly of high quality, and there were tabular bodies of chrome ranging from one to five feet wide. On one claim, boulders of chrome ore are spread out over a stretch of about 1700 feet, and on another, fragments of ore are found in an area measuring 150 by 250 feet. On yet another claim, five deposits are located within an area of 1200 by 3000 feet. One of these appears to be continuous for more than 900 feet.
Both chrome and manganese are scattered throughout various sections of Oriente and the largest deposits of these minerals as well as those of iron are located in this Province. Small deposits of chrome are located some seven miles northeast of Holguin, on the slopes of a low ridge of serpentine that lies between two higher ridges of steeply inclined limestone, about a half mile distant from each other. One pocket had yielded about 150 tons of ore, which with 25 tons of float was ready for shipment in March, 1918. Analysis of samples showed an average of 34% of chromic oxide. The maximum content of chromium in pure chromite is 46.66% and the content of chromic oxide is 68%. Late in July of that year the company’s consulting engineer reported that a large body of 40% ore had been developed, and that in all about 500 tons were ready for shipment.
Both chrome and manganese are found in various parts of Oriente, with the largest deposits of these minerals, as well as iron, located in this province. Small deposits of chrome can be found about seven miles northeast of Holguin, on the slopes of a low ridge of serpentine situated between two higher ridges of steep limestone, which are about half a mile apart. One pocket produced around 150 tons of ore, along with 25 tons of float, that were ready for shipment in March 1918. Analysis of samples indicated an average of 34% chromic oxide. The maximum content of chromium in pure chromite is 46.66%, and the content of chromic oxide is 68%. In late July of that year, the company’s consulting engineer reported that a significant deposit of 40% ore had been developed, and in total, about 500 tons were ready for shipment.
One of the larger deposits of chrome that gives promise of a considerable output is located on the south slope of the Sierra de Nipe, about seven miles southeast of Woodfred, the headquarters of the Spanish American Iron Company’s Mayari mines. The upper part of the ore body crops out of a steep hillside about 300 feet above a mountain stream, flowing into a small tributary of the Mayari River, and seems to be from ten to thirty feet in thickness. Where it does not crop out, it lies from 30 to 50 feet below the surface. The ore varies in quality, the better grade carrying as high as 48% of chromic oxide, with 7% to 15% of silica, and 7% to 10% of iron. The deposit was estimated to contain about 50,000 tons of chrome ore, 25,000 tons of which would carry more than 40% of chromic oxide and the remaining 25,000 tons between 34% and 40%.
One of the larger chrome deposits that shows potential for significant output is located on the south slope of the Sierra de Nipe, about seven miles southeast of Woodfred, the headquarters of the Spanish American Iron Company’s Mayari mines. The upper part of the ore body is exposed on a steep hillside about 300 feet above a mountain stream that flows into a small tributary of the Mayari River and appears to be between ten and thirty feet thick. Where it isn’t exposed, it lies 30 to 50 feet below the surface. The ore varies in quality, with the better grade containing as much as 48% chromic oxide, 7% to 15% silica, and 7% to 10% iron. The deposit was estimated to contain about 50,000 tons of chrome ore, with 25,000 tons carrying more than 40% chromic oxide and the remaining 25,000 tons between 34% and 40%.
The Cayojuan group of chrome ore claims are located on both sides of a small river emptying into Moa Bay, and lie at an altitude of about 750 feet above the sea level. An outcrop that extends around the hill for about 300 feet, and covers some 6,400 square feet, has been prospected. Samples on analysis gave an average of 38.1% chromic oxide.
The Cayojuan group of chrome ore claims is situated on both banks of a small river flowing into Moa Bay, at an elevation of approximately 750 feet above sea level. An outcrop that stretches around the hill for about 300 feet and covers around 6,400 square feet has been explored. Analysis of samples revealed an average of 38.1% chromic oxide.
The Narciso claim, which nearly surrounds the above group, includes an ore body that crops out on a steep hillside, about 500 feet above the river. A sample of ore from this outcrop showed an analysis of 34.8% of chromic oxide.
The Narciso claim, which almost encircles the group mentioned above, contains an ore body that appears on a steep hill, about 500 feet above the river. A sample of ore from this outcrop was analyzed and showed a composition of 34.8% chromic oxide.
The Cromita claims, one the left side of the river, contain three known ore bodies, and hundreds of tons of boulder float ore, in an arroyo or gulch. The ore bodies are exposed on the side of a bluff at a height of 150 to 300 feet above the river. The most northerly ore body shows a face 20 feet wide and 15 feet high. The middle body includes an outcrop 75 feet long and 50 feet high and has been penetrated by cutting a tunnel. Geological conditions would indicate that these bodies are connected within the hill. Samples of these ores on analysis varied from 26% to 40.5% of chromic oxide.
The Cromita claims, located on the left side of the river, have three known ore bodies and hundreds of tons of boulder float ore found in a small canyon or gulch. The ore bodies are visible on the side of a cliff at a height ranging from 150 to 300 feet above the river. The northernmost ore body has a surface that is 20 feet wide and 15 feet high. The middle body features an outcrop that is 75 feet long and 50 feet high, which has been accessed by digging a tunnel. Geological conditions suggest that these bodies are connected within the hill. Analysis of ore samples showed values ranging from 26% to 40.5% of chromic oxide.
The deposits of the Cayojuan group contain probably about 22,500 tons of available chrome ore, but may run as high as 60,000 tons. These estimates include 2,000 tons of float ore in the Cayojuan River and the tributary arroyo. The group of deposits is about eight miles by mule trail from an old wharf at Punta Gorda, to which a road will have to be built along the valley of the Cayojuan, a narrow gorge bordered in many places by steep cliffs. A light tramway for mule cars, or a narrow gauge steam railway, will probably be the most economical way of removing the ore.
The deposits of the Cayojuan group probably contain around 22,500 tons of available chrome ore, but this could go up to 60,000 tons. These estimates include 2,000 tons of float ore in the Cayojuan River and its tributary arroyo. The group of deposits is about eight miles along a mule trail from an old wharf at Punta Gorda, where a road will need to be built along the Cayojuan Valley, a narrow gorge with steep cliffs in many places. A light tramway for mule cars or a narrow gauge steam railway will likely be the most cost-effective way to transport the ore.
The Potosi chrome claim is located on Saltadero Creek four miles above its mouth. This is a tributary of the Yamaniguey River. The ore body is a steeply dipping lens that reaches a depth of more than 100 feet and at one place has a thickness of 250 feet with a length along the strike, of 45 feet. The upper edge crops out about 325 feet above the creek bed, and about 600 feet above sea level. The ore is medium to coarse grained. Some of the material in the drifts is spotted but most of the outcropping and float ore is black and of good appearance. According to the analysis that accompanied the report of G. W. Maynard, the representative ore contains 35% to 41% chromic oxide. This deposit contains from 10,000 to 20,000 tons and the work of getting the ore to the coast involves rather a difficult problem in transportation.
The Potosi chrome claim is found on Saltadero Creek, four miles upstream from its mouth. This creek is a tributary of the Yamaniguey River. The ore body is a steeply dipping lens that goes deeper than 100 feet and at one point has a thickness of 250 feet, extending 45 feet along the strike. The upper edge is revealed about 325 feet above the creek bed and around 600 feet above sea level. The ore is medium to coarse-grained. Some of the material in the drifts has spots, but most of the outcropping and float ore is black and looks good. According to the analysis that came with G. W. Maynard's report, the representative ore contains 35% to 41% chromic oxide. This deposit holds between 10,000 and 20,000 tons, and transporting the ore to the coast presents quite a challenging issue.
A small body of chrome ore occurs on the Constancia claim, three-quarters of a mile south of Navas Bay, and about 100 feet above the sea level. The ore body appears to extend about 50 feet along the face of a gently sloping hill. It is not of a uniform quality, being largely a spotted ore; that is chromite mixed with serpentine ganue. About six feet of better ore, however, is exposed in a cut some 25 feet in length. This contains 39.4% chromic oxide. Water for concentration is available near by in the Navas River, and a road could easily be built to the bay, but this is not deep enough for steamers, so it would have to be lightered four miles north to Taco Bay, or ten miles southeast to Baracoa. Another body containing about 10,000 tons of chrome ore of low-grade lies in the mountain eight miles south of Navas Bay.
A small deposit of chrome ore is found on the Constancia claim, three-quarters of a mile south of Navas Bay, and about 100 feet above sea level. The ore deposit seems to stretch about 50 feet along the face of a gently sloping hill. It's not of consistent quality, being largely a spotted ore; that is, chromite mixed with serpentine ganue. However, about six feet of better-quality ore is exposed in a cut roughly 25 feet long. This contains 39.4% chromic oxide. Water for concentration is available nearby in the Navas River, and a road could easily be built to the bay, but it's not deep enough for steamers, so it would need to be lightered four miles north to Taco Bay, or ten miles southeast to Baracoa. Another deposit containing about 10,000 tons of low-grade chrome ore is located in the mountains eight miles south of Navas Bay.
The reserves of marketable chrome ore that have been prospected in Cuba up to the summer of 1918, range from 92,500 long tons to 170,000. The largest known deposits of chrome ore, or at least the largest of those visited by the engineers Burch and Burchard in the spring of 1918, are those of the Caledonia, and the Cayojuan and the Potosi claims, near the northeast coast of Oriente Province, in a region of rather difficult access. According to indications, they will probably yield 130,000 tons of ore, most of which can be brought to the present commercial grade by simple concentration.
The estimated amounts of marketable chrome ore discovered in Cuba up to the summer of 1918 range from 92,500 long tons to 170,000 long tons. The largest known deposits of chrome ore, or at least the largest ones visited by engineers Burch and Burchard in the spring of 1918, are located at the Caledonia, as well as the Cayojuan and Potosi claims, near the northeastern coast of Oriente Province, in a rather challenging area to access. Based on current indications, they are expected to produce around 130,000 tons of ore, most of which can be upgraded to the current commercial grade through simple concentration processes.
The next largest group of chrome ore deposits is near Camaguey. They are very easy of access, but are of a lower grade than those of Oriente. They appear to contain a maximum of about 40,000 tons of ore that can be gathered by hand from the surface.
The next largest group of chrome ore deposits is near Camaguey. They are very easy to access, but the quality is lower than that of Oriente. They seem to hold a maximum of about 40,000 tons of ore that can be collected by hand from the surface.
Near Holguin, Cardenas and Matanzas, are small stocks of ore ready for shipment, perhaps 1,000 tons. The most productive chrome mine operating in the fall of 1918 seemed to be that of the “Britannia Company,” located about twelve miles southwest of Cardenas and about 80 miles from Havana. Two carloads a day were being shipped by rail from Coliseo to Havana, and thence by ferry to Key West and northern smelters.
Near Holguin, Cardenas, and Matanzas, there are small piles of ore ready for shipping, possibly around 1,000 tons. The most productive chrome mine operating in the fall of 1918 appeared to be the “Britannia Company,” located about twelve miles southwest of Cardenas and about 80 miles from Havana. Two carloads a day were being shipped by rail from Coliseo to Havana, and then by ferry to Key West and northern smelters.
The manganese ores of Cuba occur principally in sedimentary rocks such as limestone, sandstone and shale, that in places have become metamorphosed, but in the most heavily mineralized zones are associated with masses of silicious rocks, locally temed “jasper” and “byate.” In one locality the manganese and its silicious associates were found in igneous rocks, such as Latite-porphyry and Latite. The sedimentary rocks with which manganese deposits are usually associated are in some places nearly horizontal, but generally show dips ranging from a few degrees to forty-five or more. The inclined beds usually represent portions of local folds. Some faulting is shown in the vicinity of various manganese deposits and may have influenced the localization of the deposits.
The manganese ores in Cuba mainly occur in sedimentary rocks like limestone, sandstone, and shale, which have partially transformed in some areas. However, in the most mineral-rich zones, they are found alongside masses of siliceous rocks, locally called “jasper” and “byate.” In one location, manganese and its siliceous associates were discovered in igneous rocks, such as Latite-porphyry and Latite. The sedimentary rocks typically associated with manganese deposits are nearly horizontal in some areas but generally have dips ranging from a few degrees to forty-five or more. The tilted layers often represent parts of local folds. Some faulting is evident near various manganese deposits and may have influenced the formation of the deposits.
Manganese ore is found in Oriente, Santa Clara and Pinar del Rio provinces, but only in Oriente has it been found in large commercial quantities. In Oriente the deposits are in three areas, one north and northeast of Santiago de Cuba, another south of Bayamo and Baire, and the third on the Caribbean coast between Torquino Peak and Portillo. The first two include the most extensive deposits on the Island. In Santa Clara ore has been found near the Caribbean coast west of Trinidad, and in Pinar del Rio Province manganese ore occurs north of the city of Pinar del Rio and farther west near Mendoza.
Manganese ore is located in the provinces of Oriente, Santa Clara, and Pinar del Río, but large commercial quantities have only been found in Oriente. In Oriente, the deposits are in three areas: one to the north and northeast of Santiago de Cuba, another to the south of Bayamo and Baire, and the third along the Caribbean coast between Torquino Peak and Portillo. The first two areas contain the most extensive deposits on the island. In Santa Clara, ore has been discovered near the Caribbean coast west of Trinidad, and in Pinar del Río Province, manganese ore can be found north of the city of Pinar del Río and further west near Mendoza.
The deposits of the northeast coast and those south of Bayamo, distant from each other approximately 100 miles, show nevertheless an interesting concordance in altitude. They stand from 500 to 1200 feet above sea level and nearly all of them are at altitude near 600 and 700 feet, suggesting a relation between the deposition of the manganese and a certain stage in the physiographic development of the region. Most of the manganese ore deposits are above drainage level, on the slopes of hills of moderate height, the maximum relief in the immediate vicinity of the deposits seldom exceeding 500 feet.
The deposits along the northeast coast and those south of Bayamo, which are about 100 miles apart, still show an interesting similarity in altitude. They range from 500 to 1200 feet above sea level, with most of them lying close to 600 and 700 feet. This suggests a connection between the deposition of manganese and a specific stage in the area's physical development. Most of the manganese ore deposits are located above the drainage level, on the slopes of moderately high hills, with the maximum elevation near the deposits usually not exceeding 500 feet.
The deposits of manganese ore examined in Cuba are rather diverse, but may be grouped into three general physical types—buried deposits, irregular masses associated with silicious rock or “jaspar,” and deposits in residual clay. The buried deposits comprise several varieties, one of the most common being of poorly consolidated beds of sandy chloritic material, cemented, with manganese oxides, that fill inequalities in the surface of hard rocks. Other bedded deposits clearly replace limestone, shale conglomerate or other rocks, and tabular masses of ore are interbedded with strata of nearly horizontal limestone. The ore consists largely of Pyrolusite, but many deposits contain Psilomelane, Manganite and Wad, or mixtures of all these materials. The richness of the deposits varies considerably. Most of the richest masses are associated with the “jaspar,” but masses that have replaced limestone are also very rich.
The manganese ore deposits found in Cuba are quite varied, but they can be categorized into three main physical types—buried deposits, irregular masses related to siliceous rock or "jasper," and deposits in residual clay. The buried deposits include several varieties, with one of the most common being poorly consolidated beds of sandy chloritic material, which are cemented with manganese oxides and fill in surface irregularities of hard rocks. Other layered deposits clearly replace limestone, shale conglomerate, or other rocks, and flat masses of ore are interbedded with layers of nearly horizontal limestone. The ore mainly consists of Pyrolusite, but many deposits also contain Psilomelane, Manganite, and Wad, or combinations of all these materials. The richness of the deposits varies widely. Most of the richest masses are associated with "jasper," but masses that have replaced limestone are also very rich.
The deposits of manganese examined in the Santiago district comprise the Ponupo Group, the Ysobelita, Botsford, Boston, Pilar, Dolores, Laura, San Andrea, Cauto or Abundancia, Llave and Gloria Mines, together with the Caridad and Valle prospects. All of these properties except the two prospects are producing ore. The Ponupo, Ysobelita and Boston mines were opened many years ago and have produced a large quantity of ore. The Ponupo and Ysobelita are still relatively large producers, though the grade of ore is not so high as that shipped in the earlier days. The Ponupo mine is connected with the Cuba Railroad at La Maya by a branch two miles long, and a narrow gauge track from Cristo, on the Cuba Railroad, runs to the Ysobelita mine three miles distant. Extensions of this line to the Boston and Pilar mines can be made with little additional outlay. The Dolores and Laura mines are near the Guantanamo & Western Railroad, not far from Sabanilla station, and the Cauto mine is adjacent to the Cuba Railroad at Manganeso Station. The other mines are from one to eight miles from the railroad, to which the ore is hauled mainly by oxcarts. In the rainy season these roads are impassable, and even in the dry season they include many difficult places, so that the quantity of the output is much less than could be mined under different circumstances.
The manganese deposits in the Santiago district include the Ponupo Group, along with the Ysobelita, Botsford, Boston, Pilar, Dolores, Laura, San Andrea, Cauto (or Abundancia), Llave, and Gloria Mines, as well as the Caridad and Valle prospects. All of these properties, except for the two prospects, are producing ore. The Ponupo, Ysobelita, and Boston mines were opened many years ago and have produced a substantial amount of ore. The Ponupo and Ysobelita are still fairly large producers, although the ore grade is not as high as what was shipped in earlier times. The Ponupo mine is connected to the Cuba Railroad at La Maya by a two-mile long branch, and a narrow gauge track from Cristo, on the Cuba Railroad, runs three miles to the Ysobelita mine. Extensions of this line to the Boston and Pilar mines can be made with little additional cost. The Dolores and Laura mines are close to the Guantanamo & Western Railroad, not far from Sabanilla station, and the Cauto mine is next to the Cuba Railroad at Manganeso Station. The other mines are located one to eight miles from the railroad, and the ore is mostly transported by oxcarts. During the rainy season, these roads become impassable, and even in the dry season, there are many challenging spots, so the output is much lower than what could be extracted under better conditions.
High grade ore may be selected in mining the richer parts of these deposits, but most of it requires mechanical treatment, such as long washing and jigging to free it from clay, sand and other impurities. At one mine the ore is cleaned by raking over a horizontal screen in a stream of water. Log washers are in operation at some mines and under construction at others. At one time a system of washing, screening and jigging is employed. They daily production of manganese ore in March, 1918, from this district, was about 300 tons.
High-quality ore can be picked out when mining the richer sections of these deposits, but most of it needs mechanical processing, like extended washing and jigging to remove clay, sand, and other impurities. At one mine, the ore is cleaned by raking it over a horizontal screen in a flow of water. Log washers are used at some mines and are being built at others. A system of washing, screening, and jigging is utilized at certain times. The daily production of manganese ore in March 1918 from this district was about 300 tons.
The approximate average composition of the ore now shipped is as follows:
The average composition of the ore being shipped now is roughly:
Manganese | 38.885% |
Silica | 12.135% |
Phosphorus | .084% |
Moisture | 11.201% |
The greater part of the manganese ore from this district contains from 36% to 45% manganese, a few thousand tons running over 45%.
The majority of the manganese ore from this area has between 36% and 45% manganese, with a few thousand tons exceeding 45%.
The manganese deposits examined by Messrs. Burch and Burchard south of Bayamo consist of the Manuel, Costa group, 18 to 23 miles by wagon road southwest of Bayamo; the Francisco and Cadiz groups, 15 and 20 miles southeast of the same city; and Guinea, Llego and Charco Redondo, seven to eight miles southeast of Santa Rite; and the Adriano and San Antonio mines, 9 to 10 miles south of Bayari. Other deposits, further to the southeast, are in what is known as the Los Negros district. But little mining has been done so far in this district. Deposits of milling ore are available and will undoubtedly be developed later if prices remain favorable.
The manganese deposits studied by Messrs. Burch and Burchard south of Bayamo include the Manuel and Costa groups, located 18 to 23 miles by wagon road southwest of Bayamo; the Francisco and Cadiz groups, found 15 and 20 miles southeast of the same city; and Guinea, Llego, and Charco Redondo, which are seven to eight miles southeast of Santa Rite; along with the Adriano and San Antonio mines, situated 9 to 10 miles south of Bayamo. There are also other deposits further southeast in the area known as the Los Negros district, although not much mining has taken place there so far. Deposits of milling ore are available and will likely be developed later if prices stay favorable.
It was estimated in April, 1918, that the output of manganese from this district, during 1918, would not exceed 12,000 tons, half of which would be high-grade ore carrying from 45% to 55% of manganese. Later developments, however, indicated a much larger output.
It was estimated in April 1918 that the manganese production from this district in 1918 would not exceed 12,000 tons, half of which would be high-grade ore containing between 45% and 55% manganese. However, later developments indicated a much larger output.
The reserve of manganese ore in this section was estimated at about 50,000 tons, but this does not include the Los Negros district which lies further southeast, 25 to 35 miles from the railroad. Engineers who have examined this zone believe that with good transportation facilities it will yield a large output of high-grade ore from many small deposits.
The manganese ore reserve in this area is estimated to be around 50,000 tons, but this doesn’t include the Los Negros district, which is located 25 to 35 miles southeast of the railroad. Engineers who have assessed this region think that with proper transportation, it could produce a significant amount of high-quality ore from various small deposits.
Aside from difficult transportation facilities in some districts, one of the chief obstacles in the way of a large yield of ore from the mines has resulted from an inability to hold a sufficient number of miners at certain mines, owing to an inadequate supply of foodstuffs. Many workmen preferred to work in the sugar mills where good food was more readily obtained and living conditions were easier. Lack of explosives also handicapped mining in some districts. The building of narrow gauge railroads in which the Cuban Federal Government will probably assist will greatly contribute to the successful or profitable mining of manganese in the Province of Oriente. The fact that most of the ore is removed during the dry season, when the Cuba Company’s roads are taxed to the limit in conveying sugar cane to the mills, also renders transportation by rail rather uncertain.
Aside from poor transportation options in some areas, one of the main challenges to producing a large amount of ore from the mines has been the inability to keep enough miners at certain sites due to a lack of food supplies. Many workers preferred to labor in the sugar mills, where food was more readily available and living conditions were better. The shortage of explosives also hindered mining in some regions. The construction of narrow gauge railroads, which the Cuban Federal Government will likely support, will greatly help with the successful and profitable mining of manganese in the Province of Oriente. Additionally, since most of the ore is extracted during the dry season, when the Cuba Company’s roads are pushed to their limits transporting sugar cane to the mills, rail transportation becomes quite unreliable.
Despite the handicaps outlined above, operators of manganese mines are striving to increase their output, and there is a strong interest taken everywhere in Cuba in developing manganese prospects. If railway cars and ships are provided for transporting the ore, food for the mine laborers, and explosives for blasting, the outlook for a steadily increasing production is good. The output for 1918 was estimated at between 110,000 and 125,000 tons, more than 90% of which runs from 36% to 45% manganese, the remainder being of a higher grade. The reserves of manganese ore in the mines above referred to in Oriente Province are estimated at from 700,000 to 800,000 tons, 85% of which is located in the district northeast of Santiago.
Despite the challenges mentioned earlier, manganese mine operators are working hard to boost their production, and there is a significant interest throughout Cuba in exploring manganese opportunities. If railway cars and ships are made available for transporting the ore, food for the mine workers, and explosives for blasting, the prospects for a steady increase in production look promising. The output for 1918 was estimated to be between 110,000 and 125,000 tons, with over 90% containing between 36% and 45% manganese, with the rest being of a higher grade. The reserves of manganese ore in the mines mentioned in Oriente Province are estimated to be between 700,000 and 800,000 tons, with 85% located in the area northeast of Santiago.
CHAPTER XII
ASPHALT AND PETROLEUM
THE presence of bituminous products in Cuba has been a matter of record since the days of the early Spanish conquerors. Sebastian Ocampo, that adventurous follower of Columbus, in the year 1508 dropped into one of the sheltered harbors of the north coast, not previously reported, in order to make repairs on some of his battered caravels. Much to his surprise and delight, while careening a boat to scrape the bottom some of his men ran across a stream of soft asphalt or mineral pitch, oozing from the shore near by. Nothing could have been more convenient for Ocampo, and according to the early historians he made a very favorable report on the advantages of Cuba for ship building. First she had well protected harbors in plenty, with an abundance of cedar and sabicu from which to cut planking; there were majagua, oak and other woods from which to hew the timbers. Tall straight pines grew near the harbor of Nipe that would do for masts. From the majagua bark and textile plants, tough fibre could be obtained with which to make the rigging. Both iron and copper were at hand for nails and bolts. All that was lacking seemed to be the material for the sails, and even this could have been found had he known where to look.
The presence of bituminous products in Cuba has been noted since the early days of Spanish colonization. Sebastian Ocampo, an adventurous follower of Columbus, arrived in 1508 at an unreported sheltered harbor on the north coast to make repairs on some of his battered caravels. To his surprise and delight, while careening a boat to clean the bottom, some of his men discovered a stream of soft asphalt or mineral pitch oozing from the nearby shore. This was incredibly convenient for Ocampo, and early historians indicate that he reported positively on Cuba's advantages for shipbuilding. The island had plenty of well-protected harbors and an abundance of cedar and sabicu for making planking; there were also majagua, oak, and other woods available for timber. Tall, straight pines grew near the harbor of Nipe, suitable for masts. From the majagua bark and textile plants, tough fiber could be sourced for rigging. Both iron and copper were readily available for nails and bolts. The only thing lacking seemed to be material for sails, but even that could have been found if he had known where to look.
So convenient did this harbor prove to the needs of Ocampo that he called it Puerto Carenas, by which name it was known until 1519, when the 50 odd citizens left by Velasco a few years before on the south coast, where they had tried to found a city, moved up from the Almandares to Puerto Carenas and straightway changed its name to the Bay of Havana, by which it has since been known.
This harbor turned out to be so convenient for Ocampo that he named it Puerto Carenas, a name it kept until 1519. That year, around 50 citizens left by Velasco a few years earlier on the south coast, where they had attempted to establish a city, moved from the Almandares to Puerto Carenas and immediately changed its name to the Bay of Havana, which is what it has been called ever since.
The same little stream of semi-liquid asphalt can today be seen, issuing from the rocky shore along the east side of the bay. This deposit was mentioned by Oviedo in 1535, who referred also to other asphalt deposits found along the north coast of what was then known as Puerto Principe. These asphalt deposits, so close to the shore, were undoubtedly utilized by the navigators of the 16th and following centuries in making repairs to the numerous fleets that were kept busy plying between Spain and the New World.
The same small stream of semi-liquid asphalt can still be seen today, coming from the rocky shore on the east side of the bay. Oviedo mentioned this deposit in 1535 and also noted other asphalt deposits along the north coast of what was then called Puerto Principe. These asphalt deposits, located so near to the shore, were definitely used by navigators in the 16th century and beyond to make repairs on the many fleets traveling between Spain and the New World.
Alexander Von Humboldt, who in the year 1800 came across from Venezuela to Cuba to study the flora, fauna and natural resources of the Island, mentioned what he called the petroleum wells of the Guanabacoa Ridge, located not far from Havana, at a point once known as the mineral springs of Santa Rita. Richard Cowling Taylor and Thomas C. Clemson, in a book published in 1837, mentioned “the petroleum wells of Guanabacoa” which had been known for three centuries and that were undoubtedly the wells to which Baron Von Humboldt had previously referred. La Sagra, too, in 1828, described petroleum fields located near Havana, and in 1829, Joaquin Navarro described several deposits of bituminous material in a report which he made to the “Real Sociedad Patriotica.”
Alexander Von Humboldt, who traveled from Venezuela to Cuba in 1800 to study the island's plants, animals, and natural resources, noted what he called the petroleum wells of the Guanabacoa Ridge, situated not far from Havana, at a location once known as the mineral springs of Santa Rita. Richard Cowling Taylor and Thomas C. Clemson mentioned “the petroleum wells of Guanabacoa” in a book published in 1837, which had been recognized for three centuries and were undoubtedly the wells Baron Von Humboldt had referred to earlier. La Sagra also described petroleum fields near Havana in 1828, and in 1829, Joaquin Navarro detailed several deposits of bituminous material in a report he submitted to the “Real Sociedad Patriotica.”
The bituminous deposits referred to by Taylor and Clemson proved to be a solid form of asphalt. It was afterward used in large quantities as a substitute for coal. They speak of finding crude petroleum also, filling the cavities in masses of chalcedony, only a few yards distant from the asphalt. The place referred to was afterwards ceded to the mining companies of Huatey and San Carlos, located twelve miles from Havana, where may still be seen the original wells.
The bituminous deposits that Taylor and Clemson mentioned turned out to be a solid form of asphalt. It was later used in large amounts as a replacement for coal. They also mentioned finding crude oil that filled the gaps in chunks of chalcedony, just a few yards away from the asphalt. The area they talked about was later handed over to the mining companies of Huatey and San Carlos, which are located twelve miles from Havana, where the original wells can still be seen.
In a report on bituminous products of the Island by G. C. Moisant, reference is made to a liquid asphalt or petroleum found in Madruga, a small town southeast of Havana. This petroleum product, according to recent investigations, flows from cavities in the serpentine rocks found near Madruga and surrounding towns.
In a report on bituminous products of the Island by G. C. Moisant, there's mention of a liquid asphalt or petroleum discovered in Madruga, a small town southeast of Havana. This petroleum product, based on recent investigations, flows from cavities in the serpentine rocks located near Madruga and surrounding towns.
An oil claim was registered in 1867 near Las Minas, 18 kilometers east of Havana, as the result of oil indications in the cavities of rocks that cropped out on the surface. A well was opened that yielded some oil at a depth of 61 meters. This was sunk later to 129 meters but afterwards abandoned. Within the last few years several wells have been drilled in the vicinity of the old Santiago claim and have produced a considerable amount of oil.
An oil claim was registered in 1867 near Las Minas, 18 kilometers east of Havana, due to oil signs in the rock cavities that were exposed on the surface. A well was drilled that produced some oil at a depth of 61 meters. This was later deepened to 129 meters but was eventually abandoned. In recent years, several wells have been drilled near the old Santiago claim and have produced a significant amount of oil.
The General Inspector of Mines, Pedro Salterain, in 1880 reported the presence of liquid asphalt, or a low grade of crude petroleum, that flowed from a serpentine dyke, cropping out on the old Tomasita Plantation near Banes, on the north coast some twenty miles west of Havana. The product was used for lighting the estate. All of the wells of this province are located on lands designated by geologists as belonging to the cretaceous period. This is true of those properties where indications of petroleum are found near Sabanilla de la Palma and La Guanillas, in the Province of Matanzas.
The General Inspector of Mines, Pedro Salterain, reported in 1880 the discovery of liquid asphalt, or a low grade of crude oil, that flowed from a serpentine dyke on the old Tomasita Plantation near Banes, about twenty miles west of Havana on the north coast. This product was used for lighting the estate. All of the wells in this province are situated on lands identified by geologists as belonging to the Cretaceous period. This applies to properties where signs of oil are found near Sabanilla de la Palma and La Guanillas, in the Province of Matanzas.
During a century or more, hydrocarbon gases have issued from the soil in a district east of Itabo, in the Province of Matanzas. In 1880, Manuel Cueto had a well drilled on the Montembo Farm in this district. He finally discovered at a depth of 95 meters a deposit of remarkably pure naphtha which yielded about 25 gallons a day. It was a colorless, transparent, liquid, very inflammable, and leaving no perceptible residue after combustion. Cueto afterwards opened another well to a depth of 248 meters and there discovered a deposit of naphtha that produced 250 gallons per day. According to T. Wayland Vaughn of the United States Geological Service such gases are plentiful in the surrounding hills.
For over a century, hydrocarbon gases have been coming up from the ground in an area east of Itabo, in the Province of Matanzas. In 1880, Manuel Cueto had a well drilled on the Montembo Farm in this area. He eventually found a deposit of remarkably pure naphtha at a depth of 95 meters, which produced about 25 gallons a day. It was a colorless, transparent liquid, highly flammable, and left no noticeable residue after burning. Cueto later drilled another well to a depth of 248 meters and discovered a deposit of naphtha that yielded 250 gallons per day. According to T. Wayland Vaughn from the United States Geological Service, such gases are abundant in the nearby hills.
In June, 1893, commercial agents of the United States Government reported that petroleum had been found near Cardenas of a grade much better than the crude oils imported from the United States. In November, 1894, another commercial agent from Washington reported that asphalt deposits near the city of Cardenas could produce from a thousand to five thousand tons of this material a year.
In June 1893, commercial agents from the United States government reported that oil had been discovered near Cardenas, and it was of a much higher quality than the crude oil imported from the United States. In November 1894, another commercial agent from Washington reported that the asphalt deposits near Cardenas could yield between one thousand and five thousand tons of this material each year.
In 1901 Herbert R. Peckham, describing asphalt fields east and south of Cardenas, mentions the drilling of a well by Lucas Alvarez, in search of petroleum, which he found at a depth of 500 feet, and from which he pumped 1000 gallons of petroleum, but this exhausted the supply of the well. As a result of investigations made by Mr. Peckham, seepages of crude oil and liquid asphalt of varying density may be found here over a district measuring about 4,500 square miles.
In 1901, Herbert R. Peckham described asphalt fields to the east and south of Cardenas, noting that Lucas Alvarez drilled a well looking for oil, which he found at a depth of 500 feet. He pumped out 1,000 gallons of oil, but that depleted the well's supply. Based on Mr. Peckham's investigations, there are seepages of crude oil and liquid asphalt of different densities across an area of about 4,500 square miles.
Near the city of Santa Clara there is a petroleum field known as the Sandalina, samples of which were analyzed by H. M. Stokes in 1890, which he reported to be quite similar to the crude petroleum of Russia. In the neighborhood of Sagua and Caibarien, in the northern part of Santa Clara Province, petroleum fields have recently been discovered, and others in the southern part of the Province of Matanzas.
Near the city of Santa Clara, there is an oil field called Sandalina, which H. M. Stokes analyzed in 1890. He found it to be quite similar to the crude oil from Russia. Recently, oil fields have been discovered around Sagua and Caibarien in the northern part of Santa Clara Province, as well as in the southern part of Matanzas Province.
Large deposits of asphalt, of varying grades and densities, have been found at intervals along the north coast of the Province of Pinar del Rio. From the harbor of Mariel a narrow gauge road has been built back to mines some six miles distant, over which, up to the beginning of the European War, asphalt was brought to the waterside and loaded directly into sailing vessels, bound for the United States and Europe. Other deposits have been found at La Esperanza and Cayo Jabos, a little further west along the same coast, and in the estimation of some well informed engineers this Pinar del Rio coast furnishes the most promising field for petroleum prospecting of all in Cuba.
Large deposits of asphalt, with different grades and densities, have been discovered at various points along the north coast of the Pinar del Río Province. A narrow gauge road has been constructed from the harbor of Mariel to the mines about six miles away, on which asphalt was transported to the waterfront and loaded directly onto sailing vessels heading for the United States and Europe, up until the start of the European War. Additional deposits have been located at La Esperanza and Cayo Jabos, a bit further west along the same coastline. According to some knowledgeable engineers, this area of Pinar del Río presents the most promising opportunity for oil exploration in all of Cuba.
As a result of the petroleum excitement, brought about by reports of surface indications and of the success of the Union Oil Company’s drillings, many claims have been registered for both asphalt and petroleum within recent years. Up to the last day of December, 1917, 215 claims were filed in the Bureau of Mines, covering an area of about 25,000 acres. In the same time 88 claims, scattered throughout the various Provinces, were registered for oil, comprising a total area of about 40,000 acres.
As a result of the oil boom, sparked by reports of surface signs and the success of the Union Oil Company's drilling efforts, many claims have been filed for both asphalt and oil in recent years. By the end of December 1917, 215 claims were submitted to the Bureau of Mines, covering an area of about 25,000 acres. During the same period, 88 claims for oil were registered across various provinces, totaling around 40,000 acres.
This scramble for oil lands has resulted in the formation of some fifty different companies, most of which have issued large amounts of stock, and many of which will properly come under the head of “wildcat” adventures. This, however, has happened in other countries under similar circumstances; notably in the United States.
This rush for oil lands has led to the creation of around fifty different companies, most of which have issued a lot of stock, and many of which would rightly be considered “wildcat” ventures. However, this has also occurred in other countries under similar conditions, particularly in the United States.
In the fall of 1918 some 15 companies were drilling for oil, most of which yielded very little results. This was due in some instances to inadequate machinery, and in others to inefficient workmen, together with absolute lack of any definite knowledge of the district in which they were working. In addition to this, nearly all of the wells drilled have either found oil or stopped at a depth of 1000 feet. In only a few instances have wells been sunk to a depth of 3000 feet, and most of these were in a section where almost nothing was known of the geology of the country.
In the fall of 1918, about 15 companies were drilling for oil, but most of them produced very little. This was partly due to inadequate machinery and partly because of unskilled workers, along with a complete lack of any solid knowledge about the area where they were drilling. Additionally, almost all the wells that were drilled either discovered oil or stopped at a depth of 1000 feet. Only a few wells were drilled to a depth of 3000 feet, and most of these were in areas where almost nothing was known about the geology.
In Sabanilla de la Palma, the Cuban Oil and Mining Corporation drilled to a depth of 1036 feet. On reaching the 120-foot level, they penetrated a layer of asphalt four feet in thickness, and found petroleum in small quantities at two other levels. At 1037 feet they met petroleum of a higher grade, and are planning to sink the well to a depth of 4000 feet with the idea of finding still richer deposits.
In Sabanilla de la Palma, the Cuban Oil and Mining Corporation drilled down to 1,036 feet. When they hit the 120-foot mark, they came across a four-foot thick layer of asphalt and found small amounts of petroleum at two other levels. At 1,037 feet, they encountered higher-grade petroleum and are planning to deepen the well to 4,000 feet to search for even better deposits.
About two kilometers west of Caimito de Guayabal, near the western boundary of Havana Province, Shaler Williams has drilled several wells, one to a depth of 1800 feet, which produced oil and gas, but in small quantities. The gas has furnished him light and power on his farm for several years.
About two kilometers west of Caimito de Guayabal, near the western boundary of Havana Province, Shaler Williams has drilled several wells, one reaching a depth of 1800 feet, which produced oil and gas, though in small amounts. The gas has provided him with light and power on his farm for several years.
Since 1914 the Union Oil Company has been successfully exploiting the Santiago claim near Bacuranao, some 12 miles east of Havana. During 1917 and 1918, this company drilled ten wells with varying results. One of these reached a depth of 700 feet, producing three or four barrels of excellent petroleum per day, but was afterwards abandoned. Wells 2 and 3 were abandoned at a depth of only a few hundred feet on account of striking rock too difficult to penetrate. Well No. 4, at a depth of 560 feet, produced oil at the rate of 10 to 15 barrels per day. No. 5 yielded 400 barrels per day. No. 6 was abandoned at 1912 feet without showing any oil. No. 7 yielded petroleum at 1000 feet, but only in small quantities. No. 8, at 1009 feet, produces a good supply of oil. No. 9, at the same depth, also produces oil, while No. 10, sunk to a depth of 1012 feet, produced a little oil at 272 and 1000 feet. These ten wells have all been drilled in a restricted area measuring about 300 meters each way.
Since 1914, Union Oil Company has been successfully exploiting the Santiago claim near Bacuranao, about 12 miles east of Havana. In 1917 and 1918, the company drilled ten wells with mixed results. One well reached a depth of 700 feet, producing three or four barrels of excellent oil per day, but was later abandoned. Wells 2 and 3 were abandoned after only a few hundred feet because they hit rock that was too tough to drill through. Well No. 4, at 560 feet, produced oil at a rate of 10 to 15 barrels per day. No. 5 yielded 400 barrels per day. No. 6 was abandoned at 1912 feet without showing any oil. No. 7 produced oil at 1000 feet, but only in small amounts. No. 8, at 1009 feet, provides a good supply of oil. No. 9, at the same depth, also produces oil, while No. 10, drilled to 1012 feet, yielded a little oil at 272 and 1000 feet. All ten wells have been drilled within a restricted area measuring about 300 meters in each direction.
The crude petroleum of the Union Oil Company’s wells is of a superior quality, analysis showing 13% gasoline and 30% of illuminating oil. Between December, 1916, and June, 1918, these wells produced 1,740,051 gallons of crude. This oil is at present sold to the West Indian Refining Company at the rate of 12¢ per gallon.
The crude oil from the Union Oil Company’s wells is of high quality, with analysis showing 13% gasoline and 30% illuminating oil. From December 1916 to June 1918, these wells produced 1,740,051 gallons of crude. Right now, this oil is sold to the West Indian Refining Company for 12¢ per gallon.
Just north of the Union Oil Company’s wells are what are known as the Jorge Wells, where the Cuban Petroleum Company have been drilling for oil since 1917. They sank one well to 840 feet, which at first produced 25 barrels a day, but afterwards dropped to two barrels a day, although producing a great quantity of gas. Well No. 2 of this company, sunk to 111 feet, was abandoned. Well No. 3 produced 210 barrels the first day, but afterwards dwindled to an average of 100 barrels a day. In the month of June, 1918, 3,385 barrels of oil were produced, together with a large amount of gas, that is consumed for fuel in the two furnaces of the company. All of this petroleum is sold to the West Indian Refining Company, of Havana.
Just north of the Union Oil Company’s wells are what are known as the Jorge Wells, where the Cuban Petroleum Company has been drilling for oil since 1917. They drilled one well to 840 feet, which initially produced 25 barrels a day, but later dropped to two barrels a day, even though it generated a significant amount of gas. Well No. 2 of this company, drilled to 111 feet, was abandoned. Well No. 3 produced 210 barrels on the first day, but then decreased to an average of 100 barrels a day. In June 1918, 3,385 barrels of oil were produced, along with a large amount of gas, which is used as fuel in the company's two furnaces. All of this petroleum is sold to the West Indian Refining Company in Havana.
In another section of the Jorge Claim, the Republic Petroleum Company drilled a well to a depth of 2,200 feet, finding petroleum at 995 feet. East of the Santiago or Union Oil Company’s wells, the Bacuranao Company sank a well to a depth of 1009 feet, that produced 12 barrels per hour during several days. This company delivers its oil to market over the Union Oil Company’s pipe lines.
In another part of the Jorge Claim, the Republic Petroleum Company drilled a well to a depth of 2,200 feet and discovered oil at 995 feet. To the east of the Santiago or Union Oil Company’s wells, the Bacuranao Company drilled a well to a depth of 1,009 feet, which yielded 12 barrels per hour for several days. This company transports its oil to market using the Union Oil Company’s pipelines.
The wells drilled on the Union Oil Company’s property, together with those of the Jorge claim, are all grouped in an area that does not exceed 20,000 square meters. Nearly all have produced petroleum at a depth of approximately 1000 feet, most of them in small quantities; but they may nevertheless be considered as producing on a commercial basis, since their product sells at a good price.
The wells drilled on the Union Oil Company’s property, along with those on the Jorge claim, are all clustered in an area that’s no larger than 20,000 square meters. Almost all of them have yielded oil at a depth of about 1,000 feet, mostly in small amounts; however, they can still be seen as commercially viable because their output sells for a good price.
The oil wells of Cuba so far have not produced anything like the enormous quantities that issue from the wells in the United States and Mexico, but the results are encouraging, especially since the explorations so far have been confined to a very moderate depth, seldom exceeding 1500 feet. It is quite probable that wells in this section will be ultimately drilled to a depth of at least 4,000 feet.
The oil wells in Cuba haven't produced anywhere near the massive amounts seen in the United States and Mexico, but the findings are promising, especially since the explorations so far have mostly been at a moderate depth, rarely going beyond 1,500 feet. It's quite likely that wells in this area will eventually be drilled to a depth of at least 4,000 feet.
Petroleum, as we know, is found in many different kinds of geological formations. In Pennsylvania we meet crude oil in the Devonic and carboniferous strata; in Canada in the Silurian; in the State of Colorado in the cretaceous; in Virginia in the bituminous coal lands; in South Carolina in the Triassic; in Venezuela it occurs in mica formations; while in the Caucasus again it is in the cretaceous. No fixed rule therefore can be said to designate or control the geological formation that may yield oil.
Petroleum is found in various types of geological formations. In Pennsylvania, we find crude oil in the Devonian and Carboniferous layers; in Canada, it's located in the Silurian; in Colorado, it's in the Cretaceous; in Virginia, it’s found in the bituminous coal regions; in South Carolina, it occurs in the Triassic; in Venezuela, it's present in mica formations; and in the Caucasus, it's again in the Cretaceous. So, there isn't a set rule that defines or controls the geological formations that can produce oil.
All of the petroleum found in Cuba, so far, seems to have its origin in cretaceous formations, corresponding probably to the Secondary. A somewhat significant fact is that petroleum in this Island seems to be invariably associated with igneous rocks. So far all of it, or at least all in wells worthy of consideration, seems to come from deposits that lie along the lines of contact between the serpentines and various strata of sedimentary rocks. Up to the present, wells that have been drilled in sedimentary strata, at any considerable distance from the intrusion of serpentine rocks, have produced no results.
All the oil found in Cuba so far seems to come from cretaceous formations, probably dating back to the Secondary period. A somewhat notable fact is that oil on this island appears to always be linked with igneous rocks. So far, all of it, or at least all from wells that are worth considering, seems to come from deposits located at the contact points between serpentines and different layers of sedimentary rocks. To date, wells that have been drilled into sedimentary layers, far from the intrusion of serpentine rocks, have shown no results.
E. de Goyler has reached the conclusion that the oils found below the serpentine, or at points of contact between serpentine and sedimentary rocks, had their origin in Jurassic limestone. Rocks of this period form a large part of the Organ Mountains of Pinar del Rio, and the above quoted authority is confident that the asphalt and petroleum fields found in the immediate vicinity of serpentine thrusts during volcanic action are all filtrations from deposits far below the surface. This view seems to agree with results of observation made in the neighborhood of the Bacuranao oil fields, where the drills have usually penetrated a considerable depth of serpentine rock before meeting the petroleum-bearing strata of sand and limestone.
E. de Goyler has concluded that the oils found beneath the serpentine, or where serpentine meets sedimentary rocks, originated from Jurassic limestone. Rocks from this period make up a significant portion of the Organ Mountains in Pinar del Rio, and this authority believes that the asphalt and oil fields discovered near the serpentine thrusts during volcanic activity are all filtrations from deposits deep below the surface. This perspective aligns with observations made near the Bacuranao oil fields, where drills typically go through a substantial depth of serpentine rock before reaching the oil-bearing layers of sand and limestone.
Frederick C. Clapp, in his study of the structural classification of fields of petroleum and natural gas, read before the Geological Society of America, stated that in Cuba there are undoubtedly deposits which he designates as coming from a subdivision of sedimentary strata, with masses of lacolites, an unusual form of deposit, met in the Furbero Petroleum fields of Mexico, where oil bearing strata lie both above and below the lacolite.
Frederick C. Clapp, in his study of how to classify the structure of petroleum and natural gas fields, presented to the Geological Society of America that there are definitely deposits in Cuba which he labels as originating from a subdivision of sedimentary layers. He also noted the presence of lacolites, a unique type of deposit found in the Furbero Petroleum fields of Mexico, where oil-bearing layers are situated both above and below the lacolite.
The consensus of opinion among experts who have examined the recent explorations in the neighborhood of Bacuranao seems to be that in spite of the fact that no oil well in Cuba, up to the present, has produced large quantities of petroleum, there is excellent reason for believing that wells drilled to a depth of three or four thousand feet, in zones that have been carefully studied by competent geologists, may yet rival in amount of production those of the best petroleum fields in other parts of the world.
The general agreement among experts who have looked into the recent explorations near Bacuranao is that, even though no oil well in Cuba has produced significant amounts of petroleum so far, there’s strong reason to believe that wells drilled to a depth of three or four thousand feet in areas that have been carefully studied by skilled geologists could potentially match the production levels of the best oil fields in other parts of the world.
The deposits of asphalt in Cuba, in view of the extensive road building planned for this Republic, have an undoubted present and future value well worthy of consideration. Asphalt of excellent quality, and of grades varying all the way from a remarkably pure, clean liquid form, up through all degrees of consistency to the hard, dry, vitreous deposits that resemble bituminous coal sufficiently to furnish an excellent fuel, is found in Cuba in large quantities. Most of it is easily accessible, and of grades that command very good prices for commercial purposes in the world’s markets.
The asphalt deposits in Cuba, considering the extensive road construction planned for this country, have undeniable present and future value that deserves attention. Cuba has plenty of high-quality asphalt, ranging from a remarkably pure, clean liquid form to various consistencies, including hard, dry, glassy deposits that even look like bituminous coal and make excellent fuel. Most of it is easily accessible and consists of grades that fetch good prices in global markets.
CHAPTER XIII
FORESTRY
THE virgin forests of Cuba, at the time of the Spanish conquest, were rich in hardwoods, such as mahogany, cedar, rosewood, ebony, lignum-vitæ and many others unknown in the markets of the United States. During four centuries these forests have been one of Cuba’s most important assets. Unfortunately this source of wealth has been drawn upon without forethought or discrimination since the first white settlers began to use the products of the forest in 1515.
THE untouched forests of Cuba, during the Spanish conquest, were filled with valuable hardwoods like mahogany, cedar, rosewood, ebony, lignum vitae, and many others that weren't available in the U.S. market. For four centuries, these forests have been one of Cuba’s greatest resources. Sadly, this wealth has been exploited carelessly and without consideration since the first white settlers started using forest products in 1515.
The completion of the North Shore Railroad of Camaguey, extending from Caibarien to Nuevitas, will soon open up the great hardwood forests of the Sierra de Cubitas and add greatly to the wealth of that district.
The completion of the North Shore Railroad of Camaguey, stretching from Caibarien to Nuevitas, will soon open up the vast hardwood forests of the Sierra de Cubitas and significantly boost the wealth of that area.
There are 367 varieties of valuable forest trees, described with more or less detail in the Bureau of Forestry connected with the Department of Agriculture of Cuba. More than half of these are susceptible of taking a high polish, and would if known undoubtedly command remunerative prices in the hardwood markets of the world. At the present time, two only, cedar and mahogany, are sought and quoted in the commercial centers of the United States.
There are 367 different types of valuable forest trees listed with varying degrees of detail in the Bureau of Forestry associated with Cuba's Department of Agriculture. Over half of these can take a high polish, and if they were recognized, they would definitely fetch good prices in the global hardwood markets. Currently, only two—cedar and mahogany—are in demand and priced in the commercial centers of the United States.
While we find in Cuba few forest trees common to the United States, nearly all of the standard woods, such as oak, hickory, ash, maple, beech and walnut, seem to have their equivalents, from the viewpoint of utility at least, in the native woods of this Island. For purposes of manufacture, carriage making, naval uses, house building, cabinet work and fine carving, or general construction, Cuba has many woods of unsurpassed merit and often of rare beauty.
While there are not many forest trees in Cuba that are common in the United States, almost all the typical hardwoods, like oak, hickory, ash, maple, beech, and walnut, appear to have their counterparts, at least in terms of usefulness, in the native woods of this island. For manufacturing, carriage making, naval purposes, building houses, cabinet making, fine carving, and general construction, Cuba has numerous woods of exceptional quality and often unique beauty.
The following list contains 60 of the most useful woods found in the forests of Cuba. Nearly all of these take a very high polish and are valuable in the arts as well as for construction purposes. Not more than a half dozen, unfortunately, are known to the hardwood trade, even by name, and since most of these names are purely local, they would mean little to the dealers outside of the Island of Cuba, where most of them are in daily use;
The following list includes 60 of the most useful woods found in the forests of Cuba. Almost all of these can be polished to a high shine and are valuable for both artistic and construction uses. Unfortunately, only about half a dozen are recognized in the hardwood trade, even by name, and since most of these names are strictly local, they wouldn't mean much to dealers outside of Cuba, where most of them are used daily;
Acana: indigenous to Cuba; grows to height of 50 feet with diameter of two feet; hard, compact, deep wine color; used in general construction work, and is especially valuable for making carpenters’ planes and tools. Wears indefinitely. Sp. Gr. 1.28.
Acana: native to Cuba; grows up to 50 feet tall with a diameter of two feet; hard, dense, deep wine color; used in general construction, and is particularly valuable for making carpenter's planes and tools. Lasts indefinitely. Sp. Gr. 1.28.
Aceitillo: indigenous; grows to height of 30 feet; common throughout the Island; strong and tough; light yellow color; used for general construction. Sp. Gr. 1.04.
Hawthorn: indigenous; grows up to 30 feet tall; common across the Island; strong and durable; light yellow color; used for general construction. Sp. Gr. 1.04.
Aite: indigenous; grows to height of 25 feet; diameter 2 feet; of common occurrence; strong and compact; light brown color; used in cabinet work. Sp. Gr. 1.07.
Alright: native; reaches a height of 25 feet; diameter 2 feet; often found; sturdy and dense; light brown color; used in furniture making. Sp. Gr. 1.07.
Ayua Blanco: indigenous; 55 feet in height; 2 feet in diameter; found in Pinar del Rio and Isle of Pines; soft; white in color; used for boxes, beehives, cross beams; produces a gum used in medicine. Sp. Gr. 0.72.
Ayua Blanco: indigenous; 55 feet tall; 2 feet wide; found in Pinar del Rio and Isle of Pines; soft; white in color; used for boxes, beehives, and cross beams; produces a gum used in medicine. Sp. Gr. 0.72.
Almacigo Colorado: indigenous; 50 feet in height; 2 feet in diameter; found everywhere; soft; reddish color, used for fence posts and charcoal; has medicinal properties and produces resin. Sp. Gr. 0.38.
Red Seedling: native; 50 feet tall; 2 feet wide; common throughout; soft; reddish hue, used for fence posts and charcoal; has healing properties and produces resin. Sp. Gr. 0.38.
Amiqua: indigenous; 40 feet in height; 7 feet diameter; hard, compact, reddish in color; found in light soils; used for joists and beams, and for wagons. Sp. Gr. 1.16.
Amiqua: native; 40 feet tall; 7 feet wide; dense, compact, reddish in color; grows in sandy soils; used for floor joists and beams, as well as for wagons. Sp. Gr. 1.16.
Algarrobo: indigenous; 75 feet in height, diameter 4½ feet; strong; yellowish color; found in deep soils; used for building purposes; yields a varnish and has medicinal properties. Sp. Gr. 0.64.
Algarrobo: native; 75 feet tall, 4½ feet wide; durable; yellowish hue; grows in rich soils; used for construction; produces a varnish and has healing properties. Sp. Gr. 0.64.
Ateja Hembra: indigenous; 50 feet in height; 3 feet diameter; found in Pinar del Rio; hard, compact and heavy grained; yellow in color; found in deep soils; used for general carpenter work. Sp. Gr. 0.62.
Ateja Female: native; 50 feet tall; 3 feet wide; located in Pinar del Rio; tough, solid, and heavy-grained; yellow in color; found in deep soils; used for various carpentry tasks. Sp. Gr. 0.62.
Aguacatillo: indigenous; 55 feet in height; found all over Island, including Isle of Pines; soft and light; light green color; found in black lands; general carpenter work; Sp. Gr. 1.14.
Aguacate: native; 55 feet tall; found throughout the island, including Isle of Pines; soft and lightweight; light green in color; grows in black soil; suitable for general carpentry; Sp. Gr. 1.14.
Arabo: indigenous; 25 feet in height; found on coast; fibrous, compact and strong; reddish brown color; used for poles and general carpenter work; bears fruit eaten by cattle; takes beautiful polish; Sp. Gr. 1.52.
Arabo: native plant; 25 feet tall; found along the coast; fibrous, dense, and sturdy; reddish-brown in color; used for poles and various carpentry tasks; produces fruit that cattle eat; takes a lovely polish; Sp. Gr. 1.52.
Abran de Costa: indigenous; found Pinar del Rio; strong, compact; mahogany color; cabinet work; Sp. Gr. 0.97.
Open Costa: indigenous; discovered in Pinar del Rio; strong, dense; mahogany color; used for cabinetry; Sp. Gr. 0.97.
Baga: indigenous; 25 feet in height; found on coast and on river banks; very light in weight; greyish brown in color; used for fish net floats; bears fruit eaten by cattle; Sp. Gr. 0.6.
Baga: native; 25 feet tall; found on the coast and riverbanks; very lightweight; grayish-brown color; used for fishnet floats; produces fruit eaten by cattle; Sp. Gr. 0.6.
Baria: indigenous; 50 feet in height; found all over Island, in deep soil; easily worked, dark brown color; used in general carpenter work; flowers produce feed for bees; takes a fine polish; Sp. Gr. 0.78.
Baria: native; 50 feet tall; located throughout the Island, in rich soil; easy to work with, dark brown in color; commonly used in carpentry; flowers provide food for bees; takes a smooth finish; Sp. Gr. 0.78.
Brazilete Colorado: indigenous; 25 feet in height; found on coast, also in the savannas; excellent wood; reddish brown; used for turning purposes and inlaid work; takes high polish; produces a dye; Sp. Gr. 0.9.
Brazilete Red: native; 25 feet tall; found along the coast and in the savannas; great quality wood; reddish-brown; used for turning and inlay work; takes a high polish; produces a dye; Sp. Gr. 0.9.
Bayito: indigenous; 30 feet in height; found in Pinar del Rio; hard and compact; variegated brown color; used for frames, posts, etc.; takes high polish. Sp. Gr. 1.25.
Bayito: native; 30 feet tall; located in Pinar del Rio; strong and dense; mixed brown color; used for frames, posts, etc.; takes a high polish. Sp. Gr. 1.25.
Cana Fistola Cimarrona: indigenous; 45 feet in height, scattered over Island; beautiful, strong and resistant wood; reddish in color; adapted for tool handles. Sp. Gr. 0.87.
Cana Fistola Cimarrona: indigenous; 45 feet tall, found throughout the island; beautiful, strong, and durable wood; reddish in color; suitable for tool handles. Sp. Gr. 0.87.
Caimitillo: indigenous; 35 feet height; found all over Island; hard, tough wood; used in carriage manufacture; bears fruit; Sp. Gr. 1.1.
Caimitillo: native; 35 feet tall; found throughout the Island; durable, strong wood; used in making carriages; produces fruit; Sp. Gr. 1.1.
Carey de Costa: indigenous small tree, found on coasts and savannas; heavy and brittle; dark tortoise shell color; takes beautiful polish; used for cabinet work; Sp. Gr. 1.04.
Carey de Costa: a small indigenous tree, found along coasts and in savannas; it’s heavy and brittle; has a dark tortoise shell color; takes a beautiful polish; used for cabinetry; Sp. Gr. 1.04.
Cerillo: indigenous; 35 feet in height; diameter 18 inches; found in western end of Island; excellent wood; yellow in color; used for cabinet work; takes fine polish; Sp. Gr. 0.56.
Cerillo: native; 35 feet tall; 18 inches wide; located on the western end of the island; high-quality wood; yellow-colored; used for cabinetry; finishes to a fine polish; Sp. Gr. 0.56.
Carne de Doncella: indigenous; 50 feet height; 18 inches diameter; common in forests; compact, tough and hard; rose color; grown in rich lands; used for table tops and carriage work. Sp. Gr. 0.92.
Filet Mignon: native; 50 feet tall; 18 inches in diameter; found in forests; dense, strong, and durable; rose-colored; thrives in fertile soil; used for tabletops and carriage construction. Sp. Gr. 0.92.
Chicharron Amarillo: indigenous; 36 feet in height; 18 inches in diameter; common in forests; strong, elastic and durable; dark yellow color; used for posts, sleepers, channel stakes, etc. Sp. Gr. 0.96.
Chicharrón Amarillo: native; 36 feet tall; 18 inches wide; found in forests; strong, flexible, and long-lasting; dark yellow color; used for posts, beams, channel stakes, etc. Sp. Gr. 0.96.
Chicharron Prieto: indigenous; 36 feet height; 18 inches diameter; strong solid wood; brown color; used in carriage work.
Chicharrón Prieto: native; 36 feet tall; 18 inches wide; strong solid wood; brown color; used in carriage making.
Caoba or Mahogany: five varieties of this tree; indigenous; 36 feet in height, from six to twelve feet in diameter; grows all over the Island; excellent and durable wood; color mahogany or dark red; used for fine carpenter work and furniture; Sp. Gr. 1.45.
Mahogany or Mahogany wood: five types of this tree; native; 36 feet tall, with diameters ranging from six to twelve feet; found throughout the Island; high-quality and long-lasting wood; mahogany or dark red in color; used for fine carpentry and furniture; Sp. Gr. 1.45.
Cedro or Cedar: four varieties; indigenous; 60 to 75 feet in height; 6 feet in diameter; found all over Island; soft and easily worked; light mahogany color; used in fine carpenter work; cabinet work; Sp. Gr. 0.9.
Cedar or Cedar wood: four types; native; 60 to 75 feet tall; 6 feet wide; found throughout the Island; soft and easy to work with; light mahogany color; used in fine carpentry; cabinet making; Sp. Gr. 0.9.
Dagame: indigenous; 40 to 45 feet in height; 18 inches in diameter; grows on hilly land; strong and compact; yellowish grey color; used for carpentry and carriage work; Sp. Gr. 0.74.
Dagame: native; 40 to 45 feet tall; 18 inches wide; grows on hills; sturdy and solid; yellowish-gray color; used for woodworking and transportation; Sp. Gr. 0.74.
Royal Ebony: indigenous; 34 feet in height; found on coast lands; good wood; black in color; used for canes; inlaid work; familiar in United States for fine cabinet work; Sp. Gr. 1.17.
Royal Ebony: native; 34 feet tall; found in coastal areas; strong wood; black in color; used for canes; inlaid designs; well-known in the United States for high-quality furniture; Sp. Gr. 1.17.
Espuela de Caballero: indigenous; small tree, found all over Island; excellent wood; yellow to red in color; used for fancy canes, turning and inlaid work; Sp. Gr. 0.9.
Knight's Spur: native; small tree, found throughout the island; great quality wood; ranges from yellow to red in color; used for decorative canes, woodworking, and inlays; Sp. Gr. 0.9.
Fustete: indigenous; 36 feet in height; found in dense forests or Oriente and Camaguey; dark wine color; used for carpenter and carriage work; is yellow dye wood; Sp. Gr. 1.32.
Fuss: native; 36 feet tall; located in dense forests of Oriente and Camaguey; dark wine color; used for carpentry and carriage construction; it's a yellow dye wood; Sp. Gr. 1.32.
Granadillia: indigenous; 20 to 25 feet in height; small diameter; hard, compact and tough; mottled brown and bright yellow in color; used for fine inlaid work and canes; Sp. Gr. 0.89.
Granadilla: native; 20 to 25 feet tall; small diameter; hard, compact, and durable; mottled brown and bright yellow; used for fine inlays and walking sticks; Sp. Gr. 0.89.
Guama de Costus: indigenous; 25 to 35 feet in height; hard, tough and compact; light cinnamon color; used in construction work and for ox-yokes and plows; Sp. Gr. 0.68.
Guama of Costus: native; 25 to 35 feet tall; strong, durable, and solid; light cinnamon color; used in construction and for ox-yokes and plows; Sp. Gr. 0.68.
Guayabo Cotorrero: indigenous; 25 to 30 feet in height; small diameter; all over Island; ductile, chrome yellow color; used for cabinet work; tool handles; Sp. Gr. 0.92.
Guayabo Cotorrero: native species; 25 to 30 feet tall; small diameter; found throughout the island; flexible, bright yellow color; used for cabinetry; tool handles; specific gravity 0.92.
Guaracan Prieto or Lignum Vitae: indigenous; 55 to 60 feet in height; comparatively slender; found on coast; durable and compact; dark brown mottled with yellow; used for turning, banisters, croquet balls, and shaft bearings; Sp. Gr. 1.17.
Guaracan Prieto or Lignum Vitae: native tree; 55 to 60 feet tall; relatively slender; grows along the coast; strong and dense; dark brown with yellow streaks; used for making items like turners, handrails, croquet balls, and shaft bearings; Specific Gravity 1.17.
Guayacan Blanco: indigenous; 30 to 35 feet in height; slender, strong and compact; light yellow color; grows on black lands; especially useful for carriage and wagon spokes; Sp. Gr. 0.79.
Guaiacum officinale: native; 30 to 35 feet tall; slim, sturdy, and dense; light yellow color; thrives in black soil; particularly valuable for making carriage and wagon spokes; Sp. Gr. 0.79.
Jiqui: indigenous; 50 to 60 feet in height; 3 feet diameter; strong, hard, durable, dark brown in color; found in all soils; used for supports, posts, channel stakes and stakes for boundary lines; never rots in swamp land; makes good charcoal.
Jiqui: indigenous; 50 to 60 feet tall; 3 feet wide; strong, hard, durable, dark brown color; grows in all types of soil; used for supports, posts, channel stakes, and boundary stakes; never rots in wetland; good for making charcoal.
Jucaro Prieto: two varieties; indigenous; 60 to 75 feet in height; four feet in diameter; all over Island; very strong; impervious to rot in swampy and bad lands; used for wagon and carpenter work; especially adapted for pilings.
Jucaro Prieto: two types; native; 60 to 75 feet tall; four feet wide; found all over the island; very durable; resistant to rot in wet and poor soil; used for wagon making and carpentry; particularly suited for pilings.
Jucaro Amarillo: indigenous; 30 to 35 feet in height; slender; all over the Island; strong and compact, yellow color, especially adapted for posts and wagon axles; Sp. Gr. 1.13.
Jucaro Amarillo: native; 30 to 35 feet tall; slim; found throughout the Island; sturdy and dense, yellow color, particularly suitable for posts and wagon axles; Sp. Gr. 1.13.
Jacaranda: indigenous; 45 to 55 feet in height; strong, tough and resistant; yellowish grey; carpenter and furniture work; Sp. Gr. 0.89.
Jacaranda tree: native; 45 to 55 feet tall; durable, tough, and resistant; yellowish-gray; used for carpentry and furniture; Sp. Gr. 0.89.
Jagua: indigenous; 30 to 35 feet in height; 18 inches in diameter; found all over Island; strong, elastic and durable; yellow in color; adapted for carriage work, moulds, lances, etc.
Jagua: native; 30 to 35 feet tall; 18 inches wide; found throughout the island; sturdy, flexible, and long-lasting; yellow in color; suitable for transportation, molds, lances, and more.
Jatia: indigenous; 25 to 30 feet in height; 16 inches in diameter; found in eastern end of Island; strong, hard and compact; dark yellow; used in cabinet work and canes; Sp. Gr. 0.94.
Jatia: native; 25 to 30 feet tall; 16 inches wide; found at the eastern end of the island; strong, hard, and dense; dark yellow; used for cabinetry and canes; Sp. Gr. 0.94.
Jayajabico: indigenous; small tree, found in Pinar del Rio; hard, tough and compact; light chestnut color; used in carriage work, cabinet work, canes, etc.; Sp. Gr. 1.12.
Jayajabico: native; small tree, located in Pinar del Rio; hard, tough, and dense; light brown color; used in carriage making, furniture crafting, canes, etc.; Sp. Gr. 1.12.
Lebrisa: indigenous; 25 to 30 feet in height; eastern end of the Island; strong and resistant; yellowish color; adapted for axles, tillers, and general carpenter work; Sp. Gr. 1.00.
Lebrisa: native; 25 to 30 feet tall; eastern end of the Island; strong and durable; yellowish in color; suitable for axles, tillers, and general carpentry; Sp. Gr. 1.00.
Majugua Macho: indigenous; three varieties; 45 to 50 feet in height; 3 feet in diameter; found all over Island; very resilient and flexible; mouse color; variegated with black and cream splashes used in fine cabinet and furniture work; also fine for carriage work, knees and arches. From the inner bark natives braid a strong picket rope in a few minutes; Sp. Gr. 0.59.
Majugua Bro: native; three types; 45 to 50 feet tall; 3 feet wide; found throughout the island; very durable and flexible; mouse color; variegated with black and cream spots, used in high-quality cabinet and furniture making; also great for carriage work, knees, and arches. From the inner bark, locals can quickly braid a strong picket rope in just a few minutes; Sp. Gr. 0.59.
Maboa: indigenous; 30 to 45 feet in height; 2 feet in diameter; found in all forests; strong and compact, ash color; used for beams, posts and also for cabinet work; Sp. Gr. 1.3.
Maboa: native; 30 to 45 feet tall; 2 feet wide; found in all types of forests; strong and dense, ash-colored; used for beams, posts, and cabinet making; Sp. Gr. 1.3.
Manzanillo: indigenous; 20 to 25 feet in height; 3 feet in diameter; found on coast; good wood; yellowish grey color; found in the low lands; used for furniture and fine cabinet work; Sp. Gr. 0.7.
Manzanillo: indigenous; 20 to 25 feet tall; 3 feet wide; found on the coast; good quality wood; yellowish-gray color; found in lowlands; used for furniture and fine cabinetry; Sp. Gr. 0.7.
Mamoncillo: indigenous; 55 to 60 feet in height; 3 feet in diameter; found all over the Island; hard and compact; light mahogany color; yields an edible plum; used in cabinet work; Sp. Gr. 0.85.
Mamoncillo: native; 55 to 60 feet tall; 3 feet wide; found throughout the Island; tough and solid; light mahogany color; produces an edible plum; used in furniture making; Sp. Gr. 0.85.
Moral Negro: found all over the Island, strong and solid; dark chestnut color; used in fine carpentry and cabinet work; Sp. Gr. 0.75.
Moral Black: found throughout the Island, sturdy and robust; dark chestnut color; used in high-quality carpentry and cabinetmaking; Sp. Gr. 0.75.
Moruo: indigenous; 50 to 60 feet in height; found in all forests; good wood; wine colored; used for general carpentry and carriage work; takes a high polish; Sp. Gr. 1.06.
Moruo: native; 50 to 60 feet tall; found in all types of forests; excellent wood; wine-colored; used for general carpentry and carriage work; takes a high polish; Sp. Gr. 1.06.
Ocuje: indigenous; 45 to 50 feet in height; strong, tough and resistant; red color; used in carriage work and channel stakes; Sp. Gr. 0.77.
Ocuje: native; 45 to 50 feet tall; strong, durable, and resilient; red color; used for carriage work and channel stakes; Sp. Gr. 0.77.
Palo de Lanza: (lance wood) indigenous; 30 to 35 feet in height; very resilient and flexible; light yellow color; used for yard sticks, tool handles, light strong poles and wood springs; Sp. Gr. 0.84.
Spear: (lance wood) native; 30 to 35 feet tall; very durable and flexible; light yellow color; used for yardsticks, tool handles, lightweight strong poles, and wooden springs; Sp. Gr. 0.84.
Palo Campeche: (log wood) indigenous; 25 to 35 feet in height; found in deep forests; hard, heavy and compact; deep purple color; used for turning and produces log wood dye; Sp. Gr. 0.9.
Palo Campeche: (log wood) native; 25 to 35 feet tall; found in dense forests; hard, heavy, and solid; deep purple color; used for turning and creates log wood dye; Sp. Gr. 0.9.
Sabina: indigenous; found in eastern end of Island; hard beautiful wood, mottled chocolate color; furniture and general construction; Sp. Gr. 0.65.
Sabina: native; located in the eastern part of the Island; strong, attractive wood with a mottled chocolate hue; used for furniture and general construction; Sp. Gr. 0.65.
Sabicu: indigenous; very large tree, sometimes called imitation mahogany; hard, tough and compact; mahogany color; used for rail chalks, port holes of ships, wagons, etc.
Sabicu: native; a very large tree, sometimes referred to as imitation mahogany; it's hard, durable, and dense; mahogany-colored; used for rail chalks, ship portholes, wagons, and more.
Tagua: indigenous; 25 to 30 feet in height; hard, compact and durable; used for fine cabinet work and musical instruments; Sp. Gr. 0.7.
Tagua nut: native; 25 to 30 feet tall; tough, solid, and long-lasting; used for high-quality furniture and musical instruments; Sp. Gr. 0.7.
Yaba: indigenous; 45 feet in height; abundant, strong and compact; reddish color; used for wagon work, general construction and turning; Sp. Gr. 0.88.
Yaba: native; 45 feet tall; dense, sturdy, and solid; reddish hue; utilized for wagon building, general construction, and woodturning; Sp. Gr. 0.88.
Tana: indigenous; very hard, inflexible; grows in damp and sandy soils; specially adapted for naval construction; Sp. Gr. 1.02.
Tana: native; very tough, rigid; thrives in wet and sandy soils; specifically suited for boat building; Sp. Gr. 1.02.
Yamagua: indigenous; 30 to 35 feet in height; 20 inches in diameter; excellent wood; reddish yellow; used in general construction work; Spec. Gr. 0.7.
Yamagua: indigenous; 30 to 35 feet tall; 20 inches wide; great quality wood; reddish-yellow; used in general construction work; Spec. Gr. 0.7.
Specimens of all these woods, together with some three hundred others, form a collection that may be seen at any time at the Government Experimental Station at Santiago de las Vegas.
Specimens of all these woods, along with about three hundred others, make up a collection that is available for viewing at any time at the Government Experimental Station in Santiago de las Vegas.
Scattered throughout the broad grass covered savannas that lie along some parts of the coast of Cuba, are found heavily wooded clumps of forest trees, that stand up out of the grassy plains like islands, and give rather a peculiar effect to the landscape. In these “Cayos de Monte,” as they are called, are found nearly all of the small, hard and durable woods of Cuba, such as Ebony, Lignum Vitae or Guayacan, Grenadillo and others of similar character, that seldom make tall trees, but that frequently have a value in the markets of the world that cause them to be sold by the pound or hundredweight, instead of by board measure.
Scattered across the vast grass-covered savannas along certain parts of the Cuban coast are dense clusters of forest trees that rise up from the grassy plains like islands, creating a unique look in the landscape. In these "Cayos de Monte," as they’re called, you can find nearly all of Cuba's small, hard, and durable woods, like Ebony, Lignum Vitae (or Guayacan), Grenadillo, and other similar types. These woods don’t often grow into tall trees, but they are frequently valued in global markets, so they are sold by the pound or hundredweight rather than by board measure.
The great bulk of timber lands, or virgin forests of Cuba, are scattered throughout the mountainous districts of the Island, mostly in Santa Clara and Oriente, and belong to non-resident owners living in Spain. While the timber is very valuable, the cost of cutting and getting out the logs with the help of oxen, precludes any possibility of profit and will insure their remaining untouched until less expensive methods are found for their removal to the coast. The price of these lands vary at the present time from $3 to $15 per acre, and they can be purchased only in large tracts.
The majority of the timberlands, or untouched forests of Cuba, are spread throughout the mountainous areas of the island, mainly in Santa Clara and Oriente, , and are owned by people who live in Spain. Although the timber is quite valuable, the costs associated with cutting it down and transporting the logs using oxen make it impossible to turn a profit, ensuring that they remain untouched until cheaper methods for getting them to the coast are developed. Currently, the price of these lands ranges from $3 to $15 per acre, and they can only be bought in large parcels.
In passing it may be mentioned that many of the forest lands of the mountainous districts are located within the mineral zones of the Island, but the purchase of the property does not carry with it a right to the ore deposits that may lie below the surface. These can be acquired only through registering mineral claims or “denouncements” in accordance with the laws of the Republic.
In passing, it's worth noting that many of the forest areas in the mountainous regions are located within the mineral zones of the Island, but buying the land doesn't give you any rights to the ore deposits that might be beneath the surface. Those can only be obtained by registering mineral claims or "denouncements" according to the laws of the Republic.
Along the southern coast of Cuba, bordering on the Caribbean, especially in the Province of Camaguey, are still large areas of virgin forests growing on low, flat lands. Some of these are traversed by streams, down which the logs are rafted during the rainy season.
Along the southern coast of Cuba, next to the Caribbean, particularly in the Province of Camaguey, there are still vast areas of untouched forests growing on low, flat land. Some of these areas are crisscrossed by streams, which are used to float logs during the rainy season.
Quite a large area of forest is still retained by the Government. The sale of these lands is forbidden by law, although under certain conditions they may be rented to private parties. Some of them have been distributed among the veterans of the War of Independence.
A significant portion of the forest is still owned by the government. Selling these lands is illegal, but they can be leased to private individuals under certain conditions. Some of these lands have been given to veterans of the War of Independence.
The total amount of forest still retained by the Republic is estimated at 37,000 caballeries or 1,226,450 acres, of which 519,144 acres are located in the Province of Oriente; 307,910 in Santa Clara; 148,200 in Pinar del Rio; 113,620 in Matanzas; 88,130 in Camaguey and 49,400 in the Province of Havana.
CHAPTER XIV
AGRICULTURE
THE Island of Cuba is essentially an agricultural country. Its fertile soils have come from the constant erosion of rocks by heavy rains, through eons of time. Mountain torrents have brought down the debris of crumbling mountains of feldspar, shale and limestone to be deposited on the plains below, while rushing streams have eaten their way into the plateaus of Pinar del Rio and Oriente, until we have at last a marvellously rich, tropical island garden, supplied by Nature with all the ingredients needed to maintain its fertility for many centuries to come.
The Island of Cuba is primarily an agricultural country. Its fertile soils are the result of continuous erosion caused by heavy rains over countless years. Mountain torrents have carried down debris from the crumbling mountains of feldspar, shale, and limestone, which have settled on the plains below. Meanwhile, fast-moving streams have carved into the plateaus of Pinar del Rio and Oriente, creating a wonderfully rich tropical island garden, naturally supplied with everything needed to sustain its fertility for many centuries ahead.
More important perhaps than fertility of soil, is the fact that Cuba lies just within the edge of the Tropics, securing thereby an immunity from snow, cold wind and frost. This enables her to grow many crops that otherwise would be barred. More than all, those vegetables that in the United States and more northern climes thrive during only a few months of summer, may be grown in Cuba at almost any time in the year.
More important than the fertility of the soil is the fact that Cuba is located just inside the Tropics, which protects it from snow, cold winds, and frost. This allows it to grow many crops that wouldn’t be possible elsewhere. Most notably, the vegetables that only thrive for a few summer months in the United States and other northern areas can be grown in Cuba almost year-round.
On the other hand it is true that many of the great grain crops, such as wheat, rye, oats and barley, cannot be successfully grown in Cuba, or at least on only a few of the more elevated plateaus of Santa Clara and Oriente. But, even were it possible to grow wheat in Cuba, it is more profitable to buy grain from districts further north, giving in exchange sugar, tobacco, henequen, coffee, cacao, hides, honey, citrus fruits and winter vegetables.
On the other hand, it's true that many of the major grain crops, like wheat, rye, oats, and barley, can't be successfully grown in Cuba, or at least only in a few of the higher plateaus of Santa Clara and Oriente. But even if it were possible to grow wheat in Cuba, it’s more profitable to buy grain from areas further north, trading it for sugar, tobacco, henequen, coffee, cacao, hides, honey, citrus fruits, and winter vegetables.
NATIONAL THEATRE, CENTRAL PARK, HAVANA
National Theatre, Central Park, Havana
The builders of the city of Havana through more than four centuries paid commendable attention to the right placing of important buildings, not only for convenience but also for picturesque and artistic effect. Thus the National Theatre, one of the most commodious and beautiful playhouses in the world, has for its setting the equally beautiful Central Park, and is approached by the famous thoroughfare of the Prado. Other notable public and private buildings are suitably grouped about it, making a civic centre of rarely impressive appearance.
The builders of Havana over more than four centuries paid great attention to the placement of key buildings, not just for practicality but also for aesthetic appeal. For instance, the National Theatre, one of the most spacious and stunning venues in the world, is set against the equally beautiful Central Park and is accessed via the famous Prado avenue. Other significant public and private buildings are arranged around it, creating a civic center that is impressively striking.
Freedom from frost means much to the agriculturist, since it relieves him from the anxiety suffered by the farmers of Florida and the Gulf States, that although lying on the other side of the Tropic of Cancer, and enjoying sufficient warmth to produce vegetables during the winter months, are nevertheless exposed to the danger of absolute ruin, or at least the loss of a year’s work.
Freedom from frost means a lot to farmers, as it frees them from the worries faced by farmers in Florida and the Gulf States. Even though is located on the other side of the Tropic of Cancer and has enough warmth to grow vegetables in the winter, it’s still at risk of complete devastation, or at least losing a year’s worth of work.
That, however, which favors successful agriculture in Cuba more than anything else, is the fact that her copious rainfall begins in May, and continuing throughout the warm months of summer terminates in the latter part of October, leaving the winter cool and dry, so that fall crops may ripen and be gathered free from danger of the cold, rainy days of December so common in the Gulf States.
What really benefits successful farming in Cuba more than anything else is the fact that its abundant rainfall starts in May and continues through the warm summer months, ending in late October. This leaves the winter cool and dry, allowing fall crops to ripen and be harvested without the threat of the cold, rainy days of December that are typical in the Gulf States.
In stock raising, also, not only is the Island supplied with an abundance of nutritious grass, on which animals may graze throughout the year, but the young are never subjected to loss from the cold winds, sleets, and driving storms, that decimate the herds of less favored countries in the North.
In livestock farming, the Island not only has plenty of nutritious grass for animals to graze on all year round, but the young animals are also protected from the harsh cold winds, sleet, and fierce storms that wipe out herds in less fortunate northern countries.
Cuba undoubtedly has some agricultural drawbacks and disadvantages, but few that may not be successfully overcome with intelligent management and the judicious care which renders stock raising profitable in any country. The one great advantage of the Republic lies in the fact that the farmer, if he so desires, can put in three hundred and sixty five days of every year at profitable work in his fields, orchards or pastures, with no time necessarily lost. Nor is he compelled to work half the year to provide food and fuel sufficient to feed and keep warm during the remaining six months of comparative idleness.
Cuba definitely has some agricultural challenges and disadvantages, but few that can't be effectively addressed with smart management and careful attention that makes farming profitable anywhere. The main advantage of the Republic is that a farmer can choose to work 365 days a year in their fields, orchards, or pastures, without losing any time. They aren't required to spend half the year just to gather enough food and fuel to be sustained through the other six months of relative inactivity.
Owing to the exceptional natural facilities for producing sugar and tobacco cheaply and easily, the farmers of Cuba largely become, in one sense of the word, “specialists,” and little by little have fallen into the habit of producing enormous crops of these two staples that are sold abroad, while food crops are imported at an expense far above that which it would cost to produce them in the Island. This neglect of food and forage crops would seem to render Cuba an ideal place for the general farmer and stock raiser, and the Department of Agriculture, under the direction of General E. Sanchez Agramonte, is now making every effort to place the advantages of the country for diversified farming before the outside world, so that practical farmers and families from agricultural districts abroad may be induced to come to Cuba and settle permanently.
Because of the outstanding natural conditions for producing sugar and tobacco cheaply and easily, farmers in Cuba have largely become, in a way, "specialists." Gradually, they have developed a habit of producing huge crops of these two staples for export, while they import food crops at a cost much higher than it would take to grow them on the island. This neglect of food and forage crops seems to make Cuba an ideal spot for general farmers and livestock raisers. The Department of Agriculture, led by General E. Sanchez Agramonte, is now making every effort to showcase the country's potential for diversified farming to the outside world, hoping to attract practical farmers and families from agricultural areas abroad to come to Cuba and settle down.
The Republic ultimately will raise her own live stock and should produce sufficient corn, rice, beans, peanuts and perhaps wheat to be, to a large extent at least, independent of the outside world. With this purpose in view the Department of Agriculture has encouraged immigration and through the Experimental Station at Santiago de las Vegas is making greater efforts than ever before to ascertain just what crops and what seeds or plants are best adapted to the soil and climate of Cuba.
The Republic will eventually raise its own livestock and should produce enough corn, rice, beans, peanuts, and maybe even wheat to be, at least to a large extent, independent from the outside world. To achieve this goal, the Department of Agriculture has encouraged immigration and is working harder than ever through the Experimental Station at Santiago de las Vegas to determine which crops and what seeds or plants are best suited to Cuba's soil and climate.
This information is being gathered and carefully digested so that it may be given to the homeseekers and settlers of which the country stands in such urgent need. At the request of the Secretary of Agriculture, Dr. Calvino, chief of the Government Station, together with his staff, is searching for and bringing from all parts of the globe every plant and every variety of animal that can be utilized for food purposes.
This information is being collected and thoroughly reviewed so it can be shared with the home seekers and settlers that the country desperately needs. At the request of the Secretary of Agriculture, Dr. Calvino, head of the Government Station, along with his staff, is looking for and gathering every plant and variety of animal from around the world that can be used for food.
Nearly every variety of wheat, corn, sorghum, rice, potatoes, grains and tubers, is being tested and tried on the 160 acres of land belonging to the station. Grapes, peaches, plums and other semi-tropical fruits are being planted, experimented with and carefully watched for results, while forage plants and grasses from South America, Africa, Australia, India, China, Europe and the United States are being tried, each under conditions approaching as nearly as possible those of its original habitat.
Almost every type of wheat, corn, sorghum, rice, potatoes, grains, and tubers is being tested on the 160 acres of land owned by the station. Grapes, peaches, plums, and other semi-tropical fruits are being planted, experimented with, and closely monitored for results, while forage plants and grasses from South America, Africa, Australia, India, China, Europe, and the United States are being tried, each in conditions that closely resemble their original habitats.
Although Cuba with its adjacent islands has an area of only about 45,000 square miles—approximating the area of the State of Mississippi—one finds many varieties of soil, the characteristics of which, even when lying contiguous, are so varied as to be astounding. High and comparatively dry plateaus, in places, rise almost abruptly from low level savannas that remain moist in the driest seasons of the year. Rich deep soiled mountain sides and valleys may be found within a few miles of pine barrens, whose hillsides are valued only for the mineral wealth that may lie beneath the surface.
Although Cuba and its nearby islands cover only about 45,000 square miles—similar in size to the State of Mississippi—there are many different types of soil that are surprisingly diverse, even when they’re next to each other. High and relatively dry plateaus can rise steeply from low-lying savannas that stay damp even during the driest seasons. Just a few miles away, you can find rich, deep-soiled mountains and valleys next to pine barrens, where the hillsides are appreciated only for the mineral resources that might be hidden beneath the soil.
Great areas of rich virgin forest, in both mountain and plain, still exist, especially in the eastern half of the Island, where many thousands of acres in the open, if planted with suitable grasses, would support countless herds of cattle and live stock. To bring all of this territory as soon as possible into a state of profitable cultivation, and thus supply permanent homes for farmers and stock raisers, is the great aim and purpose of the Department of Agriculture in Cuba today, and to the consummation of these plans Secretary Agramonte is devoted, with a most able and energetic Assistant Secretary in Dr. Carlos Armenteros.
Large areas of untouched, fertile forest still exist, particularly in the eastern half of the Island. If suitable grasses were planted, many thousands of acres of cleared land could support numerous herds of cattle and livestock. The main goal of the Department of Agriculture in Cuba today is to swiftly bring all this land into productive farming, providing permanent homes for farmers and ranchers. Secretary Agramonte is fully committed to achieving these plans, supported by a highly capable and energetic Assistant Secretary, Dr. Carlos Armenteros.
The great pressing problems of agriculture in the Republic would seem to be quite sufficient for any one man’s energies, but, as the present government was planned and organized, an enormous amount of additional work, including the supervision of mines, forests, weights, measures, bank inspection, commerce and labor, come under its jurisdiction, rendering the responsibilities of the Department heavier and more complicated than any other branch of the Government, and demanding a degree of persistence and versatility probably not called for on the part of any other Cabinet Officer.
The major challenges in agriculture within the Republic would seem to take up all of one person's energy, but given how the current government is structured, there's a huge amount of additional work to handle. This includes overseeing mines, forests, weights, measures, bank inspections, commerce, and labor, all falling under its authority. This makes the responsibilities of the Department heavier and more complex than any other branch of the government, requiring a level of persistence and adaptability that's probably not needed by any other Cabinet member.
The Department of Agriculture has a personnel of 640 while approximately a million and a half dollars are appropriated by the Budget for carrying on the work of the Department. For convenience of administration the Department is divided into the following sections:
The Department of Agriculture has a staff of 640, while about one and a half million dollars is allocated by the Budget to support the Department's work. To make management easier, the Department is divided into the following sections:
- Agriculture,
- Veterinary Inspection and Zoology,
- Commerce and Industry,
- Immigration, Colonization and Labor,
- Forests and Mines,
- Patents and Trade Marks.
In addition to these are several Bureaus, stations and offices that report directly to the Assistant Secretary.
In addition to these, there are several bureaus, stations, and offices that report directly to the Assistant Secretary.
The Section of Agriculture, naturally, is the largest and most comprehensive of the various divisions or branches of the Department. Under its direction are the six various “granjas” or Agricultural Schools that are maintained, one in each Province. The distribution of seeds and the awarding of agricultural prizes come under its direction, as so also the inspection of fish, turtling and sponging, and the registration of domestic animals, including horses, mules and cattle.
The Agriculture Section is, of course, the largest and most extensive of the different divisions of the Department. It oversees six Agricultural Schools, one in each province. It also handles the distribution of seeds, awarding agricultural prizes, inspecting fisheries, turtling, and sponging, as well as registering domestic animals, including horses, mules, and cattle.
It has also charge of all agricultural fairs and exhibitions, either foreign or domestic. The purpose of the “Granjas” or agricultural schools is to educate the children of the rural districts along those lines which will tend to make them practical farmers and useful citizens of the community. Pupils are admitted at the age of fourteen and are given tuition, board, lodging and clothes at the expense of the Government.
It also oversees all agricultural fairs and exhibitions, whether they're international or local. The goal of the "Granjas" or agricultural schools is to teach the children from rural areas in ways that will help them become practical farmers and valuable members of the community. Students can join at the age of fourteen and receive tuition, meals, housing, and clothing at the Government's expense.
An excellently equipped laboratory for the analysis of soils, fertilizer, or other material pertaining to agricultural industries, is maintained by the Division of Agriculture, and forms one of the most useful branches of the Department.
An excellently equipped lab for analyzing soils, fertilizers, or other materials related to agricultural industries is maintained by the Division of Agriculture and is one of the most useful branches of the Department.
The Division of Commerce and Industry is entrusted with the inspection of nearly everything pertaining to the commerce and industry of the country. One very important branch is that of the inspection of banks, tobacco factories, sugar plantations and mills, and general industries of the Island. A Bureau of Statistics is also attached to this Division.
The Division of Commerce and Industry is responsible for inspecting almost everything related to the country's commerce and industry. One key area is the inspection of banks, tobacco factories, sugar plantations and mills, and general industries on the Island. There is also a Bureau of Statistics associated with this Division.
The Division of Veterinary Science and Animal Industry, is entrusted with the development of animal industry throughout the Island, and with the duty of protecting, as far as possible, livestock of all kinds from disease, either foreign or domestic. A laboratory, thoroughly equipped, is maintained as an auxiliary of this Division, enabling the Director to determine the nature of any given disease and to provide means and material for combating it.
The Division of Veterinary Science and Animal Industry is responsible for developing the animal industry across the Island and tasked with protecting all types of livestock from both foreign and domestic diseases as much as possible. A well-equipped laboratory supports this Division, allowing the Director to identify the nature of any disease and to supply the necessary means and materials to fight it.
Under the direction of the same Section are six poultry stations, one in each Province, where experiments are conducted with reference to poultry raising and to the cure of infectious diseases that may afflict. Three breeding stations, too, dependent on this Bureau, have been established in the eastern, central and western districts.
Under the same Section's supervision, there are six poultry stations, one in each Province, where experiments are conducted related to poultry raising and the treatment of infectious diseases that may affect them. Additionally, three breeding stations connected to this Bureau have been established in the eastern, central, and western districts.
The Division of Forests and Mines, owing to the incalculable wealth of Cuba’s mines of iron, copper, manganese, chrome, etc., and to the immense value of her virgin forests of hard woods, scattered throughout the mountainous districts of the interior is of special importance. Forest inspectors are maintained whose duty is to see that timber is not cut without authorization from either government or private lands, or surreptitiously smuggled away from the coast. The enormous acreage, too, of the red and yellow mangrove, remarkably rich in tannin, that encircles nearly all the islands bordering on the interior lagoons, and the making of charcoal carried on in these districts, are supervised by the forest inspectors.
The Division of Forests and Mines is especially important due to the immense wealth of Cuba’s iron, copper, manganese, chrome, and other mineral resources, as well as the significant value of its untouched hardwood forests found throughout the mountainous areas of the interior. Forest inspectors are employed to ensure that timber is not cut without proper authorization from either government or private lands, or secretly smuggled away from the coast. The vast areas of red and yellow mangrove, which are highly rich in tannin, that surround almost all the islands near the interior lagoons, as well as the charcoal production happening in these regions, are also overseen by the forest inspectors.
Every mineral claim located in the Republic must be reported to the Director of Mines in charge of this Division, where it is registered in books kept for the purpose in the name of the individual petitioning, with the date and hour of record, together with the dimensions or boundaries of said claim carefully indicated. With this registration a payment of $2 for each hectare of land is made and receipted for, which entitles the owner, after said claim has been surveyed by the engineers pertaining to the Division of Mines, to the sole privilege of working the claim, or taking either mineral asphalt or oil from beneath the surface.
Every mineral claim located in the Republic must be reported to the Director of Mines overseeing this Division, where it is recorded in official books in the name of the individual applying, along with the date and time of the record, and clearly showing the dimensions or boundaries of the claim. Along with this registration, a payment of $2 for each hectare of land is made and documented, which gives the owner the exclusive right to work the claim or extract either mineral asphalt or oil from below the surface, once the claim has been surveyed by the engineers from the Division of Mines.
In the Division of Trade Marks and Patents, one of the most important in the Department, patents and trade-marks are granted for a nominal sum to both citizens and foreigners. Companies that have secured patents in foreign countries, after producing evidence to that effect, may duplicate or extend their patents in this office, and trade-marks that have been established in other countries may be registered in Cuba on proper application. Patents for books and publications are also handled in this Division.
In the Division of Trademarks and Patents, which is one of the key sections of the Department, patents and trademarks are issued for a small fee to both locals and foreigners. Companies that have obtained patents in other countries can provide proof and then duplicate or extend their patents here, and trademarks that have been registered in other countries may also be registered in Cuba with the appropriate application. This Division also manages patents for books and publications.
The Department of Meteorology is responsible for all astronomical and meteorological observations, and for the publication of data in regard thereto. The Weather Bureau and all observatories come under its jurisdiction, together with the publication of official time. It is responsible for the collection of all data concerning weather and climate that may affect crops, which data is published weekly, monthly and annually.
The Department of Meteorology is in charge of all astronomical and meteorological observations and for publishing related data. The Weather Bureau and all observatories fall under its authority, along with the publication of official time. It is responsible for gathering all data about weather and climate that may impact crops, which is published weekly, monthly, and annually.
Under the Division of Immigration, Colonization and Labor matters pertaining to subjects connected with immigration, wages, hours and working condition of laborers and their connection with capital or employers, are handled and adjusted. During the year 1918, this Bureau amicably settled eighteen labor disputes, thus avoiding threatened strikes. Records of all accidents to labor are kept on file.
Under the Division of Immigration, Colonization and Labor, issues related to immigration, wages, work hours, and the working conditions of laborers, as well as their relationships with capital or employers, are managed and resolved. In 1918, this Bureau successfully settled eighteen labor disputes, helping to prevent potential strikes. Records of all labor-related accidents are maintained on file.
Every immigrant entering the Island of Cuba from any country must be provided with $30 in cash before being released from Triscornia, the receiving station on the Bay of Havana. From this station immigrants without means are looked after by the Division of Immigration, and the company or person, who, desiring his services, takes him out, is required to give a bond that he will not become a public charge. This Department also issues permits to sugar estates, corporations or companies who wish to import labor on a large scale.
Every immigrant arriving in Cuba from any country must have $30 in cash before being released from Triscornia, the reception center in Havana Bay. At this center, immigrants without resources are cared for by the Division of Immigration, and the company or individual who wants to hire them must provide a bond ensuring they won’t become a public charge. This department also issues permits to sugar plantations, corporations, or companies that want to import labor on a large scale.
Under the direction of this Division, the Government has started a colony for laborers at Pogolotti, a suburb of Havana, where 950 houses have been built, each with a parlor, two bedrooms, a bath, kitchen and a yard. They are rented to laborers only, at a monthly rental of $3.12. Of this $2.71 is applied to the credit of the renter towards the purchase of the house, the remainder going for expenses of administration and water. The purchase price is fixed at $650, and when this has been paid the laborer becomes the owner.
Under this Division's guidance, the Government has launched a housing project for workers in Pogolotti, a neighborhood in Havana, where 950 houses have been constructed. Each house includes a living room, two bedrooms, a bathroom, a kitchen, and a yard. They are available for rent exclusively to workers at a monthly rate of $3.12. Of this amount, $2.71 goes towards the renter's credit for buying the house, while the rest covers administrative costs and water. The total purchase price is set at $650, and once that amount is paid, the worker becomes the owner.
In addition to the above mentioned Divisions or Sections there are several independent Bureaus or offices, reporting directly to the Sub-Secretary and acting under his instructions. Among these is the Bureau of Game and Bird Protection, organized to enforce the law regulating the open and closed seasons for hunting deer, and the various game birds, ducks, pigeons, quail, etc., that abound in Cuba. The work of this Bureau is conducted along lines and methods similar to those employed in the United States. The duties of the Director of this most worthy Institution are onerous and unending and to his indefatigable energy is due the saving of thousands of valuable birds and animals.
In addition to the divisions and sections mentioned above, there are several independent bureaus or offices that report directly to the Sub-Secretary and operate under his guidance. One of these is the Bureau of Game and Bird Protection, established to enforce laws regarding open and closed hunting seasons for deer and various game birds, ducks, pigeons, quail, and more, which are plentiful in Cuba. The work of this bureau is carried out using similar lines and methods as those used in the United States. The responsibilities of the director of this valuable institution are demanding and endless, and it is his tireless energy that has saved thousands of precious birds and animals.
A Bureau known as the Bureau of Publications and Exchanges is charged with the publication in Spanish of an Agricultural Review, intended for the enlightenment of the agriculturists of the Island. In this monthly are printed the reports of the many experiments and important work carried on at the Government’s Experimental Station at Santiago de las Vegas, and other matters pertaining to Agricultural industries.
A department called the Bureau of Publications and Exchanges is responsible for publishing an Agricultural Review in Spanish, aimed at educating the farmers on the Island. This monthly publication includes reports on various experiments and significant work conducted at the Government’s Experimental Station in Santiago de las Vegas, as well as other topics related to agricultural industries.
It is the desire of the Government of Cuba to encourage immigration, and to invite especially agriculturists and farmers from all countries, and to use every legitimate means of inducing the better class of immigrants to make permanent homes in the agricultural districts of the Island. But in order to guard against misleading information, and possible failure on the part of settlers from foreign countries in Cuba, one of the main objects of the Bureau of Information of the Department of Agriculture is not only to promulgate the exact truth, as far as possible, in regard to conditions, but also to protect the homeseeker against the machinations of irresponsible real estate agents, and the disappointment that would result from the purchase or cultivation of lands that could not give satisfactory returns.
The Cuban government wants to promote immigration, especially inviting farmers and agricultural professionals from around the world. They aim to use every legitimate way to encourage quality immigrants to settle permanently in the agricultural areas of the island. However, to prevent misinformation and possible difficulties for foreign settlers in Cuba, one of the key goals of the Bureau of Information within the Department of Agriculture is to provide accurate information about conditions as much as possible. They also seek to protect home seekers from the manipulations of unreliable real estate agents and the disappointment that could come from buying or farming land that won't produce satisfactory results.
The Government wants every homeseeker or investor of capital in Cuba to make a success of his undertaking, since only success redounds to the credit and reputation of the Republic. Hence every effort is being made to advise prospective settlers and investors, in regard to any legitimate undertaking that may be contemplated. This advice is invariably gratis and correspondents are requested not to enclose stamps for replies to their communications, since these are official and do not require postage. Personal interviews are invited at all times under the same conditions.
The Government wants every home seeker or investor in Cuba to succeed in their endeavors, as only success enhances the credit and reputation of the Republic. Therefore, every effort is being made to advise prospective settlers and investors regarding any legitimate projects they may consider. This advice is always free, and correspondents are asked not to include stamps for replies to their messages, as these are official communications and do not require postage. Personal meetings are welcome at any time under the same conditions.
During the first Government of Intervention, under the direction of General Leonard Wood, an agricultural experimental station was inaugurated on the outskirts of the little town of Santiago de las Vegas, some ten miles from the City of Havana. One hundred and sixty-six acres were purchased for the use of the station and Mr. Earle, formerly connected with the Department of Agriculture in Washington, was installed as Director.
During the first Government of Intervention, led by General Leonard Wood, an agricultural research station was established on the outskirts of the small town of Santiago de las Vegas, about ten miles from Havana. One hundred and sixty-six acres were bought for the station, and Mr. Earle, who had previously worked with the Department of Agriculture in Washington, was appointed as Director.
The grounds were well located, with a fine automobile drive passing along its eastern boundary and the Havana Central Railroad close by on the west. A large quadrangular edifice occupied by Spanish military forces, was transformed into the main building of the station. Other houses for the protection of stock, machinery, etc., were soon added, while resident homes were built for the officers of the station.
The property was well situated, with a nice driveway along its eastern edge and the Havana Central Railroad nearby to the west. A large rectangular building that housed Spanish military forces was turned into the main station building. Additional structures for storing equipment, machinery, and other supplies were quickly added, along with homes for the station's officers.
An abundant source of good water was found at a depth of one hundred feet and large steel tanks were erected so irrigation could be utilized where needed.
An ample supply of clean water was discovered at a depth of one hundred feet, and large steel tanks were built to enable irrigation where necessary.
Choice fruit and shade trees were brought, not only from the different provinces of Cuba, but also from other parts of the tropical world and planted for experimental purposes. Of the latter the Australian eucalyptus has made a wonderful growth.
Choice fruit and shade trees were brought, not only from various provinces of Cuba, but also from other parts of the tropical world and planted for experimental purposes. Among these, the Australian eucalyptus has grown remarkably well.
A splendid staff of botanists, horticulturists, bacteriologists and men versed in animal industry were installed to assist the Director. Considerable valuable pioneer work was done by these men and much useful knowledge was imparted to the farmers of Cuba.
A fantastic team of botanists, horticulturists, bacteriologists, and experts in animal industries was set up to support the Director. These individuals did a lot of important pioneering work, providing valuable knowledge to the farmers of Cuba.
With the installation of the Cuban Republic, several changes were made in the Direction of the Station, but the routine work was carried on with a fair degree of success. To bring about radical reforms among the older agriculturists, who for many years have been addicted to the antiquated methods of their forefathers, is not an easy task in any country. To separate the administration of the Agricultural Station of Cuba from the bane of politics was still more difficult.
With the establishment of the Cuban Republic, several changes were implemented in the management of the Station, but the regular work continued with a reasonable level of success. Bringing about significant reforms among the older farmers, who have been stuck in the outdated methods of their ancestors for many years, is not an easy challenge in any country. Separating the administration of the Agricultural Station of Cuba from the problems of politics was even more difficult.
With the inauguration of General Menocal’s second term in office, several changes were made, the result of which have been both marked and beneficial. General Eugenio Sanchez Agramonte, former President of the Senate and an ardent lover of everything connected with farm life, was appointed Secretary of Agriculture, while Doctor Carlos Armenteros, an enthusiastic and indefatigable worker, was made Assistant Secretary.
With the start of General Menocal's second term in office, several changes were made that were both significant and beneficial. General Eugenio Sanchez Agramonte, the former President of the Senate and a passionate advocate for everything related to farm life, was appointed Secretary of Agriculture, while Doctor Carlos Armenteros, an eager and tireless worker, was named Assistant Secretary.
General Agramonte, realizing all that a well conducted experimental station meant to the agricultural interests of the country, after careful search and examination into credentials, selected Dr. Mario Calvano, an Italian by birth, but cosmopolitan in education and experience, for the new Director of the Station, while larger credits and a greater number of assistants were placed at his disposal.
General Agramonte, understanding the significance of a well-run experimental station for the agricultural needs of the country, carefully reviewed credentials and chose Dr. Mario Calvano, who was Italian by birth but had a diverse education and experience, as the new Director of the Station. He was also provided with increased funding and a larger team of assistants.
The result was to a high degree both beneficial and satisfactory. The main building was renovated and, as the Director said, “made possible,” from floor to ceiling. The southwestern part of the edifice was turned over to the Department of Woods, Textile Plants and Allied Studies, and here may be found, labeled and artistically arranged, most of the indigenous woods of the forests of Cuba, both in the natural state and highly polished. Samples of every textile plant known to the Island, of which there are many, hang from the wall, showing the plant as it was taken from the fields, and how it looks after being decorticated.
The outcome was largely both beneficial and satisfactory. The main building was renovated and, as the Director stated, “made possible,” from top to bottom. The southwestern section of the building was designated for the Department of Woods, Textile Plants, and Related Studies, where you can find most of the native woods from Cuba's forests, both in their natural form and polished. Samples of every textile plant known on the Island, which are numerous, hang on the wall, displaying the plant as it came from the fields and how it appears after being processed.
Leaving this section one steps down into a small garden, covering not over a quarter of an acre, in which may be found growing specimens of valuable and interesting plants and trees that have been gathered from Cuba and from other parts of the world so that their adaptability to this soil and climate may be studied.
Leaving this section, one steps down into a small garden, covering no more than a quarter of an acre, where you can find specimens of valuable and interesting plants and trees collected from Cuba and other parts of the world to study their adaptability to this soil and climate.
The entire northern side of the building is given over to Animal Industry and to Bacteriology, where experiments of vital importance to animal life are conducted under the direction of experts. Not long ago men were brought from the Bureau of Animal Industry in Washington to assist the Station to establish a plant for the manufacture of the serum that has proven so efficacious in protecting hogs from the cholera or pintadilla, as it is known in Cuba. Considerable space is given over to the raising of guinea pigs, for use in experiments in making cultures of the germs that produce anthrax and other diseases that might endanger the herds of the Island.
The entire northern side of the building is dedicated to Animal Industry and Bacteriology, where crucial experiments for animal life are carried out by experts. Recently, specialists were brought in from the Bureau of Animal Industry in Washington to help the Station set up a facility for producing the serum that has been very effective in protecting pigs from cholera, or pintadilla, as it’s called in Cuba. A significant amount of space is allocated for raising guinea pigs, which are used in experiments to create cultures of the germs that cause anthrax and other diseases that could threaten the island's livestock.
Many splendid specimens of live stock, at the order of the Secretary, have been purchased in the United States and other parts of the world and brought to the station for breeding purposes. Some twenty odd magnificent stallions, most of them riding animals and cavalry remounts, were secured in Kentucky and other states during the spring of 1918 and brought to the station, where they have been divided among branch stations located in the other provinces of the Island.
Many beautiful specimens of livestock, as requested by the Secretary, have been bought in the United States and other parts of the world and brought to the station for breeding purposes. About twenty magnificent stallions, mainly riding horses and cavalry replacements, were acquired in Kentucky and other states during the spring of 1918 and brought to the station, where they have been distributed among branch stations located in other provinces of the Island.
Excellent specimens of cattle also, including the Jersey, the Holstein, the Durham and Cebu or sacred cattle of India, have been purchased abroad and brought to the Station and then installed in splendid quarters, built of reinforced concrete for their accommodation. The Cebu has been crossed in Cuba with the native cattle for some years past with very satisfactory results. Doctor Calvino states that a two-year old steer, resulting from the cross between a Cebu and a native cow, will weigh quite as much as would the ordinary three-year old of straight breeding.
Excellent breeds of cattle, including Jersey, Holstein, Durham, and the Cebu, or sacred cattle of India, have been imported and settled in impressive facilities made of reinforced concrete. For the past few years, the Cebu has been interbred with native cattle in Cuba, yielding very positive results. Doctor Calvino points out that a two-year-old steer resulting from the cross between a Cebu and a native cow will weigh as much as an average three-year-old of purebred lineage.
Many specimens of thoroughbred hogs, including the Duroc, the Poland China, the Berkshire and the Tamworth, have been brought to the station, where they and their progeny seem to thrive even better than in the countries where the breed originated. Angora goats, too, that came from the Northwest, from Texas, and the mountains of Georgia, have given very satisfactory results in Cuba.
Many examples of purebred pigs, including the Duroc, Poland China, Berkshire, and Tamworth, have been brought to the station, where they and their offspring seem to do even better than in the countries where the breeds originated. Angora goats, also brought in from the Northwest, Texas, and the mountains of Georgia, have produced very satisfactory results in Cuba.
Under the direction of Doctor Calvino, nearly every acre of the Station has been devoted to some useful purpose. The grounds on either side of the main driveway are instructive and interesting. As the winter visitor passes down the long lane, he will find various tracts under comparatively intensive cultivation, planted in nearly all the vegetables common to the United States in addition to those found in Cuba. Among others are tomatoes, egg plants, green peppers, okra, beans, peas, potatoes, sweet potatoes, peanuts, cabbage, beets, malanga, yucca, name, acelgas and chayete. Each variety is carefully labelled, with time of planting and other data necessary for complete reports on results obtained.
Under Dr. Calvino's guidance, almost every acre of the Station has been put to a practical use. The areas on both sides of the main driveway are educational and intriguing. As a winter visitor walks down the long lane, they'll come across various sections that are intensively cultivated, growing nearly all the vegetables common in the United States as well as those found in Cuba. These include tomatoes, eggplants, green peppers, okra, beans, peas, potatoes, sweet potatoes, peanuts, cabbage, beets, malanga, yucca, name, acelgas, and chayote. Each type is clearly labeled, including planting times and other information needed for complete reports on the results achieved.
Other sections are given over to fruits, and nut bearing trees, those indigenous to Cuba and those brought from other countries. Among the indigenous fruits we have the beautiful mango, the agucate, the guanabana, the marmoncillo, the mamey, colorado and amarillo, the anon, the nispero or zapote, the caimito, the tamarind, the ciruela, and all varieties of the citrus family.
Other sections focus on fruits and nut-bearing trees, including those native to Cuba and those introduced from other countries. Among the native fruits are the beautiful mango, avocado, soursop, mamoncillo, the reddish mamey and the yellow mamey, cherimoya, sapodilla, caimito, tamarind, plum, and all varieties of citrus fruits.
Large beautiful groves of oranges, limes, lemons and grape fruit in full bearing, form a very interesting part of the station’s exhibit. Some sixteen varieties of the banana, the most productive source of nourishing food of all the vegetable kingdom, may be studied here under favorable conditions.
Large, beautiful groves of oranges, limes, lemons, and grapefruit in full bloom make for a very interesting part of the station’s exhibit. You can study about sixteen varieties of bananas, the most productive source of nourishing food in the vegetable kingdom, here under ideal conditions.
Several acres have been given over to seed beds and nursery stock, which in a short time will supply valuable plants of many kinds to other parts of the Island. A section has been devoted to the cultivation of various textile plants, including the East Indian jute, the ramie, common flax, and the malva blanca of Cuba.
Several acres have been dedicated to seed beds and nursery stock, which will soon provide valuable plants of various kinds to other areas of the Island. A portion has been set aside for growing different textile plants, including East Indian jute, ramie, common flax, and the malva blanca from Cuba.
The large patio that occupies the center of the main building is adorned not only with many beautiful flowers common to this latitude, but also with quite a number of ornamental palms not common to Cuba, or at least, not to the Province of Havana. The charm of the spot is due not alone to the interest that arises from an opportunity to study animal and vegetable life under favorable conditions, but also the high degree of intelligent efficiency that has been introduced into the life of the Station with the advent of the present Secretary of Agriculture and Director, Dr. Calvino. Its beneficial influence is felt throughout the entire Republic.
The large patio in the center of the main building is decorated not only with many beautiful flowers typical of this region but also with several ornamental palms not usually found in Cuba, or at least, not common in the Province of Havana. The beauty of the place comes not just from the chance to observe animal and plant life in a great environment, but also from the high level of smart efficiency that has been brought to the Station by the current Secretary of Agriculture and Director, Dr. Calvino. Its positive impact is felt all across the Republic.
Owing to the fact that agricultural products form the chief source of Cuba’s revenues, the protection of her various grains, grasses and useful plants from infection and disease of whatever nature, becomes a matter of prime importance. Plant diseases and insect pests have brought ruin to agricultural efforts in many parts of the world. Fortunately perhaps most of the country’s agricultural effort is devoted to the production of sugar cane, which is subject to less danger from disease than almost any other plant of great economical value or utility.
Since agricultural products are the main source of Cuba’s income, protecting her various grains, grasses, and useful plants from infections and diseases of all kinds is extremely important. Plant diseases and insect pests have devastated agricultural efforts in many regions around the world. Fortunately, most of the country’s agricultural focus is on producing sugar cane, which is less vulnerable to diseases than nearly any other economically valuable or useful plant.
Tobacco, in the western end of the Island, has long been made the subject of study and care, with the result that efficient protection has been secured. Various other plants, however, and especially fruits, are extremely susceptible to disease and to infection. Some of these including citrus fruits, the cocoanut and the mango, have recently suffered severely from diseases that have been imported from other countries.
Tobacco, in the western part of the Island, has been extensively studied and nurtured, resulting in effective protection measures. However, various other plants, particularly fruits, are highly vulnerable to diseases and infections. Some of these, including citrus fruits, coconuts, and mangoes, have recently been hit hard by diseases that were brought in from other countries.
Cuba probably suffers less from these troubles than any other country within the tropics. Nevertheless her cocoanut industry, owing to the introduction of what is termed “bud rot,” a few years ago, was reduced from an annual exportation of 20,000,000 nuts to only a little over 2,000,000. A disease introduced from Panama also greatly injured a variety of the banana known as the “manzana.”
Cuba likely faces fewer of these issues than any other tropical country. However, its coconut industry has been severely impacted by a disease called “bud rot,” which was introduced a few years ago, causing annual exports to drop from 20,000,000 nuts to just over 2,000,000. A disease brought in from Panama also significantly harmed a type of banana known as “manzana.”
Not, however, until the unfortunate arrival of the “Black Fly,” discovered in India in 1903, and afterwards in some mysterious way conveyed to Jamaica, whence it found its way into Cuba in 1915, near Guantanamo, did the Government awaken to the fact that it was confronted by a serious pest that threatened not alone the citrus fruit industry, but the production of mangoes and also coffee.
Not until the unfortunate arrival of the "Black Fly," discovered in India in 1903 and later somehow brought to Jamaica, from where it made its way to Cuba in 1915 near Guantanamo, did the Government realize that it was facing a serious pest that threatened not just the citrus fruit industry but also the production of mangoes and coffee.
As soon as the Department of Agriculture became aware of the nature of this new disease, steps were taken to combat it scientifically, and with all of the resources at the disposal of the Government. An appropriation of $50,000 was at once granted and afterwards extended to $100,000. With this fund the Bureau of Plant Sanitation was quickly organized, with a central office in Havana. Competent inspectors were assigned to the three principal ports, where supervision over both imports and exports is conducted.
As soon as the Department of Agriculture learned about this new disease, they took scientific steps to fight it, using all the resources available from the government. An initial budget of $50,000 was immediately approved and later increased to $100,000. With this funding, the Bureau of Plant Sanitation was quickly established, with a central office in Havana. Skilled inspectors were assigned to the three main ports, where they oversee both imports and exports.
Inspectors in each province were installed to investigate the condition of various crops with special attention given to the Black Fly. Squads of trained men were organized to combat this pernicious diptera, especially in the vicinity of the City of Havana, whence the disease had been brought from Guantanamo. Passengers probably carried infected mangoes from that city to Vedado, a suburb of the capital, and from this center the Black Fly spread over a radius of ten miles around the city, giving the Bureau of Plant Sanitation an infinite amount of trouble.
Inspectors were appointed in each province to look into the condition of various crops, paying special attention to the Black Fly. Teams of trained individuals were formed to fight this harmful insect, especially around the City of Havana, where the disease had been brought from Guantanamo. Passengers likely brought infected mangoes from that city to Vedado, a neighborhood of the capital, and from there the Black Fly spread within a ten-mile radius of the city, causing the Bureau of Plant Sanitation countless problems.
Expert entomologists and trained men were brought from Florida to aid in the eradication of the enemy. A systematic pruning, spraying and general campaign against the Black Fly has been carried on ever since with more or less success. Badly infected trees have been cut down and burned, while gangs of men, organized as “fly fighters,” are conveyed in automobiles with their apparatus from one orchard to another, keeping up a continual struggle against this destructive insect.
Expert entomologists and trained personnel were brought in from Florida to help eliminate the threat. Since then, a systematic approach of pruning, spraying, and an overall campaign against the Black Fly has been ongoing with varying degrees of success. Severely infected trees have been removed and burned, while groups of workers, organized as “fly fighters,” are transported in cars with their equipment from one orchard to another, maintaining a constant battle against this harmful insect.
In the neighborhood of Guantanamo, where the pest had secured a foothold, a determined warfare is being waged. This enemy to several of the best fruits is undoubtedly one of the most difficult to contend with that has appeared in Cuba, but with the expenditure of time, money and much effort, it will undoubtedly be eradicated.
CHAPTER XV
SUGAR
CONSIDERED from the point of view of agriculture, manufactures or commerce, Cane is King in Cuba. The sugar crop of 1918, amounting to 25,346,000 bags, or 3,620,857 tons, was sold for over $350,000,000; and the crop of 1919, consisting of 27,769,662 bags, equivalent to 3,967,094 tons, will probably realize the sum of $500,000,000. The significance of these facts may be strikingly appreciated by making a simple comparison. The Cuban sugar crop of 1919 is worth $200 for every man, woman and child on the island; while the corn crop of the United States, the most valuable crop of that country, worth $3,000,000,000, is equal to only $30 per capita of the population.
CONSIDERED from the perspective of agriculture, manufacturing, or commerce, sugarcane is essential in Cuba. The sugar crop of 1918 totaled 25,346,000 bags, or 3,620,857 tons, and was sold for over $350,000,000. The 1919 crop, which consists of 27,769,662 bags, or 3,967,094 tons, is expected to bring in around $500,000,000. The importance of these figures can be highlighted by a straightforward comparison. The Cuban sugar crop of 1919 is worth $200 for each person on the island, while the U.S. corn crop, the country’s most valuable crop at $3,000,000,000, amounts to only $30 per person in the population.
The production and consumption of sugar throughout the world was practically doubled during the fifteen years preceding the world war. The total production for 1914 was 18,697,331 tons, of which 8,875,918 tons came from beets, and 9,821,413 tons from cane. As a consequence of the war, the world production for 1919 was only 16,354,580 tons, of which only 4,339,856 tons were obtained from beets, while 12,014,724 tons were obtained from cane. The crop of 1919 shows, therefore, a gross shortage of 2,342,751 tons compared with that of 1914, without taking into account the normal increase in consumption indicated by the experience of the fifteen years before the war; during which period the production of cane sugar in Cuba was actually trebled in volume, showing an average annual increase of approximately 125,000 tons. The production of sugar in Cuba in 1914 was 2,597,732 tons, and in 1919 it was 3,967,064 tons; showing an average annual increase of about 275,000 tons, or approximately seven per cent. These figures, taken with those of the fifteen preceding years, indicate that the development of the cane sugar business in Cuba during the past twenty years, or since the establishment of the Republic, has been of steady growth and healthy proportions.
The production and consumption of sugar around the world nearly doubled in the fifteen years leading up to the world war. The total production for 1914 was 18,697,331 tons, with 8,875,918 tons coming from beets and 9,821,413 tons from cane. Due to the war, global production in 1919 dropped to 16,354,580 tons, with only 4,339,856 tons from beets and 12,014,724 tons from cane. This means the 1919 crop had a significant shortage of 2,342,751 tons compared to 1914, not accounting for the normal increase in consumption based on the fifteen years before the war; during that time, cane sugar production in Cuba actually tripled, averaging an annual increase of around 125,000 tons. Sugar production in Cuba in 1914 was 2,597,732 tons, while in 1919 it rose to 3,967,064 tons, showing an average annual increase of about 275,000 tons, or roughly seven percent. These figures, along with those from the previous fifteen years, suggest that the cane sugar industry in Cuba has seen steady and healthy growth over the past twenty years, since the establishment of the Republic.
Natural conditions have greatly favored the growing of sugar cane in Cuba, and the demand for sugar throughout the world has increased so rapidly that it is not surprising that this industry has become paramount in the insular Republic. Begun on a small scale and in almost indescribably primitive fashion nearly four hundred years ago, as related in the first volume of the History of Cuba, it was not until near the end of the sixteenth century that the industry was established on a secure foundation. Even then it received little encouragement from the Spanish Government, and it was not until the close of the eighteenth and opening of the nineteenth century that it began to assume the proportions for which nature had afforded opportunity. With the emancipation of the island from peninsular rule, however, and the firm establishment of a government of Cuba by Cubans and for Cubans, the sugar industry has developed into proportionately one of the greatest in the world.
Natural conditions have really benefited the growth of sugar cane in Cuba, and the demand for sugar globally has increased so quickly that it’s no surprise this industry has become the most important in the island nation. It started on a small scale and in almost incredibly primitive ways nearly four hundred years ago, as mentioned in the first volume of the History of Cuba. It wasn’t until the late sixteenth century that the industry was put on a solid foundation. Even then, it didn’t get much support from the Spanish Government, and it was only at the end of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth century that it started to grow to the size that nature allowed. However, with the island’s freedom from colonial rule, and the successful establishment of a government by Cubans for Cubans, the sugar industry has developed into one of the largest in the world.
A general impression prevails that practically all of the lands in Cuba are adapted to the profitable cultivation of sugar cane; that numerous large and desirably located tracts, suitable in character and sufficient in area to justify the installation of modern “centrales” or factories of normal average capacity, are still to be found, scattered throughout the island and purchasable at nominal cost when compared with their economic value; and that the annual production of sugar in Cuba can, therefore, be profitably increased to the extent even of “supplying the whole world with all the sugar it needs.” This impression is, however, erroneous and misleading. General James H. Wilson, commanding the Military Department of Matanzas and Santa Clara under the first Government of Intervention, who was esteemed an authority on the subject, reported in 1899 that it was a mistake to suppose that all Cuban lands were of the first quality, such as would grow sugar cane continuously for twenty or thirty years without replanting; that there were in fact few such estates in Cuba; that most of the land, whether red or black soil, produces cane for only twelve or fifteen years, and much of it for from three to five years only; and that, in the two provinces named, there was then little new or virgin cane land left, nearly all of first class quality having at some time been under cultivation. In this report he did not, however, take into account the extensive areas of “cienaga” or swamp lands, which would not be available for cane growing purposes until drained. Since then it has also been satisfactorily demonstrated that some of the so-called “savana” land, which has a “mulatto” or yellow soil, hitherto regarded as worthless for sugar-producing purposes, can be made to produce good crops of cane by the judicious application of fertilizers and with suitable methods of cultivation. Sufficient time has not elapsed to determine the durability of such plantations.
A common belief is that nearly all the land in Cuba is suitable for profitable sugar cane farming; that there are many large, well-located plots, both the right type and large enough to support the establishment of modern sugar factories of average size, still available across the island at very low prices relative to their economic value; and that Cuba's annual sugar production could potentially be increased to the point of "supplying the whole world with all the sugar it needs." However, this belief is incorrect and misleading. General James H. Wilson, who was in charge of the Military Department of Matanzas and Santa Clara during the first __ Government of Intervention and was considered an expert on the topic, reported in 1899 that it was a misconception that all Cuban lands were top quality capable of supporting continuous sugar cane growth for twenty or thirty years without replanting; he noted that there were actually very few such estates in Cuba; that most land, whether it had red or black soil, only produces cane for twelve to fifteen years, and much of it only for three to five years; and that, in those two provinces, there was very little new or virgin cane land left, as nearly all high-quality land had been cultivated at some point. In this report, he did not factor in the vast “cienaga” or swamp areas, which cannot be used for cane cultivation until they are drained. Additionally, it has been proven that some so-called “savana” land, which has a “mulatto” or yellow soil and was previously considered unsuitable for sugar production, can actually yield good cane crops with proper use of fertilizers and appropriate farming methods. However, there hasn't been enough time to assess how long such plantations will last.
More conservative opinions, entitled to serious and careful consideration, have been expressed to the effect that first class new and virgin cane lands, favorably located and now available, can still be purchased in Cuba at figures as low as twenty dollars an acre and in sufficient area to make possible the profitable production of 3,000,000 tons of sugar above the present output, which approximates 4,000,000 tons; increasing the total to 7,000,000. It does not seem that such great areas could easily be hidden under a bushel in as small an island as Cuba, and it is probable that not more than one half of the total area of the new lands, purchasable at such a price, would be suitable for cane-growing purposes; in which case the cost would be raised to approximately forty dollars an acre for the actual cane-producing area. If these opinions and claims are accepted, it would seem unreasonable to expect that such large areas of land, yet remaining and now available, could average as good or prove as economically productive as the lands now actually under cultivation; and it would not, therefore, seem unreasonable to assume that to produce 3,000,000 additional tons of sugar would require an area nearly if not quite as large as that now required to produce the present annual output of approximately 4,000,000 tons. It is certainly difficult to believe that the area of land now producing sugar could be duplicated from the new and virgin lands now available in Cuba. The recent purchase of considerable acreages along the line of the newly constructed Northern Railway by the American Sugar Refining Company and the Czarnikow-Rionda interests, at prices ranging from seven hundred and fifty to one thousand dollars a caballeria, or about seventy five dollars an acre, for the actual cane-growing and sugar-producing area, would seem to emphasize the conclusion that first class new and virgin cane lands, yet remaining and now available in Cuba, are not so plentiful or so cheap as claimed by some and generally supposed.
More conservative viewpoints, which deserve serious and thoughtful consideration, have been shared suggesting that high-quality, untouched cane lands, well-located and currently available, can still be bought in Cuba for as low as twenty dollars an acre. There is enough land available to potentially increase sugar production by 3,000,000 tons, bringing the total output from the current approximately 4,000,000 tons up to 7,000,000 tons. It seems unlikely that such vast areas could easily be overlooked on an island as small as Cuba, and it’s probable that only about half of the new, purchasable land would actually be suited for cane cultivation. In that case, the cost would rise to around forty dollars an acre for the usable cane-growing area. If these views and claims are taken into account, it appears unreasonable to expect that such large newly available tracts of land could be as good or as economically productive as the currently cultivated lands. Therefore, it wouldn’t seem unreasonable to assume that producing an additional 3,000,000 tons of sugar would require an area nearly as large, if not the same size, as that used to produce the existing annual output of about 4,000,000 tons. It's certainly hard to believe that the land currently producing sugar could be matched by the new and untouched lands available in Cuba. The recent acquisition of significant acreage along the newly built Northern Railway by the American Sugar Refining Company and the Czarnikow-Rionda interests, at prices between seven hundred and fifty to one thousand dollars per caballeria, or around seventy-five dollars an acre, for the actual cane-growing and sugar-producing land, seems to underscore the conclusion that high-quality, untouched cane lands still available in Cuba are not as abundant or as inexpensive as some have claimed or generally believe.
The total area of Cuba is estimated at a maximum of about 30,000,000 acres; and it is probable that not more than ten per cent of this total area, or 3,000,000 acres, is adapted to and now available for the profitable cultivation of sugar cane, with sugar at even relatively normal pre-war average prices. Indeed it is doubtful if even continuance of the present abnormally high prices for sugar could greatly enlarge such now available area. Large tracts of the richest lands in Cuba, favorably conditioned and advantageously located but now covered by “cienagas” or swamps, can however be effectively and economically drained and made available for the cultivation of sugar cane; and such lands when drained should produce sugar more economically and profitably than any similar area of land in the island now growing cane. The largest of these swamps are in the Cauto River valley, in the vicinity of the Bay of Cardenas, and along the line of the Roque Canal leading thereto, and in the region covered by the Cienaga de Zapata. The reclaimable area of these swamp lands is estimated at not less than 750,000 acres.
The total area of Cuba is estimated to be around 30,000,000 acres, with only about ten percent of that, or 3,000,000 acres, suitable for profitable sugar cane cultivation at even relatively normal pre-war average prices. It's even questionable whether the current unusually high sugar prices could significantly increase the area available for cultivation. However, large sections of the richest land in Cuba, which are well-situated but currently covered by swamps or "cienagas," can be efficiently drained and opened up for sugar cane farming. Once drained, these lands should yield sugar more economically and profitably than any comparable area currently growing cane on the island. The largest of these swamps are located in the Cauto River valley, near the Bay of Cardenas, along the Roque Canal that leads there, and in the area known as Cienaga de Zapata. The reclaimable area of these swamp lands is estimated to be no less than 750,000 acres.
Putting the present average annual production of cane in Cuba at 20 long tons, and the average yield of sugar at 11.25 per cent, or 2.25 tons an acre, and assuming a gross yearly production of 4,000,000 tons of sugar, indicates that about 35,000,000 tons of cane are grown upon approximately 1,750,000 acres of land; and allowing an additional 500,000 acres, to provide for and cover planting, replanting as pasturage, it would seem that approximately 2,250,000 acres of the best conditioned and most favorably located cane lands now available are required to produce the present output of 4,000,000 tons. Careful consideration of the subject leads to the conclusion that there are not now available in the island over 500,000 acres of new and virgin lands, upon which cane can be planted and profitably grown, with sugar at prices approximating the pre-war ten-year average. But these additional lands cannot reasonably be expected to average as good or prove as economically productive as the lands now actually planted with and growing cane. It should not be unreasonable to allow, for planting, replanting and pasturage, the additional 250,000 acres required to complete the estimated 3,000,000 acres given as the probable maximum area adapted to, and now available for, the profitable cultivation of cane in Cuba; unless and until the swamp lands, having an area of about 750,000 acres, shall be drained, reclaimed and put under cultivation. Assuming that the additional 500,000 acres of land now available would yield in the same proportion as the lands now planted and producing, an increase of only 1,125,000 tons of sugar yearly would result, which would raise the total annual production to about 5,125,000 tons. Should the swamp lands be reclaimed and made productive, upon the same basis of calculation there would be a further increase of only 1,687,500 tons, bringing the total production of sugar in Cuba up to a maximum of only 6,812,500 tons a year, or at most, in round figures, about 7,000,000 tons. It seems most improbable that a larger production could be developed and permanently maintained, unless through fertilization and improved methods of cultivation, including irrigation; and it appears doubtful if such measures would more than compensate for the natural deterioration of soil and exhaustion of lands, that will inevitably result from long continued cultivation; for much of the lands now under cultivation will not produce for periods longer than from three to seven or at most ten years.
Assuming the current average annual production of cane in Cuba is 20 long tons, and the average sugar yield is 11.25 percent, or 2.25 tons per acre, with a total yearly production of 4,000,000 tons of sugar, we find that about 35,000,000 tons of cane are grown on roughly 1,750,000 acres of land. Adding another 500,000 acres for planting, replanting, and pasture means that about 2,250,000 acres of the best cane land currently available are needed to produce the current output of 4,000,000 tons. A careful look at the situation suggests that there are not more than 500,000 acres of new and virgin land on the island suitable for profitable cane cultivation at sugar prices close to the pre-war ten-year average. However, these new lands are unlikely to be as fertile or economically productive as the land currently used for cane. It's reasonable to allocate another 250,000 acres for planting, replanting, and pasture to complete the estimated maximum area of 3,000,000 acres suitable for profitable cane cultivation in Cuba, unless the swamp lands, which cover about 750,000 acres, are drained, reclaimed, and cultivated. If we assume the additional 500,000 acres currently available would yield similarly to the existing fields, we could expect an increase of only 1,125,000 tons of sugar annually, raising total production to about 5,125,000 tons. If the swamp lands are reclaimed and made productive, based on the same calculations, there would be a further increase of only 1,687,500 tons, bringing Cuba's total sugar production to a maximum of around 6,812,500 tons a year, or in round numbers, about 7,000,000 tons. It seems highly unlikely that production could grow and be sustained beyond this level without better fertilization and improved cultivation methods, including irrigation. It also appears uncertain whether these measures would sufficiently counteract the natural soil degradation and land exhaustion that result from continuous farming since much of the ground currently in use won’t yield for more than three to seven or at most ten years.
The Cienaga de Zapata is the largest and most easily drainable of the swamp areas mentioned. It is a vast alluvial plain, built up of the washings of the most fertile and durable cane growing lands of Cuba, enriched by the decomposition of the vegetable growth of uncounted centuries. It has a total area of 15,307 caballerias, or 505,154 acres; which is greater than the sugar-producing area of the Island of Porto Rico, or that of the Hawaiian Islands; indeed it is nearly as large as both combined. The net reclaimable area is not less than 450,000 acres; which is sufficient to provide cane for thirty “centrales” of 250,000 bags, or fifteen of 500,000 bags capacity each; equivalent to an output of 7,500,000 bags, or approximately 1,000,000 tons of sugar a year; the production of which would be effected under a combination of advantageous economic conditions not found in the production of sugar elsewhere in Cuba, if in the world. Chief among these advantageous conditions are the fertility of the soil, the extent and compactness of the area of land, its convenient and economical accessibility to a deep water port, and the fact that the entire area can be irrigated with water from the drainage canals at a maximum lift of not over ten feet. The drainage of these lands can be effected entirely by gravity and at a cost not exceeding twenty dollars per acre for the net sugar producing area. Comprehensive surveys have been made for effecting the drainage of this great territory by well known American engineers; and a plan providing for the utilization of the lands, when drained, has been prepared by Mr. R. G. Ward of New York City, who was one of the chief factors under Sir William Van Home in the building and putting into successful operation of the original main line of the Cuba Railroad, extending from Santa Clara to Santiago. Under the franchises or concessions controlled by Mr. Ward, the not distant future may, therefore, see the present output of sugar in Cuba increased by approximately one-fourth, from the now neglected lands of the Cienaga de Zapata.
The Cienaga de Zapata is the largest and most easily drainable of the swamp areas mentioned. It is a vast alluvial plain, formed from the runoff of Cuba's most fertile and resilient cane-growing lands, enriched by the breakdown of plant life over countless centuries. It covers a total area of 15,307 caballerias, or 505,154 acres, which is larger than the sugar-producing area of Puerto Rico or the Hawaiian Islands; in fact, it's almost as large as both combined. The net reclaimable area is at least 450,000 acres, enough to supply cane for thirty "centrales" producing 250,000 bags each, or fifteen with a capacity of 500,000 bags each; this translates to an output of 7,500,000 bags or about 1,000,000 tons of sugar per year. This production could happen under a mix of favorable economic conditions not found in sugar production anywhere else in Cuba, or even the world. Key among these favorable conditions are the soil's fertility, the size and compactness of the land, its easy access to a deep-water port, and the fact that the entire area can be irrigated from the drainage canals with a maximum lift of no more than ten feet. The land can be drained entirely by gravity at a cost not exceeding twenty dollars per acre for the net sugar-producing area. Comprehensive surveys for draining this vast territory have been conducted by well-known American engineers, and a plan for using the lands once drained has been developed by Mr. R. G. Ward of New York City, who played a key role under Sir William Van Home in building and launching the original main line of the Cuba Railroad, which runs from Santa Clara to Santiago. With the franchises or concessions held by Mr. Ward, we may soon see Cuba's current sugar output increase by about one-fourth, thanks to the now-ignored lands of the Cienaga de Zapata.
According to Mr. H. A. Himely, who is a recognized authority on the subject, 196 “centrales” handled the crop of 1919, amounting to 27,769,662 bags, or 3,967,064 tons of sugar. These “centrales” varied in output, from a minimum capacity of only 145 to a maximum of 701,768 bags, showing an average of about 142,000. Hence it is clear that the word “central” conveys no definite idea of capacity, and constitutes no exact unit of thought or calculation. Let us, however, assume that the word applies to a complete modern sugar factory of 250,000 bags yearly capacity, each bag containing 325 pounds of sugar; an output of 81,250,000 pounds. Factories of such capacity may be installed as single units or in multiple units. To obtain maximum results it is necessary that they shall be provided with sufficient areas of suitable land in one contiguous and reasonably compact body, within easy access of an economical deep water port, so that the costs of hauling and delivering the cane to the mill, and of transporting the sugar and molasses to the port, or shipside, may be reduced to the minimum. Now, of the new and virgin cane lands still remaining and now available in Cuba, there are few if any now obtainable which answer to these demands; and it is questionable if there are yet remaining and now available in the island new and virgin lands in tracts of sufficient size and aggregate area to warrant the installation of more than twenty “centrales,” having a combined yearly capacity of 5,000,000 bags. Indeed it is believed that it would be difficult if not impossible to find desirable and economically satisfactory locations for even so large a number.
According to Mr. H. A. Himely, who is an acknowledged expert on the topic, 196 "centrales" processed the 1919 crop, which amounted to 27,769,662 bags, or 3,967,064 tons of sugar. These "centrales" varied in output, with a minimum capacity of just 145 bags and a maximum of 701,768 bags, averaging around 142,000 bags. This makes it clear that the term "central" doesn’t convey a specific idea of capacity and doesn’t represent an exact unit of measurement. However, let’s assume that the term refers to a complete modern sugar factory with a yearly capacity of 250,000 bags, each bag containing 325 pounds of sugar; this results in an output of 81,250,000 pounds. Factories of this size can be set up as standalone units or in multiple setups. To achieve optimal results, these factories need to be located on sufficient amounts of suitable land that is contiguous and reasonably compact, with easy access to a cost-effective deep-water port. This reduces the expenses related to transporting cane to the mill and shipping sugar and molasses to the port or shipside. Currently, of the new and untouched cane lands still available in Cuba, there are very few, if any, that meet these requirements. It remains uncertain whether there are still new and virgin lands in sizes and total areas sufficient to justify the setup of more than twenty "centrales," with a combined yearly capacity of 5,000,000 bags. In fact, it’s believed that finding desirable and economically viable locations for even that many would be quite challenging, if not impossible.
Wherever possible, virgin forests are cleared and planted for cane fields, as the accumulated humus of centuries produces a growth of cane that with care will endure for from five to twenty-five years without replanting. In Oriente cane fields are still producing good crops which were planted fifty and even sixty years ago. This method of cane culture is, however, most uneconomical, since the soil in time will certainly become exhausted. No plant responds more quickly to judicious and generous use of fertilizers than does sugar cane; and, according to the best authorities, no matter how rich the soil may be, it pays to fertilize.
Wherever possible, untouched forests are cleared and replaced with cane fields, as the build-up of humus over the years supports cane growth that can last five to twenty-five years without needing to be replanted. In Oriente, cane fields are still yielding good crops that were planted fifty to sixty years ago. However, this method of growing sugarcane is quite inefficient, as the soil will eventually become depleted. No plant benefits more quickly from careful and generous fertilizer use than sugarcane; and according to leading experts, no matter how fertile the soil is, fertilizing is always worth it.
In opening up a sugar plantation, the trees are first felled and the trunks of valuable timber drawn off the land, while the limbs, brush and other waste materials are piled and burned. Owing to the previous shade of the trees, the ground is free from weeds, and but little preparation of the soil is required.
In starting a sugar plantation, the trees are first cut down and the valuable timber is removed from the land, while the branches, brush, and other waste materials are collected and burned. Because of the previous shade from the trees, the ground is free of weeds, so only a little preparation of the soil is needed.
For the first planting, men with heavy sharp pointed “jique” sticks, about five feet in length, travel on parallel lines across the fields, jabbing these stakes into the ground at intervals of four or five feet. Behind them follow others, bearing sacks of cane cut into short pieces, containing one or two joints each, a piece of which is thrust into each hole, and the earth pressed over it with the bare foot. From the eyes of these sections of cane in the rich, moist earth there quickly rise shoots or sprouts of cane, and under the influence of the heavy tropical rains that fall during the summer months the growth is so rapid that the young cane shades the ground before weeds have time to grow. According to the usual custom of the country, the stumps of trees are left to rot and enrich the soil. Thus in the course of a few years a plantation is started at comparatively small cost, from which cane may be cut without replanting for many years to come.
For the first planting, men with heavy, sharp-pointed “jique” sticks, about five feet long, move in parallel lines across the fields, pushing these stakes into the ground every four to five feet. Behind them, others carry sacks of cane cut into short pieces, each containing one or two joints, which they insert into each hole, pressing the soil down with their bare feet. From the eyes of these cane sections in the rich, moist earth, shoots quickly sprout, and thanks to the heavy tropical rains that fall during the summer months, the growth is so fast that the young cane shades the ground before weeds have a chance to grow. According to the usual custom of the country, tree stumps are left to decompose and enrich the soil. Thus, in just a few years, a plantation is established at relatively low cost, allowing cane to be harvested without replanting for many years.
Where sugar plantations are developed upon “savana” lands, the rows may be laid out with greater regularity and cultivated with modern machinery and implements until the cane has secured sufficient growth. At the expiration of eighteen months from the first planting, the cane should be ready for the mill. Cutters, with heavy machetes, go into the fields, seize the stalks of cane with the left hand, and with one deft blow of the machete cut them close to the ground. With three or four more strokes the canes are stripped of their leaves, topped, cut in halves and thrown into piles, ready to be loaded upon carts and carried to the mills or railroad stations.
Where sugar plantations are established on “savana” lands, the rows can be arranged more consistently and farmed with modern machinery and tools until the cane has grown enough. After eighteen months from the initial planting, the cane should be ready for processing. Workers with heavy machetes enter the fields, grasp the stalks of cane with their left hand, and with one quick swing of the machete, cut them close to the ground. With a few more cuts, the canes are stripped of their leaves, topped, halved, and piled up, ready to be loaded onto carts and taken to the mills or train stations.
During recent years hand labor in the fields has been difficult to secure in Cuba, and since the beginning of the European War the wages of cane cutters have risen from the usual average of $1.25 to $2.50 and even as high as $3.00 a day. Cuba has never had a sufficient amount of resident labor to handle her enormous crops of sugar. Thousands of men are brought to the Island annually, from Spain, the Azores, the Canary Islands, Venezuela, Panama and the West India Islands. Most of these laborers return to their homes at the end of the season, as they can live there in comfort upon the money earned until the next cane-cutting season. A machine for cutting cane, to do the work of forty men, has been invented and in 1918 received practical trial, which is said to have been fairly satisfactory. It is possible that this and other labor saving machinery will soon be perfected so that the large number of field hands now required may thus be replaced, to some extent, and the cost of cane culture and cutting correspondingly reduced.
In recent years, it's been hard to find manual labor for the fields in Cuba. Since the start of the European War, the wages for sugar cane cutters have jumped from the usual average of $1.25 to $2.50, and even up to $3.00 a day. Cuba has always struggled to have enough local labor to handle its massive sugar crops. Thousands of workers come to the island each year from Spain, the Azores, the Canary Islands, Venezuela, Panama, and the West Indies. Most of these laborers go back home at the end of the season because they can live comfortably on the money they've earned until the next sugar-cutting season. A machine that can cut cane and replace the work of forty men has been invented and was practically tested in 1918, with reports suggesting the results were fairly promising. It's possible that this and other labor-saving machines will soon be refined so that the large number of field workers currently needed can be reduced to some extent, which would also lower the costs of growing and cutting sugar cane.
Heavy two wheeled carts, drawn by from four to eight oxen, are still generally used to convey the cane from the fields to the mills or railroad stations. Plowing, also, is done largely with oxen, although these are being replaced on the more modern and up to date estates by traction engines hauling gang plows, and by motor driven trucks for the transportation of the cane. One of the latter, which was first used in 1918, is provided with several light steel demountable bodies, that are dropped at convenient places through the cane fields, where they are loaded and then drawn up again upon the frame of the truck by the power of the motor. The load of cane is then carried to the mill or loading station, and the empty body brought back to the field for reloading. Meanwhile other bodies have been loaded with cane, and the operation is repeated. Other experiments are being made with trucks of the ordinary type, mounted upon low wheels carrying so called caterpillar belts, so that they may be used in wet weather and on soft ground. These contrivances have not, however, eliminated the ox cart, which still hauls from the fields over ninety per cent of the cane produced in Cuba.
Heavy two-wheeled carts, pulled by four to eight oxen, are still commonly used to transport sugar cane from the fields to the mills or railroad stations. Plowing is largely done with oxen as well, although on more modern and updated estates, they're being replaced by traction engines pulling gang plows, and motor trucks are used for hauling the cane. One of these trucks, first used in 1918, has several lightweight, removable steel bodies that can be dropped at convenient spots in the cane fields, where they're loaded up and then lifted back onto the truck frame using motor power. The load of cane is then taken to the mill or loading station, and the empty body is returned to the field for reloading. Meanwhile, other bodies are being loaded with cane, and the process repeats. Other experiments are being done with regular type trucks mounted on low wheels that have so-called caterpillar belts, allowing them to be used in wet weather and on soft ground. However, these innovations have not replaced the ox cart, which still transports over ninety percent of the sugar cane produced in Cuba.
Labor plays an important part in the cost of producing sugar in Cuba and largely determines the profits of the industry. In 1914 the cost of producing a pound of sugar, in most of the well located and otherwise favorably conditioned mills in Cuba, was estimated at about two cents; and in some of the exceptionally favored mills even this figure left a margin of profit. But with the rapid rise in wages following the outbreak of the European War, and the consequent increase of expense of cultivating, cutting and handling cane, the cost of making sugar has become increasingly difficult to determine, as the wage rate may vary, both from day to day, and also in the different sections of the island, where labor may be scarce or plentiful.
Labor plays a crucial role in the cost of producing sugar in Cuba and largely determines the industry's profits. In 1914, the cost of producing a pound of sugar at most of the well-located and favorably conditioned mills in Cuba was estimated to be about two cents; and in some exceptionally favored mills, even this figure allowed for some profit. However, with the rapid rise in wages following the outbreak of the European War, and the subsequent increase in the expense of cultivating, cutting, and handling cane, determining the cost of making sugar has become increasingly challenging, as wage rates can vary both day to day and across different parts of the island, where labor may be either scarce or plentiful.
The urgent demand for sugar brought about by the European War caused many fields to be planted with cane the soils of which were not suited for the purpose. Mills were also erected at several places in districts not favored by nature for sugar production. Later, when the selling price of sugar was fixed by the Sugar Commission appointed for that purpose, these less fortunately situated mills, compelled as they were to pay practically double the usual amounts for labor, found little if any profit remaining at the end of the year’s operations. Those mills favored by fertile lands and good locations yielded and continue to yield excellent returns upon the capital invested, in spite of the increased cost of labor.
The urgent need for sugar due to the European War led to many fields being planted with cane in soils that weren't suitable for it. Mills were also built in areas that weren't naturally good for sugar production. Later, when the selling price of sugar was set by the Sugar Commission created for that purpose, these poorly located mills, which had to pay nearly double the usual labor costs, found little to no profit left at the end of the year. In contrast, mills located on fertile land continued to provide excellent returns on the investment, despite the rising labor costs.
In Cuba two altogether different methods are employed for planting, cultivating, cutting and delivering cane to the mills or loading stations, known, respectively, as the “Administration” and the “Colono” systems. Under the Administration system the work is directed by the management of the enterprise, and all labor and other expenses involved are paid by the owners of the property. Less than ten per cent of the cane annually produced is grown and delivered by this system. More than ninety per cent is, therefore, grown and delivered by the Colono system, which constitutes the distinctive feature of Cuban agriculture so far as it relates to the production of sugar. The system differs from the usual tenant-farming system in that there is no agreed sharing of the crop or fixed cash rental paid by the Colono to the landlord, in cases where the Colono is not himself the proprietor of the land in question. The system applies alike to lands owned by the enterprise, privately owned, or leased by the enterprise or the Colono; the terms and conditions varying slightly in each case. By a process of bargaining, based upon local conditions, the Colono gets from 4½% to 8%, with a probable average of 6¼%, of the weight of cane grown and delivered, in sugar, or its value in cash. That is to say, for every 100 pounds of cane grown and delivered by him he would get an average of 6¼ pounds of sugar, or its market value, in cash. Deducting the 6¼ pounds, paid as an average to the Colono, from the 11¼ pounds, given as the average yield of sugar, leaves only 5 pounds to the enterprise, out of which all expenses must be paid before profits or dividends can be shown. Moreover, under this system, any reduction in the yield of sugar would fall entirely upon the enterprise until it reached the 6¼% payable, on an average, to the Colono. As an illustration, take the crop of 1918 and 1919, amounting to 4,000,000 tons of sugar; about 2,222,225 tons went to the Colono, to cover the “cost of cane,” while only 1,777,775 tons went to the enterprise to cover all other expenses and provide for dividends upon the capital invested: and, should the yield of sugar have fallen one per cent, equivalent to 355,555 tons, the Colono would have received the same, while the enterprise would have received only 1,422,220 tons—and so on, until the enterprise would get nothing at all, although the earnings of the Colono would remain unchanged.
In Cuba, two completely different methods are used for planting, cultivating, cutting, and delivering cane to the mills or loading stations, known as the “Administration” and the “Colono” systems. In the Administration system, the management of the enterprise directs the work, and all labor and other expenses are covered by the property owners. Less than ten percent of the cane produced annually is grown and delivered through this system. More than ninety percent is, therefore, grown and delivered by the Colono system, which is a key aspect of Cuban agriculture in terms of sugar production. This system differs from the typical tenant-farming approach in that there’s no agreed sharing of the crop or fixed cash rent paid by the Colono to the landlord, if the Colono isn’t the landowner. The system applies similarly to lands owned by the enterprise, those privately owned, or those leased by either the enterprise or the Colono; the terms and conditions change slightly in each case. Through negotiation based on local conditions, the Colono receives between 4½% to 8%, with an average of about 6¼%, of the weight of cane grown and delivered, either in sugar or its cash value. In practical terms, for every 100 pounds of cane he grows and delivers, he typically receives about 6¼ pounds of sugar or its cash equivalent. If you subtract the 6¼ pounds paid on average to the Colono from the 11¼ pounds that is the average sugar yield, that leaves just 5 pounds for the enterprise, which must cover all expenses before profits or dividends can be calculated. Additionally, under this system, any decrease in the sugar yield would impact the enterprise entirely until it reached the average 6¼% payable to the Colono. For instance, in the 1918 and 1919 crop, totaling 4,000,000 tons of sugar, approximately 2,222,225 tons went to the Colono to cover the “cost of cane,” while only 1,777,775 tons went to the enterprise to handle all other expenses and provide dividends on the capital invested. If the sugar yield decreased by one percent, which is equivalent to 355,555 tons, the Colono would still receive that amount, while the enterprise would only receive 1,422,220 tons—and this pattern would continue until the enterprise received nothing, while the Colono's earnings would remain unchanged.
The system is, therefore, well named, for the Colono receives first consideration, while the enterprise carries the burden and accepts all risks; against which the advantage of a possible abnormal yield is certainly an inadequate compensation. Furthermore the mill owners generally assume the burden and risk of “financing” their Colonos; frequently advancing credits of from three to five times the amounts contributed by the Colono himself. However, with all its disadvantages, the Colono system is likely to prevail for some time to come, as it is doubtful if, under existing labor conditions, the large tonnage of cane now required could otherwise be obtained. The “guajiro,” or cane-cutter, is the autocrat of the situation; he knows he is scarce and, therefore, believes that he is indispensable. As a result, his efficiency has fallen from three and a quarter to two and a quarter tons a day; while his earnings, on a tonnage basis, have risen from 150% to 200%, when compared with pre-war conditions. The only solution for this unfavorable situation seems to depend upon the provision of continuous employment for labor, and the effecting of a rearrangement of the Colono system so as to permit of the performance of all heavy work, such as plowing and preparing the lands for planting, and hauling the cane from the fields, by the owners of the sugar-producing properties. They can afford to equip their establishments for the doing of such work upon a large and comprehensive scale, that will accomplish an indirect reduction in the present cost of producing and delivering cane to the mills, which, while increasing the profits of the Mill Owners, will not reduce the net earnings of labor or of the Colono.
The system is aptly named because the Colono is prioritized, while the enterprise takes on the burden and accepts all risks; the potential for an unusually high yield certainly isn't enough compensation for that. Moreover, the mill owners typically take on the responsibility and risk of "financing" their Colonos, often advancing credit of three to five times what the Colono contributes. Despite its drawbacks, the Colono system is likely to stick around for a while, as it’s uncertain whether the large volume of cane now needed could be sourced otherwise under current labor conditions. The "guajiro," or cane-cutter, is in control of the situation; he knows he's in short supply and thus considers himself essential. Consequently, his productivity has dropped from 3.25 tons a day to 2.25 tons a day, while his earnings per ton have risen from 150% to 200% compared to pre-war levels. The only way to address this unfavorable situation seems to rely on providing continuous employment for laborers and reorganizing the Colono system to allow for all heavy tasks, such as plowing, land preparation for planting, and hauling cane from the fields, to be performed by the owners of the sugar properties. They can invest in equipping their operations to handle this work on a large scale, which would help lower the current costs of producing and delivering cane to the mills. This would increase the profits of the mill owners without cutting into the net earnings of the laborers or the Colonos.
Natural conditions combine to favor the production of sugar in Cuba. Ample rains, so essential to the growth of cane, fall during the summer season while the cane is growing; and during the rest of the year the weather is sufficiently cool to bring about the complete ripening of the cane and the formation of its sucrose content, and to make possible the easy harvesting and handling of the cane in the fields, and its economical conveyance to the “centrales.” Careless and uneconomical methods have heretofore prevailed in the treatment of soils and in the cultivation of cane, which will undoubtedly be remedied in due course of time.
Natural conditions work together to support sugar production in Cuba. Plenty of rain, which is crucial for growing cane, falls during the summer while the cane is maturing; and throughout the rest of the year, the weather is cool enough to ensure that the cane fully ripens and develops its sugar content, making it easier to harvest and handle in the fields, as well as transport efficiently to the “centrales.” Until now, careless and wasteful practices have been common in soil treatment and cane cultivation, but these will likely be improved over time.
Under a more intensive system of cultivation, assisted by a better selection of seed, and the judicious and generous employment of fertilizers, including irrigation, wherever practicable, the position of Cuba as the largest and most economical producer of sugar in the world will be permanently assured.
With a more intensive farming approach, better seed selection, and the careful and generous use of fertilizers, including irrigation whenever possible, Cuba's status as the largest and most cost-effective sugar producer in the world will be secured for the long term.
No account of the sugar industry of Cuba would be complete which failed to make special mention of some of the most notable enterprises now existing in that Island; or of the men mainly responsible for their inception and development. Taking them in the order of their productive capacity, the following list covers the most important of such properties:
No discussion of the sugar industry in Cuba would be complete without highlighting some of the most significant businesses currently operating on the island, as well as the individuals primarily responsible for their creation and growth. In order of their production capacity, the following list includes the most important of these properties:
Mills | Bags | Percentage | |
Controlled | Produced | of Crops | |
Cuba Cane Sugar Corp | 17 | 4,319,189 | 15.59 |
Cuban-American Sugar Co | 6 | 1,938,368 | 7.00 |
Rionda Properties | 7 | 1,856,563 | 6.60 |
United Fruit Co | 2 | 776,045 | 2.80 |
Atkins Properties | 4 | 736,043 | 2.66 |
Poté Rodriguez Properties | 2 | 625,054 | 2.29 |
West Indies Sugar Finance Corp | 3 | 619,204 | 2.23 |
Gomez-Mena Properties | 2 | 605,000 | 2.19 |
Cuba Company Properties | 2 | 587,800 | 2.12 |
Mendoza-Cunagua Property | 1 | 452,583 | 1.64 |
The Cuba Cane Sugar Corporation was organized in 1915, to acquire and operate eighteen sugar properties upon which options had been obtained by Don Manuel Rionda, head of the long established sugar brokerage firm called the Czarnikow-Rionda Company, of New York City; who, though for many years a resident of the United States, still clings to his Spanish citizenship. Shortly after the organization of the corporation another large sugar property, including a railroad leading to a port on the Caribbean Sea, was acquired; but soon thereafter one of the original properties purchased was sold and another was dismantled, so that seventeen is the actual number now owned and operated by the corporation. Mr. Rionda deserved and received great credit for having negotiated, organized and launched the Cuba Cane Sugar Corporation, as and when he did; and the great success which almost immediately attended its consummation brought him great prestige and made him at once a dominant factor in and authority upon matters relating to sugar. It is immaterial that the eminence achieved was due largely, if not entirely, to the successive rises in the price of sugar, which applied especially to the crops of 1916, 1917 and 1919; for nothing succeeds like success.
The Cuba Cane Sugar Corporation was founded in 1915 to acquire and run eighteen sugar properties that Don Manuel Rionda, head of the well-established Czarnikow-Rionda Company in New York City, had options on. Although he had lived in the United States for many years, he still maintained his Spanish citizenship. Shortly after the corporation was formed, another large sugar property, which included a railroad leading to a port on the Caribbean Sea, was acquired. However, soon after that, one of the original properties was sold and another was dismantled, leaving the corporation with a total of seventeen properties that it currently owns and operates. Mr. Rionda deserves and received significant credit for negotiating, organizing, and launching the Cuba Cane Sugar Corporation when he did. The immediate success that followed its formation brought him considerable prestige and established him as a key player and authority on sugar matters. It doesn’t matter that this prominence was largely, if not entirely, due to the successive price increases for sugar, particularly for the crops of 1916, 1917, and 1919, because nothing succeeds like success.
The Cuba Cane Sugar Corporation was organized and financed upon the strength of a letter written by Mr. Rionda to Messrs. J. & W. Seligman & Co., of New York, on December 16, 1915, in which he made an “estimate that, with sugar at the lowest, say 2 cents per pound, the Corporation would earn at least 1½ times the dividends on its preferred stock.” The f. o. b. production cost for the crop of 1915 and 1916, immediately following, was reported as 2.748 cents per pound, notwithstanding the fact that the sellers of the properties acquired had paid the so-called dead season expenses. It is clear, therefore, that, “with sugar at its lowest, say 2 cents per pound,” the first year’s operations of the corporation would have shown an operating deficit of 0.748 cents per pound, instead of earning “at least 1½ times the dividends on its preferred stock,” as estimated by Mr. Rionda. The large gross operating profits reported for the first year’s operations were, therefore, due in part to the exclusion of the dead season expenses, but mainly to the rise in price of sugar, from 2 cents per pound in July, 1915, to an average of 4.112 cents per pound during the crop season of 1915 and 1916. Such profits might possibly be creditable to Mr. Rionda’s business acumen, but it cannot be justly claimed that they were due to the infallibility of his original estimates, or to his demonstrated administrative capacity for the successful handling of so large and complex an enterprise, the physical conditions of which make administrative co-ordination extremely difficult and expensive. Nevertheless, he has profited by the experience of succeeding years, and shows an increasing capacity for coping with the numerous and complicated problems involved in the administration of the largest sugar producing enterprise in the world; and it is generally conceded that the abnormally large profits now earned by the corporation, as the result of further rises in the price of sugar, will provide for the readjustments of and cover the improvements to the various properties comprised, that are necessary to put the property, taken as a whole, upon an absolutely satisfactory and permanently impregnable footing, physically and financially. This goal is known to accord with Mr. Rionda’s ardent desire, as constituting the consummation of his most commendable aspirations, and the crowning glory of his achievements. It is intimated that he will then, and not until then, retire from the field of his activities, in which he has played so conspicuous a role.
The Cuba Cane Sugar Corporation was formed and funded based on a letter from Mr. Rionda to J. & W. Seligman & Co. in New York, dated December 16, 1915. In this letter, he estimated that with sugar at its lowest, around 2 cents per pound, the Corporation would earn at least 1½ times the dividends on its preferred stock. The f.o.b. production cost for the 1915 and 1916 crop was reported at 2.748 cents per pound, despite the sellers of the acquired properties covering the so-called dead season expenses. Thus, it’s clear that “with sugar at its lowest, say 2 cents per pound,” the first year’s operations of the corporation would have resulted in an operating loss of 0.748 cents per pound, instead of earning “at least 1½ times the dividends on its preferred stock,” as Mr. Rionda had estimated. The reported large gross operating profits for the first year were partly due to excluding the dead season expenses, but mainly due to the increase in sugar prices from 2 cents per pound in July 1915 to an average of 4.112 cents per pound during the 1915 and 1916 crop season. While these profits could reflect Mr. Rionda’s business skills, it would be unfair to credit them solely to the accuracy of his original estimates or his proven ability to manage such a large and complex operation, which poses significant challenges for effective oversight and coordination. Nevertheless, he has learned from the subsequent years and is increasingly able to handle the many complicated issues involved in managing the largest sugar production enterprise in the world. It is widely accepted that the unusually large profits currently being earned by the corporation, resulting from further increases in sugar prices, will allow for the necessary adjustments and improvements to the various properties involved, ensuring that the overall property reaches a solid and financially stable position. This objective aligns with Mr. Rionda’s deep desire, representing the fulfillment of his most admirable aspirations and the pinnacle of his achievements. It is suggested that only then will he consider stepping back from the significant role he has played in this field.
The Cuban-American Sugar Company was incorporated in 1906, as a holding company, to acquire the entire capital stock of five independent companies then engaged in the cultivation of sugar cane and the manufacture of raw and refined sugar in the Island of Cuba. Other properties were acquired in 1908, and again in 1910, including a refinery located at Gramercy, Louisiana. On September 30, 1918, the Company owned 504,391 acres of land, of which 157,000 acres or 31 per cent were planted with cane. It also leased 16,713 acres of land, of which 7,825 acres or 47 per cent were under cultivation. Thus there was a total of owned and leased lands of 521,104 acres, of which 164,825 acres or 32 per cent were producing cane. The Cuban-American Sugar Company was for years the largest sugar producing enterprise in the world, until the organization of the Cuba Cane Sugar Corporation, which alone out-ranks it. It has grown out of the Chaparra Sugar Company, now one of its subsidiary companies; which was organized shortly after the conclusion of the Spanish-American War by State Senator Robert B. Hawley, of Galveston, Texas, who at the very beginning employed as his confidential representative and manager of the Chaparra property General Mario G. Menocal, now President of the Cuban Republic but still regarded as the actual General Manager of the Cuban-American Company’s properties in Cuba. The capabilities, enterprise and industry of these two men, and the warm personal as well as cordial business relations established and maintained between them, made it not only possible but easy for each to supplement and co-operate with the other; and to those conditions the great success of the Cuban-American Sugar Company is attributed. While it is true that this Company, like all others, has profited greatly by the high prices resulting from the War, it is also true that the foundations of the success that has been attained by it were laid by the courageous enterprise and perfected by the untiring industry of Mr. Hawley, made effective in Cuba by the energetic and loyal co-operation of General Menocal and his large following of patriotic Cuban compadres, without whose assistance no sugar producing enterprise in Cuba has ever been or will ever be a complete success. Indeed it is largely because of the wise recognition of and sympathetic relations established with the Cuban people by Mr. Hawley that the securities of the Cuban-American Sugar Company are quoted in the markets of the world at higher figures than those of any other sugar producing enterprise.
The Cuban-American Sugar Company was formed in 1906 as a holding company to acquire the full stock of five independent companies involved in growing sugar cane and producing both raw and refined sugar on the Island of Cuba. Additional properties were acquired in 1908 and 1910, including a refinery in Gramercy, Louisiana. By September 30, 1918, the Company owned 504,391 acres of land, with 157,000 acres, or 31 percent, planted with cane. It also leased 16,713 acres, with 7,825 acres, or 47 percent, under cultivation. This brought the total owned and leased land to 521,104 acres, of which 164,825 acres, or 32 percent, were producing cane. For many years, the Cuban-American Sugar Company was the largest sugar-producing business in the world, until the Cuba Cane Sugar Corporation was formed, surpassing it. This corporation evolved from the Chaparra Sugar Company, now one of its subsidiaries, which was established shortly after the Spanish-American War by State Senator Robert B. Hawley of Galveston, Texas. At the start, he appointed General Mario G. Menocal, now the President of the Cuban Republic, as his confidential representative and manager of the Chaparra property. Menocal is still seen as the actual General Manager of the Cuban-American Company’s properties in Cuba. The capabilities, initiative, and dedication of these two men, along with the strong personal and business relationships they maintained, made it not only possible but easy for them to support and collaborate with one another. These factors contributed greatly to the success of the Cuban-American Sugar Company. While it is true that this Company, like others, benefitted from the high prices resulting from the War, it is also true that its success was founded on the bold initiatives and hard work of Mr. Hawley, effectively implemented in Cuba through the energetic and loyal support of General Menocal and his many patriotic Cuban allies, without whose help no sugar-producing venture in Cuba has ever achieved or will ever achieve complete success. In fact, it is mainly due to Mr. Hawley’s wise recognition of and positive relationships with the Cuban people that the securities of the Cuban-American Sugar Company are valued higher in global markets than those of any other sugar-producing business.
The Rionda Properties are seven in number, comprising five estates which are in effect the personal property of Don Manuel Rionda, his relatives and family associates, and two others in which he is the controlling factor. All of these properties are operated as separate and independent units, or as individual or one-man enterprises, in the development and supervision of which few have equaled and none have been more successful than Mr. Rionda. Part of this success has been due to the fact that during the creative period these independent properties have been as a rule under the management of members of his own family, prominent among whom were two nephews, Don Leandro J. Rionda and Don José B. Rionda, both capable men, who grew up with the properties they came to administer, thus acquiring that close personal touch with employees and conditions which is so desirable an asset, but which is unfortunately lost to the larger enterprises, and who rendered to their uncle, Don Manuel, the loyalty he had inspired in them and so richly deserved at their hands. In such circumstances it is not to be wondered at that success of a high order has attended their co-operative efforts. Mr. Rionda has no children of his own and it is probably for this reason that so close an affection and so intimate business relations exist between him and his two nephews and the fine sugar producing properties they have developed under his auspices.
The Rionda Properties consist of seven in total, including five estates that are essentially the personal property of Don Manuel Rionda, his relatives, and family associates, along with two more where he plays a leading role. All of these properties operate as separate and independent units, or as individual or solo ventures, in the development and management of which few have matched and none have surpassed Mr. Rionda's success. Part of this achievement can be attributed to the fact that during the creative phase, these independent properties were typically managed by family members, notably two nephews, Don Leandro J. Rionda and Don José B. Rionda, both skilled individuals who grew up with these properties and developed a strong personal connection with their employees and the working conditions—an invaluable asset often missing in larger enterprises. They showed loyalty to their uncle, Don Manuel, which he inspired in them and truly deserved. Given these circumstances, it's no surprise that their collaborative efforts led to considerable success. Mr. Rionda has no children of his own, and this is likely why such a close bond and strong business relationship exist between him and his two nephews, as well as the excellent sugar-producing properties they have developed together.
The United Fruit Company entered the sugar business through an accident; and yet it is the only company that combines all the essentials for producing, transporting and refining sugar. Shortly after the conclusion of the Spanish-American War, the Company acquired the Banes property, and also a large tract of land on the Bahia de Nipé, now known as the Nipé Bay property, upon both of which bananas were planted on an extensive scale. But it was soon discovered that atmospheric conditions in that part of Cuba were unfavorable to the successful production of bananas. Therefore in order to utilize the lands which it had acquired the Company planted them with cane and began the production of sugar; it was of course already a transportation company; and now it has built a refinery in Boston, to which its raw sugar is shipped from Cuba on its own steamers, and there refined; thus completing the cycle of operations from planting the cane to marketing the product. No other sugar producing enterprise has ever gone into the business upon such comprehensive lines. Such however are the lines upon which everything undertaken by Andrew W. Preston and Minor C. Keith, the directing geniuses of that company, is planned and projected; which largely accounts for the enviable success that has always crowned their efforts.
The United Fruit Company accidentally got into the sugar business; however, it is the only company that brings together all the essential elements for producing, transporting, and refining sugar. Shortly after the Spanish-American War ended, the Company acquired the Banes property and a large piece of land on Bahia de Nipé, now known as the Nipé Bay property, where bananas were planted on a large scale. But it was soon found that the weather conditions in that part of Cuba weren't suitable for successfully growing bananas. To make use of the land it had acquired, the Company switched to planting sugar cane and started producing sugar; it was already a transportation company, and now it has built a refinery in Boston, where its raw sugar is shipped from Cuba on its own ships and refined, completing the entire process from planting cane to marketing the product. No other sugar-producing business has ever approached the industry in such a comprehensive way. This approach reflects the way everything is planned and executed by Andrew W. Preston and Minor C. Keith, the visionary leaders of the company, which largely explains the remarkable success that has consistently followed their efforts.
The Atkins Properties comprise one property belonging to Mr. Edward F. Atkins, of Boston, who is reputed to be the first American to have acquired a sugar property in Cuba, and three others belonging to or controlled by the Punta Alegre Sugar Company, the most active personality connected with which is Mr. Robert W. Atkins. The Punta Alegre Sugar Company was incorporated, in 1915, as a holding and operating company, engaged in the business of owning and operating sugar plantations and factories in the Island of Cuba. It owns and controls 40,831 acres and leases 25,717 acres of land; and is reported to be doubling the capacity of its central at Punta Alegre. Credit for the suggestion and initiative that resulted in the combination of these properties and the organization of this Company is generally given to Mr. Ezra J. Barker (Ray Barker) of New York, and Major Maude, a retired British Army officer who for many years has resided in Cuba. The prestige and financial standing of the officers and directors of and of the capitalists interested in the Punta Alegre Sugar Company and the Atkins Properties is sufficient to guarantee the successful operation of these properties.
The Atkins Properties include one property owned by Mr. Edward F. Atkins from Boston, who is believed to be the first American to acquire a sugar property in Cuba, along with three others owned or controlled by the Punta Alegre Sugar Company, which is primarily associated with Mr. Robert W. Atkins. The Punta Alegre Sugar Company was incorporated in 1915 as a holding and operating company focused on owning and operating sugar plantations and factories in Cuba. It owns and controls 40,831 acres and leases an additional 25,717 acres of land, and it is reportedly doubling the capacity of its central facility at Punta Alegre. Mr. Ezra J. Barker (Ray Barker) from New York and Major Maude, a retired British Army officer who has lived in Cuba for many years, are generally credited with the suggestion and initiative that led to the consolidation of these properties and the formation of this Company. The reputation and financial stability of the officers, directors, and investors involved with the Punta Alegre Sugar Company and the Atkins Properties are strong enough to ensure the successful operation of these assets.
The Poté Rodriguez Properties are the personal property of Don José Lopez Rodriguez, who is a Spanish subject residing in Havana, and known to every body as “Poté.” Some say that this nickname is an abbreviation of the word “poder,” or “power.” Certain it is that Don Poté Rodriguez is, in fact, a human dynamo, the very embodiment of power and push. Beginning as a book-seller, stationer and printer, on Obispo Street, Havana, where he still conducts that business and makes his headquarters, he has, in recent years, acquired a controlling interest in the Banco Nacional de Cuba, a corporation having a capital of $8,000,000; he has also invested several millions of dollars in an elaborate suburban annex to the city of Havana, including a large Portland cement plant; he has contracted to dig the Roque Canal, projected to drain the Jovellanos Flats and part of the Cienaga or swamp lands near Cardenas; and he is the sole owner of the Central España, the pride of his heart, upon which he has worked day and night for years, hoping to make it the largest producing sugar “central” in Cuba. But despite his efforts three other “centrales” surpass it in productive capacity.
The Poté Rodriguez Properties belong to Don José Lopez Rodriguez, a Spanish citizen living in Havana, commonly known as “Poté.” Some say this nickname comes from the word “poder,” meaning “power.” It's clear that Don Poté Rodriguez is a powerhouse, the very definition of energy and drive. He started as a bookseller, stationer, and printer on Obispo Street in Havana, where he still runs his business and operates out of. In recent years, he has gained a controlling interest in the Banco Nacional de Cuba, which has a capital of $8,000,000; he has also invested several million dollars in an extensive suburban development near Havana, including a large Portland cement plant; he has secured a contract to dig the Roque Canal, aimed at draining the Jovellanos Flats and parts of the Cienaga or swamp areas near Cardenas; and he is the sole owner of the Central España, which he holds dear to his heart and has poured countless hours into for years, hoping to make it the biggest sugar “central” in Cuba. However, despite his hard work, three other “centrales” outpace it in production capacity.
The West Indies Sugar Finance Corporation is a protege if not actually a subsidiary of the B. H. Howell-Cuban-American-National Sugar Refining Company group, which under the intelligent and experienced direction of Mr. H. Edson, of New York City, has come to be a factor of prime importance in the sugar business in Cuba. It is claimed that the tonnage of cane obtained from the lands of one of the properties owned by this Corporation in the season of 1918-19 averaged higher than that of any other sugar producing property in Cuba; and that the average yield of sugar was as good as the best. The splendidly economical milling plants at Tinguaro, Chaparra and Delicias were installed under Mr. Edson’s direction, and it is reasonable to assume that the mills of his own corporation are equally efficient. Few men interested in the sugar business in Cuba have had a broader, more varied or more useful experience; and there are none whose judgment as to the value of cane lands and sugar properties is more to be relied upon.
The West Indies Sugar Finance Corporation is a protege, if not actually a subsidiary, of the B. H. Howell-Cuban-American-National Sugar Refining Company group. Under the knowledgeable and experienced leadership of Mr. H. Edson from New York City, it has become a key player in the sugar industry in Cuba. It's reported that the tonnage of sugar cane harvested from one of the Corporation's properties during the 1918-19 season was higher than that of any other sugar-producing property in Cuba, and that the average sugar yield was among the best. The highly efficient milling plants at Tinguaro, Chaparra, and Delicias were set up under Mr. Edson’s guidance, and it’s reasonable to believe that the mills of his own corporation are just as effective. Few individuals involved in Cuba's sugar business have had a broader, more diverse, or more valuable experience, and none have a better reputation for assessing the worth of cane lands and sugar properties.
The Gomez-Mena Properties were united and built up by Don Antonio Gomez-Mena, a Spanish subject, who has resided for many years in Cuba, where he developed a large mercantile business in the city of Havana; out of the profits of which he began the building of the well known Manzaña de Gomez-Mena, or Gomez-Mena Block, which has recently been completed by his heirs; and also acquired and developed the two sugar properties with which his name is identified, and which are now owned by his son, Don Andres Gomez-Mena. These “centrales,” known as Amistad and Gomez-Mena, and located respectively near Guines and San Nicolas, in the southeastern part of the Province of Havana are of special interest since on them more clearly than elsewhere in Cuba are practically demonstrated the benefits to be derived from irrigation and the value of cienaga or swamp lands when drained and reclaimed. When Señor Gomez-Mena purchased the properties they were regarded as of little value, because a large part of the area consisted of swamp lands, carrying an excess of water, while the balance was composed of higher lands of a character so dry as to be practically valueless for purposes of agriculture. It was rightly reasoned that both of these difficulties could be overcome. So the wet lands were drained and the dry lands were irrigated; with the result that these two properties are now regarded as among the most profitably productive sugar estates in Cuba; relative areas, of course, being taken into consideration.
The Gomez-Mena Properties were brought together and developed by Don Antonio Gomez-Mena, a Spanish national who lived in Cuba for many years. There, he established a large trading business in Havana, and with the profits, he started building the well-known Manzaña de Gomez-Mena, or Gomez-Mena Block, recently finished by his heirs. He also acquired and developed two sugar properties associated with his name, now owned by his son, Don Andres Gomez-Mena. These "centrales," known as Amistad and Gomez-Mena, are located near Guines and San Nicolas in the southeastern part of Havana Province. They are particularly noteworthy because they showcase the advantages of irrigation and highlight the value of swamp lands after they have been drained and reclaimed. When Señor Gomez-Mena bought these properties, they were considered nearly worthless because a significant portion consisted of swamp lands that were overly saturated, while the remaining area consisted of high, dry lands that were practically useless for farming. It was correctly believed that these challenges could be addressed, so the wet lands were drained, and the dry lands were irrigated. As a result, these two properties are now viewed as some of the most productive and profitable sugar estates in Cuba, taking into account their relative sizes.
The Cuba Company Properties were developed by Sir William C. Van Home for the purpose primarily of providing traffic for the newly constructed Cuba Railroad; which fact accounts for their location along that line, remote from shipping ports, at a time when more desirable locations could have been acquired, looked at from the point of view of economical sugar production. Nevertheless both of these properties seem to have paid well upon the capital invested in them, while at the same time contributing handsomely to swell the revenues of the Cuba Railroad; all of which speaks well for the sagacity and enterprise of Sir William Van Home, and increases the credit to which he is justly entitled.
The Cuba Company Properties were developed by Sir William C. Van Home mainly to attract traffic for the newly built Cuba Railroad. This is why they are located along that line, away from shipping ports, even though better locations could have been chosen for more cost-effective sugar production. Still, both properties appear to have generated a good return on the capital invested in them while also significantly boosting the Cuba Railroad's revenues. This highlights Sir William Van Home's wisdom and entrepreneurial spirit, adding to the recognition he rightly deserves.
The Mendoza Cunagua Property differs from all other sugar producing properties in Cuba in that it was projected, developed and built up as a complete whole, from start to finish, by a group of Cuban capitalists dominated by members of the well known and highly respected Mendoza family; the most active personalities in the enterprise being Don Antonio and Don Miguel Mendoza. Considered in every feature and detail, the Central Cunagua Property is probably the most complete and most perfectly appointed and equipped cane growing and sugar producing establishment that was ever created as the result of one continuous and comprehensive effort; Don Antonio Mendoza having the credit for its accomplishment. At Cunagua more than any where else in connection with the growing of cane and the production of sugar does the human equation receive prime consideration, as compared with the beasts of the field, or the machinery of the factory; all of which are, however, looked upon as assets and are well cared for. So well and thoroughly, indeed, was all of this planned and accomplished, and so promisingly did everything point towards a future rich with reward, honestly earned and well deserved by the creators of this splendid property, that it is in a sense regrettable to have to add that the Central Cunagua Property has recently been sold to the American Sugar Refining Company of New York City; which company has also acquired additional lands in its vicinity, upon which a duplicate of the Central Cunagua will be installed.
The Mendoza Cunagua Property stands out from all other sugar-producing properties in Cuba because it was designed, developed, and built entirely by a group of Cuban investors led by the well-known and highly respected Mendoza family, particularly Don Antonio and Don Miguel Mendoza. In every aspect and detail, the Central Cunagua Property is likely the most complete and perfectly equipped sugarcane growing and sugar production operation ever established through one continuous and comprehensive effort, with Don Antonio Mendoza credited for its success. At Cunagua, more than anywhere else in relation to growing cane and producing sugar, human factors are prioritized over the animals or machinery involved; although those are also regarded as valuable assets that are well maintained. Everything was so meticulously planned and executed, with everything looking promising for a rewarding future for the creators of this impressive property, that it’s somewhat unfortunate to note that the Central Cunagua Property was recently sold to the American Sugar Refining Company of New York City, which has also acquired additional nearby lands to set up a similar operation to Central Cunagua.
There are many other meritorious cane growing and sugar producing enterprises in Cuba, that are deserving of consideration; but which cannot be satisfactorily described within the space here available for the purpose. It must suffice to add that of the total sugar produced in Cuba during the season of 1918 and 1919, amounting to 27,747,704 bags, 13,587,733 bags or 49.04 per cent were produced by sixty-five properties owned or controlled by American interests, and 14,159,971 bags or 50.96 per cent were produced by one hundred and thirty-one properties owned or controlled by Cuban and European interests. It may not be amiss also to call attention to the fact that the sugar crop of Cuba, for the season of 1918-19 amounted to nearly one-fourth of the total sugar production of the world. If allowance is made for the normal average increase in consumption of sugar, as indicated by experience during the fifteen years just before the European War, the world’s production of sugar for the year 1919 should have been 21,813,551 tons, while in fact it amounted to only 16,354,580 tons. This shows that the actual net shortage in the world’s production of sugar amounted to 5,458,971 tons instead of the 2,342,751 tons commonly mentioned, the latter figures representing only the difference in production between the years 1914 and 1919. This indicates that there are no grounds for apprehension on the part of anyone contemplating investing in desirable property in Cuba, as to the world’s production overtaking the world’s consumption of sugar for a number of years to come. The economic position of Cuba as the premier sugar-producing country of the world may therefore be confidently regarded as secure.
There are many other noteworthy cane-growing and sugar-producing businesses in Cuba that deserve attention, but they can't be fully described within the available space. It's enough to mention that out of the total sugar produced in Cuba during the 1918-1919 season, which totaled 27,747,704 bags, 13,587,733 bags or 49.04% were produced by sixty-five properties owned or controlled by American interests, and 14,159,971 bags or 50.96% were produced by one hundred and thirty-one properties owned or controlled by Cuban and European interests. It's also worth noting that Cuba's sugar crop for the 1918-19 season accounted for nearly a quarter of the world’s total sugar production. If we consider the normal average increase in sugar consumption, as indicated by trends from the fifteen years leading up to the European War, the world’s sugar production for 1919 should have been 21,813,551 tons, while it actually only reached 16,354,580 tons. This indicates that the real net shortage in global sugar production was 5,458,971 tons, rather than the commonly cited 2,342,751 tons, which only reflects the difference in production between 1914 and 1919. This suggests that there are no reasons for concern for anyone thinking about investing in valuable property in Cuba, regarding the world’s sugar production surpassing its consumption for the foreseeable future. Therefore, Cuba's position as the leading sugar-producing country in the world can be confidently considered secure.
CHAPTER XVI
TOBACCO
THIS strangely hypnotic leaf of the night-shade family seems to have originated in the Western Hemisphere, and that variety familiar to commerce, known as the Nicotina Tabacum, was in popular use among the aborigines of the West Indies, Mexico and the greater part at least of the North American continent, probably for thousands of years before the written history of man began.
This strangely hypnotic leaf from the nightshade family appears to have originated in the Western Hemisphere, and the variety commonly known as Nicotina Tabacum was widely used by the indigenous people of the West Indies, Mexico, and much of North America, likely for thousands of years before recorded history began.
Christopher Columbus and his followers noted the fact that the Indians of Cuba wrapped the clippings from peculiar aromatic dark brown leaves in little squares of corn husks, which they rolled and smoked with apparent pleasure. It did not take long for the Spanish conquerors to fall into the habit of the kindly natives who received them and who almost immediately offered them cigars in token of welcome to the Island of Cuba.
Christopher Columbus and his crew observed that the people of Cuba wrapped clippings from unusual aromatic dark brown leaves in small squares of corn husks, which they rolled up and smoked with obvious enjoyment. It didn't take long for the Spanish conquerors to adopt the practice of the friendly natives who welcomed them and quickly offered them cigars as a sign of hospitality on the Island of Cuba.
Tobacco was grown at that time in nearly all parts of the Island. Rumor soon circulated, however, that the best weed was grown only in the extreme western end of Cuba, known today as the Vuelta Abajo, or down turn, and the report proved true, since only in Pinar del Rio is grown the superior quality of leaf that has made that section famous throughout the world. Neither has careful study or analysis of soils betrayed the secret of this superiority over tobacco grown in other parts of the Island.
Tobacco was cultivated across almost all areas of the Island at that time. However, rumors quickly spread that the finest tobacco was only grown in the far west of Cuba, now known as Vuelta Abajo, and this turned out to be true, as only in Pinar del Rio is the high-quality leaf produced that has made this region renowned worldwide. Even thorough study and analysis of the soil have failed to reveal the secret behind its superiority compared to tobacco grown in other parts of the Island.
The choice tobaccos of the Vuelta Abajo are grown in a restricted section of which the City of Pinar del Rio is the approximate center. The whole area of the Vuelta will not exceed thirty miles from east to west, nor is it more than ten miles from north to south. And even in this favored district, the really choice tobacco is grown in little “vegas,” or fields, comprising usually a small oasis from three to fifteen acres in extent, in which a very high grade of tobacco may be grown, while adjoining lands, similar in appearance, but lacking in the one magic quality which produces the desired aroma and flavor, are largely wanting. The prices obtained for the tobacco grown on these favored “vegas” seem almost incredible. A bale of this tobacco, weighing between 80 and 90 pounds, will readily sell at from $100 to $500.
The selected tobaccos from Vuelta Abajo are cultivated in a limited area with the City of Pinar del Rio as its central point. The entire Vuelta region spans no more than thirty miles from east to west and is also no more than ten miles from north to south. Even within this prime region, the best tobacco is grown in small “vegas,” or fields, typically ranging from three to fifteen acres, where a very high quality of tobacco can thrive. The neighboring lands may look similar but lack the special quality that gives the tobacco its desired aroma and flavor, making it scarce. The prices for tobacco grown in these prime “vegas” are astonishing. A bale of this tobacco, weighing between 80 and 90 pounds, can easily sell for anywhere between $100 and $500.
When one considers that with the use of cheese cloth as a protection from cut worms, from eight to twelve bales are taken from an acre, valued at $200 each, which means a return of approximately $2,000 per acre for each crop, the importance of the tobacco crop in Vuelta Abajo may be appreciated.
When you think about how using cheesecloth to protect against cutworms can yield eight to twelve bales from an acre, valued at $200 each, that's around $2,000 per acre for each crop. This shows just how significant the tobacco crop is in Vuelta Abajo.
The value of an acre of any land that will return $2,000 annually to the grower, at 10% interest on invested capital, would be $20,000. It is needless to state that this price for tobacco lands, even in Vuelta Abajo, does not prevail. It is nevertheless true, that many first-class vegas of tobacco are held at prices that place them practically beyond the reach of purchase.
The value of an acre of land that earns $2,000 a year for the owner, at 10% interest on the invested capital, would be $20,000. It’s unnecessary to mention that this price for tobacco land, even in Vuelta Abajo, is not the norm. However, it is still true that many top-quality tobacco fields are priced so high that they are practically out of reach for buyers.
In spite of the undoubted profits of tobacco growing in Cuba, the condition of the “veguero,” as far as financial prosperity is concerned, is far from enviable. As a rule, while knowing how to grow tobacco, he does not know, nor does he care to learn, how to grow anything else. All of his energy and time are devoted to the seed bed, the transplanting, the cultivation, cutting, and curing of the leaf. He seldom owns the soil on which the crop is grown, and usually prefers to be a “Partidario” or grower of tobacco on shares with the owner.
Despite the clear profits from growing tobacco in Cuba, the financial situation of the “veguero” is not enviable at all. Generally, even though he knows how to grow tobacco, he doesn’t know how to grow anything else, nor is he interested in learning. All his energy and time go into the seed bed, transplanting, cultivating, cutting, and curing the leaves. He rarely owns the land where the crops are grown and often prefers to be a “Partidario,” or sharecropper, growing tobacco on a share basis with the landowner.
The owner furnishes the land, the seed, the working animals and what is more important still, credit at the nearest grocery or general store, on which the family lives during the entire year, and for which the interest paid in one form or another constitutes a burden from which the “veguero” seldom escapes. The latter furnishes the labor, time, care and knowledge necessary to bring the crop to a successful termination. When the tobacco is sold, the “veguero” receives his part of the returns, pays his bills, and usually invests the remainder in lottery tickets and fighting chickens.
The owner provides the land, the seeds, the working animals, and, even more importantly, credit at the nearest grocery or general store, which the family relies on for the entire year. The interest paid in various ways becomes a burden that the “veguero” often cannot escape. The “veguero” contributes the labor, time, care, and expertise needed to successfully grow the crop. When the tobacco is sold, the “veguero” gets his share of the profits, pays off his bills, and usually spends the rest on lottery tickets and fighting chickens.
The life of the tobacco plant, from transplanting to the time in which it is due and removed from the fields, is only about ninety days. The selected seed is sown in land on which brush or leaves have been previously burned, destroying injurious insect life, while furnishing the required potash to the soil. The seed beds are known as “semilleros” and are carefully tended until the plants are five or six inches in height, when they are removed and carried to the “vega,” previously prepared with an abundance of stable manure or other fertilizer, well rotted and plowed in. In three months’ time, with care and careful cultivation, a crop will be ready for cutting and curing.
The life cycle of the tobacco plant, from transplanting to when it’s ready to be harvested, is only about ninety days. The chosen seeds are sown in soil where brush or leaves have been burned beforehand, getting rid of harmful insects while adding necessary potash to the soil. The seed beds are called “semilleros” and are closely monitored until the plants reach five or six inches in height, at which point they are uprooted and taken to the “vega,” which has been prepped with plenty of well-rotted stable manure or other fertilizers that have been plowed in. In about three months, with proper care and cultivation, the crop will be ready for cutting and curing.
The semilleros are prepared usually during the latter part of September, or early October, when the fall showers are still plentiful. By the first of January, if the plants have had sufficient growth and the weather is cool, clear and dry, the leaves are cut in pairs, either united to the stalk or connected by needle and heavy thread, and afterwards strung over a bamboo or light pole known as a “cuje.”
The seedbeds are usually set up in late September or early October, when the fall rains are still abundant. By January 1st, if the plants have grown enough and the weather is cool, clear, and dry, the leaves are picked in pairs, either attached to the stalk or linked together with a needle and heavy thread, and then strung over a bamboo or light pole called a “cuje.”
To each “cuje” are assigned two hundred and twenty pairs of leaves. These are carried to the tobacco barns, with sides built usually of rough board slabs, above which is a tall sharp roof, made from the leaves of the guana palm. Only one or two openings are placed in each tobacco barn to admit the required amount of air, while the tobacco, still supported on poles, goes through a process of curing, which the experienced “veguero” watches with care.
To each "cuje," two hundred and twenty pairs of leaves are assigned. These are taken to the tobacco barns, which typically have sides made of rough wooden planks, topped with a tall, sharp roof made from guana palm leaves. Each tobacco barn usually has just one or two openings to allow for the necessary airflow, while the tobacco, still resting on poles, undergoes a curing process that is closely monitored by the experienced "veguero."
At the proper time the crop is removed from the poles and done up in “mantules” or bundles, which are afterwards delivered to the “escogidos,” where tobacco experts select and grade the leaves in accordance with their size and condition. After this they are baled and incased in “yagua,” a name given to the broad, tough base of the royal palm leaves, and sent to Havana or other central mart for sale. Tobacco buyers from all over the world come to Havana every fall to purchase their supplies of raw material for manufacture into cigars and cigarettes.
At the right time, the crop is taken down from the poles and packed into “mantules” or bundles, which are then delivered to the “escogidos,” where tobacco experts sort and grade the leaves based on their size and quality. After that, they are baled and wrapped in “yagua,” which is the name for the broad, strong base of royal palm leaves, and sent to Havana or another central market for sale. Tobacco buyers from around the world come to Havana every fall to get their supplies of raw materials for making cigars and cigarettes.
Excellent tobacco is grown also in the Valley of Vinales, and may be successfully cultivated in nearly all of the valleys, pockets and basins that lie in the mountains of Western and Northern Pinar del Rio. This tobacco as a rule is graded in quality and price a little below that of the choice Vuelta Abajo center.
Excellent tobacco is also grown in the Vinales Valley, and it can be successfully cultivated in almost all the valleys, pockets, and basins in the mountains of Western and Northern Pinar del Rio. Generally, this tobacco is rated in quality and price slightly below that of the premium Vuelta Abajo region.
Along the line of the Western Railroad, extending east from Consolacion del Sur to Artemisa, tobacco is also grown on the rolling lands and among the foothills that lie between the railroad and the southern edge of the Organ Mountains. This section, some fifty miles in length, with an average width of five or six miles, in which tobacco forms quite an important product, is known as the Semi-Vuelta or Partido district. Its leaf, however, brings in the open market only about half the sum received for the Vuelta Abajo. Nevertheless, at all points in this section where irrigation is possible, the culture of tobacco, especially when grown under cheese cloth, is profitable.
Along the Western Railroad, stretching east from Consolacion del Sur to Artemisa, tobacco is cultivated on the rolling hills and in the foothills between the railroad and the southern edge of the Organ Mountains. This area, about fifty miles long and averaging five to six miles wide, is known as the Semi-Vuelta or Partido district, where tobacco is a significant crop. However, the leaf here only sells for about half the price of that from Vuelta Abajo in the open market. Still, in all places where irrigation is feasible, growing tobacco, particularly under cheese cloth, is lucrative.
Again, along the banks of several rivers south and east of the City of Pinar del Rio, especially along the Rio Hondo, a very good quality of tobacco is grown in the sandy lands rendered fertile by frequent overflow of these streams in the rainy season as they pass through the level lands of the southern plains.
Again, along the shores of several rivers south and east of the city of Pinar del Rio, particularly along the Rio Hondo, high-quality tobacco is cultivated in the sandy soil enriched by regular flooding during the rainy season as the waters flow through the flatlands of the southern plains.
The chief enemies of the tobacco plant are some five or six varieties of worms that cut and eat the leaves. The larvae are hatched from the eggs of different kinds of moths that hover over the tobacco fields at night. Some are hatched from egg deposits on the plant itself, and at once begin eating the leaf, while others enter the ground during the day, coming out during the evening to feed, and no field unless protected by cheese cloth, or carefully watched by the patient veguero, can escape serious damage or complete destruction from these enemies of tobacco. It is a common thing at sundown to see the father, mother and all members of the family big enough to walk, down on hands and knees, hunting and killing tobacco worms. On bright moonlight nights, the worm hunt is carried on assiduously, and in the early hours of dawn the veguero and his family, if the crop is to be a success, must be up like the early bird and after the worm, otherwise there will be nothing to sell at the end of the season.
The main enemies of the tobacco plant are about five or six types of worms that chew on the leaves. The larvae come from the eggs of different types of moths that hover over the tobacco fields at night. Some hatch from egg deposits on the plant itself and immediately start eating the leaves, while others burrow into the ground during the day and come out in the evenings to feed. No field can avoid serious damage or complete destruction from these tobacco pests unless it's covered with cheese cloth or closely watched by the diligent farmer. It's common at sunset to see the father, mother, and all the children who are old enough crawling on their hands and knees, searching for and removing tobacco worms. On bright moonlit nights, the worm hunt continues diligently, and in the early morning hours, the farmer and his family must be up like the early bird, hunting for worms; otherwise, there won’t be anything to sell at the end of the season.
Even with the greatest care, the worms will take a pretty heavy toll out of almost any field, and to save this loss, the system of covering tobacco fields with cheese cloth was introduced into Cuba from the State of Florida, some twenty years ago. Posts, or comparatively slender poles, are planted through the field at regular intervals, usually sixteen feet apart. From the tops of these, galvanized wire is strung from pole to pole, in squares, while over this is spread a specially manufactured cheese cloth or tobacco cloth, usually woven in strips of a width convenient to fit the distance between the poles. The seams are caught together with sail needles and cord, making a complete canopy that not only covers the field but has side walls dropping from the white roof to the ground below. Screen doors or gates are built in the side walls, so that mules with cultivators may pass through and work under these great white canopies, which protect the growing plants from the cut worm and save the poor old veguero and his family from the bane of their lives. The cost of poles, wire and covering cloth, under normal conditions, is about $300 per acre, and when to this are added several carloads of manure or other fertilizer, the expense of covering, fertilizing, cultivating and caring for an acre of tobacco will easily reach $500, whence the deduction that tobacco crops must bring a good price in Cuba is evident.
Even with the utmost care, worms can cause significant damage to just about any field. To prevent this loss, the practice of covering tobacco fields with cheesecloth was brought to Cuba from Florida about twenty years ago. Posts, or relatively thin poles, are placed throughout the field at regular intervals, usually sixteen feet apart. Galvanized wire is strung from the tops of these poles in a grid pattern, and a specially made cheesecloth or tobacco cloth, typically woven in strips that conveniently span the distance between the poles, is spread over it. The seams are stitched together with sail needles and cord, creating a complete canopy that not only covers the field but also features side walls that extend down to the ground. Screen doors or gates are incorporated into the side walls, allowing mules with cultivators to pass through and work beneath these large white canopies, which protect the growing plants from cutworms and spare the struggling farmer and his family from a major hassle. The typical cost for poles, wire, and covering cloth is around $300 per acre, and when you factor in several carloads of manure or other fertilizers, the total cost for covering, fertilizing, cultivating, and maintaining an acre of tobacco can easily reach $500. Therefore, it’s clear that tobacco crops need to sell for a good price in Cuba.
As a result of these huge tent-like canopies, that frequently cover hundreds of acres, every leaf is perfect, and if of sufficient size and fineness, may be used as a wrapper. When one takes into consideration the fact that a “cuje,” or 220 pairs of leaves strung on a pole, is worth from $4 to $5, and that the same leaves when perforated by worms, can be used only as cigar fillers, worth from 75¢ to $1.35 per “cuje,” the advantage of cheese cloth covering to a tobacco field becomes evident. Owing to lack of capital, however, the small native farmer usually is compelled to do without cheese cloth, and to rely upon the laborious efforts of himself and his family, to keep the worm pest from absolutely ruining his crop.
As a result of these huge tent-like canopies that often cover hundreds of acres, every leaf is perfect, and if it's large and fine enough, it can be used as a wrapper. When you consider that a “cuje,” or 220 pairs of leaves strung on a pole, is worth between $4 and $5, and that the same leaves, when eaten by worms, can only be used as cigar fillers, worth between 75¢ and $1.35 per “cuje,” the benefits of covering a tobacco field with cheesecloth become clear. However, due to a lack of funds, the small local farmer usually has to do without cheesecloth and relies on the hard work of himself and his family to prevent the worm pest from completely destroying his crop.
The tobacco industry at the present time commercially ranks next to sugar. The total value of the crop in 1917 approximated $50,000,000, of which $30,000,000 was exported to foreign countries. Of the exportations of that year, the largest item consisted of the leaf itself, packed in bales numbering 291,618, valued at $19,169,455; cigars, 111,909,685 valued at $9,548,933; cigarettes, 12,047,530 packages, valued at $406,208; picadura or smoking tobacco, 261,461 kilos, valued at $251,874. There were 258,994,800 cigars during the same year consumed in Cuba, with an approximate value of $12,000,000; of cigarettes, 355,942,855 packages, valued at $7,830,742; and of picadura, 393,833 pounds valued at $196,719. During the four years inclusive from 1913 to 1917 the value of exported tobacco increased a little over $6,000,000, while domestic consumption increased about one-half or $3,000,000.
The tobacco industry currently ranks just behind sugar in commercial value. In 1917, the total value of the crop was about $50,000,000, with $30,000,000 of that exported to other countries. The biggest export that year was the leaf itself, packed in 291,618 bales, valued at $19,169,455; cigars totaled 111,909,685, valued at $9,548,933; cigarettes amounted to 12,047,530 packages, valued at $406,208; and smoking tobacco, or picadura, came to 261,461 kilos, valued at $251,874. In Cuba, 258,994,800 cigars were consumed that year, worth about $12,000,000; there were 355,942,855 packages of cigarettes, valued at $7,830,742; and 393,833 pounds of picadura, valued at $196,719. From 1913 to 1917, the value of exported tobacco rose by just over $6,000,000, while domestic consumption increased by about $3,000,000, or half that amount.
In the various factories of cigars and cigarettes of Havana, some 18,000 men and 7,000 women are employed. In other sections of the Island, outside of the capital, some 16,000 men and 13,000 women are engaged in the manufacture of cigars and cigarettes, making a total of 34,000 men and 20,000 women employed in the tobacco industry, aside from those who are engaged in tobacco cultivation in the fields of the various provinces.
In the various cigar and cigarette factories in Havana, around 18,000 men and 7,000 women work. In other parts of the Island, outside of the capital, about 16,000 men and 13,000 women are involved in the manufacture of cigars and cigarettes, bringing the total to 34,000 men and 20,000 women working in the tobacco industry, not including those who are involved in growing tobacco in the fields across the different provinces.
CHAPTER XVII
HENEQUEN
NEXT to the “Manila hemp” of the Philippines, which is really a variety of the banana, the henequen of Yucatan is probably the most important cordage plant in the world. The name henequen is of Aztec origin, and the plant itself, a variety of the agave or century plant family, is indigenous to Yucatan, whence it has been introduced not only into other sections of Mexico but also into Cuba, Central America and the west coast of South America. No satisfactory substitute has been found for henequen in the manufacturing of binder twine, so essential to the harvesting of the big grain crops in the Western States of America.
NEXT to the “Manila hemp” from the Philippines, which is actually a type of banana, the henequen from Yucatan is probably the most important fiber plant in the world. The name henequen comes from the Aztec language, and the plant itself, a variety of the agave or century plant family, is native to Yucatan, where it has also been introduced to other parts of Mexico, as well as to Cuba, Central America, and the west coast of South America. No suitable substitute has been found for henequen in making binder twine, which is crucial for harvesting large grain crops in the Western States of America.
Revolutions in Mexico following the overthrow of Porfirio Diaz succeeded for a time at least in paralyzing if not destroying the sisal industry that had made Yucatan celebrated throughout the world and had caused Merida to be known as a city of millionaires; and shortly before the beginning of the great European War, men who had devoted their lives to henequen culture and who feared that Mexico could no longer be relied on for this product, began to look over the Cuban field for opportunity for the more extensive cultivation of the plant.
Revolutions in Mexico after Porfirio Diaz was overthrown managed, at least for a while, to cripple if not completely destroy the sisal industry that had made Yucatan famous around the world and had earned Merida the reputation of a city of millionaires. Just before the start of the great European War, individuals who had dedicated their lives to henequen farming and who were worried that Mexico could no longer be depended on for this product began to explore opportunities for more widespread cultivation of the plant in Cuba.
A superficial survey convinced them that large areas of soft lime rock land, covered with a thin layer of rich red soil, furnishing all the elements essential to the successful growth of henequen, were to be had in Cuba. Similar soils are found in Yucatan, where the average annual rainfall and general climatic conditions are so nearly like those of Cuba that it is fairly to be assumed that a crop which will do well in the one land will also flourish in the other. In consequence, large areas, in which Cuban, Spanish and American capitalists are interested, have been planted with henequen in Cuba.
A quick look around convinced them that there are large areas of soft limestone land in Cuba, topped with a thin layer of rich red soil, providing all the necessary elements for the successful growth of henequen. Similar soils exist in Yucatan, where the average annual rainfall and overall climate closely match those of Cuba, making it reasonable to assume that a crop thriving in one location will also do well in the other. As a result, large areas, which Cuban, Spanish and American investors are interested in, have been planted with henequen in Cuba.
THE GOMEZ BUILDING
THE GOMEZ BUILDING
One of the finest business buildings in Havana is the great Gomez Building, which occupies an entire block fronting upon the beautiful Central Park and reached by way of the Prado. Although only five stories in height, it vies in appearance and commodiousness with the best business buildings in any American city. Its site was well chosen for the display of its handsome architecture and commanding proportions, and it stands in proximity to the National Theatre and other noteworthy structures.
One of the best office buildings in Havana is the impressive Gomez Building, which takes up an entire block facing the beautiful Central Park and can be accessed via the Prado. Even though it's only five stories tall, it competes in looks and spaciousness with the top office buildings in any American city. Its location was well selected for showcasing its stunning architecture and grand proportions, and it stands close to the National Theatre and other significant buildings.
The first planting on a large scale was done by the Carranza Brothers, of Havana, just south of the city of Matanzas, about twenty years ago; Don Luis Carranza having married a daughter of Don Olegario Molino, of Yucatan, and thus having become interested in the characteristic industry of the latter country. A company of Germans afterward purchased the property and close by the railroad station erected a very complete plant for the decortication of the henequen and the manufacture of its fibre into rope and cordage of all sizes, from binder twine to twelve-inch cables. From this establishment for years the Cuban demand was chiefly supplied.
The first large-scale planting was done by the Carranza Brothers from Havana, just south of Matanzas, about twenty years ago. Don Luis Carranza married a daughter of Don Olegario Molino from Yucatan, which piqued his interest in the distinctive industry of that region. A group of Germans later bought the property and built a fully-equipped facility near the railroad station for processing henequen and manufacturing its fiber into ropes and cords of all sizes, ranging from binder twine to twelve-inch cables. For years, this establishment mainly met the demand in Cuba.
Shortly after Cuba, in 1917, followed the United States in declaring war against Germany, the Spanish Bank of Havana purchased this property from the owners, and at once increased its capital stock to six millions of dollars; two and a half million preferred and three and a half million common stock. At the present time the estate consists of three plantations on which henequen is grown, located at Matanzas, Ytabo and Nuevitas, with a total area of 120 caballerias or 4,000 acres of land. It is said that owing to the demands of the European War, and the rise of the price from 7¢ to 19½¢ per pound, the net returns of the Matanzas Cordage Company the first year after purchasing the estate amounted to $800,000.
Shortly after Cuba, in 1917, the United States declared war against Germany. The Spanish Bank of Havana bought this property from the owners and immediately raised its capital stock to six million dollars: two and a half million in preferred stock and three and a half million in common stock. Currently, the estate includes three plantations where henequen is grown, located in Matanzas, Ytabo, and Nuevitas, covering a total area of 120 caballerias or 4,000 acres of land. It’s reported that due to the demands of the European War and the rise in price from 7¢ to 19½¢ per pound, the net returns of the Matanzas Cordage Company in the first year after purchasing the estate reached $800,000.
The International Harvester Company of the United States has purchased a tract of 3,300 acres of excellent henequen land near the city of Cardenas, on the north coast of the province of Matanzas, for experiment and demonstration, and under the direction of Yucatecos familiar with the industry has planted it in henequen. This action was taken by this company largely because of the uncertain and unsatisfactory conditions of the henequen industry in Yucatan, caused by Mexican revolutions and the arbitrary conduct of Mexican officials. In the year 1916, 444,400,000 pounds of henequen were exported from the Gulf ports of Mexico and sold almost entirely in the United States, at 15¢ per pound, since which time the price has risen to 19½¢ per pound. This unprecedented figure was brought about by the practical seizure of the Yucatan crop by ex-Governor Alvarado, who allowed the actual growers only 7¢ per pound for the sisal, he appropriating the difference between that and the market price in New York.
The International Harvester Company in the United States has bought a 3,300-acre plot of prime henequen land near the city of Cardenas, on the north coast of Matanzas province, for experimentation and demonstration. Under the guidance of Yucatecos experienced in the industry, the land has been planted with henequen. This move was mainly prompted by the unstable and unsatisfactory conditions of the henequen industry in Yucatán, which were caused by Mexican revolutions and the arbitrary actions of Mexican officials. In 1916, 444,400,000 pounds of henequen were exported from the Gulf ports of Mexico and sold almost entirely in the United States at 15¢ per pound, a price that has since increased to 19½¢ per pound. This unprecedented price rise was due to the effective takeover of the Yucatán crop by former Governor Alvarado, who allowed the actual growers only 7¢ per pound for the sisal, pocketing the difference between that and the market price in New York.
Twenty more caballerias or 666 acres of henequen are owned by independent parties in the neighborhood of Nuevitas, on the north coast of the Province of Camaguey. The Director-General of Posts and Telegraph, Colonel Charles Hernandez, with a few associates, has purchased 175,000 acres along the southern shore of the Little Zapata, that forms the extreme western end of Pinar del Rio. It is proposed to establish here large plantations of henequen, that will give employment to many natives of the tobacco district who are now out of work during some seasons of the year.
Twenty more caballerias or 666 acres of henequen are owned by independent parties in the area of Nuevitas, on the northern coast of the Province of Camaguey. The Director-General of Posts and Telegraph, Colonel Charles Hernandez, along with a few associates, has purchased 175,000 acres along the southern shore of the Little Zapata, which marks the extreme western end of Pinar del Rio. There are plans to establish large henequen plantations here, which will provide jobs for many locals from the tobacco district who are currently unemployed during certain times of the year.
The City of Cardenas, on the north coast, promises soon to become another great henequen center, and the traveler riding west over the main automobile drive leading out of Cardenas may view a panorama of growing henequen spread out on both sides of the road as far as the eye can reach. The peculiar bluish green of this plant growth, dotted with royal palms, adds an odd color effect to the landscape, not easily forgotten.
The City of Cardenas, on the north coast, is set to become another major henequen center, and travelers heading west on the main road out of Cardenas can see a wide view of henequen fields stretching on both sides of the road as far as the eye can see. The distinctive bluish-green of this plant, interspersed with royal palms, creates a striking visual contrast in the landscape that’s hard to forget.
Putting the maximum annual production of henequen or sisal hemp in Yucatan at 1,200,000 bales, of 400 pounds to the bale, and assuming an average yield of three bales per acre, indicates that about 400,000 acres of land are actually producing hemp in that country; and allowing for a margin of twenty five per cent of such area, to cover and provide for depletion and propagation, it would seem that about 500,000 acres of land is the approximate area now actually planted with and growing henequen on that peninsula. These statements are made to justify the calling of attention to the fact that large areas of more or less flat, rocky lands exist in various localities throughout the island of Cuba, notably in the western extremity of the Province of Pinar del Rio, along the north coast from the city of Matanzas to the Bahia de Cardenas, on the Cayos and, at intervals, along the north coast from Caibarien to the Bay of Nipe, and especially along the Caribbean Coast, in the vicinity of the Cienaga de Zapata; all of which lands are possessed of the same physical characteristics, and are subject to the same climatic conditions that apply to the lands in Yucatan now planted with henequen and at the present time successfully producing sisal hemp. The aggregate of these several areas of henequen lands is conservatively estimated at not less than 1,000,000 acres: or double the area now planted with henequen in Yucatan.
Putting the maximum annual production of henequen or sisal hemp in Yucatan at 1,200,000 bales, with each bale weighing 400 pounds, and assuming an average yield of three bales per acre, suggests that around 400,000 acres of land are currently producing hemp in that region. If we account for a 25% margin to cover depletion and propagation, it seems that about 500,000 acres of land are currently planted with and growing henequen in that peninsula. These statements are made to highlight the fact that large areas of relatively flat, rocky lands exist in various places throughout the island of Cuba, especially in the western part of the Province of Pinar del Rio, along the north coast from the city of Matanzas to the Bahia de Cardenas, on the Cayos, and intermittently along the north coast from Caibarien to the Bay of Nipe, particularly along the Caribbean Coast near the Cienaga de Zapata. All of these lands share the same physical characteristics and are subject to the same climatic conditions as those in Yucatan currently planted with henequen and successfully producing sisal hemp. The total of these various areas of henequen lands is conservatively estimated to be no less than 1,000,000 acres, which is double the area currently planted with henequen in Yucatan.
About 9,000 acres of these Cuban lands are now actually planted with and successfully growing henequen; and about 5,000 acres are now producing sisal hemp which in quantity and quality compares favorably with the product of the best henequen lands in Yucatan. The results obtained from these lands now actually planted and producing are conclusive as to the results that could be obtained if other and larger areas of such lands should be planted with henequen.
About 9,000 acres of these Cuban lands are currently planted with and successfully growing henequen, and around 5,000 acres are producing sisal hemp, which in both quantity and quality compares well with the best henequen lands in Yucatan. The results from these areas that are now planted and producing are clear about the outcomes that could be achieved if more and larger areas of land were planted with henequen.
Furthermore a large part of these Cuban henequen lands are so level and have such uniform, unbroken surfaces that, at an expense less than that involved in preparing the henequen lands of Yucatan, they could be put in condition to be kept clean mainly by motor-driven mowing machinery, instead of the enormously expensive man-power machete system employed upon the rougher lands of Yucatan. In addition to such advantages these rocky areas either comprise, or are margined by, large areas of rich land capable of producing many important items required for human sustenance; while in Yucatan everything needed to sustain human life has to be imported.
Furthermore, a large portion of these Cuban henequen lands is so flat and has such uniform, uninterrupted surfaces that, at a cost lower than what it takes to prepare the henequen lands of Yucatán, they could be kept clean mainly with motor-driven mowing machines instead of the extremely costly manual machete method used on the rougher lands of Yucatán. Along with these advantages, these rocky areas are either made up of, or bordered by, large tracts of fertile land that can produce many essential items needed for human sustenance, whereas in Yucatán, everything necessary to support human life has to be imported.
Finally, when consideration is given to the fact that sugar cane must be cut during the dry season, while henequen can be cut and defibered more advantageously during the wet season, it will readily be seen that the co-ordination of these two operations, whenever possible, will tend to solve and favorably determine the problem and cost of labor involved in the production of both sugar and hemp. Administration expenses would also be reduced by such co-ordination. These several advantages should, therefore, contribute to make Cuba an active competitor with Yucatan for the sisal hemp business, within the near future. The plan projected by R. G. Ward for the drainage and development of the lands contained in the Cienaga de Zapata, already mentioned in a preceding chapter of this volume, contemplates the co-ordination of the sugar and hemp industries upon a scale so large and comprehensive as to merit great success. The consummation of such an enterprise should make a definitely favorable and permanent impression upon the future of the two industries involved. With a proper combination of capital and enterprise, the henequen-hemp business in Cuba could readily be developed to a point where it would rank second only to sugar in importance and profit yielding possibilities; and such development should have a direct bearing upon the certainty of supply and cost of the daily bread of the people of the whole earth. It is, therefore, worthy of the most serious consideration.
Finally, when we consider that sugar cane needs to be harvested during the dry season, while henequen can be cut and processed more effectively during the wet season, it's clear that coordinating these two operations, when possible, will help solve and reduce the labor costs involved in producing both sugar and hemp. This coordination would also lower administrative expenses. These benefits should allow Cuba to become a strong competitor with Yucatan in the sisal hemp market in the near future. The plan proposed by R. G. Ward for the drainage and development of the land in the Cienaga de Zapata, mentioned in an earlier chapter of this book, aims to integrate the sugar and hemp industries on a scale that could lead to significant success. Completing this project should leave a positive and lasting impact on the future of both industries. With the right mix of investment and initiative, the henequen-hemp industry in Cuba could easily be developed to a point where it becomes only second to sugar in importance and profitability; such growth would also directly affect the availability and cost of daily essentials for people worldwide. Thus, it deserves serious attention.
Henequen offers many advantages to capital, especially to those investors who dislike to take chances on returns. First of all, the crop is absolutely sure, if planted on the right soil. Lack of rains or long droughts are matters of no importance, and the plant will continue to thrive and grow without deterioration in the quality of fiber. In Cuba this growth is said to average one inch on each leaf per month, and since it grows, as an old expert expressed it, “both day and night, rain or shine, even on Sundays and feast days, there is nothing to worry about.” Also it has practically no enemies. Cattle will not eat it unless driven by starvation, which could not occur in Cuba. The crop is never stolen, as the product could not be sold in small quantities. Since the plant is grown on rocky lands, the leaves may be cut and conveyed to the decortication plant at any season of the year.
Henequen has many advantages for investors, particularly those who prefer low-risk returns. First and foremost, the crop is guaranteed if planted in suitable soil. Droughts or lack of rain don’t matter, and the plant can continue to thrive without a decline in fiber quality. In Cuba, it's reported that each leaf grows about an inch every month, and as an experienced expert put it, “it grows both day and night, rain or shine, even on Sundays and holidays, so there’s nothing to be concerned about.” Additionally, it has hardly any natural predators. Cattle won’t eat it unless they’re starving, which is unlikely in Cuba. The crop is never stolen because the product can’t be sold in small amounts. Since the plant grows on rocky land, the leaves can be harvested and taken to the decortication plant at any time of the year.
The life of the henequen plant is fifteen to twenty years, and the average yield in Cuba is said to be about 70 pounds of fiber to every 1,000 leaves, and over 100 pounds are said to have been secured in favorable localities. This compares well with the average yield in Yucatan. In this connection it may be noted that at the World’s Exhibition in Buffalo, sisal hemp made from henequen in Cuba won the world medal in competition with Yucatan and other countries.
The henequen plant lives for about fifteen to twenty years, and the average yield in Cuba is roughly 70 pounds of fiber for every 1,000 leaves, with over 100 pounds reported from more favorable areas. This is comparable to the average yield in Yucatan. It's worth mentioning that at the World’s Exhibition in Buffalo, sisal fiber made from henequen in Cuba won a world medal, competing against Yucatan and other countries.
The following is an authentic estimate of the cost of growing henequen and producing sisal or fibre from the same in Cuba. One hundred acres are used as the unit of measure:
The following is a reliable estimate of the cost of growing henequen and producing sisal or fiber from it in Cuba. One hundred acres is used as the unit of measure:
Cost of 100,000 plants @ $40 per M | $ 4,000 |
Cost of preparing land | 1,000 |
Cost of planting @ $5 per M | 500 |
Cost of caring for and cultivation during four years | 2,500 |
$8,000 | |
Cost of cutting, conveying, decortication and baling | 4,000 |
$12,000 | |
The returns from the first cutting four years after planting should be: 100,000 plants with 30 leaves to the plant yield, 3,000,000 leaves 3,000,000 leaves (60 lbs. fiber each 1000 leaves) 210,000 lbs. @ 10¢ per lb $21,000 | |
Cost of production | 12,000 |
Net profit per 100 acres | $9,000 |
Net profit per acre | $90 |
Practical work in the field has demonstrated the fact that the cost of producing henequen fibre or sisal, if carried on during a period of ten years with the present price of labor, will amount to three cents per pound, or $6,300 for the production of 210,000 pounds of fibre coming from 100 acres of land. To this may be added for interest on capital invested and possible depreciation of plant or property, $1,700, making a total of $8,000.
Practical work in the field has shown that the cost of producing henequen fiber or sisal, if carried out over ten years with the current price of labor, will be three cents per pound, or $6,300 for producing 210,000 pounds of fiber from 100 acres of land. In addition, for interest on the capital invested and potential depreciation of equipment or property, there’s an extra $1,700, bringing the total to $8,000.
CHAPTER XVIII
COFFEE
TO either Arabia or Abyssinia belongs the honor of having been the birth place of those previous shrubs that were the forerunners of all the great coffee plantations of two hemispheres. And from the seeds of this valued plant is made probably the most universally popular beverage of the world. The people of Europe, North Africa and Western Asia all drink coffee. The same is true in most countries of South and Central America, while in the United States and the West Indies no breakfast is complete without it.
TO either Arabia or Abyssinia goes the honor of being the birthplace of the original plants that led to all the major coffee farms across two hemispheres. From the seeds of this prized plant, we get what is likely the most popular drink in the world. People across Europe, North Africa, and Western Asia all enjoy coffee. The same goes for most countries in South and Central America, and in the United States and the West Indies, no breakfast feels complete without it.
Of all known nations, however, the people of Cuba consume the greatest amount of the beverage per capita. Both in the city and in the country, the fire under the coffee urn always burns, and neither invited guest nor passing stranger crosses the threshold of a home without being offered a cup of coffee before leaving.
Of all the countries in the world, the people of Cuba drink the most coffee per person. In both urban and rural areas, there's always a fire under the coffee pot, and whether it's an invited guest or a passing stranger, no one leaves a home without being offered a cup of coffee first.
The introduction of coffee into Cuba, as before stated in this work, was due to the influx of refugees, flying from the revolution in Santo Domingo, in the first years of the nineteenth century. The majority of these immigrants, of French descent, and thoroughly familiar with the culture of coffee, settled first in the hills around Santiago de Cuba on the south coast, where they soon started coffee plantations that later became very profitable. Others located in the mountainous districts of Santa Clara around the charming little city of Trinidad, where fine estates were soon established and excellent coffee produced.
The introduction of coffee to Cuba, as mentioned earlier in this work, happened because of the wave of refugees escaping the revolution in Santo Domingo in the early 1800s. Most of these immigrants were of French descent and had a strong understanding of coffee culture. They first settled in the hills around Santiago de Cuba on the south coast, where they quickly established coffee plantations that became very successful. Others moved to the mountainous areas of Santa Clara near the beautiful city of Trinidad, where they set up fine estates and produced excellent coffee.
From these first settlements the culture of the plant rapidly spread to nearly all of the mountainous portions of the Island, where the soil was rich, and where forest trees of hard wood furnished partial shade, so essential to the production of first-class coffee. In the mountains, parks and valleys that lie between Bahia Honda, San Cristobal and Candelaria, in the eastern part of Pinar del Rio, many excellent estates were established whose owners, residing in homes that were almost palatial in their appointments, spent their summers on their coffee plantations, returning to Havana for the winter.
From these initial settlements, the culture of the plant quickly spread to almost all the mountainous areas of the Island, where the soil was fertile and where hardwood trees provided the essential partial shade needed for high-quality coffee production. In the mountains, parks and valleys between Bahia Honda, San Cristobal, and Candelaria in the eastern part of Pinar del Rio saw the establishment of many excellent estates. The owners, living in homes that were nearly palatial in their furnishings, spent their summers on their coffee plantations, returning to Havana for the winter.
Revolutions of the past century unfortunately destroyed all of these beautiful places, leaving only a pile of tumbled-down walls and cement floors to mark the spot where luxurious residences once stood. Cuba, during the first half of the 19th century, and even up to the abolition of slavery in 1878, was a coffee exporting country, but with the elimination of the cheap labor of slaves, and the larger profits that accrued from the cultivation of sugar cane, the coffee industry gradually dropped back to a minor position among the industries of the Island, and thousands of “cafetales” that once dotted the hills of Cuba were abandoned or left to the solitudes of the forests where they still yield their fragrant fruit “the gift of Heaven,” as the wise men of the East declared.
Revolutions in the past century unfortunately destroyed all of these beautiful places, leaving behind only piles of crumbled walls and concrete floors to represent where luxurious homes once stood. Cuba, during the first half of the 19th century, and even up until the abolition of slavery in 1878, was a coffee-exporting country. However, with the end of the cheap labor provided by slaves and the higher profits from sugar cane cultivation, the coffee industry gradually fell back to a minor role among the island's industries. Thousands of coffee plantations that once dotted Cuba’s hills were abandoned or left to the solitude of the forests, where they still produce their fragrant fruit—“the gift of Heaven,” as the wise men of the East referred to it.
Of all the varied agricultural industries of Cuba there is none, perhaps, that will appeal more than coffee growing to the home-seeker of moderate means, the man who really loves life in the mountains, hills and valleys beside running streams, where the air is pure and the shade grateful, and the climate ideal. The culture of coffee is not difficult, and by conforming to a few well-known requirements which the industry demands it can easily be carried on by the wife and children, while the head of the family attends to the harder work of the field, or to the care of livestock in adjacent lands.
Of all the various agricultural industries in Cuba, none might be more appealing to someone looking for a home on a budget than coffee farming. It's ideal for anyone who truly enjoys life in the mountains, hills, and valleys near flowing streams, where the air is fresh, the shade is welcome, and the climate is perfect. Growing coffee isn't too hard, and by following a few well-known guidelines that the industry requires, it can easily be managed by the wife and kids while the head of the family focuses on the more demanding tasks in the fields or caring for livestock on nearby land.
The plant itself is an evergreen shrub with soft gray bark, and dark green laurel-like leaves. The white-petaled star-shaped flowers, with their yellow centers, are beautiful, and the bright red berries, growing in clusters close to the stem are not unlike in appearance the marmaduke cherries of the United States. The fragrance that fills the air from a grove of coffee trees can never be forgotten.
The plant is an evergreen shrub with smooth gray bark and dark green, laurel-like leaves. The gorgeous white star-shaped flowers have yellow centers, and the bright red berries grow in clusters close to the stem, resembling the marmaduke cherries found in the United States. The scent that fills the air from a grove of coffee trees is unforgettable.
The shrub is seldom permitted to grow more than ten feet in height and begins to bear within three or four years from planting. The berries ripen in about six months from the time of flowering. Each contains two seeds or coffee beans, the surrounding pulp shriveling up as the time approaches for picking.
The shrub rarely grows taller than ten feet and starts producing berries within three or four years after being planted. The berries mature about six months after flowering. Each berry has two seeds or coffee beans inside, and the outer pulp shrivels up as the picking time nears.
During the gathering of the crop women and children work usually in the shade of taller trees, such as the mango or aguacate, stripping the fruit from the branches into baskets or upon pieces of canvas laid on the ground, which may be gathered up at the corners and carried to the drying floors where the berries are spread out as evenly and thinly as possible and given all the air and sunlight available. Early in the morning these are raked over to insure rapid drying. When sufficiently dry the berries are run through hulling machines which remove the outer pulp, leaving the finished green bean of commerce.
During the harvest, women and children usually work in the shade of taller trees like mango or avocado, picking the fruit from the branches into baskets or onto pieces of canvas laid on the ground. These canvases can be gathered up at the corners and carried to the drying areas, where the berries are spread out as evenly and thinly as possible to get as much air and sunlight as they can. Early in the morning, they are raked over to ensure quick drying. Once they're dry enough, the berries go through hulling machines that remove the outer pulp, leaving behind the finished green bean that’s sold in the market.
Approximately 500 trees are planted to the acre in starting a coffee plantation, and these will yield under favorable conditions at the expiration of the fourth year about one half of a pound to a tree, or 250 pounds to the acre, the value of which would be $50. The sixth year these trees should produce one pound each, making the return from one acre $100. Two years later these same trees will yield $200 per acre, and the tenth year $300. Each succeeding year, if well cared for, the yield should increase until the trees reach maturity at twenty-five years.
About 500 trees are planted per acre when starting a coffee plantation. Under good conditions, by the fourth year, each tree can produce about half a pound, totaling 250 pounds per acre, worth $50. By the sixth year, these trees should produce one pound each, bringing in $100 per acre. Two years later, those same trees will yield $200 per acre, and by the tenth year, $300. If well-maintained, the yield should continue to increase each year until the trees reach maturity at twenty-five years.
On the western slopes of the great Cordilleras that sweep throughout the length of Mexico, several varieties of excellent coffee are found. Among these is one, that through some freak of nature, afterwards encouraged and developed by the natives of that district, has been induced to produce two crops a year. It is stated on reliable authority also that trees ten years old, in this restricted area of western Mexico, will yield five pounds of berries to the tree, or in the two periods of annual bearing a total of ten pounds to each plant. The Department of Agriculture is endeavoring to secure both seed and nursery stock from this district, which will be transplanted to the Experimental Station at Santiago de las Vegas, and definite data secured in regard to the success of this variety of coffee in Cuba.
On the western slopes of the great Cordilleras that stretch across Mexico, several types of excellent coffee can be found. Among these is one that, due to some quirk of nature and later enhanced by the locals of that area, produces two crops a year. Reliable sources indicate that trees ten years old in this specific area of western Mexico can yield five pounds of berries each, adding up to a total of ten pounds per plant over the two annual harvests. The Department of Agriculture is working to obtain both seeds and nursery stock from this region, which will be transplanted to the Experimental Station at Santiago de las Vegas to gather clear data on how well this coffee variety performs in Cuba.
Where several small coffee farms are located in the same vicinity, hulling machines may be purchased jointly, and serve the needs of other growers in the district. The crop when dried, cleaned and placed in hundred-pound sacks, is usually strapped to the backs of mountain ponies and thus conveyed to the nearest town or seaport for shipment to Havana.
Where several small coffee farms are located close to each other, hulling machines can be bought together to meet the needs of other growers in the area. Once the crop is dried, cleaned, and packed into hundred-pound sacks, it's typically strapped to the backs of mountain ponies and taken to the nearest town or seaport for shipment to Havana.
A coffee planter can always store his crop in the bonded warehouses of Havana or other cities, and secure from the banks, if desired, advances equivalent to almost its entire value. The price of green coffee on the market at wholesale ranges from 20¢ to 25¢ per hundred weight.
A coffee grower can always store his harvest in the bonded warehouses of Havana or other cities and, if he wants, get advances from the banks that are almost equal to its total value. The wholesale price of green coffee on the market ranges from 20¢ to 25¢ per hundredweight.
It is a common sight either in Bahia Honda or Candelaria to see long trains of ponies bringing coffee in from the outlying foot hills, or mountain districts. It is usually sold direct to local merchants, who pay for the unselected unpolished beans, just as they come from the hands of the growers, $20 per hundred weight. This high price is paid owing to the fact that the Cuban product is considered, at least within the limits of the Republic, the best coffee in the world, and it will bring in the local markets a higher price than coffee imported from the foreign countries. The retailers after roasting coffee, get from 40¢ to 50¢ per pound for it.
It's a common sight in Bahia Honda or Candelaria to see long lines of ponies bringing coffee from the nearby hills or mountainous areas. This coffee is usually sold directly to local merchants, who pay $20 per hundredweight for the unselected unpolished beans, just as they come from the growers. This high price is due to the fact that Cuban coffee is considered, at least within the Republic, the best in the world, and it fetches a higher price in local markets than coffee imported from other countries. After roasting, retailers sell the coffee for 40 to 50 cents per pound.
In spite of its superiority and the demand for native coffee, less than 40% of the amount consumed is grown in Cuba. Most of it is imported from Porto Rico and other parts of the world, and this, regardless of the fact that nearly all of the mountain sides, valleys and foothills belonging to the range that extends through Pinar del Rio from Manatua in the west to Cubanas in the east, are admirably adapted to the cultivation of coffee, as also are the mountains of Trinidad and of Sancti Spiritus in the Province of Santa Clara, the Sierra de Cubitas and la Najassa in Camaguey, and the Sierra Maestra range that skirts the full length of the southern shore of Oriente.
Despite its quality and the demand for local coffee, less than 40% of the coffee consumed is grown in Cuba. Most of it is imported from Puerto Rico and other parts of the world. This is surprising considering that nearly all the mountains, valleys, and foothills along the range from Pinar del Río, stretching from Manatí in the west to Cubanas in the east, are perfectly suited for coffee cultivation. The same goes for the mountains in Trinidad and Sancti Spíritus in Santa Clara Province, the Sierra de Cubitas and Najasa in Camagüey, and the Sierra Maestra range that runs along the southern coast of Oriente.
The available lands for profitable coffee culture in Cuba are almost unlimited and are cheap, considering the fertility of the soil, the abundance of timber still standing, the groves of native fruit trees, the good grass found wherever the sun’s rays can penetrate, the splendid drinking water gushing from countless springs, and the many industries to which these lands lend themselves, waiting only the influx of capital, or the coming of the homeseeker.
The land available for profitable coffee farming in Cuba is nearly limitless and inexpensive, given the rich soil, the plentiful standing timber, the groves of native fruit trees, the lush grass wherever there’s sunlight, the excellent drinking water from numerous springs, and the various industries these lands can support, just waiting for an influx of investment or the arrival of settlers.
The Government of Cuba is anxious to foster the coffee industry, which was once a very important factor in the prosperity of the Island. The first protective duty was imposed in 1900; $12.15 being collected for each 100 kilos (225 lbs.) of crude coffee, if not imported from Porto Rico, that country paying only $3.40. During the first years of the Cuban Republic this duty was increased to $18 per hundred kilos, and later, 30% was added, making a total duty paid of $23.40 on every 225 pounds of coffee imported. Porto Rico, however, is favored with a reduction of 20% on the above amount by a reciprocity treaty, which compels that country at present to pay only $18.20 per hundred kilos.
The Government of Cuba is eager to promote the coffee industry, which was once a crucial contributor to the Island's prosperity. The first protective tariff was introduced in 1900, collecting $12.15 for every 100 kilos (225 lbs.) of raw coffee imported, unless it came from Puerto Rico, which only paid $3.40. In the early years of the Cuban Republic, this tariff was raised to $18 per hundred kilos, and later a 30% increase was added, bringing the total duty to $23.40 on every 225 pounds of imported coffee. However, Puerto Rico benefits from a 20% discount due to a reciprocity treaty, meaning it currently pays only $18.20 per hundred kilos.
Coffee in Brazil has been sold at from four to five cents per pound and yet, we are told, with profit. On the supposition that it would cost 8¢ per pound to grow it in Cuba, with the average market for the green berries at 22¢, the profit derived from a coffee plantation properly located and cared for is well worth considering, and since the grade produced is one of the finest in the world, there is no reason why this Island should not in time, supply if not the entire amount, at least a large part of the high-grade coffee consumed in the United States.
Coffee in Brazil has been sold for four to five cents per pound, and apparently, that's still profitable. Assuming it costs 8¢ per pound to grow it in Cuba, with the average market price for the green beans at 22¢, the profit from a well-located and well-maintained coffee plantation is worth noting. Since the quality produced is among the best in the world, there’s no reason this island shouldn't eventually supply, if not all, at least a significant portion of the high-quality coffee consumed in the United States.
With the resumption of industries that must follow the termination of the European War, the Government will do all in its power to persuade families from the mountainous district of Europe to settle and make their homes in Cuba. Some of them undoubtedly will be attracted to the forest covered hills that offer so much in the way of health, charming scenery and opportunities for the homeseeker with his family. It would be a most delightful example of agricultural renaissance, if the hundreds of “cafateles,” abandoned for half a century, should again be brought to life, with the resurrection of the old-time coffee plantations, as an important Cuban industry.
With industries restarting after the end of the European War, the Government will do everything it can to encourage families from the mountainous regions of Europe to settle and build their homes in Cuba. Many will likely be drawn to the forested hills that offer health benefits, beautiful scenery, and opportunities for families looking for a new place to live. It would be a wonderful example of agricultural revival if the hundreds of “cafateles,” which have been abandoned for fifty years, could be revitalized along with the old coffee plantations, making it a significant industry in Cuba.
CHAPTER XIX
THE MANGO
OF all Oriental fruits brought to the Occident, the golden mango of India is undoubtedly king. For thousands of years, horticulturists of the Far East, under the direction of native princes, have worked towards its perfection. Just when the seeds were introduced into Cuba, no one knows, but certain it is that so favorable were both soil and climate that the mango today, in the opinion of the natives at least, furnishes the Island its finest fruit. It has so multiplied and spread throughout all sections that it plays an important part in the decoration of the landscape.
Of all the Eastern fruits brought to the West, the golden mango from India is definitely the best. For thousands of years, gardeners in the Far East, guided by local rulers, have worked to perfect it. It's unclear exactly when the seeds were brought to Cuba, but it's certain that the soil and climate are so ideal that, according to the locals, the mango is now the best fruit on the island. It has spread and multiplied across various regions, playing a significant role in enhancing the beauty of the landscape.
Next to the royal palm, the mango is more frequently seen in traveling along railroads or automobile drives than any other tree. Its beautiful dark green foliage, tinged during spring with varying shades, from cocoanut yellow to magenta red, is not only attractive to the eye but gives promise of loads of luscious fruit during the months of June, July and August.
Next to the royal palm, the mango is more commonly seen while traveling along railroads or by car than any other tree. Its beautiful dark green leaves, which change in spring to different shades from coconut yellow to magenta red, are not only pleasing to the eye but also promise lots of delicious fruit during June, July, and August.
There are two distinct races or types of this family in Cuba, one known as the mango, and the other as the manga. The terminations would suggest male and female, although no such difference exists in sex. Both in form and fruit, however, the types are quite different.
There are two distinct varieties or types of this family in Cuba, one called the mango, and the other the manga. The names might suggest male and female, even though there's no actual difference in sex. However, in terms of shape and fruit, the varieties are quite different.
The mango is a tall, erect tree, reaching frequently a height of 60 or 70 feet, with open crown and strong, vigorous limbs. The fruit is compressed laterally, has a curved or beak-like apex, yellow or yellowish green in color, often blushed with crimson. It is rich in flavor but filled unfortunately with a peculiar fibre that impedes somewhat the removal of the juicy pulp.
The mango is a tall, straight tree, often growing to 60 or 70 feet high, with a broad crown and strong, sturdy branches. The fruit is flattened on the sides, has a curved or pointed tip, and is yellow or yellowish-green in color, often with a reddish blush. It’s flavorful but unfortunately has a unique fiber that makes it a bit difficult to remove the juicy pulp.
Nearly all varieties of mangoes are prolific bearers. Their handsome golden yellow tinted fruit not infrequently bends limbs to the breaking point, so great is its weight. The fruit is from three to five inches in length, and will weigh from five to twelve ounces. The skin is smooth and often speckled with carmine or dark brown spots, and in most of the seedlings there is a slightly resinous odor, objectionable to strangers.
Nearly all types of mangoes produce a lot of fruit. Their beautiful golden-yellow fruit often weighs down the branches to the breaking point. The fruit ranges from three to five inches long and weighs between five to twelve ounces. The skin is smooth and often speckled with red or dark brown spots, and most of the seedlings have a slightly resinous smell that can be off-putting to newcomers.
The manga, quite distinct from the mango both in form of tree and in appearance of fruit, is easily distinguished at a distance. It grows from 30 to 40 feet in height, is beautifully rounded or dome shaped, and has a closed crown or top. The panicles in early spring are from 12 to 24 inches in length, pale green in color, usually tinged with red, and in contrast with the deep green of its foliage produce rather a startling effect.
The mango tree, which is very different from the mango fruit in both type and look, is easy to spot from afar. It reaches a height of 30 to 40 feet, has a lovely rounded or dome-like shape, and features a closed crown at the top. In early spring, its flower clusters range from 12 to 24 inches long, are pale green with a hint of red, and create a striking contrast against its deep green leaves.
There are two types of the manga, one known as the Amarilla and the other as the Blanca. More of the latter are found in the neighborhood of Havana than in any other section of the island. Three of the most perfect samples of the manga blanca, both in tree and fruit, are found within a few rods of each other on the northern side of the automobile drive from Havana to Guanajay, between kilometers 35 and 36.
There are two types of the mango, one called the Amarilla and the other the Blanca. More of the Blanca can be found in the neighborhood of Havana than in any other part of the island. Three of the best examples of the mango blanca, both in terms of the tree and the fruit, are located within a short distance of each other on the northern side of the highway from Havana to Guanajay, between kilometers 35 and 36.
The mangas also are prolific bearers, whose fruit ripens in July and August, a month or so later than the mango. The fruit is roundish, very plump, and with the beak or point of the mango entirely missing. Its color is lemon yellow with a delicate reddish blush, the length about three inches and the weight from five to eight ounces. The skin, rather tough, peels readily, and in eating should be torn down from the stem towards the apex. The same fibre is present as in the mango, while the pulp is very juicy, sweet, slightly aromatic and pleasant in flavor.
The mangas are also prolific bearers, with fruit that ripens in July and August, about a month later than the mango. The fruit is roundish, very plump, and lacks the beak or point that the mango has. Its color is lemon yellow with a delicate reddish blush, measuring about three inches in length and weighing between five to eight ounces. The skin is quite tough but peels easily, and when eating, it should be torn down from the stem towards the tip. The same fiber is found as in the mango, while the pulp is very juicy, sweet, slightly aromatic, and has a nice flavor.
The manga amarilla, closely allied to the blanca, is a very common form and quite a favorite in the markets of Havana, where it is found towards the end of July. The fruit is a deeper yellow than the blanca, very juicy, and also very fibrous, with a weight varying from four to eight ounces. These, with the mangoes above described, are seedling trees that have gradually spread throughout the Island, the seed being scattered along public highways and forest trails by men and animals. Horses, cattle, goats and hogs are very fond of the mango.
The yellow mango, closely related to the white mango, is a common and popular fruit in the markets of Havana, where it appears around the end of July. This fruit has a deeper yellow color than the white mango, is very juicy, and quite fibrous, weighing between four to eight ounces. Both this and the previously mentioned mangoes come from seedling trees that have spread across the island, with seeds dropped along public roads and forest paths by people and animals. Horses, cattle, goats, and pigs really enjoy mangoes.
Since all mangoes give such delightful shade, and yield such an abundance of luscious fruit throughout spring and early summer, the seed has been planted around every home where space offered in city, hamlet or country bohio. The center or “batey” of every sugar and coffee estate in Cuba is made comfortable by their grateful shade, while single trees coming from seeds dropped in the depths of the forest have gradually widened out into groves. During the years of the Cuban War for Independence, the fruit from these groves, from May until August, furnished the chief source of food for insurgent bands that varied anywhere from 200 to 2000 men.
Since all mangoes provide such pleasant shade and produce a lot of delicious fruit in the spring and early summer, seeds have been planted around every home where there's space in the city, village, or rural area. The center or “batey” of every sugar and coffee plantation in Cuba is made more comfortable by their welcome shade, while individual trees grown from seeds dropped in the depths of the forest have gradually turned into groves. During the years of the Cuban War for Independence, the fruit from these groves, from May to August, was the main food source for rebel groups that ranged from 200 to 2000 men.
During the middle of the last century, when large coffee estates nestled in the hills of Pinar del Rio, the mango, with its grateful shade and luscious fruit, indicated the home or summer residence of the owner. Today, of the house only broken stones and vine-covered fallen walls remain, but the mangoes, old and gnarled, still stand, while around them have spread extensive groves of younger trees, bearing each year tons of fruit, with none to eat it save the occasional prospector, or the wild hog of the forest.
During the middle of the last century, when big coffee plantations were located in the hills of Pinar del Rio, the mango tree, with its welcome shade and delicious fruit, marked the home or summer getaway of the owner. Today, only crumbling stones and vine-covered walls remain of the house, but the old, twisted mango trees still stand. Surrounding them are large groves of younger trees that produce tons of fruit each year, with hardly anyone to eat it except for the occasional prospector or the wild boar from the forest.
The Filipino mango, although not very common in Cuba, is occasionally found in the western part of the Island, especially in the province of Havana, where it was introduced many years ago, probably from Mexico, although coming originally from the Philippine Islands, where it is about the only mango known. The tree is rather erect, with a closed or dome-shaped top, something similar to the manga. Its fruit is unique in form—long, slender, sharply pointed at the apex, flattened on the sides, and of a greenish yellow to lemon color when ripe. The pulp is somewhat spicy and devoid of the objectionable fibre common to seedling mangoes. It is usually preferred by strangers, although not as sweet and delicious in flavor as other varieties of this family. The tree is comparatively small, seldom reaching more than 30 feet in height. The fruit is from four to six inches in length and will weigh from six to twelve ounces. The Filipino has suffered but very little change in its peregrinations throughout two hemispheres. It is not a prolific bearer, but its fruit commands a very good price in the market. The Biscochuelo mango is of the East Indian type, although the time and manner of its introduction into Cuba is somewhat obscure. French refugees from Santo Domingo may have brought it with them in 1800. It is found mostly in the hills near Santiago de Cuba, especially around El Caney, and is quite plentiful in the Santiago markets during the month of July. The fruit is broadly oval with a clear, orange colored skin and firm flesh, and is rather more fibrous than the Filipino. Its flavor is sweet and rich, while its weight varies from eight to fourteen ounces. This variety of the mango is not closely allied to any of the above mentioned types, but keeps well, and would seem to be worthy of propagation in other sections of the Island.
The Filipino mango, while not very common in Cuba, is sometimes found in the western part of the island, especially in the province of Havana, where it was introduced many years ago, likely from Mexico, although it originally comes from the Philippine Islands, where it's the main mango known. The tree is fairly upright, with a closed or dome-shaped top, similar to the manga. Its fruit is distinctive in shape—long, slender, sharply pointed at the top, flattened on the sides, and greenish-yellow to lemon-colored when ripe. The pulp has a slightly spicy taste and lacks the unpleasant fiber typical of seedling mangoes. It’s usually preferred by newcomers, though it's not as sweet or flavorful as other varieties in this family. The tree is relatively small, rarely exceeding 30 feet in height. The fruit measures four to six inches long and weighs between six to twelve ounces. The Filipino mango has changed very little while moving across two hemispheres. It doesn't produce a lot of fruit, but its market price is quite good. The Biscochuelo mango is of the East Indian type, although the details of how and when it was introduced to Cuba are a bit unclear. French refugees from Santo Domingo may have brought it with them around 1800. It’s mostly found in the hills near Santiago de Cuba, especially around El Caney, and is quite abundant in the Santiago markets during July. The fruit is broadly oval with smooth, orange skin and firm flesh, and is somewhat more fibrous than the Filipino. Its flavor is sweet and rich, with a weight range of eight to fourteen ounces. This mango variety isn’t closely related to any of the previously mentioned types, but it stores well and seems worth propagating in other parts of the island.
Something over a half century ago, a wealthy old sea captain of Cienfuegos, returning from the East Indies, brought twelve mango seeds that were planted in his garden near Cienfuegos. One of the best of the fruits thus introduced is called the Chino or Chinese mango, and is probably the largest seedling fruit in the Island. On account of size it sells in Havana at from 20¢ to 40¢, although it is quite fibrous and rather lacking in flavor. This mango, through care and selection, has undergone considerable improvement, so that the Chino today is a very much better fruit than when brought to Cienfuegos sixty years ago.
Something over fifty years ago, a wealthy old sea captain from Cienfuegos returned from the East Indies with twelve mango seeds, which he planted in his garden near Cienfuegos. One of the best fruits that came from this is called the Chino or Chinese mango, and it’s likely the largest seedling fruit on the island. Because of its size, it sells in Havana for between 20¢ and 40¢, although it’s quite fibrous and lacks flavor. This mango has greatly improved over the years due to care and selection, so the Chino today is a much better fruit than it was when it was brought to Cienfuegos sixty years ago.
During the early Napoleonic wars, a shipload of choice mangoes and other tropical fruit from India was sent by the French Government to be planted in the Island of Martinique. The vessel was captured, however, by an English man-of-war and carried into Jamaica. From this island and from Santo Domingo, the French refugees introduced a number of mangoes, including nearly all those that are now growing in Oriente, while the manga, so common in Havana Province and Pinar del Rio, is thought to have been brought from Mexico, although its original home, of course, was in India and the Malaysian Islands.
During the early Napoleonic Wars, the French Government sent a ship filled with premium mangoes and other tropical fruits from India to be planted on the Island of Martinique. However, the ship was captured by a British warship and taken to Jamaica. From this island, along with Santo Domingo, French refugees brought over several mango varieties, including almost all the ones that are currently grown in Oriente. Meanwhile, the mango, which is very common in Havana Province and Pinar del Río, is believed to have been brought from Mexico, although its original home is, of course, India and the Malaysian Islands.
The fancy mangoes of Cuba today have all been imported within recent years at considerable expense from the Orient, and their superiority over the Cuba seedlings is due to the patient toil and care spent in developing and perpetuating choice varieties of the fruit in India. Of these fancy East Indian mangoes, the Mulgoba probably heads the list in size, quality and general excellence. The fruit is almost round, resembling in shape a small or medium sized grape fruit. Its average weight is about sixteen ounces, although it sometimes reaches twenty-four or more. When entirely ripe the Mulgoba is cut around the seed horizontally. The two halves are then twisted in opposite directions, separating them from the seed, after which they may be eaten in the inclosing skin, with a spoon.
The fancy mangoes from Cuba today have all been imported in recent years at a high cost from the East, and their superiority over the local Cuban varieties is due to the dedicated work and care that went into developing and maintaining premium types of the fruit in India. Among these exquisite East Indian mangoes, the Mulgoba is likely the best in terms of size, quality, and overall excellence. The fruit is almost round, resembling a small to medium-sized grapefruit. It typically weighs about sixteen ounces, although it can sometimes reach twenty-four ounces or more. When fully ripe, the Mulgoba is cut around the seed horizontally. The two halves are then twisted in opposite directions to separate them from the seed, after which they can be eaten directly from the skin with a spoon.
The pulp is rich, sweet, of delightful flavor, and absolutely free from fibre of any kind, which is true of nearly all East Indian mangoes. Budded trees begin to bear the third or fourth year, yielding perhaps 25 mangoes. The sixth or seventh year, dependent on soil and care bestowed, they should bear from three to five hundred. In the tenth year, mangoes of this variety should average at least a thousand fruit to the tree and will bring from $1 to $3 a dozen in the fancy fruit stores of the United States.
The flesh is rich, sweet, flavorful, and completely free of any fiber, which is typical of almost all East Indian mangoes. Grafted trees start producing fruit in their third or fourth year, yielding about 25 mangoes. By the sixth or seventh year, depending on soil quality and care, they can produce between three to five hundred. In the tenth year, mangoes of this variety should average at least a thousand fruits per tree and can sell for $1 to $3 a dozen in high-end fruit stores in the United States.
The Bombay is another excellent mango, devoid of fibre. Its weight is somewhat less than the Mulgoba, ten ounces being a fair average. Another East Indian variety known as the Alfonse has the size and weight of the Bombay, although differing in flavor and in its form, which is heart shaped. Its weight will average ten ounces.
The Bombay is another great mango, free of fibre. It weighs a bit less than the Mulgoba, with ten ounces being a typical average. Another East Indian variety called the Alfonse is similar in size and weight to the Bombay, though it has a different flavor and a heart-shaped form. Its weight averages around ten ounces.
A close companion of the Alfonse is known as the “Favorite,” whose fruit will average about sixteen ounces. The Amani is another choice East Indian mango of much smaller size, since it weighs only about six ounces. The “Senora of Oriente” is one of the varieties of the Filipino introduced into that Province many years ago, and has proved very prolific. It is fibreless, of good commercial value, the weight of the fruit varying from ten to twelve ounces. It is long and carries a very thin seed; its color is greenish yellow.
A close companion of the Alfonse is called the “Favorite,” which typically weighs around sixteen ounces. The Amani is another good choice for an East Indian mango, but it's much smaller at only about six ounces. The “Senora of Oriente” is one of the Filipino varieties that was introduced to that province many years ago and has shown to be very productive. It has no fibers, is commercially valuable, and the fruit weighs between ten to twelve ounces. It is long in shape and has a very thin seed; its color is a greenish yellow.
The “Langra” is another importation from India, a large long mango weighing about two pounds, lemon yellow in color, of good qualities, with a sub-acid flavor.
The “Langra” is another import from India, a large long mango weighing about two pounds, lemon yellow in color, with great qualities and a mildly tart flavor.
The “Ameere” is similar to the Langra in color and quality, the fruit weighing only about one pound.
The “Ameere” is similar to the Langra in color and quality, with the fruit weighing only about one pound.
The “Maller” is very closely allied to both the above mentioned types, and bears a very excellent fruit with slightly different flavor and odor.
The “Maller” is very closely related to the two types mentioned above and produces excellent fruit with a slightly different flavor and smell.
The “Sundershaw” is probably the largest of all mangoes, the fruit varying from two to four pounds in weight, fibreless, with small seed, but with a flavor not very agreeable.
The “Sundershaw” is likely the biggest of all mangoes, weighing between two to four pounds, fiberless, with a small seed, but its flavor isn't very pleasant.
All of the above mentioned varieties of mangoes have been introduced into Cuba at considerable expense and grafted on to seedling trees, producing the finest mangoes in the world. Owing to their scarcity at the present time in the western hemisphere, very remunerative prices are secured even in the markets of Havana. Shipments consigned to the large hotels and fancy fruit houses in the United States have brought of course much higher prices.
All the mango varieties mentioned above have been brought to Cuba at a significant cost and grafted onto seedling trees, resulting in some of the best mangoes in the world. Because they are currently rare in the western hemisphere, they fetch high prices even in the markets of Havana. Shipments sent to large hotels and upscale fruit markets in the United States have, naturally, earned even higher prices.
In the hands of a culinary artist the mango has many possibilities, both in the green and the ripe state. From it are made delicious jams, jellies, pickles, marmalade, mango butter, etc. It is used also, as is the peach, in making pies, fillings for short cake, salads, chutneys, etc.
In the hands of a skilled chef, the mango has endless possibilities, whether it's green or ripe. From it, delicious jams, jellies, pickles, marmalade, and mango butter can be made. It's also used, just like peaches, in making pies, fillings for shortcake, salads, chutneys, and more.
This handsome tree, especially the variety known as the manga, with its round symmetrical dome-like form, its rich glossy foliage of leaves that are never shed and that remain green throughout the entire year, adds not only to the beauty of the landscape, but furnishes most grateful shade to all who may seek a rest along the roadside.
This beautiful tree, especially the variety called the mango, with its round, symmetrical dome shape and its lush, glossy leaves that never fall off and stay green all year long, not only enhances the beauty of the landscape but also provides much-appreciated shade for anyone looking to rest by the roadside.
It is more than probable that the Government of Cuba will select the manga as the natural shade tree for its public highways and automobile drives. The experiment has been made in some places with excellent success, and the delicious fruit yielded in such abundance would furnish refreshing nourishment for the wayfarer during spring and early summer.
It’s very likely that the Cuban government will choose the mango tree as the natural shade tree for its public roads and highways. This experiment has been conducted in some locations with great success, and the delicious fruit produced in such abundance would provide refreshing nourishment for travelers during spring and early summer.
Choice varieties of the mango are comparatively unknown in northern countries. Unfortunately the first samples that reached northern markets came from Florida seedlings, and owing to their slightly resinous or turpentine flavor, did not meet with a very ready acceptance. The rich, delicious, fibreless pulp of the East Indian mangoes, if once known in the larger cities of the North, would soon create a furore, that could only be satisfied by large shipments, and that would command prices higher than any other fruit grown.
Choice varieties of mango are relatively unknown in northern countries. Unfortunately, the first samples that reached northern markets came from Florida seedlings, and because of their slightly resinous or turpentine flavor, they weren't very well accepted. The rich, delicious, fiberless pulp of East Indian mangoes, once recognized in larger cities in the North, would quickly create a frenzy that could only be met with large shipments, and it would command higher prices than any other fruit grown.
The mango, too, as a shade tree, or producer of fruit, has one great advantage over the orange and many other trees. It will thrive in the soil of rocky hills and in the dry lands whose impervious sub-soil would bar many other trees. The day is not far distant when the mango will be not the most popular but also the most profitable fruit produced of any tree in the West Indies.
The mango, as a shade tree or a fruit producer, has a significant advantage over the orange and many other trees. It can grow well in rocky hills and dry lands where the hard subsoil would prevent other trees from thriving. Soon, the mango will not only be the most popular but also the most profitable fruit produced by any tree in the West Indies.
CHAPTER XX
CITRUS FRUITS
ALTHOUGH the forests of Cuba abound in several varieties of the citrus family growing wild within their depths, the fruit was probably brought from Spain by the early conquerors. The beautiful, glossy-leafed trees of the wild sour and bitter oranges are met today throughout most of the West Indies, and are especially plentiful in this island. The seeds have probably been carried by birds, but the wild fruit, although seldom if ever sweet, with its deep red color, is not only ornamental to the forest, but often refreshing to the thirsty individual who may come across it in his travels. The lime is also found in more or less abundance, scattered over rocky hillsides, where the beautiful lemon-like fruit goes to waste for lack of transportation to market.
Although the forests of Cuba are home to various types of citrus growing wild, the fruit was likely brought from Spain by the early conquerors. Today, the beautiful, glossy-leafed trees of wild sour and bitter oranges can be found across most of the West Indies, and are especially abundant on this island. The seeds have probably been spread by birds, but the wild fruit, while rarely sweet, with its deep red color, is not only a beautiful addition to the forest but also often refreshing for anyone who happens upon it while traveling. The lime is also found in fair amounts, scattered over rocky hillsides, where the lovely lemon-like fruit goes to waste due to a lack of transportation to market.
Almost everywhere in Cuba are found a few sweet orange trees that were planted years ago for home consumption, but only with the coming of Americans have the various varieties been planted systematically, in groves, and the citrus fruit has assumed its place as a commercial industry in the Island.
Almost everywhere in Cuba, you can find a few sweet orange trees that were planted years ago for personal use, but it was only with the arrival of Americans that different varieties began to be planted systematically in groves, and citrus fruit became a commercial industry on the Island.
Homeseekers from Florida found the native oranges of Cuba, all of which are called “Chinos” or Chinese oranges to distinguish them from the wild orange of the woods, to be not only sweet but often of superior quality to those grown either in Florida or California. A prominent horticulturist, who during the first Government of American Intervention made a careful study of the citrus fruit of Cuba, stated that the finest orange he had ever met during his years of experience was found in the patio or backyard of a residence in the City of Camaguey. The delicious fruit from that tree he described as an accident or horticultural freak, since no other like it has been found in the island.
Homeseekers from Florida discovered that the native oranges of Cuba, known as “Chinos” or Chinese oranges to differentiate them from the wild oranges, are not only sweet but often better in quality than those grown in Florida or California. A well-known horticulturist, who studied Cuba's citrus fruits during the early days of American intervention, claimed that the best orange he had ever encountered in his career was in the backyard of a home in Camaguey. He described the delicious fruit from that tree as a lucky accident or horticultural anomaly, since no other oranges like it have been found on the island.
The rich soils, requiring comparatively little fertilizer, were very promising to the settlers who came over from Florida in 1900, and many of these pioneers planted large tracts with choice varieties of the orange, brought from their own state, and from California. Capital was interested in many sections, and extensive estates, orange groves covering hundreds and even thousands of acres, were planted near Bahia Honda, fifty miles west of Havana. Other large plantings were made on the Western Railroad at a point known as Herradura, in the province of Pinar del Rio, 100 miles from the capital.
The fertile soils, needing relatively little fertilizer, looked very promising to the settlers who arrived from Florida in 1900. Many of these pioneers planted large areas with high-quality orange varieties, which they brought from their own state and California. Investors were drawn to many regions, and vast estates with orange groves stretching over hundreds and even thousands of acres were established near Bahia Honda, fifty miles west of Havana. Additional large plantings occurred along the Western Railroad at a location called Herradura, in the province of Pinar del Rio, 100 miles from the capital.
Smaller groves were planted in the neighborhood of San Cristobal and Candelaria, in the same province, some fifty miles from Havana. Other American colonies set out large groves in the eastern provinces; one at a station of the Cuban Railroad, in Camaguey, known as Omaha; another east of the harbor of Nuevitas. Orange groves were planted, too, at the American colony of La Gloria and at nearby places on the Guanaja Bay of the north shore.
Smaller groves were planted around San Cristobal and Candelaria, in the same province, about fifty miles from Havana. Other American colonies established large groves in the eastern provinces; one at a station of the Cuban Railroad in Camaguey, known as Omaha; another east of the Nuevitas harbor. Orange groves were also planted at the American colony of La Gloria and in nearby areas on the Guanaja Bay of the northern shore.
One of the largest plantings of citrus fruit was started on the cleared lands of the Trocha, in the western part of Camaguey, some ten miles north of Ciega de Avila, while at several different points along the Cuba Company’s Road, orange groves were started during the early days following its construction. Both the provinces of Santa Clara and Matanzas, also, came in for more or less extensive citrus fruit culture, while in the Isle of Pines, during the first years of the present century, large holdings of cheap lands were purchased by American promoters, and afterwards sold in small tracts to residents of the United States who were promised fortunes in orange culture.
One of the largest citrus fruit plantings began on the cleared lands of the Trocha, in the western part of Camaguey, about ten miles north of Ciega de Avila. Meanwhile, at various points along the Cuba Company’s Road, orange groves were established in the early days after its construction. The provinces of Santa Clara and Matanzas also engaged in more or less extensive citrus farming, and in the Isle of Pines, during the first years of this century, large areas of inexpensive land were bought by American investors, who later sold them in smaller parcels to residents of the United States, promising them great wealth from orange cultivation.
Some of these various ventures in citrus fruit culture, especially those where intelligence was used in the selection of soils, and sites commanding convenient transportation facilities, have proved quite profitable. Many of them, however, far removed from convenient points of shipment to foreign markets, have failed to yield satisfactory returns and some have been abandoned to weeds, disease and decay.
Some of these different ventures in growing citrus fruits, especially those that intelligently selected the right soils and locations with good transportation access, have been quite profitable. However, many of them, located far from accessible shipping points to international markets, have not provided satisfactory returns, and some have been left to weeds, disease, and decay.
Some of the earliest and best kept groves were started in 1902 and 1903, along the beautiful Guines carretera, or automobile drive, between Rancho Volero and the Experimental Station at Santiago de las Vegas. These groves have all reached their maturity and with their close proximity to the local market of Havana, and easy transportation to the United States, have been, and are, successful and profitable investments.
Some of the earliest and best-maintained groves were established in 1902 and 1903 along the beautiful Guines carretera, or car road, between Rancho Volero and the Experimental Station at Santiago de las Vegas. These groves have all matured, and their close proximity to the local market in Havana, along with easy transportation to the United States, has made them successful and profitable investments.
The first of these covered some 400 acres, all planted in choice varieties of oranges by Mr. Gray of Cincinnati. In this vicinity too, close by the Experimental Station, is the Malgoba Estate, the most extensive and successful nursery, not only in citrus fruit, but for nearly every other valuable plant, fruit, flower or nut bearing tree indigenous to or introduced into Cuba. This nursery, as well as the beautiful, orderly kept grounds of the Experimental Station, will be found very interesting and perhaps valuable to the visitor from northern countries.
The first of these covered about 400 acres, all planted with select varieties of oranges by Mr. Gray from Cincinnati. Nearby, close to the Experimental Station, is the Malgoba Estate, the largest and most successful nursery, not just for citrus fruit, but for nearly every other valuable plant, fruit, flower, or nut-bearing tree native to or introduced in Cuba. This nursery, along with the beautifully maintained grounds of the Experimental Station, will be quite interesting and possibly valuable to visitors from northern countries.
Some of the most successful groves in Cuba have been those planted in what is known as the Guayabal District, located near the Guanajay Road, in the extreme northwestern corner of the Province of Havana, within 25 miles, or easy automobile drive, from the capital of the Island. The oranges produced in this district are all from comparatively small orchards, well cared for, whose fruit is sold to local purchasers and conveyed in trucks to the markets of Havana. These oranges are sold in on the trees, at prices varying from $10 to $20 per thousand. The grape fruit, or toronja, alone is crated and shipped to the United States, where the market for some years has been quite satisfactory, especially when heavy frosts have cut short the yield of Florida groves.
Some of the most thriving orchards in Cuba are located in the Guayabal District, near Guanajay Road, in the far northwestern part of Havana Province, just 25 miles, or a short drive, from the capital of the Island. The oranges from this area come from relatively small, well-maintained orchards, whose fruit is sold to local buyers and transported in trucks to the markets in Havana. These oranges are sold right off the trees, at prices ranging from $10 to $20 per thousand. The grapefruit, or toronja, is the only fruit that is packaged and shipped to the United States, where the market has been quite favorable for several years, especially when harsh frosts have reduced the yield from Florida orchards.
The great mistake of many of the early investors of capital in citrus fruits in Cuba was not alone in the selection of the site, but in the fact that enormous tracts of land were prepared at heavy expense and groves set out with varieties not only unsuited to the market, but in tracts so large that protection from disease, and from the tall rank grasses of the island, was practically impossible.
The big mistake of many early investors in citrus fruits in Cuba wasn't just about choosing the right location, but also in the fact that they spent a lot of money preparing huge areas of land and planting groves with varieties that were not suitable for the market. These areas were so large that it was nearly impossible to protect them from disease and the tall, thick grasses of the island.
There is perhaps no fruit grown for commercial purposes that requires more constant care and intelligent supervision than the orange and grape fruit. An orange grove must be kept free from weeds, grass and running vines; must be frequently cultivated to form a dust mulch; the trees must be sprayed with insecticides and should be always under the eye of an expert horticulturist, or orange grower, who will recognize and combat not alone the scale insect but scores of other diseases that may attack the trees at any time. These, if neglected for a year, or even for a few months, will make inroads into the health of a grove that spells heavy loss if not ultimate ruin.
There’s probably no fruit grown for commercial purposes that needs more constant care and skilled supervision than oranges and grapefruits. An orange grove has to be kept clear of weeds, grass, and creeping vines; it must be regularly cultivated to create a dust mulch; the trees need to be sprayed with insecticides and should always be monitored by an expert horticulturist or orange grower who can identify and deal with not just scale insects, but many other diseases that can hit the trees at any moment. If these issues are ignored for a year, or even for a few months, they will threaten the health of the grove, resulting in significant losses or even complete ruin.
In Florida and California these facts, of course, are well known, and the rules for successful orange culture are carefully followed. But in the early rush for cheap lands in Cuba, and the selfish desire of the promoter for huge profits and quick sales, regardless of the welfare of the purchaser, tracts were purchased and trees were set out with neither capital nor provision for the care and fertilizer required to keep a grove thriving, from the time of planting the nursery stock to its ultimate maturity.
In Florida and California, these facts are well known, and the guidelines for successful orange cultivation are closely followed. However, during the initial rush for inexpensive land in Cuba, the promoters' selfish desire for big profits and quick sales, without considering the welfare of the buyers, led to land being bought and trees being planted without the necessary capital or preparation for the care and fertilizer needed to keep an orchard thriving, from the time the young plants were put in the ground until they reached maturity.
Experience has proved that the most successful varieties of oranges, intended for the export trade, are those that bear very early in the fall, and very late in the spring, avoiding thus all competition with oranges from Florida and the Bahamas. Of these the early and the late Valencias, together with the Washington navel, that will easily stand shipment even to Europe and other distant markets, probably have the preference among most growers in Cuba.
Experience has shown that the most successful types of oranges for export are the ones that produce fruit very early in the fall and very late in the spring, which helps them avoid competition with oranges from Florida and the Bahamas. Among these, the early and late Valencias, along with the Washington navel, are favored by most growers in Cuba since they can be shipped easily to Europe and other far-off markets.
The quality of this fruit is excellent, and although the navel orange among some growers has gotten into ill repute, the fault lies not in the orange itself, but in the fact that inferior nursery stock was imposed upon many planters during the first days of the Republic. During the past six years, first-class well selected and packed fruit has brought from $2 to $5 per crate, and sometimes more, in the eastern and northern markets of the United States, while common oranges, sold by the truck load in the Havana market, bring to the grower from $6 to $12 per thousand, choice fruit selling at from $10 to $20 per thousand.
The quality of this fruit is excellent, and even though the navel orange has gained a bad reputation among some growers, the issue isn’t with the orange itself but rather with the inferior nursery stock that was given to many planters during the early days of the Republic. Over the past six years, top-quality, well-selected, and packed fruit has sold for between $2 to $5 per crate, and sometimes even more, in the eastern and northern markets of the United States. Meanwhile, ordinary oranges sold by the truckload in the Havana market generate between $6 to $12 per thousand, with high-quality fruit selling for between $10 to $20 per thousand.
For general commercial purposes, especially for shipment abroad, the Washington navel or Riverside oranges have probably no superior in Cuba. They are large in size, weighing from 1½ to 2 pounds each. When properly grown the skin is thin, with deep red color, and the fruit is full of juice, as one may judge from the fact that no orange will exceed a pound in weight and not be juicy.
For general commercial use, especially for shipping overseas, the Washington navel or Riverside oranges are likely unmatched in Cuba. They are quite large, weighing between 1½ to 2 pounds each. When grown correctly, the skin is thin and deep red, and the fruit is very juicy, as you can tell since no orange weighing over a pound will lack juiciness.
The navel orange is seedless and exceedingly sweet, although lacking somewhat in the spicy flavor found in other varieties. Its season for ripening in this latitude varies from August to November, and extends into January. In planting groves with this variety care must be taken that the buds come from trees producing first-class fruit, since the type is liable to degenerate, unless the grower selects ideal trees from which to cut his bud wood.
The navel orange is seedless and super sweet, though it’s missing some of the spicy flavor found in other types. In this region, it typically ripens from August to November and can continue into January. When planting groves with this variety, it's important to ensure that the buds come from trees that produce top-quality fruit, as this type can easily degenerate if the grower doesn’t choose the right trees to use for budding.
Both the Jaffa and the Pineapple orange are popular in Cuba, especially for the local markets of the island, since they ripen during what is known as the middle orange season, or from December to March. The pineapple orange is probably one of the most prolific of the mid-season type. The fruit is pear-shaped, orange yellow in color, and one of the most highly flavored oranges grown in Cuba. Its skin is thin. The form of the tree is upright in growth rather than spreading.
Both the Jaffa and the Pineapple orange are popular in Cuba, especially in the local markets, as they ripen during what’s referred to as the middle orange season, from December to March. The Pineapple orange is likely one of the most prolific varieties of mid-season oranges. The fruit is pear-shaped, orange-yellow in color, and one of the most flavorful oranges grown in Cuba. Its skin is thin, and the tree has an upright growth habit rather than a spreading form.
The Jaffa is a dainty round orange, of medium size, golden yellow in color, with a thin skin, and pulp tender and juicy. It keeps well and is, as a rule, a prolific bearer. The tree is upright in shape, compact and not prone to disease.
The Jaffa is a small round orange, medium-sized, golden yellow in color, with a thin skin and tender, juicy pulp. It stores well and is usually a prolific producer. The tree has an upright shape, is compact, and not susceptible to disease.
The late Valencia, sometimes called Hart’s Tardiff, for commercial purposes and shipment abroad is recognized as one of the most reliable varieties grown in the island. It is seldom ripe before the month of March, and is very much better during May and June. Its commercial season extends from March to about the first of August, while the fruit of some trees has been kept in good condition even longer than this. The tree is thrifty and very prolific, bearing heavy crops every year. The fruit is of medium size to large, depending on the amount of fertilizer and care given it, while the color is a bright golden yellow. Good late Valencia oranges, during the months of May, June and July, have never sold in the Havana market for less than $15 to $20 per thousand. When the tree is properly cared for, and the fruit is thoroughly ripe, the late Valencia is one of the best of the citrus family.
The late Valencia, sometimes referred to as Hart’s Tardiff, is known for its reliability in commercial use and export from the island. It usually doesn't ripen until March and is significantly better in May and June. Its commercial season runs from March to about the beginning of August, although some trees can keep their fruit in good condition even longer. The tree grows well and produces a lot, yielding heavy crops each year. The fruit ranges from medium to large size, depending on the fertilizer and care it receives, and has a bright golden yellow color. High-quality late Valencia oranges in May, June, and July have never sold for less than $15 to $20 per thousand in the Havana market. When the tree is properly maintained and the fruit is fully ripe, the late Valencia is one of the top citrus varieties.
The Parson Brown is probably the earliest orange of all varieties that have been imported. It sometimes ripens during the latter part of August. The fruit is of good size and very sweet, with no particularly marked flavor. The color of the peel is a greenish yellow, and it may be eaten even before the yellow color appears. Its early appearance on the market is the only thing, perhaps, that recommends it for commercial purposes.
The Parson Brown is likely the first orange variety ever imported. It can sometimes be ready to eat by the end of August. The fruit is a good size and really sweet, with no standout flavor. The skin is a greenish-yellow, and you can eat it even before it turns fully yellow. Its early availability in the market is probably the only reason it’s considered for commercial use.
In 1915 some small plantings were made in Havana Province of an orange brought from Florida, known as the Lu Gim Gong. The principal merit of this orange is said to be in its keeping quality on the tree. The fruit, we are told, will hang on the branches in excellent edible condition from one year to another. If this reputation can be maintained in Cuba, oranges for the local market may be had all the year round. Sufficient time has not elapsed however, since the first trees were brought into the island, to pass judgment on its merits or its commercial value.
In 1915, some small plantings of an orange variety called Lu Gim Gong, brought from Florida, were made in Havana Province. This orange is particularly praised for its ability to stay fresh on the tree. It's said that the fruit can remain on the branches in great edible condition for a year or more. If this reputation holds true in Cuba, it could mean a steady supply of oranges for the local market year-round. However, not enough time has passed since the first trees were introduced to the island to assess its quality or commercial potential.
Although up to the inauguration of the Republic in 1902, the grape fruit, known in Cuba as the toronja, was little valued, the people of Cuba have gradually acquired a fondness for it, especially with the desayuno or early morning coffee. Owing to this fact there is a rapidly growing local demand for the toronja that promises quite a profitable home market for this really excellent fruit. The grape fruit of Cuba, although but little attention has been given to the improvement of varieties, has been favored in some way by the climate itself, and that of the entire Island, including the Isle of Pines, is very much sweeter and juicier than that grown in the United States.
Until the Republic was established in 1902, grapefruit, known in Cuba as toronja, wasn’t highly regarded. However, the people of Cuba have gradually developed a taste for it, especially with their breakfast or morning coffee. Because of this, there is a rapidly increasing local demand for toronja, which looks promising for a profitable home market for this truly excellent fruit. The grapefruit in Cuba, despite not much effort being made to improve the varieties, is somewhat benefited by the climate itself, and the fruit from the entire island, including the Isle of Pines, tends to be much sweeter and juicier than what’s grown in the United States.
The cultivation of grape fruit in Cuba, especially in the Isle of Pines, has been very successful as far as the production of a high-grade fruit is concerned. The trees are prolific and the crop never fails. Unfortunately, grape fruit shipped from Cuba to the United States has not always found a profitable market, and there have been seasons when the crop became an absolute loss, since the demand abroad was not sufficient to pay the transportation to northern markets. As the taste for grape fruit grows, it is possible that this occasional glutting of the market may become a thing of the past, but at the present time many of the groves of grape fruit in Cuba are being budded with oranges. This is true also of lemon trees.
The cultivation of grapefruit in Cuba, especially on the Isle of Pines, has been very successful in producing high-quality fruit. The trees are very productive, and the crop never fails. Unfortunately, grapefruit shipped from Cuba to the United States hasn’t always found a profitable market, and there have been seasons when the crop was a total loss since the demand abroad wasn’t enough to cover the transportation costs to northern markets. As the taste for grapefruit grows, it’s possible that these occasional oversupplies might become a thing of the past, but right now, many grapefruit groves in Cuba are being grafted with oranges. The same is true for lemon trees.
Limes, as before stated, are quite abundant in some parts of the Island, growing wild in the forests of hilly sections. The recent demand for citric acid would suggest that the establishment of a plant for its manufacture might solve the problem of enormous quantities of citrus fruit that must go to waste every year unless some method of utilizing it is discovered in the locality where found.
Limes, as mentioned earlier, are plentiful in some areas of the Island, growing naturally in the forests of hilly regions. The recent demand for citric acid suggests that setting up a plant to produce it could address the huge amounts of citrus fruit that go to waste every year unless a way to use it is found in the local area.
There are over 20,000 acres today in this republic on which citrus fruit is grown. The total value of the estates is estimated at about fifteen millions of dollars, but with each year it becomes more apparent that the area of really profitable citrus culture should be limited to a radius of not more than one hundred miles from some port whence regular shipments can be made to the United States. This is an essential feature of the citrus fruit industry. Its disregard means failure.
There are over 20,000 acres today in this republic where citrus fruits are grown. The total value of the estates is estimated to be around fifteen million dollars, but each year it becomes clearer that the area for truly profitable citrus farming should be limited to a radius of no more than one hundred miles from a port where regular shipments can be made to the United States. This is a crucial aspect of the citrus fruit industry. Ignoring it leads to failure.
The wild varieties of the orange, both the bitter and the sour, although too isolated and scattered for commercial purposes, are often a godsend to the prospector in the forest covered mountains, since the juice of the sour orange mixed with a little water and sugar makes a very pleasant drink. The wild trees themselves, with their symmetrical trunks, dark glossy evergreen leaves, white, fragrant flowers, and deep golden red fruit, that hangs on the tree for months after maturity, furnish a very attractive sight to the traveler, as well as a safe indication of the fact that in Cuba the citrus fruit, if not indigenous to the soil, has found a natural home.
The wild varieties of orange, both the bitter and the sour, although too rare and scattered for commercial purposes, are often a lifesaver for those exploring the forested mountains. The juice from sour oranges mixed with a bit of water and sugar makes a really nice drink. The wild trees themselves, with their straight trunks, dark glossy evergreen leaves, white fragrant flowers, and deep golden-red fruit that stays on the tree for months after it's ripe, create a beautiful sight for travelers and clearly show that in Cuba, citrus fruits, whether native to the soil or not, have truly found a home.
CHAPTER XXI
BANANAS, PINEAPPLES AND OTHER FRUITS
THE banana is of East Indian origin, but of an antiquity so great that man has no record of its appearance on earth as an edible fruit, nor can any variety of the plant be found today growing wild. The importance of the banana as a source of food for the human race in all warm countries of low altitude is probably equaled by no other plant, owing to the fact that a greater amount of nourishment can be secured from an acre of bananas than from any other product of the soil.
The banana comes from East India, but its history is so long that there’s no record of when it first became an edible fruit, and today, there’s no variety of the plant that grows wild. The significance of the banana as a food source for people in all warm, low-altitude areas is likely unmatched by any other plant, mainly because you can get more nutrition from an acre of bananas than from any other crop.
The banana has accompanied man into all parts of the tropical world, and for the natives at least still remains the one unfailing staff of life. The bulb once placed in moist fertile earth will continue to propagate itself and to produce fruit indefinitely, even without care of any kind, although for commercial purposes it may be improved and its productiveness increased through selection and cultivation.
The banana has followed humans into every corner of the tropical world and, for the locals, remains the one reliable source of sustenance. Once the bulb is planted in moist, fertile soil, it will keep growing and producing fruit indefinitely, even without any care. However, for commercial reasons, it can be enhanced and its yield increased through selective breeding and cultivation.
Few if any plants that nature has given us can be utilized in so many ways as the banana. The fruit when green, and before the development of its saccharine matter takes place, consists largely of starch and gluten, furnishing a splendid substitute, either boiled or baked, for the potato. Cut into thin slices, and fried in hot oil or lard, it becomes quite as palatable as the Saratoga chips of the United States. When baked in an oven and mashed with butter or sauce, it is not a bad substitute for the potato, and far more nourishing.
Few, if any, plants that nature has given us can be used in so many ways as the banana. The fruit, when green and before it develops its sweetness, is mostly made up of starch and gluten, making it a great substitute, whether boiled or baked, for potatoes. When sliced thin and fried in hot oil or lard, it’s just as tasty as Saratoga chips from the United States. Baked in an oven and mashed with butter or sauce, it’s a decent alternative to potatoes and much more nutritious.
When sun-dried and finely ground, a splendid highly nutritious banana-flour is produced, that is not only pleasant to the taste, but according to the report of physicians far more easily digested and assimilated than is the flour of wheat or corn. From good banana flour, either bread, crackers, griddle cakes or fancy pastry may be made, that would be relished on any table.
When sun-dried and finely ground, a fantastic and highly nutritious banana flour is created, which is not only tasty but, according to doctors, much easier to digest and absorb than wheat or corn flour. From quality banana flour, you can make bread, crackers, pancakes, or fancy pastries that would be enjoyed on any table.
The green fruit, when cut into small cubes, toasted and mixed with a little mocha coffee to give it flavor, offers the best substitute for that beverage that has been found up to the present time. When scientifically treated with sugar, the semi-ripe fruit with the addition of flavoring extracts may be converted into very good imitations of dried figs, prunes and others forms of preserves, that are not only healthful and palatable, but are nutritious, and may well serve as an important contribution to the food products of the world.
The green fruit, when diced into small cubes, toasted, and blended with a bit of mocha coffee for flavor, provides the best alternative for that drink discovered so far. When processed scientifically with sugar, the semi-ripe fruit, along with flavoring extracts, can be transformed into excellent imitations of dried figs, prunes, and other types of preserves that are not only healthy and tasty but also nutritious, potentially making a significant contribution to global food products.
Interesting and important experiments with banana-flour and the various products of both the ripe and the green fruit were made in Camaguey some years ago. The results were exceedingly satisfactory, but with the death of the inventor this promising industry was permitted to drop into disuse. Had Cuba been able to command the use of, or fall back on this splendid substitute for wheat flour, there would have been no bread famine in the island, such as occurred in the spring of 1918, and the Republic would have been independent of outside assistance.
Interesting and important experiments with banana flour and the different products made from both ripe and green bananas took place in Camaguey several years ago. The results were extremely promising, but after the inventor passed away, this potential industry fell into neglect. If Cuba had been able to utilize or rely on this excellent alternative to wheat flour, there wouldn't have been a bread shortage on the island, like the one that happened in the spring of 1918, and the Republic would have been self-sufficient without needing help from outside.
Bananas for commercial purposes, or rather for export, have been grown for many years in the eastern end of the Island, especially in the neighborhood of Nipe Bay, where deep, rich soil, combined with the heavy rainfall of summer, results in rapid growth and full development of the fruit. The banana grown for shipment to the United States is known in Cuba as the Johnson. There are several types of this, but all resemble closely the bananas of Costa Rica and other Central American countries, where the United Fruit Company controls the trade. Owing to the fact that this Company owns its own groves in Central America, conveniently located for loading its ships, the United States is supplied today almost entirely from that section, and the exportation of bananas from Cuba has been materially reduced.
Bananas for commercial purposes, especially for export, have been cultivated for many years in the eastern part of the Island, particularly near Nipe Bay. The deep, fertile soil and the heavy summer rainfall promote rapid growth and full development of the fruit. The bananas grown for shipment to the United States are known in Cuba as the Johnson. There are several varieties of this, but they all closely resemble the bananas from Costa Rica and other Central American countries, where the United Fruit Company has control over the trade. Since the Company owns its own plantations in Central America, conveniently located for loading its ships, the United States is now mainly supplied from that region, and banana exports from Cuba have significantly decreased.
Banana lands, too, are almost invariably well adapted to the growing of sugar cane, hence the great fields of Nipe Bay, and that part of Oriente once devoted to the cultivation of bananas, were eagerly sought by the sugar companies of the Island, and most of the territory converted into big sugar cane plantations.
Banana lands are also usually very suitable for growing sugar cane, which is why the vast fields of Nipe Bay and that part of Oriente, once used for banana cultivation, were highly sought after by the sugar companies on the Island. Most of that land has been turned into large sugar cane plantations.
There are probably twenty varieties of bananas cultivated in different parts of Cuba. Some twelve or more of these may be seen growing at the Experimental Station at Santiago de las Vegas. The variety preferred for local consumption and always in constant demand is the large cooking bananas, known in the United States as the plantain. This banana is not eaten in its natural state, but when cooked, either green or ripe, it finds a place on every table in Cuba.
There are likely about twenty types of bananas grown in different areas of Cuba. You can see twelve or more of these at the Experimental Station in Santiago de las Vegas. The variety that’s preferred for local eating and always in high demand is the large cooking bananas, called plantains in the United States. These bananas aren’t eaten raw; instead, when cooked—whether they’re green or ripe—they're a staple on every table in Cuba.
The plant is tall and the fruit at least twice as long as that of the ordinary banana of commerce. It is not as prolific as other varieties, seldom bearing more than 30 or 40 to the stem, but it is found on every farm on the Island and is relied on as a source of food, even more than is the potato. The bunches under normal conditions command in the market prices varying from 20¢ to 60¢, dependent upon the number of “hands” or bananas to the stalk.
The plant is tall, and the fruit is at least twice as long as that of regular commercial bananas. It's not as productive as other varieties, usually producing no more than 30 or 40 bananas per stem, but it's found on every farm on the Island and is relied upon as a food source, even more than potatoes. Under normal conditions, the bunches sell in the market for prices ranging from 20¢ to 60¢, depending on the number of "hands" or bananas on the stalk.
The banana plant reaches a height of twelve or fifteen feet and is reproduced from the sucker or offshoot of the original bulb. About 400 hills are set out to the acre. In twelve months the first comes to maturity, producing a single bunch of fruit, whose price, dependent on variety and size, varied from 20¢ to $1. Each main stalk during the year sends up six or eight suckers, that are used to increase the acreage as desired. Bananas for export are grown profitably only on or near the edge of deep water harbors, where transportation to northern markets is assured.
The banana plant grows to about twelve to fifteen feet tall and is propagated from the sucker or offshoot of the original bulb. Around 400 plants are typically planted per acre. In twelve months, the first bananas are ready, producing a single bunch of fruit, with prices ranging from 20¢ to $1 depending on variety and size. Each main stalk produces six to eight suckers throughout the year, which can be used to expand the acreage as needed. Bananas meant for export are best grown profitably on or near deep water harbors, ensuring reliable transportation to northern markets.
A description of all of the many varieties of the banana grown in Cuba would be perhaps superfluous. The most commonly cultivated for the table, and eaten without cooking, is known as the Manzana or Apple Banana. Its flavor may suggest the apple, although the choice of name is probably accidental. The bunch is rather small, and the fruit is bright yellow, only about one-half the length of the banana of commerce, and stands out more or less horizontally from the stem on which it grows. The average price of these when found in the market is about 35¢ per bunch.
A description of all the different types of bananas grown in Cuba would probably be unnecessary. The most commonly grown variety for eating raw is called the Manzana or Apple Banana. Its taste might remind you of an apple, although the name probably came about by chance. The bunch is fairly small, and the fruit is bright yellow, roughly half the size of the standard commercial banana, and hangs out more or less horizontally from the stem it grows on. The average market price for these is about 35¢ per bunch.
Some three or four varieties of the red banana are grown in Cuba, and while quite hardy and easily cultivated they are not prized in the Indies as in the United States. The dwarf banana, or Platano Enano, has a very pleasant flavor, not unlike that of the Johnson, or banana of commerce, and may be found in almost every garden in the Island. The plant reaches a height of only five or six feet, and the bunches of fruit are long and heavy, filled almost to the tip, and often supported by a forked stock, caught under the neck of the stalk so that the weight of the fruit will not break or pull over the plant itself.
There are about three or four types of red bananas grown in Cuba. While they’re quite resilient and easy to grow, they aren’t valued in the Caribbean as much as they are in the United States. The dwarf banana, or Platano Enano, has a really nice taste, similar to the Johnson banana, which is commonly sold, and it can be found in almost every garden on the island. This plant only grows to about five or six feet tall, and the bunches of fruit are long and heavy, often filled almost to the tip, and usually propped up by a forked stalk that supports the weight of the fruit, preventing the plant from breaking or toppling over.
Another very choice banana is called the “Platano Datil,” or date banana. The stalks are relatively small and hold but little fruit in comparison with other varieties, seldom having more than two or three hands to the bunch. The fruit itself is from two and a half to three inches in length, round and plump, with a thin skin that can be slipped off, like a glove, but with a flavor that is probably the most delicate and delicious of the whole Musa family.
Another excellent banana is known as the “Platano Datil,” or date banana. The stalks are relatively small and carry little fruit compared to other varieties, usually having no more than two or three hands in a bunch. The fruit itself measures about two and a half to three inches long, is round and plump, and has a thin skin that can be easily slipped off, like a glove, but its flavor is probably the most delicate and delicious of the entire Musa family.
Approximately 125,000,000 pounds of bananas are exported from the Island each year, valued under normal conditions at a little over a million dollars. The great bulk of bananas grown in Cuba are for domestic consumption.
Approximately 125 million pounds of bananas are exported from the island each year, valued under normal conditions at just over a million dollars. The majority of bananas grown in Cuba are for local consumption.
Agriculture, although rapidly assuming as it should the dignity of a science, still has its caprices or apparent contradictions. And so it happens that the choicest flavored and highest priced bananas of the world are grown in the waterworn pockets of almost barren dog-teethed rocks—“los dientes de perro” of the extreme eastern end of Cuba, just back of Cape Maysi.
Agriculture, while quickly gaining the respect it deserves as a science, still has its quirks and seeming contradictions. As a result, the most flavorful and expensive bananas in the world are grown in the worn-out pockets of nearly barren, jagged rocks—“los dientes de perro” at the far eastern tip of Cuba, just behind Cape Maysi.
Here the coast rises from sea level in a series of four or five steps or comparatively flat plateaux, each some four or five hundred feet above the other, until an altitude of two thousand feet is reached. The rocks are soft limestone and in the millions of waterworn pockets, the leaves and dust of the forest jungle have left their deposit for ages. In this shallow soil bananas not only grow luxuriously but have a remarkably delicate and delicious flavor, essentially their own.
Here, the coast rises from sea level in a series of four or five steps or relatively flat plateaus, each about four or five hundred feet above the last, until it reaches an altitude of two thousand feet. The rocks are soft limestone, and in the millions of weathered pockets, the leaves and dust from the jungle have built up over ages. In this thin soil, bananas not only grow abundantly but also have a uniquely delicate and delicious flavor that is distinctly their own.
The secret of this wondrous growth and par excellence however, lies not alone in the rocky soil, but in the fact that generous nature at this point, contributes an abundant shower of rain almost every day in the year. The low, heavily waterladen clouds of the West Indian seas, driven by easterly winds strike this series of table lands, one rising above the other, and shower the lands with daily rains. Hence it is that while the average rainfall of Cuba is 54 inches, this series of table land of Cape Maysi has an annual rainfall of 125 inches.
The secret to this amazing growth, though, isn't just in the rocky soil, but also in the fact that nature generously provides a heavy downpour almost every day of the year. The low, moisture-laden clouds from the West Indian seas, pushed by easterly winds, hit this series of flatlands, one above the other, bringing daily rain. As a result, while the average rainfall in Cuba is 54 inches, the flatlands of Cape Maysi receive about 125 inches of rain each year.
The result is that in spite of difficult access and a cultivation confined to the hoe, millions of bunches of choice bananas are grown and shipped from the mouth of the Little Yumuri every year. United Fruit steamers on their way north from South and Central American banana fields stop at the above landing to take on a top dressing of fancy fruit.
The result is that despite the challenging access and farming done only by hand, millions of clusters of premium bananas are grown and shipped every year from the mouth of the Little Yumuri. United Fruit steamers heading north from banana fields in South and Central America stop at this location to take on a supply of high-quality fruit.
Owing to the fact that the banana has practically no season, or rather that it may bear in any month, four suckers of varying ages are set out in each hill, from which four bunches of fruit, some three months apart, will result during the year. With four hundred stands or hills to the acre, the annual yield should be, approximately 1,600 bunches, and whether the crop is disposed of in the local markets or converted into banana flour, the growing of bananas may be made one of the important industries of Cuba.
Since bananas have almost no season and can produce fruit any month, four suckers of different ages are planted in each mound, resulting in four bunches of fruit spaced out over the year, some about three months apart. With four hundred mounds per acre, the annual yield should be around 1,600 bunches. Whether the crop is sold in local markets or made into banana flour, growing bananas can become a key industry in Cuba.
Patient toil and judicious selection have made the modern pineapple one of our most delightful of all fruits, in addition to which, in those countries not too far removed from markets, it has assumed an important place as a commercial industry. The fruit of the pineapple, like that of the strawberry, is a strange compound or consolidation of hundreds of little fruits, in one symmetrical cone, tinted when ripe with shades varying from greenish yellow to golden red or orange. Like the strawberry, it is a ground fruit that must be planted and cultivated along the lines that bring best results with ordinary field crops.
Patient effort and careful selection have made the modern pineapple one of our most delightful fruits. Additionally, in countries not too far from markets, it has become an important commercial industry. The pineapple fruit, similar to the strawberry, is a unique combination of hundreds of small fruits, all coming together in one symmetrical cone, which, when ripe, shows colors ranging from greenish yellow to golden red or orange. Like the strawberry, it grows close to the ground and needs to be planted and cultivated in ways that yield the best results for regular field crops.
Pineapples have been grown in Cuba since the beginning of the Spanish occupation, perhaps even before, although no mention is made of them as being cultivated by the Indians. As a commercial product the growing of the pineapple on a large scale began during the first Government of Intervention, although they were shipped abroad to some extent before that time. In point of money value, the industry ranks next to that of the citrus fruit. Although up to the present time most of the pineapples intended for export are grown within fifty miles of the city of Havana, over a million crates are annually shipped to the United States.
Pineapples have been grown in Cuba since the start of the Spanish occupation, possibly even earlier, although there’s no record of them being cultivated by the Indigenous people. The large-scale production of pineapples as a commercial product began during the first Government of Intervention, even though some were exported before that. In terms of monetary value, this industry is second only to that of citrus fruits. So far, most of the pineapples meant for export are grown within fifty miles of Havana, with over a million crates shipped to the United States each year.
Pineapples may be grown on any rich soil in Cuba, and are considered one of the staple crops. The slips or offshoots from the parent plant are set out in long ridges some four feet apart, with intervening spaces averaging a foot. These produce fruit in one year from planting, and from each original stalk an average of six suckers may be taken for planting in other beds, so that with a very small start the acreage may be easily increased five or six-fold each year.
Pineapples can be grown in any fertile soil in Cuba and are regarded as one of the main crops. The slips or offshoots from the main plant are planted in long rows about four feet apart, with gaps of around a foot in between. These yield fruit within a year of planting, and from each original stalk, you can take an average of six suckers to plant in other beds, allowing for a small initial investment to easily expand the acreage five or six times each year.
About 8,000 plants are considered sufficient for an acre of ground; and the cost of them when purchased averages about $30 per acre, while the preparation of the land for pineapple culture will amount to somewhat more. The net returns under favorable circumstances will vary from $75 to $100. The average net profit from pineapples grown near Artemisia and Campo Florida is said to be about $50 per acre. The high price of sugar, since the beginning of the European War, has, however, caused much of the former pineapple acreage to be converted into cane fields.
About 8,000 plants are considered enough for an acre of land, and the cost to buy them averages around $30 per acre. The preparation of the land for growing pineapples will be a bit more expensive. Under good conditions, the net returns will range from $75 to $100. The average net profit from pineapples grown near Artemisia and Campo Florida is about $50 per acre. However, the high price of sugar since the start of the European War has led to many of the former pineapple fields being turned into sugarcane fields.
The profit derived from pineapple culture, as in all fruits or vegetables of a perishable nature, depends very largely upon the shipping facilities of the locality selected. Pineapples cannot long be held on the wharf waiting for either trains or steamers. In this connection it may be mentioned that the daily ferry between Key West and Havana, by which freight cars can be loaded in the fields and shipped to any city in the United States without breaking bulk, has been very beneficial to growers.
The profit from growing pineapples, like with all perishable fruits and vegetables, heavily relies on the shipping options available in the chosen location. Pineapples can't stay on the dock for long while waiting for trains or ships. It's worth noting that the daily ferry between Key West and Havana, which allows freight cars to be loaded directly in the fields and shipped to any city in the United States without needing to unpack, has been really helpful for growers.
The Red Spanish, owing to its excellent shipping qualities, is preferred to all others for export, although many other varieties, such as the “Pina blanca” or sugarloaf, which will not stand shipment abroad, are used for local consumption and bring an average price of ten cents retail throughout the year.
The Red Spanish, due to its great shipping qualities, is preferred over all others for export. However, many other varieties, like the “Pina blanca” or sugarloaf, which can't be shipped internationally, are used for local consumption and sell for about ten cents retail year-round.
The largest pines grown for commercial purposes include the Smooth Cayenne, a beautiful fruit, varying in weight from five to fifteen pounds. Unfortunate is he who may have partaken of the rich sweet, juicy Sugar Loaf of Cuba, since it will discourage his fondness for the Smooth Cayenne, the much advertised Honolulu and other cone shaped products, whose flavor is not in keeping with their appearance.
The largest pines grown for commercial use include the Smooth Cayenne, a stunning fruit that weighs between five and fifteen pounds. Anyone who has enjoyed the rich, sweet, and juicy Sugar Loaf from Cuba is at a disadvantage, as it might dampen their appreciation for the Smooth Cayenne, the well-promoted Honolulu, and other cone-shaped varieties, whose taste doesn’t match their looks.
So delicious in flavor is the sugar loaf pine in comparison with those large varieties suited only for canning or cooking purposes, that the latter have never become sufficiently popular in Cuba to induce cultivation. In the Isle of Pines, however, as well as in Florida, the smooth Cayenne is grown and shipped to the nondiscriminating who live abroad. With care in packing, however, the sugarloaf may reach northern markets.
The sugar loaf pine is much tastier than the large varieties that are only good for canning or cooking, which is why those haven't become popular enough in Cuba to be grown there. In the Isle of Pines and in Florida, the smooth Cayenne is cultivated and sent to those abroad who don’t have a discerning palate. However, with careful packing, the sugar loaf can make it to northern markets.
The pineapple more than any other fruit appeals to the canning industry, especially in Cuba, where hundreds of thousands that have ripened too late for the northern markets are left to rot in the fields. There are no better pineapples grown in the world than in the Island of Cuba, and the excess or overproduction of the fruit within the next few years will undoubtedly be handled by properly equipped canning factories and thus add another industry to the revenues of the Island.
The pineapple, more than any other fruit, is a major draw for the canning industry, especially in Cuba, where hundreds of thousands that have ripened too late for northern markets are left to rot in the fields. No better pineapples are grown anywhere else in the world than on the Island of Cuba, and the excess or overproduction of the fruit in the coming years will definitely be processed by well-equipped canning factories, adding another industry to the Island's revenue.
The Anon is a small shapely tree seldom growing over twenty feet in height and common throughout all Cuba. The fruit of the Anon, sometimes called the sugar-apple, resembles a small round greenish white cone, about the size of the ordinary apple. Its delightful pulp suggests a mixture of thick sweetened cream, adhering to smooth black sunflower seeds. Although delicious to eat fresh from the tree, and very useful in making ices, it does not readily endure shipment, and is thus confined commercially to the local markets of the larger cities in Cuba.
The Anon is a small, well-shaped tree that rarely grows taller than twenty feet and is found all over Cuba. The fruit of the Anon, also known as the sugar-apple, looks like a small round greenish-white cone, roughly the size of a regular apple. Its delicious pulp is reminiscent of thick sweetened cream, clinging to smooth black sunflower seeds. While it's delightful to eat fresh from the tree and perfect for making ice treats, it doesn't ship well, which limits its commercial availability to the local markets in the larger cities of Cuba.
The Chirimoya, belonging to the same family, is undoubtedly the queen of the Anones. It is larger than the Anon, reaching the size of an ordinary grape-fruit. Its pulp is white, soft and very delicate, while the skin, unlike the Anon, is smooth, yellowish in color, with a blush of red.
The Chirimoya, part of the same family, is definitely the queen of the Anones. It's bigger than the Anon, about the size of a regular grapefruit. Its flesh is white, soft, and very delicate, while the skin, unlike the Anon, is smooth, yellowish, with a hint of red.
The Zapote, Nispero or Sapodilla, as it is variously termed, is a beautiful ornamental tree of the forest, indigenous to tropical America and the West Indies. The tree, with its trim shapely trunk and branches, its crisp, dark green foliage that never fails, adds greatly to the beauty of parks and lawns. The wood is hard, reddish and very durable. From the trunk exudes chicle gum, used in the United States for making chewing-gum. In England, since it is more plastic than caoutchouc, and more elastic than gutta-percha, it is employed as an adulterant to these products. The fruit in size and color resembles somewhat a small russet apple. It has a delightfully sweet juicy pulp, not unlike a persimmon touched with frost. The small glossy seeds are easily removed, and the fruit is very refreshing when left on ice, or in the early morning hours. Only with extreme care in packing could zapotes, like many other fruits of Cuba, stand shipment to foreign countries.
The Zapote, Nispero, or Sapodilla, as it's known in different ways, is a striking ornamental tree found in the forests of tropical America and the West Indies. With its neat, shapely trunk and branches, along with its crisp, dark green leaves that always thrive, it greatly enhances the beauty of parks and lawns. The wood is hard, reddish, and incredibly durable. The trunk gives off chicle gum, which is used in the United States to make chewing gum. In England, because it's more pliable than rubber and more elastic than gutta-percha, it’s used as an additive in these products. The fruit, resembling a small russet apple in size and color, has a wonderfully sweet, juicy pulp, reminiscent of a frost-kissed persimmon. The small, shiny seeds are easy to remove, and the fruit is very refreshing when chilled or enjoyed early in the morning. Only with great care in packing can zapotes, like many other Cuban fruits, be shipped to foreign countries.
The Tamarind is a tall, beautiful tree frequently 70 to 80 feet in height, with a soft, delicate, locust-like foliage, and purplish or orange veined flowers in terminal clusters. The Tamarind probably originated in Abyssinia or some other part of eastern tropical Africa, but at the present time it is scattered throughout the entire tropical world, and is very common in Cuba. There is perhaps no tree known whose fruit furnishes a more refreshing fruit than the Tamarind. It is said to have been brought to Cuba from Southern Europe more than a century ago, whence it has since been scattered throughout the forest, through the medium of birds. From its branches, after the flowers have disappeared, hang clusters of brown colored, bean-like brittle pods. These when ripe are filled with a sweet yet pleasantly acid pulp, which when mixed with water makes a refreshing, slightly laxative and healthful drink.
The Tamarind is a tall, stunning tree, usually between 70 to 80 feet high, with soft, delicate leaves that resemble those of locust trees and purplish or orange-veined flowers that grow in clusters at the ends of the branches. It likely originated in Abyssinia or another part of eastern tropical Africa, but today it is found all over the tropical world and is very common in Cuba. There may be no other tree whose fruit is as refreshing as the Tamarind. It's believed to have been brought to Cuba from Southern Europe over a century ago, from where it has spread throughout the forests, carried by birds. After the flowers fade, clusters of brown, bean-like brittle pods hang from its branches. When ripe, these pods are filled with a sweet yet pleasantly tart pulp, which, when mixed with water, creates a refreshing, slightly laxative, and healthful drink.
The Mamey Colorado is another giant tree of the forest, belonging to the Sapodilla family and indigenous to tropical America. Its fruit is oval in form, some six or eight inches in length, covered with a tough brown skin, and filled with a rich peculiar dark red pulp, inclosing a long, smooth, coffee-colored seed, that is easily separated from the edible part of the fruit. In consistency and flavor, it suggests slightly a well-made pumpkin pie. Those unaccustomed to the fruit would probably find it unpleasantly rich. The yellow or Mamey de Santo Domingo is a true Mamey, entirely different from the Mamey Colorado. The tree is large, tall and quite common in the forests of the Island. Its fruit is round, russet yellow in color and equivalent to a large grapefruit. It is used only as a preserve, and in that capacity serves a useful purpose.
The Mamey Colorado is another massive tree in the forest, part of the Sapodilla family and native to tropical America. Its fruit is oval-shaped, about six to eight inches long, covered with a tough brown skin, and filled with rich, dark red pulp, containing a long, smooth, coffee-colored seed that easily separates from the edible part of the fruit. In terms of texture and taste, it’s somewhat reminiscent of a well-made pumpkin pie. Those not familiar with the fruit might find it overly rich. The yellow or Mamey de Santo Domingo is a true Mamey and is completely different from the Mamey Colorado. The tree is large, tall, and quite common in the forests of the Island. Its fruit is round, russet yellow in color, and about the size of a large grapefruit. It is used only as a preserve, which serves a useful purpose.
The Guava, or Guayaba, as it is known in Spanish countries, springs up unwanted in almost every field of Cuba. Its nature is that of a shrub, spreading out with little form or symmetry. If permitted to propagate itself, it soon becomes a pest difficult to eradicate. A few choice varieties, one of which is known as the Pear Guava, imported from Peru, are very palatable. The meat of the latter is white, rather juicy and free from seeds. The common Guayaba of the field, while sometimes eaten raw, is always in demand for jellies, Guayaba paste and marmalades, which have a ready sale in Cuba and in the United States and are very popular in the latter country. Animals of all kinds, especially pigs and horses, are very fond of it.
The Guava, or Guayaba, as it's called in Spanish-speaking countries, pops up unwanted in almost every field in Cuba. It's a shrub that spreads out with little structure or symmetry. If it’s allowed to spread, it quickly becomes a tough pest to get rid of. There are a few choice varieties, one known as the Pear Guava, imported from Peru, that are really tasty. The fruit of this variety is white, quite juicy, and has no seeds. The common Guayaba found in the fields is sometimes eaten raw but is always in demand for making jellies, Guayaba paste, and marmalades, which sell well both in Cuba and the United States, and are very popular in the latter. Animals of all kinds, especially pigs and horses, really like it.
The Mamoncillo is another beautiful forest tree indigenous to Cuba, that spreads out like a giant live-oak or mammoth apple tree. Its round, russet green fruit hangs from every branch, and is refreshing to the traveler who stops a moment beneath its shade. Its slightly acid pulp covers a rather large round seed, the whole resembling a tough skinned plum, although the tree belongs to an entirely distinct family.
The Mamoncillo is another stunning forest tree native to Cuba, spreading out like a giant live oak or a massive apple tree. Its round, reddish-green fruit hangs from every branch and is refreshing for travelers who pause for a moment in its shade. Its slightly tangy pulp surrounds a fairly large round seed, resembling a tough-skinned plum, even though the tree belongs to a completely different family.
Figs of all varieties, green, black and yellow, may be found in almost every garden in Cuba. No effort has been made to preserve them for commercial purposes, but when ripe they are very refreshing taken with “desayuno” or the early morning meal.
Figs of all kinds—green, black, and yellow—can be found in nearly every garden in Cuba. There hasn’t been any effort to grow them for commercial use, but when they’re ripe, they’re really refreshing to eat with “desayuno” or the early morning meal.
The Aguacate is another valuable product of the Caribbean Basin, and seems to be indigenous to nearly all its shores, including Mexico and Central and South America. It extended south along the Pacific Coast also, as far as Peru, where the Spanish conquerors found it in use among the people of the Incas. Oviedo, in his reports to Charles I of Spain in 1526, stated that he had found this peculiar fruit on the Caribbean shores of both South and Central America.
The avocado is another valuable product of the Caribbean Basin and appears to be native to nearly all its coasts, including Mexico and Central and South America. It also spread south along the Pacific Coast as far as Peru, where Spanish conquerors discovered it being used by the Inca people. Oviedo, in his reports to Charles I of Spain in 1526, stated that he had found this unique fruit on the Caribbean shores of both South and Central America.
It was also indigenous to Mexico, where the Aztecs called it the Ahuacatl, whence came the Spanish name of Aguacate, by which it is known in Cuba. The name Avocado has been adopted by the Department of Agriculture of the United States, in order to avoid the confusion resulting from the many local names under which this fruit is known in various countries.
It also originated in Mexico, where the Aztecs called it Ahuacatl, which led to the Spanish name Aguacate, used in Cuba. The name Avocado has been officially adopted by the United States Department of Agriculture to prevent confusion caused by the many local names for this fruit in different countries.
The aguacate of Cuba is a tall handsome tree of the forest, scattered more or less throughout all portions of the Island. It frequently reaches a height of 70 or 80 feet, and although of an open spreading nature, nevertheless furnishes grateful shade. There are many types, although systematic efforts to classify them botanically have not been very successful. The distinction between them usually made is dependent largely upon the shape of the fruit or its color.
The avocado tree in Cuba is a tall, attractive tree found throughout the island. It often grows to a height of 70 or 80 feet, and while it has a wide, open form, it still provides pleasant shade. There are many varieties, although organized attempts to classify them scientifically haven’t been very effective. The differences between them are usually based mainly on the shape or color of the fruit.
The most common variety in Cuba is probably the long, pear-shaped aguacate, although trees bearing round and oblong fruit are often met, especially where they have been planted in gardens or orchards. In color the fruit is usually bright green, or greenish red. Some types again will vary from greenish red to a reddish purple.
The most common type in Cuba is probably the long, pear-shaped aguacate, although you can also find trees with round and oblong fruit, especially in gardens or orchards. The fruit is usually bright green or greenish-red. Some varieties will change from greenish-red to a reddish-purple.
The pear shaped aguacates vary in length from five to ten inches, and will average probably a pound and a half in weight. The round or oblong types are usually green in color, with a diameter of five or six inches. The skin is about 1/16th of an inch in thickness, smooth and bright, and peels freely from the inclosed meat. The meat is rather difficult to describe since it resembles in flavor and texture no other edible fruit known. Its color is golden yellow, resembling both in consistency and shade, rich, cold butter, and is used sometimes as a substitute for this product of the dairy. Close to the skin the meat has a slightly greenish tinge. It is very rich in oil and has a pleasant nutty flavor, that evades all description.
The pear-shaped avocados range in length from five to ten inches and typically weigh about a pound and a half. The round or oblong varieties are generally green and have a diameter of five or six inches. The skin is about 1/16th of an inch thick, smooth, and shiny, and it peels off easily from the flesh inside. The flesh is hard to describe because its flavor and texture are unlike any other edible fruit. Its color is golden yellow, similar in consistency and shade to rich, cold butter, and it's sometimes used as a substitute for dairy butter. Closer to the skin, the flesh has a slightly greenish tint. It's very high in oil and has a nice nutty flavor that's hard to fully capture.
The aguacate may be eaten just as it comes from its thin shell-like covering. In the center of the fruit is a large hard seed some two and a half inches in diameter. This never adheres to the pulp, and may be lifted out readily so that the fruit can be eaten with a spoon.
The avocado can be eaten straight from its thin, shell-like covering. In the middle of the fruit is a big, hard seed about two and a half inches wide. This seed doesn't stick to the pulp and can be easily taken out, allowing you to eat the fruit with a spoon.
The aguacate forms the finest salad in the world. When used for this purpose the pocket from which the seed was removed is usually filled with broken ice, over which is poured a dressing of salt, vinegar and mustard or pepper, as fancy may happen to dictate. When filled with small cubes of sugar loaf pineapple and mayonnaise dressing, you have a “salad divine.” When taken this way, the aguacate is cut in half, the shell-like covering forming the bowl from which it is eaten. Owing to its content of oil, and other nutritious elements, the aguacate will probably go further towards sustaining life and producing energy than any other fruit known. It is also excellent when removed from the peel, cut into cubes and eaten in soup.
The avocado makes the best salad in the world. When used this way, the pocket left from removing the seed is usually filled with crushed ice, then topped with a dressing of salt, vinegar, and mustard or pepper, depending on personal preference. When filled with small cubes of sugarloaf pineapple and mayonnaise dressing, it becomes a “divine salad.” Served this way, the avocado is cut in half, using the shell as a bowl from which to eat. Because of its oil content and other nutritious elements, the avocado likely contributes more to sustaining life and providing energy than any other fruit. It's also great when removed from the peel, cut into cubes, and enjoyed in soup.
The tree is a prolific bearer, the fruit ripening during the months of July to October inclusive. Other varieties recently introduced come into bearing in October and remain in fruit until January, some occasionally holding over until the month of March.
The tree produces a lot of fruit, which ripens from July to October. Other recently introduced varieties start bearing fruit in October and continue to produce until January, with some even lasting until March.
In the development and improvement of the aguacate, it is the aim of the horticulturist to lengthen the bearing period as much as possible, and through selection to eliminate any space between the pulp and the seed; for the latter, if loose, will often bruise the fruit in handling and shipping. Since the aguacate, like most fruit trees, is not true to seed, this work can be accomplished only through grafting, and although successful, requires care and experience. The ordinary aguacate of the forest bears the fourth or fifth year from the seed, while the grafted varieties will bear the third year. A tree of the latter type, when five years of age, will bear from one hundred to five hundred aguacates, that will average two pounds in weight, and will sell in the fruit markets of the United States at from $1 to $3 a dozen.
In developing and enhancing avocados, the horticulturist aims to extend the harvest season as much as possible and to select varieties that minimize the space between the pulp and the seed. If the seed is loose, it can often bruise the fruit during handling and shipping. Since avocados, like most fruit trees, aren't true to seed, this work can only be done through grafting, which, while effective, requires skill and experience. A regular avocado tree from the forest starts bearing fruit in its fourth or fifth year from the seed, whereas grafted varieties produce fruit in the third year. A grafted tree that is five years old can yield anywhere from one hundred to five hundred avocados, averaging two pounds each, and can sell in U.S. fruit markets for between $1 and $3 per dozen.
The tree may be grown on any well drained land and under conditions similar to those of the mango. On hillsides that have sufficient depth of soil, it does very well, and as the demand for fancy fruit in the palatial hotels of the United States increases, the growing of aguacates for commercial purposes will undoubtedly be undertaken in Cuba or a still larger scale.
The tree can be grown on any well-drained land and under conditions similar to those of the mango. It thrives on hillsides with enough soil depth, and as the demand for premium fruit in the luxury hotels of the United States grows, the cultivation of avocados for commercial purposes will definitely be pursued on a larger scale in Cuba.
CHAPTER XXII
GRAPES, CACAO, AND VANILLA
IN spite of the fact that the Grape is indigenous to Cuba, prohibitory laws on the part of Spain discouraged its culture in all of her colonies, so that vine culture in the Island has had no opportunity to thrive. The few isolated specimens found occasionally in gardens have produced excellent fruit, especially in the neighborhood of Guantanamo, where French refugees from Santo Domingo introduced a few plants in the beginning of the 19th century.
IN spite of the fact that grapes are native to Cuba, Spain's restrictive laws discouraged their cultivation in all its colonies, preventing vine culture on the island from flourishing. The few isolated plants occasionally found in gardens have produced excellent fruit, especially near Guantanamo, where French refugees from Santo Domingo introduced some plants in the early 19th century.
Realizing the importance of grape culture in any country where possible, Dr. Calvino, Director of the Government Experiment Station, in the first days of his administration, sent into the forests of Cuba for healthy specimens of the wild grape, indigenous to the country, known as the “Uva Cimarron.” These were brought to the Station and set out in soil especially prepared. After less than a year had elapsed, four or five lanes, several hundred feet in length, for which trellises of wire have been provided, showed wonderful growth. This native sour grape has simply covered the supports with a wilderness of leaves, vines and fruit.
Recognizing how important grape cultivation is in any country where it's feasible, Dr. Calvino, the Director of the Government Experiment Station, used the early days of his administration to send into the forests of Cuba for healthy specimens of the wild grape native to the area, known as the "Uva Cimarron." These were brought to the Station and planted in specially prepared soil. After less than a year, four or five rows, several hundred feet long, with wire trellises provided, showed impressive growth. This native sour grape has completely covered the supports with a lush tangle of leaves, vines, and fruit.
Correspondence with Professor Munson of Texas, one of the most noted grape specialists of the United States, resulted in bringing to Cuba a dozen or more varieties of choice grapes from that section. These, together with others brought from France, Spain and other European countries, have been planted at the Station, where, in spite of the change of climate and conditions, they seem to thrive. The Director is planning to bud the wild stock of the Cuban grape with all of these choice imported varieties, in order to ascertain which may give the best results in this country.
Correspondence with Professor Munson from Texas, one of the most recognized grape specialists in the United States, led to the introduction of over a dozen choice grape varieties to Cuba. These, along with others brought in from France, Spain, and various European countries, have been planted at the Station, where, despite the changes in climate and conditions, they appear to thrive. The Director plans to bud the wild stock of the Cuban grape with all these choice imported varieties to determine which ones may yield the best results in this country.
Several acres are devoted to this experimental grape field and have been supplied with convenient trellises and facilities for irrigation. The Director and those interested with him are much encouraged with the present stage of the experiment and have great confidence in their ability to establish successfully in Cuba many of the choice grapes of the world, although the medium of the vigorous Cimarron grape of the island. If these experiments prove successful, there is no reason why many of the hillsides of this country should not be converted into immense vineyards, and the cultivation of grapes become a prominent and permanent source of agricultural wealth.
Several acres are dedicated to this experimental grape field, equipped with handy trellises and irrigation systems. The Director and his team are really encouraged by the current progress of the experiment and feel confident in their ability to successfully grow many of the world's top grape varieties in Cuba, especially using the robust Cimarron grape native to the island. If these experiments succeed, there's no reason why many of the hillsides in this country shouldn't be turned into vast vineyards, making grape cultivation a major and lasting source of agricultural wealth.
Although intoxication among the inhabitants of Cuba is almost unknown, the drinking of wine, as in all other Latin American countries, has been a custom from time immemorial and the annual importation of wine, most of which comes from Spain, approximates $2,500,000 a year. Should the culture of grapes in Cuba meet with the success expected, there is no reason why this industry, together with that of wine making, might not be carried on in connection with coffee growing in the mountains, since the soils of the fertile hills throughout the Island are adapted to the culture of both at the same time.
Although drinking is rarely seen among the people of Cuba, the tradition of wine consumption, like in other Latin American countries, has been around for a long time. The annual import of wine, mostly from Spain, is about $2,500,000 each year. If grape farming in Cuba succeeds as hoped, there’s no reason this industry, along with winemaking, couldn't be developed alongside coffee farming in the mountains, since the rich soils of the fertile hills across the Island are suitable for growing both.
In the matter of popular beverages it is somewhat interesting to note that in each hemisphere, nature provided trees of the forest, the fruit of which for countless centuries has furnished to man beverages that today are almost as essential as food. In fact the Cacao of the western hemisphere is a very nutritious food and drink at the same time. While coffee is indigenous to Arabia and Abyssinia, whence the trees have been carried into nearly all parts of the tropical world, cacao, on the other hand, was indigenous to the West Indies, to Mexico, Central America and probably to all countries bordering on the Caribbean. The shores of the latter great sea or basin of the ocean, with their rich warm valleys formed by the rivers tributary to it, are the natural home of the cacoa, botanically known as Theobroma, or food of the gods.
When it comes to popular drinks, it's interesting to note that in both hemispheres, nature has provided forest trees whose fruits have given people beverages for countless centuries that are almost as essential as food today. In fact, cacao from the western hemisphere is both a nutritious food and drink. While coffee originates from Arabia and Abyssinia and has been taken to nearly all tropical regions, cacao, on the other hand, is native to the West Indies, Mexico, Central America, and likely all countries bordering the Caribbean. The shores of this vast ocean basin, with their rich, warm valleys formed by the rivers flowing into it, are the natural home of cacao, scientifically known as Theobroma, or "food of the gods."
When Cortez forced himself as an unwelcome guest upon Montezuma, in the first quarter of the sixteenth century, he found a delicious drink called caca-huatl, made by the Aztecs from the seeds of this really marvellous plant. The taste of chocolate is so delicate and so palatable that fondness for the drink does not have to be acquired in any country. From the West Indies cacao, or cocoa beans, were carried to Spain and the cultivation of the plant was introduced into the warmer latitudes of the eastern hemisphere. The government of Spain, with its short-sighted greed of those days, succeeded in keeping the manufacture of this drink more or less secret from the outside world, and for chocolate demanded prices so high that only the rich could afford to buy it, retarding thus its general use in Europe for nearly a century.
When Cortez forced his way into Montezuma’s life as an unwelcome guest in the early 1500s, he discovered a tasty drink called caca-huatl, made by the Aztecs from the seeds of a truly amazing plant. The flavor of chocolate is so subtle and enjoyable that people quickly grow fond of the drink no matter where they are. Cacao, or cocoa beans, were brought from the West Indies to Spain, and the cultivation of the plant was introduced to the warmer regions of the eastern hemisphere. The Spanish government, driven by its short-sighted greed at the time, managed to keep the production of this drink mostly a secret from the rest of the world, and they charged such high prices for chocolate that only the wealthy could afford it, slowing down its widespread use in Europe for nearly a century.
The consumption of chocolate today, both as a beverage and as a food, especially in the manufacture of confections, has assumed throughout the world very large proportions. Approximately 150,000,000 pounds of chocolate and cocoa produced from the cacao trees of the Caribbean basin are consumed in civilized countries, while the demand for the beans is increasing by rapid bounds every year.
The consumption of chocolate today, both as a drink and as food, especially in making sweets, has become massive worldwide. About 150,000,000 pounds of chocolate and cocoa from the cacao trees in the Caribbean are consumed in developed countries, and the demand for the beans is growing rapidly every year.
There is perhaps no form of nutritious food more condensed and complete than that of the better grade of chocolate. Nine-tenths of the content of this wonderful bean are assimilated by the system, hence its value not only to travelers but also to armies and forces in the field, who demand condensed foods like chocolate, with a large amount of nourishment in a very small bulk. An analysis of cacao yields of carbohydrates, 37%; of fat, 29%; and of protein, 22%. In the better grades of chocolate, used for both food and drink, there is practically no waste.
There’s possibly no type of nutritious food that's more concentrated and complete than high-quality chocolate. Ninety percent of the nutrients in this incredible bean are absorbed by the body, which is why it's valuable not just for travelers but also for armies and troops in the field, who need compact foods like chocolate that provide a lot of nourishment in a small package. An analysis of cacao shows it contains 37% carbohydrates, 29% fat, and 22% protein. In the best grades of chocolate, used for both eating and drinking, there's almost no waste.
From the above it may be readily seen that the cultivation of cacao, from which the chocolate and cocoa of commerce are derived, has become one of the standard agricultural industries of the world, and one which for the future gives great promise, since the demand for the cacao beans is increasing rapidly, as is also the market price.
From the above, it’s clear that growing cacao, which is the source of the chocolate and cocoa we buy, has become one of the key agricultural industries globally, and it shows great potential for the future since the demand for cacao beans is rising quickly, along with their market price.
The Central American republics bordering on the Caribbean, as well as the northern coast of Colombia and Venezuela, are the greatest producers of cacao, while Trinidad, Cuba and other islands of the West Indies, produce considerable amounts.
The Central American countries along the Caribbean, as well as the northern coast of Colombia and Venezuela, are the top producers of cacao, while Trinidad, Cuba, and other islands in the West Indies also produce significant amounts.
The culture of cacao, like that of coffee and citrus fruits, is a healthful and profitable employment, and especially agreeable for those fond of life in the open, and who enjoy living in the mountains and valleys that slope toward the Caribbean and the Gulf of Mexico. Its cultivation may be carried on where conditions are favorable, in company with coffee, since while the latter is grown on the fertile foothills and mountain sides, cacao is at its best in the sheltered valleys of the forest. Cacao demands a rich, deep, moist soil, well drained, since the roots of the tree will not tolerate standing water, and the subsoil, if not pervious, must lie at least six feet below the surface.
The cultivation of cacao, much like that of coffee and citrus fruits, is a healthy and profitable venture, particularly enjoyable for those who love the outdoors and appreciate living in the mountains and valleys that lead to the Caribbean and the Gulf of Mexico. It can be grown in areas with suitable conditions, alongside coffee, since coffee thrives on the fertile foothills and mountains, while cacao does best in the protected valleys of the forest. Cacao requires rich, deep, moist soil that drains well, as the tree's roots cannot handle standing water, and if the subsoil isn't permeable, it needs to be at least six feet below the surface.
The forest-covered valleys of tropical Cuba, receiving as they do the washings of the hillsides, upon which decayed vegetable matter has accumulated during centuries, furnish ideal locations for cacao. In preparing for the cultivation of the plant, all underbrush is removed, leaving only the tall stately trees, that although giving the required shade will still admit some sunlight to the soil below; otherwise the cacao, reaching up for the light, assumes a tall slender growth, inconvenient in gathering the crop. Trees for commercial purposes should not attain a height of more than 25 or 30 feet, the branches leaving the trunk six or eight feet from the ground. They are planted as a rule from 12 to 15 feet apart, which is equivalent to from 200 to 300 trees per acre.
The forest-covered valleys of tropical Cuba, which benefit from the nutrient-rich runoff of the hills where decayed plant matter has built up over centuries, provide perfect conditions for growing cacao. In preparing for the cultivation of the plant, all underbrush is cleared away, leaving only the tall, majestic trees that, while providing the necessary shade, still allow some sunlight to reach the soil beneath; otherwise, the cacao, stretching for light, grows tall and slender, making it hard to harvest the crop. For commercial purposes, the trees should not grow taller than 25 or 30 feet, with the branches starting six to eight feet above the ground. Typically, they are planted 12 to 15 feet apart, which translates to about 200 to 300 trees per acre.
There are several varieties of the cacao, although that in common use in Cuba is known as the Cacao Criolla, and is not subject to diseases as are some of the other varieties grown in South America. The fruit is an elongated pod of cucumber shape, with a rough corrugated skin, hanging close to the trunk and branches. The side facing the sun carries shades of red and yellow that produce a rather startling color effect when first seen in the forest.
There are several types of cacao, but the one commonly used in Cuba is called Cacao Criolla, which isn’t prone to diseases like some other varieties grown in South America. The fruit is an elongated pod shaped like a cucumber, with rough, ridged skin, hanging close to the trunk and branches. The side facing the sun boasts shades of red and yellow, creating a striking color effect when first spotted in the forest.
The cacao has two major crops each year. The pods when ripe are removed from the trees with a hooked pruning knife attached to a bamboo pole, and collected into piles, sometimes covered with earth, where they undergo a period of fermentation lasting five or six days. After this the seeds are removed from the pods and carefully dried for the market. In the days of Montezuma such was the value of the cacao seeds or beans that they took the place of money or small change in adjusting purchases, and they are recognized even today among the Indians in representation of values. In the cacao factories, the oil of the bean, which represents 50% of its weight, is extracted and known to the trade as cocoa butter. The residue, known as the cacao nib, is ground and forms the chocolate and cocoa of commerce. Even the hulls are used to make a low grade of cocoa known as “La Miserable.”
Cacao has two main harvests each year. Once the pods are ripe, they’re cut from the trees using a hooked pruning knife on a bamboo pole and gathered into piles, sometimes covered with dirt, where they ferment for about five or six days. After that, the seeds are taken out of the pods and carefully dried for sale. Back in Montezuma's time, cacao seeds or beans were so valuable that they were used like money or small change for transactions, and they’re still recognized today by Indigenous people as a form of value. In cacao factories, the oil from the beans, which makes up 50% of its weight, is extracted and sold as cocoa butter. The leftover pieces, called cacao nibs, are ground to create the chocolate and cocoa found in stores. Even the shells are used to make a low-quality cocoa called “La Miserable.”
The tree comes into bearing the fourth year after planting and attains its maturity in about twelve years, with a life extending over a half a century or more. The yield per tree varies greatly, or from four to twelve pounds annually, with an average, under favorable conditions, or five or six pounds. This extreme range in the productivity of cacao is dependent almost entirely on the fertility of the soil, since the plant is greedy in its demand for nourishment, and it quickly responds to the generous use of fertilizer. In the ordinary sense of the term no cultivation whatever is given to the cacao tree, since it is truly speaking a denizen of the forest, doing better when the soil above its roots is never disturbed, although a mulch of leaves to maintain the moisture is very beneficial. Weeds and brush that may appear are removed with a machete.
The tree starts producing fruit four years after planting and reaches full maturity in about twelve years, living for over fifty years. The yield per tree varies quite a bit, ranging from four to twelve pounds per year, with an average of five or six pounds under good conditions. This wide variability in cacao productivity mainly depends on soil fertility, as the plant has a high demand for nutrients and responds quickly to the generous use of fertilizers. Generally speaking, the cacao tree requires no cultivation since it's naturally suited to the forest environment, thriving when the soil around its roots is left undisturbed. However, adding a layer of leaves helps retain moisture, which is very beneficial. Weeds and brush that pop up are cleared using a machete.
The successful culture of cacao requires experience and care, especially during the period of fermentation through which the pods must pass before the removal of the seeds. This latter work is done usually by women and children, hence, as in the case of coffee, cacao in many senses of the word is well adapted to colonies and settlements composed of families who have grouped together and made permanent homes in the mountains and valleys that border on the Caribbean and the Gulf.
The successful cultivation of cacao requires skill and attention, especially during the fermentation process that the pods go through before the seeds are extracted. This extraction is typically done by women and children, which means that, similar to coffee, cacao is particularly suited for communities made up of families who have settled down and created permanent homes in the mountains and valleys near the Caribbean and the Gulf.
Cuba is exporting at the present time, mostly from the province of Oriente, approximately two and a half million pounds of cacao, valued at $15.20 per hundred pounds, or $380,000. The commodity is staple and the demand at good prices constant, while the cacao once prepared for market does not deteriorate or suffer loss if sale is delayed, all of which is to the advantage of the grower.
Cuba is currently exporting around two and a half million pounds of cacao, mainly from the province of Oriente, worth $15.20 per hundred pounds, totaling $380,000. This commodity is essential, and there is a steady demand at favorable prices. Additionally, once the cacao is ready for market, it doesn’t spoil or lose value if the sale is postponed, which benefits the grower.
The north shores of the Province of Pinar del Rio, swept by the northeast trade winds throughout the entire year, furnish in many places conditions most favorable to the culture of cacao and coffee. The same is true of southeastern Santa Clara, of the northern slopes of the Sierra de Cubitas and of the coasts of Oriente from the Bay of Nipe on the north, clear around to Cabo Cruz on the southwest.
The northern shores of Pinar del Rio are consistently hit by the northeast trade winds all year round, creating many areas that are ideal for growing cacao and coffee. This also applies to southeastern Santa Clara, the northern slopes of the Sierra de Cubitas, and the coasts of Oriente from the Bay of Nipe in the north all the way around to Cabo Cruz in the southwest.
Both in nature and in its domestic use, cacao and the vanilla bean have always been more or less closely associated. Both are denizens of the deep forest, and are indigenous to the two Americas from Mexico to Peru. The Aztecs of Anhuac, the Mayas of Central America, and the subjects of the Incas, further south, added the delicate flavor of the vanilla to their chocolate, made from the beans of the caca-huatl, from which the name of cacao was taken. This association of vanilla with chocolate and other confectioneries has continued into modern times.
Both in nature and in everyday use, cacao and vanilla have always been closely linked. Both thrive in deep forests and are native to the Americas, from Mexico to Peru. The Aztecs of Anhuac, the Mayans of Central America, and the subjects of the Incas further south added the subtle flavor of vanilla to their chocolate, made from the beans of the caca-huatl, which is where the name cacao comes from. This connection between vanilla and chocolate, along with other sweets, has carried on into modern times.
The so-called vanilla bean is not, as the name would indicate, of the legume family, but is an orchid, climbing the trunks of trees that grow on the rich soils of tropical forests. The vine may be germinated from seed planted in leaf mold at the base of the tree, but where cultivated it is propagated from cuttings and must have the shade of trees in order to thrive, climbing the trunks to a height of 20 to 30 feet, by means of fibrous roots that come from nodes along its length.
The so-called vanilla bean isn't from the legume family as you might think; it's actually an orchid that climbs the trunks of trees in the lush soil of tropical forests. You can grow the vine from seeds planted in leaf mold at the base of a tree, but when cultivated, it's propagated from cuttings and needs plenty of shade from trees to thrive. It can climb the trunks up to 20 to 30 feet using fibrous roots that grow from nodes along its length.
The leaves are bright green, long and fleshy; the flowers are white and usually fragrant, having eccentric forms peculiar to the orchid family. The pods, from six to nine inches in length, are cylindrical and some three-eighths of an inch in thickness. The vine begins to bear in the third year from planting and will continue to do so for thirty to forty years with but little care or culture. The pods are gathered before they are fully ripe, dried in the shade and “sweated” or fermented in order to develop and fix the delightful aroma for which they are famous.
The leaves are bright green, long, and thick; the flowers are white and usually fragrant, with unique shapes typical of the orchid family. The pods, measuring six to nine inches long, are cylindrical and about three-eighths of an inch thick. The vine starts to produce fruit three years after planting and will keep producing for thirty to forty years with minimal care. The pods are harvested before they fully ripen, dried in the shade, and “sweated” or fermented to enhance and preserve the delightful aroma they are known for.
It is during this period of fermentation that the bean requires careful watching and expert knowledge in order that the process of sweating may be perfect, since upon this chemical change in the texture of the beans the value of the product really depends. After fermentation the pods are carefully dried, tied in small bundles and made ready for market or export. They will keep indefinitely and the high prices secured for very small bulk renders them an attractive crop to handle.
It is during this fermentation period that the beans need close attention and expert knowledge to ensure the sweating process goes perfectly, as the quality of the final product really depends on this chemical change in the beans' texture. After fermentation, the pods are carefully dried, tied into small bundles, and prepared for market or export. They can be stored indefinitely, and the high prices achieved for such a small quantity make them an appealing crop to manage.
The vanilla of commerce is not only used to flavor chocolate, sweetmeats and liquors, but also enters into the composition of many perfumes, owing to an aromatic alkaloid that exudes from and crystallizes on the outer coating of the best quality beans. These under normal conditions are worth from $12 to $16 per pound.
The vanilla used in commerce isn't just for flavoring chocolate, candies, and drinks; it’s also a key ingredient in many perfumes, thanks to an aromatic alkaloid that seeps out and crystallizes on the outer layer of the highest quality beans. Under normal conditions, these beans sell for about $12 to $16 per pound.
Owing perhaps to the lack of experimental initiative, the vanilla bean, although at home in the heavy forests of Cuba, with the exception of a few instances has never attracted the attention of those who are in a position to grow and care for this valuable plant. In conjunction with cacao, coffee, or any industry carried on in the rich forest-covered mountain valleys of the Island, there is no reason why the culture of the vanilla bean should not be made very profitable.
Due to perhaps a lack of innovative experimentation, the vanilla bean, while native to the dense forests of Cuba, has generally not caught the eye of those who could cultivate and nurture this valuable plant, except in a few cases. Alongside cacao, coffee, or any other industry carried out in the lush, forested mountain valleys of the island, there’s no reason why growing the vanilla bean shouldn’t be highly profitable.
Aside from the removal of the beans from the vine, the only effort required is that of assisting nature in the fertilization of the flowers, which in the forest, of course, is carried on by insects, but for commercial purposes, in order to insure a large crop of beans, it is well to see that each flower is fertilized by shaking a little of the pollen upon the stamens. This is readily done with the use of a light bamboo ladder that may be carried from tree to tree.
Aside from picking the beans from the vine, the only effort needed is to help nature with pollinating the flowers. In the forest, this is normally done by insects, but for commercial purposes, to ensure a large bean crop, it’s a good idea to make sure each flower is pollinated by shaking a bit of pollen onto the stamens. This can easily be done using a lightweight bamboo ladder that can be moved from tree to tree.
Indians from the eastern forests of Mexico, between Vera Cruz and Tampico, would readily come to Cuba to teach the best methods of curing or take charge of the treatment of the beans after picking, and thus insure the success of a very profitable crop, which up to the present has received practically no attention.
CHAPTER XXIII
VEGETABLE GROWING
WITH the advent of the American colonists in 1900, truck gardening sprang rapidly into prominence in Cuba until today it forms an important part of the small farmer’s revenue. Most of the well-known vegetables of the United States are grown here, not only for local markets, but for shipment abroad. They are usually planted at the close of the rainy season in October or November, and are brought to maturity in time to reach the North during winter and early spring, when high prices prevail.
WITH the arrival of American colonists in 1900, truck gardening quickly became important in Cuba, and it continues to be a significant source of income for small farmers today. Most of the familiar vegetables from the United States are grown here, not just for local markets, but also for export. They are typically planted at the end of the rainy season in October or November and are harvested in time to reach the North during winter and early spring when prices are high.
Those vegetables from which the best results have been obtained are early potatoes, tomatoes, eggplants, sweet peppers, okra, white squash, and string beans. These may be grown in the rich soils of any part of the Island, but are only profitable when cultivated close to railroads or within easy reach of steamship lines having daily sailings from Havana. Profits depend on location, soil, water supply, intelligent cultivation and success in reaching markets in which there is a demand for the product.
The vegetables that have produced the best results are early potatoes, tomatoes, eggplants, sweet peppers, okra, white squash, and string beans. These can be grown in the fertile soils of any part of the Island, but they are only profitable when cultivated near railroads or within easy access to steamship lines that have daily sailings from Havana. Profits depend on location, soil quality, water supply, smart cultivation, and successfully reaching markets where there is demand for the product.
The long belt of land lying just south of the Organ Mountains of Pinar del Rio, extending from east to west throughout the province, furnishes the largest tract for vegetable growing in Cuba. The conditions in this section are exceptionally favorable to that industry. Close to the base of the mountain range, the surface is rather rolling, but soon slopes away into the level prairies extending out toward the Caribbean. The soil as a rule is a dark grey sandy loam, easily worked at all seasons, and responds quickly to the use of fertilizers and to cultivation.
The long stretch of land just south of the Organ Mountains in Pinar del Rio, running from east to west across the province, provides the largest area for vegetable farming in Cuba. The conditions in this region are particularly good for that industry. Near the base of the mountain range, the land is somewhat hilly but quickly flattens out into the level prairies that lead to the Caribbean. The soil is generally a dark grey sandy loam, easy to work with at any time of year, and it responds quickly to fertilizers and cultivation.
Numerous small streams that have their origin back in the mountains, furnish excellent natural drainage, and some of them can easily be used for irrigating purposes, if necessary, in the dry months of February and March. The Western Railway of Havana runs through the entire length of the vegetable belt, reinforced by a splendid automobile drive, more or less parallel, connecting the further extremity of Pinar del Rio with the markets and wharves of Havana.
Numerous small streams that begin in the mountains provide great natural drainage, and some can easily be used for irrigation, if needed, during the dry months of February and March. The Western Railway of Havana runs the entire length of the agricultural zone, complemented by a great road for cars that runs more or less parallel, linking the far end of Pinar del Rio with the markets and docks of Havana.
These lands are very productive, and under intelligent management, especially when irrigation can be employed, may be rendered exceedingly profitable, through the cultivation of vegetables. In some sections, the semi-vuelta or Partido tobacco fields monopolize the use of the land during the fall months, but there are nevertheless hundreds of thousands of acres in this district that if properly cultivated, and conducted in connection with canning plants, would yield large revenues to the Island.
These lands are very productive, and with smart management, especially with the use of irrigation, they can be extremely profitable through vegetable farming. In some areas, the semi-vuelta or Partido tobacco fields take up most of the land during the fall months, but there are still hundreds of thousands of acres in this region that, if properly cultivated and combined with canning plants, would generate significant income for the Island.
Nearly all seed is brought from the United States, fresh, each year, and the planting season for some crops begins in September, extending through the entire winter, especially where irrigation or fortunate rains furnish a sufficient amount of moisture to carry the crop through the dry months of early spring.
Almost all seeds are imported from the United States, fresh, each year, and the planting season for certain crops starts in September, lasting throughout the winter, especially in areas where irrigation or lucky rains provide enough moisture to help the crop survive the dry early spring months.
The methods employed in vegetable growing are identical with those of the United States, and the results are practically the same, aside from the one important fact that all fall grown vegetables, or those that may be placed on the markets of large cities in the United States between January and April, bring, as a rule, very high prices.
The methods used in growing vegetables are the same as those in the United States, and the results are mostly similar, except for one key point: all fall-grown vegetables, or those that can be sold in large cities in the United States from January to April, typically command very high prices.
Later in the spring the vegetable gardens of Florida and the Gulf States come into competition, causing the growers of the Island gradually to yield to those of sections further north. It is at this time, or in the late spring, that the canning industry could take care of the great surplus of vegetables that for any reason might fail to find a profitable market abroad. Well equipped plants could handle this crop with great benefit both to the vegetable growers and the canners.
Later in the spring, the vegetable gardens in Florida and the Gulf States start competing, making the growers on the Island gradually give way to those from further north. This is when, in late spring, the canning industry could effectively manage the large surplus of vegetables that might not find a profitable market abroad for any reason. Well-equipped plants could process this crop, benefiting both the vegetable growers and the canners.
Irish potatoes, planted in the fall so that the crop may be brought to maturity in March, have proven very successful throughout this section, as well as in the beautiful Guines Valley, southeast of Havana. The potato growers of Cuba have experimented with nearly all of the standard varieties of the United States and it is rather difficult to determine which has given the best results.
Irish potatoes, planted in the fall to be ready for harvest in March, have been very successful in this area and in the beautiful Guines Valley, southeast of Havana. Potato farmers in Cuba have tried almost all the standard varieties from the United States, and it's quite challenging to figure out which one has produced the best results.
The Early Rose variety of Irish potato is quite a favorite in Cuba, owing to its rapid growth and productivity. Later potatoes, while finding a sale perhaps in the local market, are not considered profitable, since, as a rule, one can procure during summer and fall excellent potatoes from Maine and Nova Scotia, with greater economy than by growing them in Cuba, at times when the land can be more profitably used for other purposes.
The Early Rose variety of Irish potato is quite popular in Cuba because it grows quickly and produces a lot. Later potatoes, while they may sell in the local market, aren’t seen as profitable. Generally, one can get great potatoes from Maine and Nova Scotia during the summer and fall for less money than by growing them in Cuba, especially when the land could be better used for other things.
Potatoes, of course, need barn yard manures and fertilizers, the more the better; or rather, the greater is the return. The yield varies according to conditions anywhere from forty to one hundred barrels and more per acre. The Cuban product is almost invariably of good quality, and when placed in the eastern markets of the United States in the month of March, will bring anywhere from $6 to $10 per barrel. Under normal conditions $8 seems to be the ruling price for Cuban potatoes on the wharves at New York, where they are sold as exotics or new potatoes. Thus $500 may be considered a fair return per acre.
Potatoes definitely need barnyard manure and fertilizers—the more, the better; or rather, the higher the return. The yield can vary based on conditions, ranging from forty to one hundred barrels or more per acre. Cuban potatoes are usually of good quality, and when they reach the eastern markets of the United States in March, they can sell for between $6 and $10 per barrel. Typically, $8 appears to be the average price for Cuban potatoes at the docks in New York, where they are marketed as exotic or new potatoes. So, $500 can be viewed as a reasonable return per acre.
Green peppers, too, have been found to be one of the most satisfactory and profitable crops in Cuba. They are planted in rows three feet apart, spaced a foot or more in the row so that they can be kept clean with adjustable cultivators drawn by light ponies. Hand cultivation, although sometimes indulged in, with the present price of labor is practically impossible.
Green peppers have also proven to be one of the most rewarding and profitable crops in Cuba. They're planted in rows three feet apart and spaced at least a foot apart within the row, allowing for easy maintenance with adjustable cultivators pulled by light ponies. While hand cultivation is occasionally used, it's nearly impossible given the current labor costs.
A well-known pepper grower of the Guayabal district, in the northwestern corner of Havana Province, on less than a hundred acres of land, grew 6,000 crates of green peppers in the winter of 1917-18, that netted him $6 per crate in the City of New York. Peppers are easily grown and handled, and the market or demand for them seems to be quite constant, hence they have become one of the favorite vegetables for the export trade.
A well-known pepper farmer from the Guayabal district in the northwestern part of Havana Province grew 6,000 crates of green peppers on less than a hundred acres in the winter of 1917-18, making $6 per crate in New York City. Peppers are easy to grow and manage, and the demand for them appears to be steady, making them one of the top vegetables for the export market.
Tomatoes, too, are grown very successfully in Cuba during the late fall and winter. The seed is secured from reliable houses in the United States each year, and is selected largely with reference to the firmness or shipping quality of the fruit. The methods of cultivation are similar to those employed in the United States. The weeds are usually killed out of the field in the early spring, and kept down with profitable cover crops, such as the carita and velvet bean. These, when turned under or harvested by hogs, place the soil in perfect condition.
Tomatoes are also grown very successfully in Cuba during the late fall and winter. Each year, the seeds are sourced from trustworthy suppliers in the United States, selected mainly for the firmness and shipping quality of the fruit. The cultivation methods are similar to those used in the United States. Weeds are typically eliminated from the field in early spring and controlled with beneficial cover crops like carita and velvet bean. When these crops are either incorporated into the soil or harvested by pigs, they leave the soil in excellent condition.
The planting is done usually in October and November and the cultivation carried on either with native horses or mules, or gasoline-propelled cultivators. The yield where the water control and other conditions are favorable, is large, and the price secured in the northern markets varies from $2 to $5 per half bushel crate. It is true that when tomatoes from Florida and the Gulf States begin to go north in large quantities, there are frequently reports of glutted markets and falling prices. It is then that the canning factory comes to the rescue of the planter and contracts for the remainder of his stock at satisfactory prices.
Planting usually happens in October and November, and the cultivation is done with either local horses or mules, or gas-powered cultivators. When water management and other conditions are good, the yield is significant, and the price in northern markets ranges from $2 to $5 per half-bushel crate. It's true that when tomatoes from Florida and the Gulf States start coming north in large amounts, there are often reports of oversaturated markets and dropping prices. That's when the canning factory steps in to help the grower by buying the rest of his crops at reasonable prices.
Of all varieties, the Redfield Beauty is probably the tomato most in vogue among growers in Cuba. It grows luxuriantly and yields from two hundred to three hundred crates per acre.
Of all the varieties, the Redfield Beauty is probably the most popular tomato among growers in Cuba. It grows abundantly and produces two hundred to three hundred crates per acre.
Eggplants as a rule are successfully grown on all rich mellow soils. The methods of cultivation are almost identical with those employed in growing tomatoes. A small pear shaped variety is grown for the local markets in Havana and other cities, but for export purposes it would be unsatisfactory. The finest varieties known in the States are all found here. The yield under favorable conditions is large and the crop stands shipment for long distances without injury.
Eggplants typically thrive in all rich, well-drained soils. The cultivation methods are nearly identical to those used for growing tomatoes. A small, pear-shaped variety is grown for local markets in Havana and other cities, but it wouldn’t be suitable for export. The best varieties found in the States are all available here. When conditions are good, the yield is high, and the crop can withstand long-distance shipping without damage.
As a rule the prices obtained in the north have rendered the growing of egg plants very profitable. From $3 to $7 per crate are the usual limitations in price. The uncertainty of this price, however, in different seasons, has rendered the production of the eggplant rather an interesting gamble. This is true regardless of the quality of the fruit, in nearly all products sold in distant markets.
As a rule, the prices in the north have made growing eggplants quite profitable. The typical price range is between $3 and $7 per crate. However, the unpredictability of this price across different seasons makes eggplant production feel like an interesting gamble. This holds true regardless of the quality of the fruit, and applies to nearly all products sold in remote markets.
Okra, or quimbombo, as the vegetable is called in Cuba, while not as a rule commanding fancy prices, nevertheless brings satisfactory returns, both abroad and in the local market, where the demand is more or less steady. Like all others mentioned, it is strictly a late fall or winter vegetable, and its cultivation is identical with methods employed in the United States. Prices usually obtained are from two to three dollars a half bushel crate.
Okra, known as quimbombo in Cuba, typically doesn’t fetch high prices, but it still provides decent returns, both internationally and in the local market, where the demand is pretty steady. Like the other vegetables mentioned, it's strictly a late fall or winter crop, and its cultivation methods are the same as those used in the United States. Prices generally range from two to three dollars per half bushel crate.
The growing of lima beans in Cuba has proved a gilt-edge undertaking for those who have been careful in the selection of seed and proper cultivation after planting. The price obtained in the United States has varied between $2 and $8 per hamper, or bean basket, with an average of perhaps $5. The crop is quickly grown and with sufficient labor to gather the beans at the proper time the grower is relieved of his only cause for worry. The labor problem can usually be overcome if the farm is located near any one of the small towns where help of women and children is available.
Growing lima beans in Cuba has proven to be a great opportunity for those who are careful in selecting seeds and properly cultivating them after planting. The price received in the United States has ranged from $2 to $8 per hamper, or bean basket, with an average of about $5. The crop grows quickly, and with enough labor to harvest the beans at the right time, growers can avoid their main concern. The labor issue can typically be resolved if the farm is located near one of the small towns where women and children are available to help.
String beans, while readily grown in Cuba, do not always find a demand in the northern markets sufficient to justify the fancy prices frequently obtained for other vegetables. The local demand in Havana, while not large, is nevertheless satisfactory to the small farmer living within a short distance of the city, where he can deliver his crop without the expense of railroad transportation.
String beans, although easy to grow in Cuba, don’t always have enough demand in the northern markets to make the high prices often paid for other vegetables worthwhile. The local demand in Havana, while not huge, is still good enough for small farmers living close to the city, where they can deliver their crops without the cost of train transportation.
The summer squash, too, succeeds very well in Cuba, and if the crop does not encounter the competition of the growers in the Gulf States, it is, as a rule, fairly profitable. A variety of the native squash known as the Calabaza, always finds a ready sale in the local markets. This prolific Criolla production is almost always planted with corn by the native farmers, since its yield never fails and its market is constant and satisfactory.
The summer squash also grows really well in Cuba, and if the crop doesn’t face competition from growers in the Gulf States, it’s usually quite profitable. A type of native squash called Calabaza always sells well in the local markets. This abundant Criolla variety is nearly always planted alongside corn by local farmers because it consistently produces a good yield and has a steady and satisfactory market.
Recent experiments have been made by an American grower who has imported the seed of the small pie-pumpkin into Cuba. To use his own words, “This variety grows even faster than weeds, and the pumpkins cover the ground so thick that you can hardly avoid walking on them.” They make a very fine fall and winter crop, with an average yield of five tons per acre. This delicate variety of pumpkin, when canned, will probably prove available for export purposes.
Recent experiments have been conducted by an American farmer who has brought the seeds of the small pie-pumpkin to Cuba. In his own words, “This variety grows even faster than weeds, and the pumpkins cover the ground so thick that you can hardly avoid walking on them.” They make an excellent fall and winter crop, yielding an average of five tons per acre. This delicate variety of pumpkin, when canned, will likely be suitable for export.
The great drawback to profitable vegetable growing in Cuba lies largely in the uncertainty of the northern markets, where prices fluctuate so rapidly, with the minimum and the maximum so far apart, that it is difficult for the vegetable grower, a thousand miles away, to count with any certainty on the returns from his crops when shipped abroad. The establishment of receiving agents, perhaps, under the control of men who were financially interested with the growers themselves, might remedy this difficulty. The canning industry, if established on a sufficiently broad scale, would also add stability to the price of all crops grown in Cuba, and place the cultivation of vegetables on a more certain foundation.
The main issue with profitable vegetable farming in Cuba is the unpredictability of northern markets, where prices swing wildly and the difference between the lowest and highest prices is so great that it's hard for a grower, a thousand miles away, to reliably predict how much they'll earn from their crops when they’re shipped out. Setting up receiving agents, possibly managed by people who have a financial stake in the growers, might help solve this problem. Additionally, developing the canning industry on a larger scale could stabilize prices for all crops grown in Cuba and provide a more reliable basis for vegetable cultivation.
The introduction of irrigation, wherever possible, insures so generous a crop of almost any vegetable planted in this Island, that the returns to the grower, even where the price may not be fancy, will be decidedly remunerative. The incalculable advantages to be secured by irrigation, especially in the growing of vegetables, planted in the late fall and gathered during the winter and early spring, when rains are not always forthcoming, is a matter in which the Department of Agriculture is deeply interested.
The introduction of irrigation, wherever possible, guarantees a generous crop of nearly any vegetable planted in this Island, ensuring that growers, even when prices aren’t high, will see a good return. The immense benefits of irrigation, especially for growing vegetables planted in late fall and harvested during winter and early spring when rains aren’t always reliable, is a topic that the Department of Agriculture is very focused on.
One of the best irrigation engineers of the United States has been invited to go over the field of Cuba, and to advise the Government in regard to the various localities in which irrigation plants may be installed with success and profit to the growers. These plans when carried out will prove of marvellous benefit to the agricultural industry and will greatly increase the revenues derived from tobacco, as well as from vegetables.
One of the top irrigation engineers in the United States has been invited to visit Cuba to advise the government on various locations where irrigation systems can be successfully and profitably installed for farmers. Once these plans are implemented, they will greatly benefit the agricultural sector and significantly boost the revenue from tobacco and vegetables.
The great advantage, however, enjoyed by all vegetable growers in Cuba, lies in the fact that stormy weather never interferes with the cultivation of crops; sunshine may be depended upon every day of the year, and the farmer is seldom if ever compelled to lay aside his implements, and wait for the weather to adjust itself to his needs. In other words, he can always work if he wants to, and the market abroad, if he “strikes it right,” may yield him a small fortune from a comparatively few acres in a very few months.
The big advantage that all vegetable growers in Cuba have is that stormy weather never disrupts crop cultivation; they can count on sunshine every day of the year, and farmers rarely have to put aside their tools and wait for the weather to become favorable. In other words, they can always work if they choose to, and if they time it right, the overseas market can bring them a small fortune from just a few acres in only a few months.
It would be misleading to the prospective farmer or stranger to quote the almost fabulous returns at times secured on some favored spot, but with irrigation, which insures absolute control of the growing crop, the profits from vegetable raising may run anywhere from $100 to $500 per acre, and more.
It would be misleading to potential farmers or newcomers to mention the nearly unbelievable profits sometimes made in certain lucky areas, but with irrigation, which guarantees complete control over the crops, the profits from growing vegetables can range from $100 to $500 per acre, and even more.
Among those “striking it rich” incidents that may be occasionally found, may be mentioned a little tract of ground consisting of only four acres of land, located along the railroad track, not 100 yards from a station on the Western Railway. Here two Spanish storekeepers placed under cultivation four acres of land that had been previously prepared with a carita bean crop, hog fed and turned under. These partners had a well sunk in the middle of the tract, and a little gasoline engine installed that enabled them to adjust the water supply each day to the requirements of the field.
Among those “striking it rich” stories that pop up from time to time, there’s a small piece of land—just four acres—along the railroad track, not 100 yards from a station on the Western Railway. Here, two Spanish storekeepers cultivated four acres that had previously been prepared with a carita bean crop, which they had fed hogs and then turned under. These partners had a well dug in the center of the land and installed a small gasoline engine that allowed them to adjust the water supply daily to meet the needs of the field.
Here they planted eggplants, tomatoes, green peppers and Irish potatoes. The cultivation was done by one man and a pony. During the gathering of the crops some additional help was required, although the two owners worked hard themselves during late afternoons and early mornings. The return from these crops during the four months in which they were in the ground, amounted to $6,430.
Here they planted eggplants, tomatoes, green peppers, and Irish potatoes. The farming was done by one man and a pony. During harvest time, they needed some extra help, but the two owners worked hard themselves in the late afternoons and early mornings. The return from these crops over the four months they were in the ground totaled $6,430.
Incidents of this kind are not by any means common, but nevertheless they give some indication of what may be accomplished in growing vegetables in Cuba, when the work is conducted along modern lines and under intelligent management. Capital, of course, is necessary, as in all other industries, but the reward, even with the element of the gamble taken into consideration, is to say the least very tempting.
Incidents like this aren't exactly common, but they do show what can be achieved in vegetable farming in Cuba when operations are run using modern practices and smart management. Funding is definitely needed, just like in any other industry, but the potential returns, even considering the risks involved, are incredibly appealing.
CHAPTER XXIV
STANDARD GRAINS AND FORAGE
CORN or Maize was probably indigenous to the Island of Cuba, since it was one of the chief staples of food used by the Siboney Indians at the time of Columbus’s visit. This cereal may be grown in any of the provinces, although varieties introduced from the United States do not give the results that might be expected.
CORN or Maize was likely native to the Island of Cuba, as it was one of the primary food staples used by the Siboney Indians during Columbus’s visit. This grain can be cultivated in any of the provinces, although varieties brought in from the United States don't produce the expected results.
The native Cuban corn has a comparatively short ear with its point closed by Nature. This prevents the entrance of the grub or worm, so destructive to the northern varieties that have been introduced here. The kernel is hard, bright, yellow, rich in proteins and in oil, and is very nutritious as a food.
The native Cuban corn has a relatively short ear with its tip closed off by nature. This stops grubs or worms, which are so harmful to the northern varieties introduced here, from getting in. The kernels are hard, bright yellow, rich in protein and oil, and are very nutritious as food.
In spite of the small size of the ear, on rich lands 40 bushels per acre are frequently secured, so that, taking into consideration the fact that two crops may be successfully grown in twelve months, the sum total of the yield is not bad, and the price of maize in the local markets is always satisfactory. Experiments are being carried on at the present time towards improving the native Cuban corn, some of which have met with success.
Despite the small size of the ear, on fertile land, it’s common to get 40 bushels per acre. When you consider that two crops can often be grown in a year, the overall yield is pretty good, and the price of corn in local markets is consistently reasonable. Currently, there are experiments underway to improve native Cuban corn, some of which have been successful.
The method of growing corn in Cuba has little to recommend it. Improvements will come, however, as a result of the excellent instructive work being carried on by the Government Experimental Station. As a rule, corn in Cuba is planted too close, and with absolutely no attention paid to the selection of seed; hence we seldom find more than one ear to a stalk.
The way corn is grown in Cuba isn't very impressive. Improvements will happen, though, thanks to the great educational efforts from the Government Experimental Station. Generally, corn in Cuba is planted too closely together, and there’s no real focus on choosing the right seeds; that's why we usually see only one ear per stalk.
A rather novel experiment, carried on by Mr. F. R. Hall, of Camaguey, has proved quite satisfactory in increasing the length of the ear. His corn is grown in hills four feet apart and cultivated in both directions. Two grains are planted in the hill, one a grain of selected Cuban corn, the other a grain of first-class American corn. The latter will make the taller stalk of the two, and from the former, or native stock, the tassel is nipped off, so that only pollen from the American corn is permitted to fall upon the silk and thus fertilize the native ear.
A unique experiment conducted by Mr. F. R. Hall in Camaguey has successfully increased the length of the ear. His corn is planted in hills spaced four feet apart and is cultivated in both directions. Two seeds are placed in each hill: one is a selected Cuban corn seed, and the other is a top-quality American corn seed. The American corn will produce the taller stalk, while the native stock's tassel is removed to ensure that only pollen from the American corn fertilizes the native ear.
The result of this experiment has been a very much larger ear, the tip of which has retained the tight twist of the husk, peculiar to native corn. This closes in and protects the grain from attack of worms or borers. By selecting from this cross, and again crossing or fertilizing with Northern corn, a greatly improved variety of maize has been produced. This experiment is sufficient to demonstrate that a great deal may be done towards improving both the size and quality of Cuban corn.
The outcome of this experiment has been a much larger ear of corn, with the tip still showing the tight twist of the husk unique to native corn. This design helps to close in and protect the grain from pests like worms or borers. By selectively breeding from this cross and crossing or fertilizing again with Northern corn, a significantly improved variety of maize has been created. This experiment clearly shows that a lot can be done to enhance both the size and quality of Cuban corn.
Between the rows, calabaza, a variety of native pumpkin, greatly resembling that of the United States, is grown as a rule, thus following one of the precepts of New England. In this connection pumpkins from Massachusetts seed give excellent results, planted with corn. The demand for corn in the market, owing to the large amount consumed in the Island, insures always a good price to the grower.
Between the rows, calabaza, a type of native pumpkin that looks a lot like the ones from the United States, is typically grown, following one of the principles of New England. In this regard, pumpkins from Massachusetts seeds yield excellent results when planted with corn. The high demand for corn in the market, due to the large amount consumed on the Island, always guarantees a good price for the grower.
Nearly all varieties of millet and kaffir corn thrive well in Cuba and furnish a very nutritious food for both stock and poultry. This millet, or “millo,” of which two varieties, the tall white and the short black, are in common use, is apparently free from enemies, and since it seems to thrive in seasons either wet or dry, and in lands either moist or subject to drought, the crop is considered very reliable and hence profitable especially where poultry raising is contemplated.
Almost all types of millet and kaffir corn grow well in Cuba and provide very nutritious food for both livestock and poultry. This millet, or “millo,” has two common varieties: the tall white and the short black. It seems to have no pests and thrives in both wet and dry seasons, as well as in lands that are either moist or prone to drought. Because of this, the crop is seen as very reliable and therefore profitable, especially for poultry farming.
Wheat was grown at one time for home consumption, in the Province of Santa Clara. Here, on the high table lands, with a comparatively low temperature during the cool, dry winter months, it came to maturity. In one locality west of the city of Sancti Spiritus in Santa Clara, there is quite an extensive table land, with an altitude of some 2,000 feet, where a very good variety of wheat was grown along about the middle of the 19th century. It is said to have furnished an abundance of good grain that was highly prized in that section. Just why its cultivation was abandoned is not known, aside from the fact that most of the agriculturists found growing sugar cane vastly more profitable. With money from the sugar crop flour could be purchased and the demands of the baker satisfied.
Wheat was once grown for local use in the Province of Santa Clara. There, on the high plateaus, where the temperature is relatively cool during the dry winter months, it reached maturity. In one area west of the city of Sancti Spiritus in Santa Clara, there is a sizable plateau at around 2,000 feet in altitude, where a very good variety of wheat was cultivated in the middle of the 19th century. It's said that it produced a large amount of quality grain that was highly valued in the region. The reasons for halting its cultivation are unclear, except that most farmers found sugar cane to be much more profitable. With the money from the sugar harvest, they could buy flour and meet the demands of bakers.
Experiments are contemplated in the near future in the growing of wheat in this same locality. But regardless of the results, it is more than probable that custom or inclination will impel the people of Cuba under normal conditions to purchase their wheat from the United States.
Experiments are planned for the near future regarding wheat cultivation in this area. However, regardless of the outcomes, it’s very likely that people in Cuba will normally prefer to buy their wheat from the United States.
Nevertheless, extensive experiments in the propagation of wheat, the seed of which has been brought from many countries, are now in process of development in the grounds of the Government Agricultural Station.
Nevertheless, extensive experiments in growing wheat, the seeds of which have been brought from various countries, are currently being developed at the Government Agricultural Station.
These will probably be supplemented a little later by plantings from selected seeds of the most promising varieties on the fertile soils of high plateaus in southeastern Santa Clara. Experimental work at the Central or Havana Station facilitates also the study of any disease that may attack different varieties of wheat before they have been accepted as permanently successful in Cuba.
These will likely be added later by planting selected seeds from the most promising varieties in the fertile soils of the high plateaus in southeastern Santa Clara. Experimental work at the Central or Havana Station also helps in studying any diseases that might affect different varieties of wheat before they are confirmed as permanently successful in Cuba.
Next to wheat bread, rice is in greater demand than any other food staple in Cuba. Large quantities are imported every year from India, and were it not for the low price of the product, greater attention would probably have been paid to its local production. Upland or dry rice has been grown to a certain extent in Cuba for many years. Nearly every farmer with suitable soil, who can command irrigation in any form, has a small patch of rice for his own consumption, and that grown from the Valencia seed is much preferred to the imported rice.
Next to wheat bread, rice is the most in-demand food staple in Cuba. Large amounts are imported every year from India, and if it weren't for the low price of the product, more focus would likely have been placed on local production. Upland or dry rice has been cultivated in Cuba for many years. Almost every farmer with suitable soil who has access to any form of irrigation has a small patch of rice for personal use, and rice grown from Valencia seed is much preferred over the imported variety.
The European War, with its attendant difficulties of high freights and shortages of shipping, has stimulated the planting of rice in Cuba to a greater extent than ever before. A series of experiments are now being carried on at the Government Agricultural Station, in order to secure more definite knowledge in regard to the success of rice in various soils, altitudes and months of planting. For this purpose seeds of the Valencia, Barbados and Bolo, the exotics also from Honduras and Japan, together with American upland and golden rice, are being tried. The last-named seems excellently adapted to Cuban soil and latitude.
The European War, along with challenges like high shipping costs and a lack of available vessels, has led to an increase in rice planting in Cuba like never before. A series of experiments is currently being conducted at the Government Agricultural Station to gain clearer insights into how rice performs in different soils, altitudes, and planting months. For this, seeds of Valencia, Barbados, and Bolo, as well as exotic varieties from Honduras and Japan, along with American upland and golden rice, are being tested. The last one appears to be particularly well-suited for Cuban soil and climate.
In order for rice to be successfully grown, however, certain conditions are absolutely essential. Most important of these is first, a fairly rich soil, underlaid with an impervious subsoil of clay, and located in sections where irrigation, or the application of water to the crop, may be possible. Comparatively level valleys or basins, lying close to the mountains, that have impervious clay subsoil, are considered favorite localities. The preparation for rice, as with most other crops, necessitates the extermination of all weeds and the thorough ploughing or pulverizing of the soil, after which it should be planted with drilling machines as is wheat or oats. The sowing of the rice in seed beds to be afterwards transplanted requires entirely too much hand labor for the successful cultivation of this or any other crop in Cuba, unless perhaps an exception might be made of tobacco and a few winter vegetables. Machinery adapted to the cultivation of rice or any other crop, is absolutely essential to successful agriculture in Cuba at the present time.
To successfully grow rice, certain conditions are essential. The most important requirement is rich soil with an impervious clay subsoil, located in areas where irrigation, or watering the crop, is possible. Flat valleys or basins near mountains that have clay subsoil are preferred locations. Preparing the land for rice, like with most crops, requires getting rid of all weeds and thoroughly plowing or breaking up the soil. It should then be planted using drilling machines, similar to wheat or oats. Sowing rice in seed beds to be transplanted takes too much manual labor for successful cultivation in Cuba, unless maybe for tobacco and a few winter vegetables. Machinery designed for rice cultivation or any other crop is absolutely necessary for successful agriculture in Cuba today.
Rice is planted with the earliest spring rains of March or April, when possible, so that the crop may be taken off in August or September. When lack of early rains renders this dangerous, it is planted in late May, or early June, and gathered in the month of October. Seeds of a variety of rice that is said to thrive in salt marshes have been received at the Experimental Station and will be thoroughly tried out a little later.
Rice is sown with the first spring rains in March or April, if possible, so that the harvest can be collected in August or September. If the early rains are unreliable, it's planted in late May or early June and harvested in October. Seeds of a type of rice thought to grow well in salt marshes have arrived at the Experimental Station and will be tested thoroughly soon.
North and east of Moron, in western Camaguey, are low savannas extending over thousands of acres that are covered during much of the rainy season with a few inches of water, and where the surface, even during the dry season, is moist, although not muddy. These great level areas have practically no drainage and are almost invariably saturated with water, although in no sense of the word can they be considered swamps, and if planted in rice, as are the low prairies of southern Louisiana and Texas, would seem to give promise of success. In the district above mentioned, these flat damp lands extend in a wild belt for many miles along the north coast of Camaguey, between the mountains and the ocean. They are covered with grass on which cattle feed during the dry season.
North and east of Moron, in western Camaguey, there are low savannas stretching over thousands of acres that are flooded for much of the rainy season with a few inches of water, and the surface remains moist even during the dry season, though it's not muddy. These vast flat areas have almost no drainage and are typically saturated with water, but they can't be considered swamps. If planted with rice, similar to the low prairies of southern Louisiana and Texas, they could show potential for success. In the mentioned area, these flat, damp lands stretch in a wild belt for many miles along the north coast of Camaguey, between the mountains and the ocean. They are covered with grass that cattle graze on during the dry season.
There are many other similar lands located at different points along the coast of Cuba. If these could be successfully dedicated to the cultivation of rice, following where convenient the methods prevalent in the western Gulf States, an enormous saving to the Island would be made as well as the development of a now neglected industry. The importation of rice from the orient and other foreign countries amounts to approximately three hundred and thirty million pounds, valued at $12,000,000.
There are many other similar areas situated along the coast of Cuba. If these could be effectively used for rice farming, using methods common in the western Gulf States when suitable, it would save the Island a significant amount of money and help grow a currently overlooked industry. The import of rice from Asia and other countries totals about three hundred and thirty million pounds, worth $12,000,000.
With the increase of population and the demand for rice as a staple food product, the cultivation of this grain, so popular in all Latin-American Republics, will undoubtedly be considered. Experiments now being carried on at the Government Station will ultimately determine the varieties and conditions under which it can be most economically and successfully grown in Cuba.
With the growing population and the demand for rice as a staple food, the cultivation of this grain, which is popular in all Latin American countries, will definitely be taken into account. Experiments currently happening at the Government Station will ultimately identify the best varieties and conditions for economically and successfully growing it in Cuba.
In spite of the fact that two of the best grasses known, both of which are said to yield even better here than in either Africa or the plains of Parana, whence they came, flourish in Cuba, the Island still imports large quantities of hay from the United States for use in cities. The potreros or meadows of Cuba with their great fields, stretching over many leagues of territory, are as rich as any known, and can support as a rule at least twenty head of cattle to every caballeria or 33 acres.
Despite the fact that two of the best grasses known, which are said to produce even better yields here than in either Africa or the plains of Parana, where they originated, thrive in Cuba, the island still imports large amounts of hay from the United States for use in cities. The potreros or meadows of Cuba, with their vast fields, stretching over many leagues of land, are as rich as any known and can typically support at least twenty head of cattle per caballeria, or 33 acres.
The Parana grass of South America grows on the low lands of Cuba with a luxuriance that will almost impede travel through it on horseback. The jointed stems of this grass, interlacing with each other, frequently grow to a length of ten or 12 feet. The same is true of the Guinea, brought from the west coast of Africa, which is adapted to the higher lands and hillsides, and where the soil beneath is rich, it often reaches a height of 6 or 8 feet, completely hiding the grazing cattle or the man who may be endeavoring to force his way afoot across the field in search of them. The native indigenous grasses of the Island, although suitable for grazing purposes, are rather tough and hard and will not fatten livestock as will the two grasses referred to above.
The Parana grass of South America grows in the lowlands of Cuba so lushly that it can almost block travel through it on horseback. The jointed stems of this grass intertwine with each other and often reach lengths of 10 to 12 feet. The same applies to Guinea grass, which is brought in from the west coast of Africa. It's suited to the higher lands and hillsides, and in rich soil, it can often grow to a height of 6 to 8 feet, completely concealing grazing cattle or anyone trying to walk through the field in search of them. The native grasses of the island, while suitable for grazing, tend to be tough and hard and won't fatten livestock as effectively as the two grasses mentioned above.
Probably the best permanent pasture in Cuba is secured by planting Bermuda. This grass has been imported from the United States and installed in Cuba with splendid results. On rich soils the growth is rank, and the sod firm, with a larger yield probably on account of the more favorable climate. Stock of all kind, especially horses and hogs, are very fond of the Bermuda grass, preferring it in fact to any other.
Probably the best permanent pasture in Cuba is achieved by planting Bermuda grass. This grass has been imported from the United States and established in Cuba with great success. In rich soils, it grows abundantly, and the sod is firm, with a higher yield likely due to the more favorable climate. All types of livestock, especially horses and pigs, really enjoy Bermuda grass, in fact preferring it over any other type of grass.
Some stock growers, in the Province of Camaguey, are planting large fields of it, as one rancher explained “just to tickle the palate” of his brood mares. This same grass, too, is being used for lawns in nearly all parks and private grounds in the neighborhood of Havana. With a little care at the beginning of the rainy season, a splendid firm lawn can be made with Bermuda in a few weeks.
Some cattle breeders in the Province of Camaguey are planting large fields of it, as one rancher put it, “just to please the taste” of his brood mares. This same grass is also being used for lawns in almost all parks and private properties around Havana. With a bit of care at the start of the rainy season, a beautiful, sturdy lawn can be established with Bermuda in just a few weeks.
Recognizing the value of alfalfa, which is today probably the standard forage of the Western and Southwestern States of North America, experiments were made in Cuba at different times, but not always with success. A fairly good stand was apparently secured on President Menocal’s farm “El Chico,” just out of Havana. But in spite of earnest efforts on the part of the gardener, weeds eventually choked it out, so that the field was abandoned. At the Experimental Station a small tract of alfalfa has been recently planted that seems to give promise of permanence and complete success.
Recognizing the value of alfalfa, which is now likely the standard forage in the Western and Southwestern States of North America, experiments were conducted in Cuba at various times, though not always successfully. A decent stand was seemingly established on President Menocal’s farm “El Chico,” just outside of Havana. However, despite the gardener's diligent efforts, weeds eventually took over, leading to the abandonment of the field. At the Experimental Station, a small area of alfalfa has been recently planted that appears to show potential for long-term growth and complete success.
In the Province of Camaguey, a well-known stock raiser from Texas secured seed from his native state that had been inoculated, and planted it in drills three feet apart. All weeds had been previously exterminated through the use of a heavy cover crop of velvet beans, turned under. As soon as the alfalfa began to show, light-pony-drawn cultivators were kept running between the rows, cutting out every weed that appeared, and allowing the alfalfa gradually to spread, until the spaces between rows were completely covered, and further cultivation was unnecessary. The soil was rich and moist, and could be irrigated in February or March if necessary. From his alfalfa today, he is making seven heavy cuttings a year, which demonstrates the fact that this valuable forage plant under favorable conditions can be successfully grown in Cuba.
In the Camaguey Province, a well-known cattle rancher from Texas obtained inoculated seeds from his home state and planted them in rows three feet apart. Before planting, all weeds were eliminated using a thick cover crop of velvet beans that were then turned under. As soon as the alfalfa started to emerge, light pony-drawn cultivators were kept busy between the rows, removing every weed that popped up and letting the alfalfa spread gradually until the gaps between the rows were fully covered, making further cultivation unnecessary. The soil was rich and moist, and could be irrigated in February or March if needed. From his alfalfa today, he is harvesting seven heavy cuttings each year, showing that this valuable forage plant can be successfully grown in Cuba under the right conditions.
Cowpeas of almost all varieties are successfully grown in Cuba as they are in the Gulf States of America, where the climate, aside from cold rains and frost in winter, is somewhat similar to Cuba. Both the peas and the pea-vine hay command good prices throughout the year, in the local markets of the cities; hence the cultivation of this excellent forage plant and vegetable, especially when grown with corn, is in common practice.
Cowpeas of nearly all varieties are successfully grown in Cuba, just like in the Gulf States of America, where the climate—except for the cold rains and frost in winter—is somewhat similar to that of Cuba. Both the peas and the pea-vine hay sell well year-round in local city markets; therefore, the cultivation of this excellent forage plant and vegetable, especially when grown alongside corn, is a common practice.
A variety of the cowpea, known as La Carita, is very popular in Cuba, owing to its large yield, and to the fact that after a shower of rain it can be planted with profit any month of the year, with the exception perhaps of July and August. The carita belongs to the running or ground covering variety, and if grown with corn will use the stalks on which to climb, without detriment to the major crop. The pods are long and filled with peas about the size of the small Navy beans of New England. The color is a cream white, with a little dark stain around the germ, which gave it the name of Carita or little face. The pea for table use is excellent, of splendid flavor, and becomes soft and palatable with an hour’s cooking. The vines make good hay, and the average yield of beans is about 1200 pounds to the acre, which at prices varying from five to ten cents per pound forms quite a satisfactory crop.
A type of cowpea called La Carita is very popular in Cuba because it produces a great yield and can be planted profitably any month of the year after a rain shower, except perhaps in July and August. The carita is a sprawling variety that can climb on corn stalks without harming the main crop. The pods are long and filled with peas about the size of small Navy beans from New England. They are cream white with a slight dark stain around the germ, which gives it the name Carita or "little face." The peas are excellent for eating, with a wonderful flavor, and they become soft and tasty after about an hour of cooking. The vines can be used for good hay, and the average yield of beans is about 1200 pounds per acre, yielding a satisfactory income at prices between five to ten cents per pound.
The kinds of beans grown in Cuba are almost unlimited. Various soils of the Island seem adapted to the legume family, and many varieties have been introduced not only from the United States but from Mexico and Central America. One indigenous bean, the botanical name for which has not been determined, is found growing wild along the southern coast of Pinar del Rio. The pods are well filled, and although the bean is very small it is nevertheless delicious eating. The running vines make a perfect mat or surface carpet and yield an abundance of hay, nutritious and greatly liked by stock. The origin and habits of this bean, and the extent to which it might be improved by cultivation, are being studied by the Government Experimental Station at the present time.
The types of beans grown in Cuba are nearly endless. The different soils of the island seem to suit the legume family, and many varieties have been brought in not just from the United States but also from Mexico and Central America. One local bean, which hasn't been formally named yet, grows wild along the southern coast of Pinar del Rio. The pods are well-filled, and although the beans are very small, they are still delicious. The sprawling vines create a perfect mat or carpet on the ground and produce a lot of hay that's nutritious and favored by livestock. The origin and habits of this bean, as well as how much it could be improved through cultivation, are currently being studied by the Government Experimental Station.
Of all forage and food crops grown in Cuba, there is none, perhaps, more universally successful than the peanut. The little Spanish variety, owing to its heavy production of oil, is popular and very prolific in all parts of the Island where the soil is sandy.
Of all the forage and food crops grown in Cuba, none is perhaps more widely successful than the peanut. The small Spanish variety, known for its high oil production, is popular and very productive in all sandy areas of the Island.
On the red lands, or those that have a clay basis, the Virginia peanuts thrive wonderfully well. Unlike the little Spanish, the Virginia, or larger varieties, are usually planted in the spring months, and continue growing all through the summer. The yield of the Virginia peanut is large, and the hay resulting from the vines, under favorable conditions, will approximate two tons or more per acre. This hay is considered one of the best forage crops, and the field, after the peanuts have been removed for market, can be very profitably converted into a hog pasture, so that the small nuts, and those that escape the harvester, are turned into excellent account, and the field is put into splendid condition for the next planting.
On the red soil, or areas with a clay base, Virginia peanuts thrive incredibly well. Unlike the smaller Spanish peanuts, the Virginia variety, which is larger, is typically planted in the spring and continues to grow throughout the summer. The yield of Virginia peanuts is substantial, and under good conditions, the hay produced from the vines can reach two tons or more per acre. This hay is considered one of the best forage crops, and after the peanuts have been removed for sale, the field can be profitably turned into a hog pasture, allowing any small peanuts or those that were missed by the harvester to be utilized effectively, while also improving the field's condition for the next planting.
The yield of the Spanish peanut varies according to conditions of soil, and control of water, anywhere from 40 to 100 bushels per acre. Every bushel of Spanish peanuts will produce one gallon of oil, the price of which at the present time exceeds $1. From each bushel of nuts with the shells ground in, about 20 pounds of splendid oil-cake are secured. This, fed to stock, especially to hogs, in combination with corn or yucca, is undoubtedly one of the finest foods for fattening and quick growth that can be found. Peanut-cake readily brings in Havana from $30 to $40 per ton.
The yield of Spanish peanuts varies depending on soil conditions and water management, ranging from 40 to 100 bushels per acre. Each bushel of Spanish peanuts produces one gallon of oil, which currently sells for over $1. From each bushel of peanuts, with the shells included, you can get about 20 pounds of high-quality oil-cake. When fed to livestock, especially hogs, along with corn or yucca, this is definitely one of the best foods for fattening and rapid growth. Peanut-cake sells in Havana for between $30 and $40 per ton.
CHAPTER XXV
ANIMALS
CUBA, like the other West Indian Islands, is strangely poor in its indigenous mammals. The largest wild animal is the deer, a beautiful creature, resembling much the graceful Cervidae of the Virginia mountains. It is in fact a sub-species of the American deer. But these were imported into Cuba from some unknown place, and at a time of which there is no record extant. They are very plentiful throughout nearly all of the thinly settled sections of Cuba, especially in the Province of Pinar del Rio, where, in places not hunted, they exhibit very little fear of man and frequently appear near native huts in the hills, drawn there probably through curiosity, which is one of the weak points of these most beautiful denizens of the forest.
CUBA, like other West Indian Islands, is surprisingly lacking in native mammals. The largest wild animal is the deer, a beautiful creature that closely resembles the graceful Cervidae of the Virginia mountains. It is actually a sub-species of the American deer. However, these were brought to Cuba from an unknown location at a time that has no recorded history. They are very common throughout nearly all the sparsely populated areas of Cuba, especially in the Province of Pinar del Rio, where in places that aren’t hunted, they show very little fear of humans and often come close to native huts in the hills, likely drawn there by curiosity, which is one of the vulnerabilities of these most beautiful forest residents.
The abundance of food and absence of cold throughout the year, as well as the shelter given by the dense woodland and mountains, has led to their rapid increase. The game laws also protect them from destruction with the exception of a brief period during the late fall and winter.
The plenty of food and lack of cold year-round, along with the shelter provided by the thick woods and mountains, has caused their rapid growth. The hunting regulations also safeguard them from danger, except for a short time in late fall and winter.
A peculiar animal known as the Hutia, of which there are three varieties in Cuba, together with the small anteater, known as the Solenoden, represent the entire native mammalian fauna of the Island. Hutia is the name given in Cuba to three species of the Caprimys, which belong to this country. The largest of the three is distributed over the entire Island. It weighs about ten pounds and is frequently seen in the tree tops of the forest, living on leaves and tender bark. The other species are only about half the size of the former. One of these has a long rat-like tail with which it hangs to limbs of trees, as does the American opossum. The third species is confined to the Province of Oriente. Outside of Cuba only two of the Caprimys or Hutias are found, one in the Bahamas, and the other in Jamaica and Swan Island, now almost extinct. The Hutias are arboreal rodents. Those of the mountains rear their little families among the boulders of the tall sierras, where the feeble voices of the young can often be heard by one who listens carefully. Their faint cry is very suggestive of the peep of little chickens. Hutias are sometimes kept as pets in the country.
A unique animal called the Hutia, which has three types in Cuba, along with the small anteater known as the Solenodon, make up the entire native mammal population of the Island. Hutia refers to three species of Capromys that are found in this country. The largest of these is spread across the entire Island. It weighs about ten pounds and is often spotted in the treetops of the forest, feeding on leaves and soft bark. The other species are only about half the size of the largest one. One of these has a long, rat-like tail that it uses to hang from tree branches, similar to the American opossum. The third species is limited to the Province of Oriente. Outside of Cuba, only two Capromys or Hutias exist, one in the Bahamas and the other in Jamaica and Swan Island, which is now nearly extinct. Hutias are tree-dwelling rodents. Those in the mountains raise their young among the boulders of the tall sierras, where the soft sounds of the young can often be heard by anyone who listens closely. Their faint cries are reminiscent of the peeps of little chicks. Hutias are sometimes kept as pets in rural areas.
The large rodents, as a new world product, attained their maximum development a very long while ago, during the middle Tertiary period. Since that time the group has been steadily diminishing, and the extensive land areas over which they once thronged have undergone many changes. The Caprimys are a stranded remnant whose ancestral relations are difficult to trace.
The large rodents, as a product of the New World, reached their peak development a long time ago, during the middle Tertiary period. Since then, this group has been steadily declining, and the vast land areas they once populated have changed significantly. The Caprimys are a remaining fragment whose ancestral connections are hard to identify.
The largest bird of the Island is the Cuban sandhill crane (Grus nesiotes). This rather rare representative of the feathered tribe is found occasionally on grassy plains surrounding the western end of the Organ Mountains of Pinar del Rio. They are also quite plentiful along the foothills, and on the grass covered plateaus just south of the Cubitas Mountains, in Camaguey, where they were at one time quite tame. These birds are found also in Mexico and in the United States, and when less than a year old are excellent eating. They stand about four feet in height and are only a trifle smaller than the whooping crane of the western plains of the United States.
The largest bird on the island is the Cuban sandhill crane (Grus nesiotes). This rather rare bird can occasionally be seen on the grassy plains around the western end of the Organ Mountains in Pinar del Rio. They are also quite common in the foothills and on the grass-covered plateaus just south of the Cubitas Mountains in Camaguey, where they used to be quite tame. These birds are also found in Mexico and the United States, and when they are less than a year old, they make for a great meal. They stand about four feet tall and are just slightly smaller than the whooping crane found on the western plains of the United States.
The guinea-fowl is one of the most common birds of Cuba and was introduced by the early Spanish conquerors who brought it from the Cape Verde Islands, whence it had been carried from Africa. This bird, which has exceptional ability in taking care of itself, while found on nearly every native farm, soon became wild in Cuba, and is quite plentiful in some of the dense forests of the Island, especially in the Province of Camaguey, where it occasionally furnished food for the insurgents during the War of Independence. The wild guinea is excellent eating, resembling in size and quality the prairie chicken once so common on the western prairies of the United States.
The guinea-fowl is one of the most common birds in Cuba and was brought over by the early Spanish conquerors who got it from the Cape Verde Islands, which originally received it from Africa. This bird, known for its remarkable ability to fend for itself, can be found on almost every local farm. It quickly became wild in Cuba and is quite abundant in some of the dense forests of the island, particularly in Camaguey Province, where it occasionally provided food for the insurgents during the War of Independence. The wild guinea is excellent to eat, similar in size and quality to the prairie chicken that was once so prevalent on the western prairies of the United States.
The domestic turkey is, of course, indigenous to almost all parts of North and Central America. Of its introduction into Cuba there is practically no record. The climate of the Island is very congenial to turkeys, hence far less trouble is found in raising them than in the United States.
The domestic turkey is, of course, native to nearly all areas of North and Central America. There’s almost no record of how it was introduced to Cuba. The climate on the island is very suitable for turkeys, so it’s much easier to raise them there than in the United States.
The Cuban “bob-white” with its cheerful note is common throughout the Island. He is slightly smaller and darker than the American quail, which some time in the remote past migrated to Cuba. The game laws of the Island protect both of these birds quite efficiently, otherwise they would long ago have been extinguished.
The Cuban “bob-white,” with its cheerful call, is common all over the Island. It's a bit smaller and darker than the American quail, which migrated to Cuba at some point in the distant past. The game laws in Cuba protect both of these birds quite effectively; otherwise, they would have been wiped out long ago.
The ubiquitous turkey buzzard is also common in Cuba and quite as obnoxious as in the southern states of America.
The common turkey vulture is also found all over Cuba and is just as annoying as it is in the southern states of the U.S.
The little Cuban sparrow hawk, similar to if not identical with that of the United States, is also found in the Island, as is also the king bird, which retains his pugnacious habits, not hesitating to tackle anything that flies. Many varieties of the owl are also found in Cuba, including the large handsome white owl.
The small Cuban sparrow hawk, similar to or possibly the same as its counterpart in the United States, can also be found on the island, along with the king bird, which keeps its aggressive nature and isn’t afraid to confront anything that flies. Many types of owls are also present in Cuba, including the large, striking white owl.
The mocking bird of the South, that king of song birds, to which Linnaeus gave the name of Minus Polyglottus Orpheus, is usually in evidence with his beautiful song, if not always in sight. The sweet voiced meadow lark of the United States also is very common in Cuba.
The mockingbird of the South, the king of songbirds, which Linnaeus named Minus Polyglottus Orpheus, is often heard singing beautifully, even if it’s not always seen. The sweet-voiced meadowlark of the United States is also quite common in Cuba.
The wild pigeons, once so plentiful in the United States, are still found in Cuba. Their roosting places are in the deep forests. The Province of Camaguey seems to be their favorite rendezvous. Other pigeons found in Cuba are the West Indian mourning dove, the Zenaida dove, and the little Cuban ground dove. Another beautiful representative of the dove family is the native white crowned pigeon (Columba Leucocephala) gentle, lovable creatures that make delightful pets for children. Two specimens of these doves are domiciled in the Zoological Park at Washington.
The wild pigeons, once abundant in the United States, can still be found in Cuba. They roost in dense forests, with the Province of Camaguey being their preferred spot. Other types of pigeons in Cuba include the West Indian mourning dove, the Zenaida dove, and the small Cuban ground dove. Another beautiful member of the dove family is the native white-crowned pigeon (Columba Leucocephala), gentle and lovable creatures that make great pets for kids. Two of these doves are housed at the Zoological Park in Washington.
Parrots, of course, are indigenous to Cuba. Several varieties are represented, the largest of which, with its brilliant green plumage and red head, can be easily tamed, while its linguistic ability rapidly develops with a little patience. These birds when not mating fly in great flocks, sometimes alighting near homes in the forest, their unmelodious chatter rendering conversation impossible. The squabs are excellent eating and are sometimes used for that purpose. Another Cuban parrot, the Amazona Leucocephala, makes its nest in holes excavated in the upper reaches of the royal palm, 50 or 60 feet above the ground.
Parrots are native to Cuba. There are several types, with the largest being the one that has bright green feathers and a red head, easily tamed and quickly picking up words with a bit of patience. These birds usually fly in large groups when they’re not mating and often land near houses in the forest, their noisy chatter making it hard to have a conversation. The young ones are tasty and are sometimes eaten. Another Cuban parrot, the Amazona Leucocephala, builds its nest in holes dug out of the tops of the royal palm, 50 to 60 feet off the ground.
A striking bird, peculiar to the coastal regions, is the Cuban oriole; a black bird with bright yellow shoulders, rump and tail coverts, the under side of the wings also yellow. As a general alarmist, he is equal to the cat bird, also found in Cuba. A little sneaking about the thicket will lure the oriole from his hiding place and cause him to scold and revile the intruder. The Cuban green woodpecker and the white-eyed vireo are also garrulous birds often met in company with the oriole.
A striking bird, unique to the coastal areas, is the Cuban oriole; a black bird with bright yellow shoulders, rump, and tail feathers, with the underside of its wings also yellow. As a general alarmist, it’s just as loud as the catbird, which is also found in Cuba. A little sneaking around the thicket will lure the oriole from its hiding spot and make it scold and scold the intruder. The Cuban green woodpecker and the white-eyed vireo are also chatty birds often seen hanging out with the oriole.
One of the most beautiful birds of Cuba is the little tody, which, with the exception of humming birds that are also very plentiful, is the smallest of the feathered inhabitants of the Island. Its length from tip of bill to tip of tail is only a little over three inches. The entire back of the bird is a brilliant grass green. On its throat is a large patch of bright scarlet, bordered by a zone of white at the angle of the bill, replaced toward the posterior end of the patch by a bright blue. The under parts are white and smoky, while the flanks are washed with a pale scarlet. This little jewel of a bird may be found anywhere in Western Cuba, usually in low shrubbery, bordering some path, from which he invites your attention by a song that recalls faintly the note of the kingfisher.
One of the prettiest birds in Cuba is the little tody, which, aside from the abundant hummingbirds, is the smallest feathered resident of the island. From the tip of its bill to the tip of its tail, it measures just a bit over three inches. Its entire back is a vibrant grass green. It has a large patch of bright scarlet on its throat, outlined by a white band at the angle of its bill, transitioning to a bright blue toward the back of the patch. The underside is white and smoky, while the sides are tinged with a pale scarlet. This little gem of a bird can be spotted anywhere in Western Cuba, usually in low shrubs along a path, where it catches your attention with a song that faintly resembles the call of a kingfisher.
Scattered throughout the island and especially plentiful in the Sierras, is the Cuban lizard-cuckoo, known to the natives as the arriero. He is about twenty inches in length, the long broad tail representing about three-fifths while the bill will add almost two inches. The arriero is one of the most interesting members of Cuban avifauna. His color is a pale greyish brown with a metallic flush. The throat and the anterior part of the under-surfaces are grey, washed with pale brown, while the posterior portion is a pale reddish brown. The large, broad tail feathers are tipped with white and crossed by a broad band of black.
Scattered across the island, especially abundant in the Sierras, is the Cuban lizard-cuckoo, known locally as the arriero. It measures about twenty inches long, with its long broad tail making up about three-fifths of that length, and the bill adds nearly two inches. The arriero is one of the most fascinating birds in Cuba. Its color is a light greyish-brown with a metallic sheen. The throat and the front part of the underside are grey, blended with a light brown, while the back is a pale reddish-brown. The large, broad tail feathers have white tips and feature a thick black band.
He is a veritable clown, of curious and inquiring turn of mind, and extremely amusing in his antics. Having responded to your call, he will inspect you carefully, moving his tail sidewise, or cocking it up like a wren. He may slink away like a shadow, or he may spread his wings and tumble over himself, chattering as if he had discovered the most amusing thing in the world, and was bubbling over with mirth.
He’s truly a clown, with a curious and inquisitive mind, and he’s really entertaining with his antics. When he comes to you, he’ll give you a close look, moving his tail sideways or lifting it up like a wren. He might sneak away quietly like a shadow, or he may spread his wings and tumble over himself, chattering as if he’s found the funniest thing ever and can’t contain his laughter.
One of the most strikingly colored birds in Cuba is the trogon. The top of his head is metallic purple, the entire back metallic green, while the under parts are pale grey, a little lighter at the throat. The posterior and under tail coverts are scarlet, while the primaries of the wing, and part of the secondaries, are marked with white bars. The outer tail feathers also are tipped with broad bands of white, the combination giving to the bird a strikingly brilliant appearance. The Trogon is inclined to conceal his beauty in thickets, and rarely displays himself in the open. His call suggests that of the northern cuckoos.
One of the most vividly colored birds in Cuba is the trogon. Its head is metallic purple, its entire back is metallic green, and its underparts are light grey, slightly lighter at the throat. The tail coverts are scarlet, while the primary feathers and part of the secondary feathers have white bars. The outer tail feathers are also tipped with wide bands of white, giving the bird a stunningly bright appearance. The trogon tends to hide its beauty in thick bushes and seldom shows itself in the open. Its call is similar to that of northern cuckoos.
Water birds are very plentiful, especially in the shallow lagoons that for hundreds of miles separate the mainland from the outlying islands. The largest and most striking of these is probably the flamingo, great flocks of which may be seen in the early morning, spreading out like a line of red-coated soldiers along the sand spits, or restingas, that frequently reach out from shore a mile or more, into the shallow salt waters. The flamingos are very shy, seldom permitting man to approach within 200 yards.
Water birds are quite abundant, especially in the shallow lagoons that stretch for hundreds of miles between the mainland and the nearby islands. The most impressive of these is probably the flamingo, with large flocks often seen in the early morning, spreading out like a line of red-coated soldiers along the sandbanks or resting spots that often extend a mile or more from the shore into the shallow salt waters. Flamingos are very skittish, rarely allowing humans to come within 200 yards.
Another beautiful water bird is the Sevilla that reaches, with maturity, about the size of the Muscovy cock. Until nearly a year old this beautiful inhabitant of the lagoons is snow white, after which his color changes to a bright carmine red. In the unfrequented lagoons he is still very plentiful. In the same waters are found many varieties of the heron family, including the much sought for little white heron, with its beautiful plumage, from which the aigrettes so popular among women as ornaments are obtained.
Another stunning water bird is the Sevilla, which grows to about the size of a Muscovy duck by the time it reaches maturity. For almost a year, this gorgeous resident of the lagoons is pure white, after which its color shifts to a vibrant carmine red. In the less-traveled lagoons, it remains quite abundant. In the same waters, there are many types of herons, including the highly sought-after little white heron, known for its beautiful feathers, which are used to make the popular aigrettes that women love to wear as accessories.
One of the most peculiar and conspicuous birds in Cuba is the ani, found everywhere throughout the Island where there are cattle, even approaching the outskirts of large cities. The ani is about the size of a small crow, jet black in color with a metallic sheen, and carries a peculiar crest on the upper mandible. It lives almost entirely on ticks or other parasitic insects that trouble cattle. It will sit perched on the back of an ox, hunting industriously for ticks, which process or favor is apparently enjoyed by the patient beasts.
One of the most unusual and noticeable birds in Cuba is the ani, which can be found all over the island wherever there are cattle, even near large cities. The ani is about the size of a small crow, jet black with a shiny metallic appearance, and has a unique crest on its upper beak. It primarily feeds on ticks and other parasitic insects that bother cattle. The ani can often be seen perched on the back of an ox, actively searching for ticks, a service that seems to be appreciated by the calm animals.
CHAPTER XXVI
STOCK RAISING
SOME of the men who followed Christopher Columbus across the Atlantic at the close of the 15th century were accustomed to stock raising in Spain, and all of them realized the value of the horse to the mounted warrior, armed with long lance or sharp cutlass, with which he could ride down the poor naked Indians of Cuba. They had come from Seville and the southern provinces, and had perhaps acquired their appreciation of the horse from the Arab, who made this noble animal his companion, and to all intents and purposes a member of his family.
SOME of the men who followed Christopher Columbus across the Atlantic at the end of the 15th century were used to raising livestock in Spain, and all of them recognized the importance of the horse to a mounted warrior, armed with a long lance or sharp cutlass, which he could use to charge at the defenseless naked Indians of Cuba. They had come from Seville and the southern provinces, and had likely developed their appreciation for the horse from the Arabs, who treated this noble animal as a companion and, in many ways, a member of their family.
The conquerors brought with them their animals and thus the equine race was introduced for the first time into the Western Hemisphere. All that came from Spain in the early days were of Arabian stock, which, although permitted to deteriorate, has still retained many of the characteristics of the parent stock, among which are endurance and gentleness. A colt that has always run wild over the ranges of Cuba, can be easily broken to the saddle in a few hours.
The conquerors brought their animals with them, introducing horses to the Western Hemisphere for the first time. The horses that arrived from Spain in the early days were of Arabian lineage, which, despite some decline, still kept many traits of their ancestors, including endurance and gentleness. A colt that has always roamed free on the ranges of Cuba can be easily trained to accept a saddle in just a few hours.
Owing to the abundance of food throughout the year, and to the absence of sleet, snow or cold rains, that sometimes chill and retard the growth of young colts, this Island is probably quite as well adapted to the breeding and raising of horses as any place in the world. During the first Government of Intervention, a large number of American horses were brought to Cuba by the Army of Occupation, and in spite of this abrupt change of climate and conditions, cavalry officers stated that never before had they found a place where their mounts seemed to thrive so well, and to remain so free from disease. Out of two thousand horses stationed at Camp Columbia, in the year 1901, only three were found in the hospital, two of these suffering from accidents, and the third, from a mild case of imported glanders.
Due to the abundance of food year-round and the lack of sleet, snow, or cold rain that can chill and slow the growth of young colts, this island is likely just as suitable for breeding and raising horses as anywhere else in the world. During the first Government of Intervention, a large number of American horses were brought to Cuba by the Army of Occupation, and despite the sudden change in climate and conditions, cavalry officers noted that they had never found a place where their mounts thrived so well and remained so free from disease. Out of two thousand horses stationed at Camp Columbia in 1901, only three were in the hospital, two of which were there due to accidents, and the third for a mild case of imported glanders.
The native horses, although smaller than the American, are hardy, gentle and easily kept, and unless taught to eat corn, invariably prefer the rich grasses to which they have always been accustomed. This native stock, when crossed with good Kentucky, Missouri or Montana stallions, produces really excellent service animals, especially for the saddle.
The local horses, while smaller than the American ones, are tough, friendly, and easy to care for, and unless they are trained to eat corn, they will always prefer the rich grasses they are used to. When this native breed is crossed with quality stallions from Kentucky, Missouri, or Montana, it creates truly outstanding working animals, especially for riding.
Since the accession of General Menocal to the Presidency, and especially since his appointment of General Sanchez Agramonte as Secretary of Agriculture, rapid strides have been made in the introduction of fine thoroughbred stallions, most of them gaited saddle animals that have been imported from Kentucky, and brought to Cuba for breeding purposes. These animals have been distributed by the Department of Agriculture throughout the different provinces, and improvement in resulting colts is already beginning to be apparent.
Since General Menocal became President, and especially since he appointed General Sanchez Agramonte as Secretary of Agriculture, there have been significant advances in bringing in high-quality thoroughbred stallions, mostly gaited saddle horses imported from Kentucky for breeding in Cuba. The Department of Agriculture has distributed these animals across various provinces, and improvements in the resulting colts are already starting to show.
Probably one half of the native horses of Cuba in 1895 were killed or rendered useless during the War of Independence, which began in that year. This, of course, was a great loss to the Island, but so rapid is the rate of increase in this balmy climate that horses have again become quite plentiful and consequently cheap.
Probably half of the native horses in Cuba in 1895 were killed or became useless during the War of Independence, which started that year. This was obviously a huge loss for the Island, but the rate at which horses reproduce in this pleasant climate is so fast that they have once again become quite abundant and, as a result, inexpensive.
Registered in the Department of Agriculture, in the year 1918, for the Province of Oriente, were 218,876 horses; in Santa Clara were 212,985; in Camaguey 129,023; in Matanzas, 108,900; in Havana, 94,214, and in Pinar del Rio, 63,021; making a total of 827,019 registered in the Island.
Registered in the Department of Agriculture, in the year 1918, for the Province of Oriente, were 218,876 horses; in Santa Clara were 212,985; in Camaguey 129,023; in Matanzas, 108,900; in Havana, 94,214; and in Pinar del Rio, 63,021; making a total of 827,019 registered in the Island.
The small, pony-built, light stepping, sure-footed horses, of the original or native stock of the Island, especially in the interior, are quite cheap; mares selling in some places at from $10 to $20, while geldings of the same grade will bring from $20 to $40, and stallions from $25 to $50.
The small, pony-built, light-stepping, sure-footed horses from the original stock of the Island, especially in the interior, are pretty affordable; mares sell for anywhere from $10 to $20, while geldings of the same grade go for $20 to $40, and stallions range from $25 to $50.
Nevertheless, a well gaited and spirited native saddle horse, in the City of Havana, will find a ready market at anywhere from $75 to $200. Imported saddle animals, well gaited, and from good stables, bring in Cuba prices varying from $300 to $2,000; the price varying with the merit of the animal and the fancy of the purchaser. With splendid grasses, balmy climate, and excellent water, there is no reason why the breeding of horses in Cuba, especially those types suited for fancy saddle animals, military remounts and polo ponies, should not be profitable and successful in every sense of the word.
However, a well-gaited and spirited native saddle horse in Havana will sell for anywhere between $75 and $200. Imported saddle horses, which are also well-gaited and come from reputable stables, can range in price from $300 to $2,000 in Cuba, depending on the quality of the animal and the preferences of the buyer. With excellent grass, a pleasant climate, and good water, there’s no reason why horse breeding in Cuba, especially for fancy saddle horses, military remounts, and polo ponies, shouldn’t be profitable and successful in every way.
Good mules are always in demand in Cuba, although not many are bred in the Island, and most of them up to the present have been imported from Missouri, Texas and other sections of the United States. Under normal conditions a pair of good mules in Havana will bring from $250 to $500. Scattered throughout the country in 1918 were approximately 61,000 mules, and about 3,250 asses.
Good mules are always in demand in Cuba, although not many are bred on the island, and most of them have been imported from Missouri, Texas, and other parts of the United States. Normally, a pair of good mules in Havana will sell for between $250 and $500. In 1918, there were around 61,000 mules and about 3,250 donkeys scattered throughout the country.
When the first Spanish settlers, most of whom were lured to Cuba through the hope of finding gold in quantities never realized, saw the great, broad and rich grass covered savannas of Camaguey, dreams of riches from cattle raising with far more promise than the fortunes expected from easily found gold tempered their disappointment, and laid the foundation for future prosperity.
When the first Spanish settlers, most of whom were attracted to Cuba by the hope of finding gold that never materialized, saw the vast, lush grass-covered plains of Camaguey, their dreams of wealth from cattle ranching, which promised far more than the gold they had hoped to find, eased their disappointment and set the stage for future prosperity.
A few cattle were brought over from Spain in the first expeditions and left at Santo Domingo, where they at once began to multiply and thrive. From this fountain head, Diego Velasquez brought several boatloads to Cuba, that were distributed among his friends in the seven cities of which he was the founder.
A few cattle were brought over from Spain on the first expeditions and left in Santo Domingo, where they quickly started to multiply and thrive. From this source, Diego Velasquez brought several boatloads to Cuba, which were shared among his friends in the seven cities he founded.
The original cattle were of a type peculiar to Spain in the 16th century; rather small, well shaped and handsome animals, of a light brown or dark jersey color, similar to that of the wild deer in shade, and usually carrying a dark streak along the spine, with a rather heavy cross of black at the shoulders. Although almost no care was given to these animals, and no attempt made at selection or improvement of the breed, they continued to multiply and thrive on the rich native grasses of the savannas throughout the Island.
The original cattle were a specific type native to Spain in the 16th century; they were relatively small, well-shaped, and attractive animals, with a light brown or dark jersey color, resembling the shade of wild deer, and often featured a dark stripe along their spines, with a noticeable dark cross at their shoulders. Despite receiving almost no care and no effort to select or improve the breed, they continued to reproduce and flourish on the lush native grasses of the savannas across the Island.
In 1895, there were approximately 3,000,000 head registered in Cuba by the Spanish colonial authorities. Beef was then plentiful and cheap, and Cuba was supplying the British colonies of the Bahama Islands with nearly all the meat consumed. Most of it was shipped from the harbor of Nuevitas across the banks to Nassau.
In 1895, the Spanish colonial authorities registered about 3,000,000 cattle in Cuba. Beef was abundant and affordable, and Cuba was providing almost all the meat consumed in the British colonies of the Bahamas. Most of it was shipped from the Nuevitas harbor across the banks to Nassau.
With the beginning of the War of Independence, as in all wars, food was a matter of prime necessity; hence the great herds of cattle roaming the fields of the eastern provinces became at once legitimate prey, and since there was no commissary department, and but little effort made on either side to protect beef from unnecessary slaughter, thousands of head of cattle were killed, not alone for food, but by each army, the insurgent and the Spanish, in order to prevent the other side from getting the benefit of the food. With this reckless method of destruction, at the expiration of the struggle in 1898, 85%, perhaps 90%, of the cattle of the Island had been wiped out of existence.
With the start of the War of Independence, as with all wars, food became a critical need; so, the large herds of cattle roaming the fields in the eastern provinces became legitimate targets. Since there was no supply department and little effort on either side to protect cattle from unnecessary slaughter, thousands of cattle were killed not only for food but also by both the insurgent and Spanish armies to prevent the other side from benefiting from it. Due to this reckless method of destruction, by the end of the conflict in 1898, 85%, maybe even 90%, of the island's cattle had been wiped out.
The shortage of beef, of course, was serious, and at the beginning of the first Government of Intervention steps were taken by General Brooke and later by General Wood to encourage the immediate importation of cattle from any locality where they might happen to be available. Hence cattle were imported indiscriminately from Texas, Louisiana, Florida and Venezuela, with the natural result that the breeding animals of succeeding years were composed of a very mixed and ill selected lot.
The shortage of beef was definitely a big deal, and at the start of the first Government of Intervention, General Brooke and later General Wood took steps to encourage the immediate importation of cattle from anywhere they could find them. As a result, cattle were imported from Texas, Louisiana, Florida, and Venezuela without much thought, leading to breeding stock in the following years that was a very mixed and poorly chosen group.
With the installation of the Republic, measures were taken to remedy this misfortune, and to improve the breed. Many private individuals who had always been interested in the cattle industry imported thoroughbred bulls from the United States. Quite a number of American stock raisers, mostly from Texas and other southern states, attracted by the stories of fine cheap grazing lands, with fresh grass throughout the year, came to Cuba and settled in Camaguey. Many of these brought with them a stock of better animals.
With the establishment of the Republic, steps were taken to fix this issue and enhance the livestock. Many private individuals who had always been passionate about the cattle industry imported purebred bulls from the United States. A significant number of American ranchers, primarily from Texas and other southern states, enticed by tales of excellent, affordable grazing land with fresh grass year-round, came to Cuba and settled in Camagüey. Many of these settlers brought along a herd of superior animals.
When General Menocal assumed the Presidency in 1913 the further importation of good cattle was encouraged, and an Agricultural Exposition or Stock Fair was held at the Quinto de Molinos, or Botanical Gardens in Havana, where stock breeders from all over the world vied with each other in the exhibition of fine, thoroughbred animals of many kinds. An excellent exhibition of Jerseys, imported in 1901 by Joaquin Quilez, then Governor of the Province of Pinar del Rio, represented a fine grade of milch cows.
When General Menocal became President in 1913, the importation of quality cattle was promoted, and an Agricultural Exposition or Stock Fair took place at Quinto de Molinos, or the Botanical Gardens in Havana, where breeders from around the globe competed to showcase their top-notch, thoroughbred animals of various types. A fantastic display of Jerseys, brought in 1901 by Joaquin Quilez, who was then the Governor of Pinar del Rio, showcased a high quality of dairy cows.
Cattle came not only from the United States, but crossed the Atlantic from Holland and from France, while a very attractive breed of handsome, dark red cattle, were placed on exhibition by the late Sir William Van Horne, which he had previously imported from the Western coast of Africa. Most interesting, perhaps, of all, were several specimens of the Zebu, a large variety of the sacred cattle of India, that had previously been introduced from abroad, and kept at the Experimental Station at Santiago de las Vegas.
Cattle came not just from the United States, but also crossed the Atlantic from Holland and France. A very attractive breed of beautiful, dark red cattle was showcased by the late Sir William Van Horne, which he had imported earlier from the western coast of Africa. Most interesting of all were several examples of the Zebu, a large type of the sacred cattle from India, that had been introduced from abroad and were kept at the Experimental Station in Santiago de las Vegas.
The Zebu, although of somewhat self-willed disposition, and with an inclination to jump any fence under seven feet, is nevertheless proving a very important addition to the breeding stock of Cuba. This largest specimen of the bovine species, standing at the shoulders some six feet in height, when crossed with the ordinary cow of Cuba, produces a much larger and stronger animal, with this very important advantage, that at two years of age, a weight equivalent to or in excess of the ordinary three years old, is attained, while the quality of the meat is in no way impaired.
The Zebu, while somewhat stubborn and likely to jump over any fence shorter than seven feet, is proving to be a significant addition to Cuba's breeding stock. This largest breed of cattle, standing about six feet at the shoulder, when mixed with the typical Cuban cow, produces a much bigger and stronger animal. An important benefit is that by the age of two, it reaches a weight equal to or greater than a typical three-year-old, and the quality of the meat remains unaffected.
The Zebu is not only valuable for beef breeding purposes but is probably unequaled in the capacity of a draft ox. A pair of Zebus, when yoked to a cart or wagon, will drop into a trot with an ordinary load at daylight in the morning, and without serious effort make fifty miles by sunset. The strength of these animals is almost incredible, and the cross with the common cow will undoubtedly furnish a valuable adjunct to successful stock growing in the Republic.
The Zebu is not just useful for beef production; it likely excels as a draft ox. A pair of Zebus, when hitched to a cart or wagon, can start trotting with a regular load at dawn and cover fifty miles by sunset without much strain. The strength of these animals is almost unbelievable, and crossing them with regular cows will certainly provide a valuable addition to successful livestock farming in the Republic.
In all stock raising enterprises, plenty of fresh water is absolutely essential. Rivers or running streams are most desirable acquisitions to any ranch. Where these cannot be found, wells are usually sunk and water met at depths varying from twenty to two hundred feet. In the foothills and mountainous districts, never failing streams are found in abundance.
In all livestock operations, having plenty of fresh water is absolutely essential. Rivers or flowing streams are the most desirable additions to any ranch. Where these aren’t available, wells are typically drilled, and water is found at depths ranging from twenty to two hundred feet. In the foothills and mountainous areas, reliable streams are plentiful.
There still remain hundreds of thousands of acres of well watered and well drained lands, that possess all the conditions desired for stock raising. Much of the territory formerly devoted to grazing has been recently planted in sugar cane, owing to the high prices of sugar, resulting from the European War. In spite of this fact there are still large tracts in nearly every province of the Island that not only are available for stock raising, but would, if sown in grasses and forage plants, produce, under proper management, returns per acre quite as satisfactory as those derived from sugar cane.
There are still hundreds of thousands of acres of well-watered and well-drained land that have all the right conditions for raising livestock. Much of the land that used to be used for grazing has recently been converted to sugar cane farming due to high sugar prices resulting from the European War. Despite this, there are still large areas in nearly every province of the Island that are not only suitable for livestock but would also yield returns per acre that are just as good as those from sugar cane if they were planted with grass and forage crops, under proper management.
In both Havana and Matanzas Provinces good lands command a price that is rather prohibitive for grazing purposes. But in Pinar del Rio, and the three large eastern provinces of the Island, there are still extensive tracts, both in the level sections, and in the foothills, that are ideal grazing lands, and if not absorbed in the near future by the cane planters, these lands will eventually, owing to their advantages for stock raising, yield revenues quite as satisfactory as those of any other in the Republic.
In both Havana and Matanzas Provinces, good land is quite expensive for grazing. However, in Pinar del Rio and the three large eastern provinces of the Island, there are still vast areas, both in flat regions and in the foothills, that are perfect for grazing. If these lands are not taken over by sugarcane farmers soon, they will ultimately provide income—thanks to their benefits for raising livestock—that is just as satisfactory as that of any other place in the Republic.
These lands can be secured at the present time, in large tracts, at prices varying from $15 to $50 per acre, and if properly administered, will easily yield an annual net return from 25% to 50% on the investment. One prominent stock raiser in the Province of Camaguey, an American who, starting with nothing, has built up a very tidy fortune in the last ten years, stated that his return in the year 1918 represented a profit of 104% on his capital invested. This excellent showing, however, may have resulted from the practice of buying calves at low figures that have been dropped in less advantageous sections, and removing them to rich potreros where they were quickly fattened for the Havana market.
These lands can currently be secured in large areas, with prices ranging from $15 to $50 per acre, and if managed well, they can easily yield an annual net return of 25% to 50% on the investment. One notable cattle rancher in the Province of Camaguey, an American who started with nothing and has built a decent fortune over the last ten years, reported that his return in 1918 was a profit of 104% on his invested capital. However, this impressive result may have come from the practice of buying calves at low prices in less favorable areas and moving them to rich pastures where they quickly gained weight for the Havana market.
Cuba at the present time is importing approximately $10,000,000 worth of pork and pork products annually, notwithstanding the fact that this Island, owing to exceptional conditions for raising hogs economically, could not only supply the local demand, but could and will ultimately, export pork products to all of the Latin American countries bordering on the Caribbean Sea and the Gulf of Mexico.
Cuba is currently importing about $10,000,000 worth of pork and pork products each year, even though this island, due to its ideal conditions for raising pigs economically, could not only meet local demand but will eventually be able to export pork products to all the Latin American countries around the Caribbean Sea and the Gulf of Mexico.
Hogs breed twice a year in Cuba, and the climate, free from extremes of heat or cold, enables probably a larger percentage of the young to be brought to maturity, with less care and less risk, than in any section of the United States. Science today has rendered it possible to eliminate the danger from contagious disease to pork; hence it is that raising of small stock, especially hogs, under the supervision of intelligent management, is bound to prove one of the most remunerative industries of this country.
Hogs breed twice a year in Cuba, and the climate, which avoids extreme heat or cold, likely allows a greater percentage of young pigs to reach maturity with less care and risk compared to any area in the United States. Advances in science have made it possible to remove the threat of contagious diseases affecting pork; therefore, raising small stock, especially hogs, with smart management is expected to become one of the most profitable industries in this country.
Hogs were introduced into Cuba from Spain by the early Spanish settlers, but no effort was made either to improve the breed by selection or even to prevent its retrograding through lack of care and good food. Nearly all hogs raised in Cuba, even at the present time, are permitted to run in droves in the forests and foothills of the thinly settled sections, as did their ancestors four centuries ago.
Hogs were brought to Cuba from Spain by early Spanish settlers, but no attempts were made to enhance the breed through selection or even to stop its decline due to neglect and poor nutrition. Almost all hogs raised in Cuba today are still allowed to roam in groups in the forests and hills of sparsely populated areas, just like their ancestors did four hundred years ago.
Even the owners of these droves have but little idea of the number of hogs belonging to them. Monteros, or forest men, are hired to herd them, which is done with the assistance of dogs. The hogs in this way are followed from place to place where the forests may furnish natural food for the mothers and their progeny. As a rule, at evening each day, the montero or herder, in order to keep up a partial contact between him and his drove, carries a few ears of corn slung over his shoulder in a sack, or to the saddle of his horse. This he shells and drops as he rides along the narrow trails of the forest, uttering at the same time a peculiar cry or call, heard in the mountain jungles of the hog districts, when the monteros are coaxing their herds out into the open, so that they may catch a glimpse of them before they dodge back into the leafy glades of the interior.
Even the owners of these herds have little idea of how many hogs they actually have. Monteros, or forest men, are hired to take care of them, with the help of dogs. The hogs are followed from place to place wherever the forests provide natural food for the mothers and their young. Typically, each evening, the montero or herder carries a few ears of corn in a sack over his shoulder or on the saddle of his horse to maintain some connection with his herd. He shells the corn and spreads it on the narrow forest trails while calling out with a distinctive cry heard in the mountainous areas where these hogs roam, coaxing the herds into the open for a moment before they quickly retreat back into the dense underbrush.
This semi-savage breed of hogs of course would cause a smile if seen on a first-class stock farm in the United States. He is usually black in color, long and lank, resembling very much the “razor back,” once common in the southern part of the United States. He is prolific, a good fighter, and hustles for his own living, since nothing is provided for him excepting what he picks up in the forest. This, however, is pretty good feed.
This wild breed of hogs would definitely make you smile if you saw them on a top-notch farm in the United States. They're usually black, long, and skinny, and they really resemble the "razorback" that used to be common in the southern U.S. They're very fertile, tough fighters, and fend for themselves since they rely on whatever they can find in the woods. Luckily, there's plenty of good food available.
The royal palm that covers many of the hillsides and slopes of the long mountain chains throughout Cuba, produces a small nut called palmiche, which furnishes a never-failing food and aids the stock man greatly in raising hogs. The palmiche, picked up by the animals at the base of the palms or cut by the monteros, who with the assistance of a rope easily climb these tall smooth barked ornaments of the forest, will keep animals in fairly good condition throughout the year.
The royal palm that grows on many hillsides and slopes of the long mountain ranges across Cuba produces a small nut called palmiche. This nut is a reliable food source and helps farmers a lot in raising pigs. The palmiche is either gathered by the animals at the base of the palms or collected by the hunters, who can easily climb these tall, smooth-barked trees with a rope. This food will keep the animals in decent shape throughout the year.
The palmiche, however, although only about the size of the kernel of a hazel nut, is very hard, and much of it is rather indigestible. This nut, when ground and pressed yields about 20% of excellent oil, either for lubricating or commercial purposes, while the residue of the nut, or pressed cake of the palmiche, from which the worthless part has been separated previous to grinding, owing to its rich content of protein and oil, furnishes an easily digested and splendid food.
The palmiche, although only about the size of a hazelnut, is very hard and much of it is quite indigestible. This nut, when ground and pressed, produces about 20% excellent oil, suitable for lubricating or commercial purposes. Meanwhile, the leftover material from the palmiche, or the pressed cake after the useless parts have been removed before grinding, is rich in protein and oil, making it a delicious and easily digestible food.
The recent demand for oil has resulted in the introduction of a number of presses in Cuba since the beginning of the European War, and the palmiche cake is being placed on the market as a stock food product. In this form it is quite probable that a valuable adjunct will soon be added to the other natural foods of the country.
The recent demand for oil has led to the introduction of several presses in Cuba since the start of the European War, and palmiche cake is now being marketed as an animal feed product. In this way, it’s likely that a valuable addition will soon be made to the other natural foods of the country.
Palmiche fed pork in Cuba, or for that matter wherever it has been eaten, is considered a greater delicacy than any other pork in the world, and in this Island is preferred to either turkey or chicken. This is owing to the peculiar nutty flavor which the palmiche imparts to the meat of the forest-bred hog. Young palmiche fed pork, known as lechon, roasted over a hardwood or charcoal fire, during the holidays of Christmas and New Year’s in Havana, readily retails at 75¢ to $1 per pound, and little roasting pigs at that time of the year will bring from five to ten dollars each.
Palmiche-fed pork in Cuba, or anywhere else it's eaten, is seen as a greater delicacy than any other pork in the world, and on the island, it's favored over turkey or chicken. This is because of the unique nutty flavor that palmiche gives to the meat of the forest-raised hog. Young palmiche-fed pork, called lechon, roasted over a hardwood or charcoal fire during the Christmas and New Year's holidays in Havana, usually sells for 75¢ to $1 per pound, and small roasting pigs during this time can cost anywhere from five to ten dollars each.
The pork industry, however, in Cuba, to be really successful should be conducted along lines similar to those of the United States. Excellent food can be provided for hogs, fresh and sweet at all times of the year, simply by planting the various crops with reference to the season and period needed for feeding. Among those foods best adapted to sows and growing pigs in Cuba are peanuts, cow peas, sweet potatoes, sugar cane, calabasa or pumpkins, chufas, malanga, and other root crops peculiar to the country. For topping off, or putting into condition, shoats for six weeks before being sent to market should be fed on either corn or yucca, or both.
The pork industry in Cuba could really thrive if it followed a model similar to that of the United States. Hogs can be fed excellent, fresh food all year round just by planting various crops according to the seasons and timing needed for feeding. Some of the best foods for sows and growing pigs in Cuba include peanuts, cow peas, sweet potatoes, sugar cane, calabaza (pumpkins), chufas, malanga, and other local root crops. To prepare shoats for market, they should be fed corn or yucca, or both, for six weeks beforehand.
The latter, yucca, is one of the best root crops grown in the Island for fattening hogs. The tuber, some three or four feet in length, with a diameter of three or four inches, comes from a closely jointed plant that at maturity varies in height from three to five feet. The stalk of these plants, if cut into short joints, and planted in furrows about three feet apart, produces its crop of tubers in about twelve months, although the yield will increase for five or six months after this. The yucca tubers are covered with a cocoanut brown peel, while the inside, consisting of almost pure starch, is white as milk.
The yucca is one of the best root crops grown on the island for fattening pigs. The tuber can be three to four feet long and about three or four inches in diameter, coming from a plant with closely spaced joints that grows three to five feet tall when mature. If you cut the stalks into short pieces and plant them in furrows about three feet apart, they'll produce tubers in about twelve months, though the yield will keep increasing for another five or six months. The yucca tubers have a coconut brown skin, while the inside, which is nearly pure starch, is white like milk.
Yucca will produce a splendid, firm fat on pork in a very short time, and has the advantage over corn in the fact that the weight of the crop, from an acre of land, varies from four to twelve tons, according to the quality of the soil, and hogs delight in harvesting the crop themselves.
Yucca will create a wonderful, solid fat on pork in no time, and it has the edge over corn because the yield from an acre of land can range from four to twelve tons, depending on the soil quality, and pigs enjoy gathering the crop themselves.
At the Experimental Station at Santiago de las Vegas may be seen many excellent breeds of hogs that were introduced from the United States some years ago. Among these are found the Duroc or Jersey Red, the Hampshire, the Chester White, the Berkshire and Tamworth, all of which under the favorable conditions found at the Station have done remarkably well. Interesting experiments on the various foods of the Island, and their adaptability as food for hogs, are being carried on there throughout the year. Those breeds which seem to give the greatest promise, up to the present, are the Duroc and the Hampshire. Some very interesting animals have been produced from crosses between Hampshires, Durocs and Tamworths, the shoulder mark or saddle band of the Hampshire being prominent in all of its crosses.
At the Experimental Station in Santiago de las Vegas, you can see many excellent breeds of hogs that were brought in from the United States a few years ago. Among them are the Duroc or Jersey Red, the Hampshire, the Chester White, the Berkshire, and the Tamworth, all of which have thrived under the favorable conditions at the Station. They are conducting interesting experiments on the various foods available on the Island and how suitable they are for hogs throughout the year. So far, the breeds that show the most promise are the Duroc and the Hampshire. Some very interesting animals have emerged from crosses between Hampshires, Durocs, and Tamworths, with the shoulder mark or saddle band of the Hampshire being prominent in all the hybrids.
The population of Cuba is rapidly approaching three millions, and no people in the world are more addicted to the use of pork in all its forms than those not only in Cuba but in all the Latin American Republics lying to the west and south of the Caribbean. The hog industry at the present time does not begin to supply the local demand, and probably will not for some years to come. Fresh pork before the European war seldom varied throughout the year from the standard price of ten cents per pound on the hoof, while hams imported from the United States brought twenty-five cents at wholesale in Havana.
The population of Cuba is quickly approaching three million, and no group of people in the world loves pork in all its forms more than those in Cuba and in the Latin American countries to the west and south of the Caribbean. Right now, the hog industry can't even meet the local demand, and it probably won't for a few more years. Before the European war, fresh pork rarely changed throughout the year from the standard price of ten cents per pound on the hoof, while hams imported from the United States sold for twenty-five cents wholesale in Havana.
With the use of dams and turbines, power can be easily secured from the many mountain streams with which to furnish refrigeration and cold storage, and there is no reason why a pork-packing industry, combining the curing of hams, shoulders, etc., should not be carried on successfully. Branches of large packing houses in the United States have long imported their hams and shoulders, in brine, afterwards smoking them in Cuba. Experts in pork packing soon discovered that most of the small hard woods of the Cuban forests were splendidly adapted for smoking meat, giving it a piquant and aromatic flavor, pleasing to the taste.
With dams and turbines, generating power from the many mountain streams can easily provide refrigeration and cold storage. There’s no reason a pork-packing industry, which includes curing hams, shoulders, and more, shouldn’t thrive. Large packing houses in the United States have been importing their hams and shoulders in brine for a long time, then smoking them in Cuba. Experts in pork packing quickly found that most of the small hardwoods in the Cuban forests are perfect for smoking meat, giving it a flavorful and aromatic taste that people enjoy.
With the large local demand for hams, shoulders, bacon, etc., a profitable business is assured from the beginning, while the proximity of so many Latin Republics south and west of the Caribbean render the prospect of the export trade very promising.
With the high local demand for hams, shoulders, bacon, and more, a profitable business is guaranteed from the start, while the closeness of many Latin Republics to the south and west of the Caribbean makes the export trade look very promising.
Owing to the genial climate, sheep in Cuba, lacking the necessity for wool with which to retain warmth, very naturally lose it within a comparatively few years. Mutton, however, always commands a good price in the local markets, hence it is that the raising of sheep for food, especially by those small farmers who are close to large markets, will always yield a satisfactory return.
Due to the friendly climate, sheep in Cuba don’t need wool to keep warm and therefore naturally lose it after a few years. However, mutton always sells for a good price in local markets, so raising sheep for food, especially for small farmers near large markets, will always be profitable.
The large hotels of Havana, especially during the tourist season, are compelled to supply mutton of good quality to their guests, and since the local supply is not sufficient, a considerable amount of this excellent food is imported, dressed, from the United States. In this latitude, where green grass may be found in abundance throughout the year, sheep may be profitably raised and used in many ways. They are close grazers and will keep down the heavy growth of grass in citrus fruit groves, and also along the roadsides and in the surface drains that border hundreds of miles of automobile drives scattered throughout the Island.
The big hotels in Havana, especially during the tourist season, have to provide high-quality mutton for their guests. Since the local supply isn't enough, a significant amount of this excellent meat is imported, prepared, from the United States. In this area, where green grass is available all year round, sheep can be raised profitably and used in various ways. They graze closely and will help control the excessive grass growth in citrus groves, as well as along the roadsides and in the surface drains lining the hundreds of miles of driveways scattered across the Island.
Thousands of dollars are expended by the Department of Public Works every year in cutting out this rank growth of grass, so that the flow of water in the ditches may not be impeded. This work could undoubtedly be done by sheep, and a great deal of manual labor be saved, if the system of roadside grazing was once introduced into this country. Sheep are found in small numbers throughout all parts of the Island, and up to the present the Government has made no attempt to register them.
Thousands of dollars are spent by the Department of Public Works every year to cut down this overgrown grass so that water can flow freely in the ditches. This job could definitely be done by sheep, saving a lot of manual labor, if roadside grazing were introduced in this country. Sheep are present in small numbers all over the Island, and until now, the Government has not attempted to register them.
So far no discrimination has been used in introducing those breeds of sheep best suited for the production of mutton. That which the Island has is usually tender, and of excellent flavor, and if small farmers would take the trouble to import good rams from desirable breeds in the United States, the raising of mutton, even as a side issue, would add greatly to the revenue of farms located near large consuming centers.
So far, there hasn’t been any discrimination in bringing in the sheep breeds that are best for producing mutton. The sheep available on the Island are usually tender and flavorful. If small farmers made the effort to import quality rams from preferred breeds in the United States, raising mutton—even as a secondary venture—would significantly increase the income of farms near major consumer markets.
The Republic of Mexico for many years has derived a very large revenue from the sale of goat skins, most of which were purchased by the New England shoe factories, while the by-products in the form of salted and sun dried meat, fat and other materials, always command a market. Recent years of devastation, however, have practically annihilated all of the great herds once so profitable, since for three or four years they furnished food to the roving bands of different contestants in that unfortunate country.
The Republic of Mexico has for many years earned a significant income from selling goat skins, mostly bought by shoe factories in New England, while the by-products like salted and sun-dried meat, fat, and other materials always have a market. However, recent years of destruction have nearly wiped out all the large herds that were once so profitable, as they provided food for the roaming groups fighting over that unfortunate country for three or four years.
In the various mountain chains, foothills and fertile ravines of Cuba are hundreds of thousands of acres of forest land, in much of which sufficient sunlight enters to permit of new growth, the tender shoots of which are preferred by both goats and deer to any other food in the world. More than all, the goat is by nature a hill climber, and is never content until he gains the nearest ascent from which he can look down on his companions below.
In the various mountain ranges, foothills, and fertile valleys of Cuba, there are hundreds of thousands of acres of forest land, much of which receives enough sunlight to allow for new growth, which is preferred by both goats and deer over any other food in the world. More than anything else, the goat is naturally a climber and is never satisfied until it reaches the nearest height where it can look down on its companions below.
For many years to come, most of these vast ranges will be unfenced and free, and the keeping of the goats will require nothing more than a herder with a couple of good dogs for every thousand head. With this excellent food that can serve no other purpose, and the splendid water of mountain streams, the goat industry in Cuba could not fail to be profitable, and yet the raising of goats has never been considered there commercially.
For many years ahead, most of these vast areas will remain open and unfenced, and taking care of the goats will only need a herder with a few good dogs for every thousand animals. With the abundant food that has no other use and the great water from mountain streams, the goat industry in Cuba should definitely be profitable, yet raising goats has never been seen as a commercial venture there.
Under the management of men who are familiar with the raising of goats for their hides, and by-products, there is no reason why this industry should not assume importance in Cuba, especially since these animals are invaluable for cleaning out undergrowth economically and effectively.
Under the management of people who know how to raise goats for their hides and other products, there’s no reason this industry shouldn’t become significant in Cuba, especially since these animals are essential for clearing out underbrush in a cost-effective and efficient way.
Although it is a well established fact that the Angora goat will thrive in any country that is not low and damp, with the exception a few pairs of Angoras, that were introduced at the Experimental Station at Santiago de las Vegas some years ago, the breeding of this variety of goat has never attracted the attention which it deserves. Those of the station, although not located under the ideal conditions which prevail in the mountains, have nevertheless fulfilled the reputation which this animal enjoys in other parts of the world.
Although it's a well-known fact that the Angora goat can thrive in any country that's not low and damp, aside from a few pairs that were brought to the Experimental Station at Santiago de las Vegas a few years ago, breeding this type of goat has never received the attention it deserves. The goats at the station, though not in the ideal conditions found in the mountains, have still lived up to the reputation this animal holds in other parts of the world.
The Angora, unlike the sheep, does not lose or drop its beautiful silky fleece when introduced into a warm climate. It is, however, desirable to shear the mohair twice a year instead of once, in order to avoid loss that might come from pushing its way through heavy underbrush in the mountains. In raising or breeding this variety of goat, where the long fine fleece is the chief source of income, provision should be made for rounding up and coralling the herd each night, in order to insure against the possibility of loss from dogs or theft, although the goat himself is an excellent fighter, and stoutly resents the intrusion of any enemy.
The Angora, unlike sheep, doesn’t shed or drop its beautiful silky fleece when it’s in a warm climate. However, it’s better to shear the mohair twice a year instead of once to prevent losses from getting caught in thick underbrush in the mountains. When raising or breeding this type of goat, where the long fine fleece is the main source of income, it’s important to round up and corral the herd every night to protect against the possibility of loss from dogs or theft, even though the goat itself is a great fighter and strongly resents any intruder.
Under favorable circumstances the annual increase of kids will amount to 100% of the number of ewes in the flock. The young bucks, of course, when a year old may be sold at a profit, as is the ordinary goat, but since the finest yield of hair comes from the younger animals, it would seem ill advised to dispose of them until at least five or six years old.
Under good conditions, the annual increase of kids will be 100% of the number of ewes in the flock. The young bucks can be sold for a profit when they turn a year old, like typical goats, but since the best hair comes from younger animals, it would be unwise to sell them until they are at least five or six years old.
The average price of a good angora ewe for breeding purposes is about $15, and the value of the mohair has been increasing steadily for the past ten years. Its price, of course, depends on the length and fineness of the fleece, and varies at the present time from 75¢ to $1 per pound. When it is considered that a good angora will produce five or six pounds of fleece each year, and that the entire expense is practically that of herding and clipping, the profit of the business is apparent. On the basis of a six-pound yield to each goat, and an average price of 83-1/3¢, a revenue of $12,000 would be derived from a herd of 2,400 goats that would cost $36,000; or in other words the net returns would exceed 25% on the capital invested.
The average price for a good angora ewe for breeding is around $15, and the value of mohair has been steadily increasing for the past ten years. Its price depends on the length and quality of the fleece, currently ranging from 75¢ to $1 per pound. Considering that a good angora can produce five or six pounds of fleece each year, and the only expenses are herding and shearing, the profitability of the business is clear. Based on a six-pound yield per goat and an average price of 83-1/3¢, a herd of 2,400 goats could generate a revenue of $12,000 with a cost of $36,000; in other words, the net returns would exceed 25% on the capital invested.
Aside from a sufficient amount of land on which to establish night corrals, and the purchase of a few good collie dogs, there need be no other initial expense than that of the purchase of breeding animals themselves. Good herders can be readily secured at a salary of $50 per month and the feeding range is not only free but practically unlimited.
Aside from having enough land to set up night corrals and buying a few good collie dogs, there shouldn't be any other upfront costs besides purchasing the breeding animals themselves. You can easily hire good herders for a salary of $50 a month, and the feeding range is not only free but practically unlimited.
When it is considered that the angora, when living on high lands, with plentiful food and water, is free from disease, and that the capital stock is multiplying at the rate of 50% per year, with an overhead expense that may be considered as almost nothing, and an absolutely assured market at good prices for the mohair, the raising and breeding of angora goats would seem to be a very profitable investment in Cuba.
Considering that angora goats, when raised in high-altitude areas with plenty of food and water, are disease-free, and that the breeding stock is increasing by 50% each year with minimal overhead costs, plus a guaranteed market for mohair at favorable prices, raising and breeding angora goats appears to be a highly profitable investment in Cuba.
The deer of Cuba, while resembling in color, general form and configuration of antlers the deer of Florida, is somewhat smaller in size, the average height of the buck at the shoulders being only about three feet. Although hunted considerably during the open season, they are still very plentiful in Cuba, and if not chased by dogs soon become quite tame.
The deer in Cuba, while similar in color, overall shape, and antler structure to the deer in Florida, are a bit smaller, with the average buck standing about three feet tall at the shoulders. Even though they are hunted quite a bit during the open season, they are still quite abundant in Cuba, and if they aren't chased by dogs, they quickly become fairly tame.
If deer parks or reserves were established in the mountains where these animals could be confined, cared for and bred, a market for venison could undoubtedly be found in the United States, while many city parks and zoological gardens would find them interesting and ornamental as an exhibit of the Cervidae family from Cuba.
If deer parks or reserves were set up in the mountains where these animals could be kept, cared for, and bred, there would definitely be a market for venison in the United States. Many urban parks and zoos would also find them intriguing and decorative as an exhibit of the Cervidae family from Cuba.
CHAPTER XXVII
POULTRY: BEES: SPONGES
NOTWITHSTANDING the fact that several millions a year are expended by the people of the Republic in bringing poultry and eggs to Cuba, no steps were taken towards what might be termed systematic poultry raising until American colonists began experimenting with different breeds brought from the United States during the first Government of Intervention. And even since that time there are very few who have carried on really scientific experiments towards determining what varieties of chickens may give the best results in this country.
NOTWITHSTANDING the fact that several million dollars a year are spent by the people of the Republic on bringing poultry and eggs to Cuba, no efforts were made towards what could be called systematic poultry farming until American colonists started experimenting with different breeds brought from the United States during the first Government of Intervention. Even since then, very few have conducted truly scientific experiments to figure out which chicken varieties might yield the best results in this country.
In regard to breeds it would seem that the Rhode Island Red has the preference in Cuba, although many others, including the Wyandotte, Plymouth Rock and Orpington, as well as the Black Minorcan and other Mediterranean breeds, have their advocates here as in the United States.
In terms of breeds, it seems that the Rhode Island Red is the favorite in Cuba, though many others, including the Wyandotte, Plymouth Rock, and Orpington, as well as the Black Minorcan and other Mediterranean breeds, also have their supporters here like they do in the United States.
The native hen of the Island sprang probably from some Mediterranean breed, that through lack of care has sadly degenerated. She is rather prolific as a layer, however, and asks no assistance in finding her own food, nor will a quarter of a mile flight give her the slightest difficulty.
The native hen of the Island likely came from some Mediterranean breed, but due to neglect, it has sadly deteriorated. However, she is quite prolific as a layer and doesn’t need help finding her own food; even a quarter-mile flight is no challenge for her.
The one breed that has been given a very high degree of attention in Cuba is the fighting cock, whose value may run anywhere from $5 to $100 or more. On these is bestowed more care than is received by any prize chicken in the north. They are serviceable, of course, only for purposes of sport, fighting chickens being a favorite pastime of the country people in all Latin American countries. The native hen of Cuba, when crossed with well bred Rhode Island Red or Plymouth Rock roosters, produces a very good all around chicken, which will thrive even under adverse conditions.
The breed that gets a lot of attention in Cuba is the fighting cock, which can be worth anywhere from $5 to $100 or more. These birds receive more care than any prize chicken in the northern states. Of course, they’re only useful for sport, as fighting chickens are a popular pastime among country folks throughout Latin America. When the native hen of Cuba is crossed with well-bred Rhode Island Red or Plymouth Rock roosters, it produces a very good all-around chicken that can thrive even in tough conditions.
In the fall of 1915, President Menocal imported from the United States several thousand excellent hens for experimental and breeding purposes. These are installed in modern poultry houses on his farm, “El Chico,” only a few miles from the City of Havana, and have done very well.
In the fall of 1915, President Menocal brought in several thousand top-quality hens from the United States for experimental and breeding purposes. These hens are housed in modern poultry facilities on his farm, "El Chico," just a few miles from Havana, and they have thrived.
Turkeys, too, do remarkably well in Cuba when given free range, and they are not subject to those ills which result from sleet, snow and chilling winds that decimate the little ones in most parts of the United States.
Turkeys also thrive in Cuba when allowed to roam freely, and they don’t suffer from the ailments caused by sleet, snow, and cold winds that often decimate young ones in many areas of the United States.
Cuba seems to be the natural home of the Guinea hen since those foods which this fowl likes best are found in all parts of the Island, and in many sections Guineas have escaped from domestication, taken to the forest and formed great flocks of both white and grey varieties. These furnish splendid wing shooting to those who enjoy the sport.
Cuba appears to be the perfect habitat for the Guinea hen because the foods it prefers are available throughout the island. In many areas, Guineas have escaped from domestication, gone into the forest, and formed large flocks of both white and gray varieties. This provides fantastic wing shooting opportunities for those who like the sport.
In view of the rapidly increasing demand for Guinea pullets in all of the big hotels in the United States, where they seem to be taking the place of the prairie chicken of the past, it would seem that the raising of Guinea hens for the American market should certainly prove extremely profitable. Fields of the short or white millet planted on any farm will serve to keep them satisfied, and at the same time diminish the tendency to wander away from home. In a country where neither shelter or food is needed, and where the birds command very remunerative prices, Guinea raising ought to be tempting.
Given the quickly growing demand for Guinea pullets in the major hotels in the United States, where they appear to be replacing the prairie chicken of the past, raising Guinea hens for the American market should definitely be very profitable. Planting fields of short or white millet on any farm will keep them content and reduce their inclination to stray from home. In a country where neither shelter nor food is required, and where the birds fetch very good prices, raising Guineas should be appealing.
Very few have gone into poultry raising along scientific or intelligent lines, which seems rather odd when we consider that fresh eggs vary in price from four to five cents, under normal conditions, all the year round, and chickens of the most scrawny type bring from sixty cents to one dollar.
Very few people have approached raising chickens in a scientific or smart way, which seems strange considering that fresh eggs typically cost around four to five cents year-round, and even the scrawniest chickens sell for sixty cents to a dollar.
The poultry business offers many advantages in Cuba; first of which may be mentioned, an excellent local market for both chickens and eggs; second, that green food and insects may be found in abundance throughout the year; that open or wire screen houses alone are necessary for protection, the necessity for artificial heat being, of course, non existent.
In a country free from frost and where flowers bloom more or less continuously throughout the year, we might expect to find and do find a Bee paradise. Often, in seeking shelter either from a tropical sun or a threatening shower, in the shade of one of the Magotes of Pinar del Rio, or while passing through the deep, rock-walled pass of the Paredones, in the Sierra de Cubitas, one will find pools of a strange looking substance in the dust at his feet. Investigation discloses the fact that it is honey, fallen from overhanging rocks where wild bees have made their homes in the cavities above, the warmth of the sun having melted an overfilled comb so that the honey collected at the foot of the cliff below.
In a country without frost, where flowers bloom almost all year round, we might expect to find and indeed do find a bee paradise. Often, while seeking shelter from either a tropical sun or a looming rainstorm, in the shade of one of the Magotes of Pinar del Rio, or as you pass through the deep, rock-walled gorge of the Paredones in the Sierra de Cubitas, you'll notice pools of a strange-looking substance in the dust at your feet. A closer look reveals that it’s honey, fallen from the overhanging rocks where wild bees have made their homes in the cavities above. The sun's warmth has melted an overfilled comb, causing the honey to gather at the base of the cliff below.
Native wild bees are very plentiful in Cuba, and strange to say possess no sting, but produce a honey that is very sweet. During the latter part of the 16th century a German variety of bee was introduced, from the Spanish colony of Saint Augustine, Florida. About the middle of the 19th century the Italian bee was introduced, and is probably more productive of honey than any other in Cuba. With the coming of American colonists in 1900, modern hives were introduced and the business of gathering and exporting both honey and wax was systematized for the first time.
Native wild bees are really abundant in Cuba, and strangely enough, they don’t sting, but they produce very sweet honey. In the late 16th century, a German type of bee was brought in from the Spanish colony of Saint Augustine, Florida. Around the middle of the 19th century, the Italian bee was introduced and is likely the most honey-producing bee in Cuba. When American colonists arrived in 1900, modern hives were introduced, and the process of collecting and exporting both honey and wax was organized for the first time.
Many large apiaries exist, especially in the province of Pinar del Rio. Those who devote their time to the culture of bees naturally seek the various localities where flowers are plentiful, sometimes moving the hives from one section to another in order to take advantage of the presence of honey-bearing flowers in various localities. The bloom of the royal palm, so plentifully scattered over the Island, especially in those mountainous districts where the soil is deep and rich, furnishes an excellent food for bees, as do the morning glory, the flowering majagua and hundreds of other plants whose local Spanish names cannot be interpreted.
Many large bee farms are found, particularly in the province of Pinar del Río. Those who spend their time raising bees actively look for areas where flowers are abundant, sometimes relocating the hives from one spot to another to take advantage of the availability of nectar-producing flowers in different places. The bloom of the royal palm, which is widely spread across the Island, especially in mountainous regions where the soil is deep and fertile, provides excellent nourishment for the bees, as do the morning glory, the flowering majagua, and hundreds of other plants whose local Spanish names are hard to translate.
In the location of bee colonies the character and quantity of the food is a matter of prime importance. The honey yielding flowers, on which the bees depend for their sustenance, vary greatly with the locality, especially with its proximity to the coast or to the mountains. The sources of wax, too, vary greatly with the location. As an illustration, foundation comb in Cuba should never be supplied to bees located near the coast, since experience has proved that they will build up comb much faster near the coast without the assistance of artificial foundation.
In the area where bee colonies are found, the type and amount of food is extremely important. The flowers that produce honey, which the bees rely on for food, differ significantly depending on the location, especially regarding how close it is to the coast or mountains. The sources of wax also vary widely based on the area. For example, foundation comb in Cuba should never be given to bees located near the coast, as experience has shown that they will create comb much more quickly near the coast without the need for artificial foundation.
The quality of honey, too, depends much upon the nature of the flowers found in any given locality. In the interior nearly all honey is of excellent quality, while on the coast, quite a large percentage will lack more or less in flavor, and is almost subject to danger from fermentation. It has been noted too that colonies in the interior, when young queens are available, will swarm, even when not crowded for room; whereas on the coast bees do not swarm so readily, probably because they have such an abundance of wax with which to build comb.
The quality of honey also depends a lot on the types of flowers in a particular area. In the inland regions, most honey is really high quality, while on the coast, a significant amount tends to be less flavorful and is more prone to fermentation. It's also been observed that colonies in the inland areas will swarm when young queens are present, even if they're not short on space. In contrast, bees on the coast don't swarm as easily, likely because they have plenty of wax to build their comb.
During the month of January bees secure an abundance of food throughout the interior from the Aguinaldo Blanco, or white morning-glory. On the coast a large amount of honey is derived from the bloom of a small tree, not botanically classified, during a short period of seldom more than a week. In February, throughout the interior, bees derive large quantities of honey from flowers of the Rapitingua and from the Mango, while on the coast, during this month, food is not abundant.
During January, bees gather a lot of food from the Aguinaldo Blanco, or white morning-glory, found throughout the interior. Along the coast, they get a significant amount of honey from the blossoms of a small tree that isn't formally classified, but this only lasts for about a week. In February, bees in the interior collect substantial amounts of honey from the flowers of the Rapitingua and the Mango, while on the coast, food is scarce during this month.
In March, throughout the interior, the flowers of many fruit trees, found wild in the forest, give an abundance of honey, while on the coast the Roble Blanco, or so called white oak, furnishes food. In April, in the interior, food is derived from many plants then in bloom, while on the coast the flowers of the Salsa, Pelotajo, Bacuaya and the Guana Palm furnish an abundance of food. The months of May and June, in the interior, contribute comparatively few honey yielding flowers, while on the coast the mangroves, the Guana Palm, and one or two other plants yield food in great quantities.
In March, throughout the interior, the flowers of many wild fruit trees found in the forest produce a lot of honey, while along the coast, the Roble Blanco, or white oak, provides food. In April, in the interior, food comes from many flowering plants, while on the coast, the flowers of the Salsa, Pelotajo, Bacuaya, and the Guana Palm offer plenty of food. In May and June, the interior has relatively few honey-producing flowers, while along the coast, the mangroves, Guana Palm, and a couple of other plants produce food in large amounts.
In July and August the scarcity of honey bearing flowers continues in the interior while on the coast the Guamo yields food. In September and October, throughout the interior, honey is derived from the Toruga and a few other flowers. On the coast, during these months, the same flowers yield honey but in less quantity. In the months of November and December, throughout the interior, a heavy flow of honey is derived from a plant known as the Bellflower, while on the coast at this season, food is scarce.
In July and August, there are still not many flowers that produce honey in the interior, while on the coast, the Guamo provides food. In September and October, honey is collected from the Toruga and a few other flowers in the interior. On the coast, during these months, the same flowers produce honey, but in smaller amounts. In November and December, there is a great supply of honey from a plant called the Bellflower throughout the interior, while on the coast, food becomes scarce during this time.
Where groves of citrus fruit abound excellent honey is derived from the flowers of the orange and grape fruit throughout much of the winter.
Where there are plenty of citrus orchards, great honey is made from the flowers of the orange and grapefruit all through the winter.
As a result of experience in apiculture during the past fifteen years, $2 per hive is the average annual income derived when located under favorable circumstances. One bee keeper who cares for a colony of 1200 hives has found that by adding 25 to 30 pounds of sugar towards the support of each hive, during the months when food is scarce, this average of $2 per hive in annual profit is increased to $5 and even more.
As a result of fifteen years of beekeeping experience, the average annual income is $2 per hive when conditions are favorable. One beekeeper managing a colony of 1,200 hives has discovered that by adding 25 to 30 pounds of sugar to support each hive during food shortages, the average annual profit increases to $5 or even more.
The exportation of wax for the fiscal year 1916-17 amounted to approximately 1,300,000 pounds, valued at $340,000. Of this amount about a million pounds was exported to the United States, while 300,000 pounds went to Great Britain. In the same year over 12,000,000 pounds of honey were shipped abroad, valued at $650,000. Nearly 10,000,000 pounds of this went to the United States, Great Britain taking the larger part of the remainder.
The export of wax for the fiscal year 1916-17 was around 1,300,000 pounds, worth $340,000. Of that, about a million pounds was sent to the United States, while 300,000 pounds went to Great Britain. During that same year, over 12,000,000 pounds of honey were exported, valued at $650,000. Nearly 10,000,000 pounds of this honey went to the United States, with Great Britain receiving the larger share of the rest.
Most of the honey exported from Cuba is strained and sells in bulk for about five cents per pound. To those fond of bees, apiculture in Cuba will always form for the settler a source of added pleasure and profit, especially in those sections where coffee, cacao and citrus fruit form the chief source of income.
Most of the honey exported from Cuba is filtered and sells in bulk for about five cents per pound. For those who love bees, beekeeping in Cuba will always be a source of extra enjoyment and profit for settlers, especially in areas where coffee, cacao, and citrus fruits are the main sources of income.
Next to the Bahama Islands, surrounded as they are by hundreds of square miles of shoal water, the shores of Cuba probably produce more good sponges than any other part of the western hemisphere. In the quiet waters protected by out-lying barrier reefs that in places stretch for hundreds of miles along the shores of Cuba, many varieties of sponges are found. The longest of the sponge zones is found in the shallow waters protected by the Islands and reefs that stretch along the north coast of Cuba from Punta Hicaco opposite Cardenas, to the harbor of Nuevitas, some 300 miles east. Both sponges and green turtles are found here but never have been extensively hunted except by the Bahama Islanders, who before the inauguration of the Cuban revenue service used to sneak across the old Bahama Channel in the darkness of the night and back of the uninhabited keys reap rich rewards in the sponge fields of the northern coast.
Next to the Bahamas, surrounded by hundreds of square miles of shallow water, the shores of Cuba likely produce more good sponges than any other area in the Western Hemisphere. In the calm waters sheltered by barrier reefs that stretch for hundreds of miles along Cuba's coastline, many different types of sponges can be found. The longest sponge zone is located in the shallow waters protected by the islands and reefs along Cuba's north coast, from Punta Hicaco opposite Cardenas to the harbor of Nuevitas, about 300 miles to the east. Both sponges and green turtles are present here, but they have never been heavily hunted, except by the Bahama Islanders, who used to sneak across the old Bahama Channel in the darkness of night and harvest the rich sponge fields along the northern coast before the Cuban revenue service was established.
Batabano on the south coast, opposite the city of Havana, is the great center of the sponge fisheries that cover the shallow flats between the mainland and the Isle of Pines and extend from the Bay of Cochinos in the east to the extreme western terminus of the Island at Cape San Antonio.
Batabano on the south coast, across from the city of Havana, is the main hub for sponge fisheries that spread across the shallow flats between the mainland and the Isle of Pines, stretching from the Bay of Cochinos in the east to the far western tip of the Island at Cape San Antonio.
CHAPTER XXVIII
PLACES OF HISTORICAL INTEREST
TO the lover of romance or student of history, few spots in the western hemisphere, perhaps, have greater charm and interest than Morro Castle, high perched on the promontory that guards the eastern entrance of Havana Harbor. Seen at early dawn from the open port of an entering steamer, its great, rugged, picturesque bulk seems to assemble from the spectral mists of a legendary past, while all those intensely dramatic scenes of which El Morro has been the center, pass before one like the dreamy reality of a moving picture play.
To the romantic enthusiast or history buff, few places in the western hemisphere have as much charm and intrigue as Morro Castle, which stands tall on the promontory that protects the eastern entrance of Havana Harbor. Seen at dawn from the open port of an approaching steamer, its impressive, rugged, and picturesque shape appears to rise from the ghostly mists of a legendary past, while all the intensely dramatic events that El Morro has witnessed play out like the dreamy scenes of a movie.
Resurrected from the tales of centuries, gone and almost forgotten, one sees the lonely old watch tower that back in the early days of the 16th century stood guard on the hill top of Morro, so that the pirates and cruel rovers of the sea during those days of greed, lust and crime, could not take the little community of Havana unawares. Then come the later days, when the ever recurring wars of Europe cast their ugly shadows over even remote points on the western shore of the Atlantic, and corsairs of foreign nations were ever anxious to pounce on the Pearl of the Antilles, and seize within the harbor some of the rich Spanish galleons, laden with Aztec gold and loot.
Resurrected from stories of centuries past, nearly forgotten, one can see the lonely old watchtower that, back in the early 16th century, stood guard on the hilltop of Morro to ensure that pirates and ruthless sea raiders of that time, driven by greed, lust, and crime, wouldn’t catch the small community of Havana off guard. Then came the later days, when the ongoing wars in Europe cast their dark shadows over even the most distant spots on the western shore of the Atlantic, and corsairs from foreign nations were always eager to swoop in on the Pearl of the Antilles and capture some of the rich Spanish galleons in the harbor, loaded with Aztec gold and treasures.
Through this panorama of the past comes the picture of England’s fleet of 200 ships manned by 32,000 men under Albemarle and Pococke, lying in a semicircle off the entrance of the harbor, with old Morro now well equipped for battle. Its thick walls, rugged embattlements, fighting turrets, embrasures, emergency bridges, powder magazines, store rooms, ammunition dumps, secret passages and dark dungeons, and bristling guns, were Spain’s chief bulwark in the defense of Havana. Solid shot and shell from a thousand guns crisscrossed between sea and land, and in the center of the turmoil, defending the fort and the honor of Spain, stood one courageous young officer, Commander Luis Velasco, surrounded by a little group of volunteers, who had sworn to hold the fort or die in its defense.
Through this overview of history comes the image of England’s fleet of 200 ships operated by 32,000 men under Albemarle and Pococke, positioned in a semicircle at the harbor entrance, with old Morro now fully prepared for battle. Its thick walls, rugged battlements, fighting turrets, embrasures, emergency bridges, powder magazines, storage rooms, ammunition depots, secret passages, dark dungeons, and ready guns were Spain’s main defense in protecting Havana. Solid cannonballs and shells from a thousand guns crossed the line between sea and land, and in the middle of the chaos, defending the fort and Spain's honor, stood one brave young officer, Commander Luis Velasco, surrounded by a small group of volunteers who had sworn to defend the fort at all costs or die trying.
PABLO DESVERNINE.
Pablo Desvernine.
Born in Havana in 1854, and educated at the University of Havana and at Columbia University, New York, Pablo Desvernine y Galdos has long ranked among the foremost members of the Cuban bar. During General Brooke’s Military Governorship at the beginning of the first American intervention he was Secretary of Finance; he was President of the Agricultural Expositions of 1911 and 1912; was Minister to the United States in 1913; and in 1914 was made by President Menocal Secretary of State. Since 1900 he has been Professor of Civil Law in the University of Havana. He is the author of several works on Civil and International Law.
Born in Havana in 1854 and educated at the University of Havana and Columbia University in New York, Pablo Desvernine y Galdos has long been recognized as one of the top members of the Cuban legal community. During General Brooke’s Military Governorship at the start of the first American intervention, he served as Secretary of Finance; he was the President of the Agricultural Expositions in 1911 and 1912; he was appointed Minister to the United States in 1913; and in 1914, President Menocal appointed him as Secretary of State. Since 1900, he has been a Professor of Civil Law at the University of Havana. He has written several works on Civil and International Law.
Then, after a month of continuous fighting, came the note from the British, stating that El Morro was undermined and an offer of 24 hours in which to surrender, and Velasco’s reply, in which he informed his enemy that the match might be applied and the walls blown up, but within the breach he would be found still defending the castle.
Then, after a month of constant fighting, came the note from the British, stating that El Morro was undermined and offering 24 hours to surrender. Velasco’s reply informed his enemy that they could set fire to the walls and blow them up, but he would still be found defending the castle within the breach.
The mine was exploded and the south wall torn asunder, while Velasco, fighting to the last, received the wound that sent him over the Great Divide and soon brought to an end Havana’s defense against the British. Imagination easily recalls the salute of cannon on the following day, announcing the death of one of Spain’s most courageous fighters, while every shot of the defending guns was echoed by one of the British ships, firing as a tribute to the courage of the young officer who had defied their entire fleet for nearly a month.
The mine went off and the south wall collapsed, while Velasco, fighting until the end, took the wound that sent him over the Great Divide and quickly ended Havana’s defense against the British. It’s easy to picture the cannon salute the next day, marking the death of one of Spain’s bravest fighters, as every shot from the defending guns was matched by one from the British ships, firing as a tribute to the courage of the young officer who had challenged their entire fleet for almost a month.
Morro was begun in 1589 by the Italian engineer, J. Bautista Antonelli, and completed in 1597. Little change has occurred during the last two centuries, and its rugged old walls will probably continue to resist the winter storms of the Gulf for centuries to come. Many of Cuba’s patriots and heroic figures have been confined in the dungeons of Morro, including the first President of the Republic, that kind hearted, genial old gentleman of letters, Don Tomas Estrada Palma, who died the victim of base ingratitude on the part of men for whose freedom and happiness he had devoted all of the best years of his life.
Morro was started in 1589 by the Italian engineer J. Bautista Antonelli and finished in 1597. There hasn't been much change in the last two centuries, and its rugged old walls will likely keep standing against the winter storms of the Gulf for many more years. Many of Cuba’s patriots and heroic figures were imprisoned in the dungeons of Morro, including the first President of the Republic, the kind-hearted, warm old gentleman of letters Don Tomas Estrada Palma, who died as a victim of ungratefulness from the very men for whose freedom and happiness he dedicated the best years of his life.
El Morro is still occupied, as in the olden days, by the coast artillery of Cuba, and is well worth a trip across the bay, where one may pass a pleasant afternoon in interesting introspection, and enjoy at the same time one of the most delightful views of land and sea from any point in the West Indies.
Just within the entrance, and on the shore at the foot of Morro, are located 12 huge, old-time muzzle loading cannon, known as the Twelve Apostles, that sweep the opposite shore and were supposed to render impossible the entrance of any hostile ship, or any effort to cut away the heavy iron cable that in earlier days stretched across the entrance to the harbor from El Morro to the fortress of La Punta on the other side. These curious old iron guns, dedicated to the saints, were cast by Don Juan Francisco de Guenes and installed by him in the form of a crescent, that boded destruction to all invaders from the sea.
Just inside the entrance, at the base of Morro, are 12 massive, vintage muzzle-loading cannons known as the Twelve Apostles. They overlook the opposite shore and were meant to prevent any enemy ships from entering or make it impossible to cut the heavy iron cable that once stretched across the harbor entrance from El Morro to the La Punta fortress on the other side. These fascinating old iron guns, dedicated to the saints, were cast by Don Juan Francisco de Guenes and arranged in a crescent shape that promised destruction to anyone trying to invade from the sea.
Some 500 yards further east, along the coast, is installed a similar group of cannon, 12 in number, that forms a battery known as La Pastora. These guns were made by Francisco Cagigal de la Vega and were placed on the lower shelf of the outside coast at a point not easily seen from the sea where they were supposed to render a forced entrance to the bay practically impossible.
Some 500 yards further east along the coast, there's another group of 12 cannons that make up a battery called La Pastora. These guns were made by Francisco Cagigal de la Vega and were positioned on the lower shelf of the outer coast at a point that’s not easily visible from the sea, where they were intended to make a forced entry into the bay nearly impossible.
A little further within the narrow entrance to the harbor of Havana, and stretching for a half a mile along the eastern shore, lies the largest and most impressive ancient fort of the western hemisphere. This fortress is known as la Cabaña, owing to the fact that several cabins once stood along this ridge, some 200 feet in height, overlooking the City of Havana. La Cabaña is massive in its structure, built of stone and earth on the crest of the ridge, with a steep descent to the water’s edge. It is surrounded on all sides by a wide deep moat, across which no enemy, even in modern times, could possibly pass. The destruction of the fort with high explosives and long range guns would, of course, be easily accomplished, but as an example of 18th century military engineering and architecture, it has no rival in the western world. Some 50 acres are covered with the walls, patios, surface and underground dungeons, prisons, buildings, moats and outer defenses of this fortification.
A little further inside the narrow entrance to the harbor of Havana, and stretching for half a mile along the eastern shore, lies the largest and most impressive ancient fort in the western hemisphere. This fortress is called La Cabaña, named after the several cabins that once stood along this ridge, about 200 feet high, overlooking the City of Havana. La Cabaña is massive, built of stone and earth on top of the ridge, with a steep drop to the water's edge. It's surrounded on all sides by a wide, deep moat, making it impossible for any enemy to cross, even in modern times. While destroying the fort with explosives and long-range guns would be easy, as a representation of 18th-century military engineering and architecture, it has no equal in the western world. About 50 acres are covered with the walls, patios, surface and underground dungeons, prisons, buildings, moats, and outer defenses of this fortification.
The work was begun on November 4, 1763, shortly after the evacuation of Havana by the British, and was concluded in 1774. The cost of the work is said to have been $14,000,000, although much of it was probably done by slaves, for whose services little or nothing was paid, nor could the value of their labor be easily estimated. The same engineer Antonelli, of Italian origin, who built El Morro, displayed his military genius in the plans of La Cabaña.
The construction started on November 4, 1763, shortly after the British evacuated Havana, and was finished in 1774. The total cost of the project was around $14,000,000, although much of it was likely carried out by enslaved people, for whom little or no payment was made, and the value of their labor was hard to assess. The same engineer, Antonelli, originally from Italy, who built El Morro, showcased his military expertise in the designs for La Cabaña.
The original approach of this fortress was over a cobbled path that wound up a steep incline, from a little landing opposite the foot of O’Reilly Street, terminating finally in the southern opening to the moat. This path was known during the long years of the Ten Years’ War, and the War of Independence, as “El Camino sin Esperanza” or the Road without Hope, since those who climbed its winding way as prisoners seldom descended to the plain below, unless in rude boxes on the way to their last resting place. Even this privilege was denied to the great majority of political prisoners who were executed under the laurels that shade the first part of the moat.
The original entrance to this fortress was along a cobblestone path that climbed a steep slope, starting from a small landing across from the base of O’Reilly Street and ultimately leading to the southern opening of the moat. This path was referred to during the lengthy years of the Ten Years’ War and the War of Independence as “El Camino sin Esperanza” or the Road without Hope, because those who made the long journey up as prisoners rarely came back down to the plain below, unless it was in rough coffins on their way to their final resting place. Even this privilege was denied to the vast majority of political prisoners who were executed under the trees that shade the first part of the moat.
This wide deep moat, varying in width from sixty to a hundred feet, with a depth that will average fifty, extends from one end of the fortress to the other, paralleling the harbor on which it fronts, and separating the main body of the fortress from well planned and easily defended outer works. Stone stairways were built at different places against the walls of these outer ramparts to facilitate the movement of troops in defense of the citadel, but with wide gaps crossed by wooden bridges that once knocked away would render the stairways useless to the enemy.
This wide, deep moat, ranging from sixty to a hundred feet wide and averaging fifty feet deep, stretches from one end of the fortress to the other, running parallel to the harbor in front of it and separating the main part of the fortress from well-designed and easily defendable outer structures. Stone stairways were constructed at various points against the walls of these outer ramparts to make it easier for troops to move in defense of the citadel, but there are wide gaps crossed by wooden bridges that, if removed, would make the stairways useless to the enemy.
A few hundred feet beyond the avenue of laurels, and close by an opening of the wall into the main fortress, a bronze placque, some six feet by twelve, marks one of the places where political prisoners were executed throughout the latter half of the 19th century. The bronze was cast in France and represents the execution of a group of insurgent soldiers. In the left half of the placque is represented a squad of Spanish soldiers in the act of firing. Above all floats the figure of an angel endeavoring to shield the martyrs who are giving up their lives for the cause of Cuban Liberty.
A few hundred feet past the avenue of laurels, right by an opening in the wall of the main fortress, a bronze plaque, about six by twelve feet, marks one of the spots where political prisoners were executed during the latter half of the 19th century. The bronze was cast in France and depicts the execution of a group of insurgent soldiers. On the left side of the plaque, a squad of Spanish soldiers is shown firing their weapons. Above them, an angel is depicted trying to shield the martyrs who are sacrificing their lives for the cause of Cuban Liberty.
Passing through this great eastern wall of the citadel the visitor steps into an interior, grass covered court, several hundred feet in length by eighty or more in width. Along the southern end of the court may be seen the remnant of a painted line at about the height of a man’s breast. On this spot, it is said, over a thousand men were executed during the period of the Ten Years’ War and the three years’ War of Independence. Most of the old line has been dug away by knife points of visitors in search of bullets that were imbedded in the wall during the many executions that took place at its base. At the further, or northern end of this tranquil plot of ground, heavily barred iron gates cover a series of steps which formed an emergency entrance from the moat into the main body of the fortress.
Walking through the massive eastern wall of the citadel, the visitor enters a grass-covered courtyard that stretches several hundred feet long and over eighty feet wide. At the southern end of the court, there’s a faded painted line at about chest height. It’s said that more than a thousand men were executed at this spot during the Ten Years’ War and the three years of the War of Independence. Much of the old line has been chipped away by visitors searching for bullets that got lodged in the wall during the many executions that occurred at its base. At the further northern end of this peaceful area, heavily barred iron gates lead to a set of steps that served as an emergency entrance from the moat into the main part of the fortress.
A quarter of a mile further north, along the main extension of the moat, is a wide wooden bridge that connects the outer ramparts with the citadel, the roadway passing through a massive and impressive gate or portal, over which a carved inscription gives the dates in which the work was begun and concluded, together with the name of its founders and the Spanish officers in command at the time of its construction.
A quarter of a mile further north, along the main stretch of the moat, there's a wide wooden bridge that connects the outer walls with the citadel. The road passes through a massive and impressive gate, over which a carved inscription displays the dates when the work started and finished, along with the names of its founders and the Spanish officers in charge during its construction.
The grounds within are ample for military drill and instruction and are well equipped for the care and maintenance of a defending force. When Spain’s army retired from Cuba in the last days of 1899, both Cabañas and Morro presented a very different appearance from that of today. Long lines of cells had been built into the stone walls, in which hundreds, if not thousands, of political prisoners had spent years of confinement. Each of these dreary, cheerless abodes was about 30 feet in width by 60 in length, with a low arched ceiling and massive barred doors, facing the west.
The grounds are spacious enough for military drills and training and are well-equipped for the care and upkeep of a defending force. When Spain’s army pulled out of Cuba in late 1899, both Cabañas and Morro looked very different from how they do today. Long rows of cells had been built into the stone walls, where hundreds, if not thousands, of political prisoners had spent years in confinement. Each of these gloomy, lifeless spaces was about 30 feet wide and 60 feet long, with a low arched ceiling and heavy barred doors facing west.
Each cell was supposed to accommodate fifty men, and some of them contained long parallel wooden bars, between which prisoners might swing hammocks if they were fortunate enough to possess them. Many men prominent in Cuban political and military life have occupied these cells of Cabañas and also those of its companion, El Morro. General Julio Sanguily, among others, passed three years in cell No. 57, until, through the urgent intercession of the American Government, he was finally set at liberty and permitted to enter the United States, of which he claimed citizenship.
Each cell was meant to hold fifty men, and some of them had long parallel wooden bars, between which prisoners could hang hammocks if they were lucky enough to have them. Many influential figures in Cuban political and military life have been held in these cells at Cabañas and also in its counterpart, El Morro. General Julio Sanguily, among others, spent three years in cell No. 57, until, through the urgent intervention of the American Government, he was finally freed and allowed to enter the United States, which he claimed as his home.
Stretching along the western face of the fortress is a wide stone parapet overlooking the bay and the City of Havana opposite. Planted on its surface is a long line of interesting brass cannon, ornamented with Spanish coats of arms and bearing inscriptions that tell of their making in Seville, at various periods throughout the 18th century. These cannon are used today for saluting purposes when foreign men of war enter the harbor on friendly visits.
Stretching along the western side of the fortress is a broad stone wall overlooking the bay and the City of Havana across the way. Positioned on its surface is a long line of fascinating brass cannons, decorated with Spanish coats of arms and bearing inscriptions that detail their creation in Seville at different times throughout the 18th century. These cannons are now used for saluting when foreign warships enter the harbor for friendly visits.
Near the center of the citadel stood a small stone chapel that would accommodate 50 or 100 men. Near one end was built a round pagoda-like altar before which the condemned could kneel in prayer during their last night on earth, since those who entered its tragic portals well knew that at sunrise the following morning they would face the firing squad that would pass them on to eternity. This historically tragic apartment has recently been converted into a moving picture hall for the benefit of Cuban soldiers who are at present stationed in Cabañas.
Near the center of the fortress stood a small stone chapel that could hold 50 or 100 men. Near one end was a round, pagoda-like altar where the condemned could kneel in prayer during their last night on earth, knowing that at sunrise the next morning they would face the firing squad that would send them into eternity. This historically tragic space has recently been turned into a movie theater for the benefit of Cuban soldiers currently stationed in Cabañas.
Visitors at Cabañas during normal times of peace will find soldier guides quite willing to carry one down into the subterranean depths of the fortress and along the narrow dark passageways that were tunneled into the earth, supposedly to detect possible mining operations of the enemy from the outside. During the War of Independence, however, extending from 1895 to 1899, these underground tunnels were occupied by prisoners, most of whom dying in the dismal depths were given burials so shallow by their companions, who must have dug the graves with their fingers, that in passing along by lantern light, shortly after American occupation, one frequently stumbled over skulls and bones that protruded from the earthen floor below.
Visitors at Cabañas during regular peaceful times will find soldier guides eager to take them down into the underground depths of the fortress and along the narrow, dark passageways that were carved into the earth, supposedly to detect potential mining activities of the enemy from outside. However, during the War of Independence, which lasted from 1895 to 1899, these underground tunnels were filled with prisoners, many of whom died in the grim depths and were given such shallow burials by their companions, who likely dug the graves with their fingers, that while walking by lantern light shortly after the American occupation, one often stumbled over skulls and bones sticking out from the earthen floor below.
The aspect of Cabañas today, with its well cleaned, whitewashed walls, with its comfortable officers’ quarters and shady grounds, is quite cheerful, and one can hardly believe that less than a quarter of a century ago Cabañas fortress was one of the modern horrors that cried out to the civilized world for the abolition of Spanish control in America.
The way Cabañas looks today, with its clean, whitewashed walls, comfortable officers' quarters, and shaded grounds, is quite cheerful. It's hard to believe that less than twenty-five years ago, Cabañas fortress was one of the modern horrors that called on the civilized world to end Spanish control in America.
Occupying the low rocky ledge immediately opposite Morro is the picturesque little fort known as the Castillo de Punta, or Fortress on the Point, begun in 1589, and intended to complete the protection to the entrance of the harbor. The style of architecture is identical with that of El Morro, but far less pretentious in size and plan. The fort is protected from the sea by several outlying shelves of coral rock, and was at one time surrounded by a moat as was La Fuerza, the first stone fortress constructed in the Western Hemisphere. The walls are not over 20 feet in height and over the main entrance a tablet gives the name of Governor-General Tejada, during whose period of office it was built, together with the date of its construction.
Sitting on the low rocky ledge directly across from Morro is the charming little fort called the Castillo de Punta, or Fortress on the Point, which was started in 1589 to help protect the entrance to the harbor. Its architectural style is similar to that of El Morro, but it's much smaller and simpler in design. The fort is shielded from the sea by several coral rock formations and used to have a moat surrounding it, just like La Fuerza, the first stone fortress built in the Western Hemisphere. The walls are no more than 20 feet high, and above the main entrance, there's a tablet that displays the name of Governor-General Tejada, the person in charge when it was built, along with the date of its construction.
La Punta afforded efficient aid to its companion El Morro, on the opposite side of the bay, during the siege by the English in 1762, and in one corner of the reception room may be seen the fragment of an iron shell, fired from the British fleet during the siege of Havana.
La Punta provided effective support to its neighbor El Morro, across the bay, during the English siege in 1762. In one corner of the reception room, you can see a piece of an iron shell that was fired from the British fleet during the siege of Havana.
La Punta is the headquarters of the Navy Department. Its presence at the angle of the Prado and the Gulf Avenue, that extends west along the sea shore, is a quiet but efficient reminder of the olden days when fortresses of this type formed the only protection enjoyed by the people who were then residents of the capital of Cuba.
Until the middle of the 19th century, Havana, like nearly all of the capitals built by Spanish conquerors in the Western Hemisphere, was a walled city. These walls were built of coral limestone quarried along the sea front, which with exposure to the atmosphere becomes quite hard. The same engineering ability demonstrated by the builders of El Morro, Cabanas and La Punta, was evident in the 17th century wall, that had the fortress of La Punta as its starting point and ran in practically a straight line south until it reached the shores of the Bay near its southwestern terminus.
Until the middle of the 19th century, Havana, like almost all the capitals built by Spanish conquerors in the Western Hemisphere, was a walled city. These walls were made of coral limestone quarried along the waterfront, which hardens when exposed to the atmosphere. The same engineering skills shown by the builders of El Morro, Cabanas, and La Punta were evident in the 17th-century wall, which started at the fortress of La Punta and ran in nearly a straight line south until it reached the shores of the Bay near its southwestern end.
These walls were about 12 feet through at the base and some 20 feet in height. Throughout the entire line was a series of salients, bastions, flanks and curtains that were dominant features in the military architecture of those times. At the top were parapets on which the garrison gathered for the defense of the City.
These walls were around 12 feet thick at the bottom and about 20 feet tall. Along the entire length were a series of projections, defensive towers, side walls, and enclosing walls that were key features of military design back then. At the top were parapets where the soldiers gathered to defend the City.
Work on the walls began with a body of 9,000 peons in 1633 and a contribution of $20,000 in gold that was exacted by order of the Spanish Crown from the rich treasuries of Mexico in order to hurry its completion. Only two gates were constructed at first, one of these at La Punta and the other at the head of Muralla Street, which latter formed the main or principal entrance for commercial purposes. A third was afterwards opened near the corner of the old Arsenal for the convenience of people engaged in ship building at that point.
Work on the walls started in 1633 with a crew of 9,000 workers and a contribution of $20,000 in gold that was demanded by the Spanish Crown from the wealthy treasuries of Mexico to speed up the project. Initially, only two gates were built: one at La Punta and the other at the beginning of Muralla Street, which served as the main entrance for commercial activities. A third gate was later opened near the old Arsenal to make it easier for people involved in shipbuilding in that area.
Extending along the water front were gradually built continuations of this wall with coral ledges forming a solid base. These eventually closed the city on all sides. This stupendous work was not completed until 1740, and even after this date occasional additions were made for purposes of better defense. Although the Spanish treasury at that time was being filled with gold from Mexico and Peru, it would seem that the Crown was very loath to part with the money, and compelled the colonies of the Western Hemisphere to build their own defenses and to make whatever improvements they considered necessary, either from contributions levied on commerce, or with the use of slaves whose services their owners were compelled to furnish at their own expense.
Extending along the waterfront, sections of this wall were gradually built with coral ledges that formed a solid base. These eventually enclosed the city on all sides. This massive project wasn't finished until 1740, and even after that date, occasional additions were made for better defense. Although the Spanish treasury was being filled with gold from Mexico and Peru at that time, it seemed the Crown was very reluctant to spend the money, forcing the colonies in the Western Hemisphere to build their own defenses and make any necessary improvements, either through contributions raised from trade or by using enslaved people whose owners were required to provide their services at their own expense.
Up to the departure of Spain’s army from Havana in 1899, sections of the old wall, several blocks in length, extending through the heart of the city, still remained intact. These, with their salients, bastions, flanks, etc., formed an interesting landmark of the olden days, when Spanish knights clad in hauberks and hose, donned their breastplates and plumed helmets to fight against the British who besieged the city in 1763. Today only one short section remains, a picturesque remnant of the past, with its little round, dome-covered watch tower still intact. This is located just north of the Presidential palace on the crest of the green lawn that slopes away towards La Punta, about a third of a mile distant.
Up until the Spanish army left Havana in 1899, parts of the old wall, several blocks long, still stood in the center of the city. These walls, with their angles, bastions, and flanks, were an interesting reminder of the past, when Spanish knights in chainmail and tights wore their breastplates and feathered helmets to defend against the British who laid siege to the city in 1763. Today, only a short section remains, a charming remnant of history, with its small round, dome-covered watchtower still intact. This is located just north of the Presidential palace on the sloping green lawn that goes down towards La Punta, about a third of a mile away.
Near the landing place at the foot of O’Reilly Street, used by visiting officials and officers of the Navy, stands La Fuerza. On this site was built the first permanent or stone defense of the city in 1538. The original walls and fortifications have seen many changes since that date but one cannot look at them without recalling the pathetic figure of Dona Isabel de Bobadilla, who in 1539, on the drawbridge of La Fuerza, where she and her husband, Hernando de Soto, had lived, said “Adios,” as with an army of 900 men and 350 horses, he set out for the conquest of Florida “and all the territory that might lie beyond.”
Near the landing area at the base of O’Reilly Street, used by visiting officials and Navy officers, stands La Fuerza. Here, the first permanent stone defense of the city was built in 1538. The original walls and fortifications have changed a lot since then, but it’s impossible to look at them without remembering the heart-wrenching sight of Dona Isabel de Bobadilla, who in 1539, on the drawbridge of La Fuerza, where she and her husband, Hernando de Soto, had lived, said “Goodbye” as he set out with an army of 900 men and 350 horses to conquer Florida “and all the territory that might lie beyond.”
Day after day, for more than two years, it is said, this faithful wife walked the parapets of La Fuerza straining her eyes to see his flagship arise above the horizon of the Gulf, and when at last a storm beaten bark brought back a few survivors of the expedition, whose leader had hoped to rival if not surpass the deeds of Cortez in Mexico, or Pizarro in Peru, she learned that her lord and lover would return no more, that even his body would never be recovered from the yellow waters of the Mississippi. It was then that her soul, too, sank into the sea of despair and soon joined its companion on the shore beyond.
Day after day, for more than two years, they say, this devoted wife walked the walls of La Fuerza, straining to see his ship appear over the horizon of the Gulf. When a storm-damaged boat finally returned with a few survivors from the expedition, which her husband had hoped would match or even surpass the achievements of Cortez in Mexico or Pizarro in Peru, she learned that her lord and lover would never come back, that even his body would never be found in the muddy waters of the Mississippi. That was when her spirit also sank into a sea of despair and soon joined its companion on the shore beyond.
The dark dungeons of La Fuerza have held hundreds of Cuban patriots until death or deportation to Africa brought relief. The old stone steps descending to the ground floor are worn into veritable pockets by the tramp of feet during a continual occupancy of almost 400 years. Every outer wall, parapet, alcove and dungeon, if able to speak, “could a tale unfold.” Now all is silent save the sound of an occasional bugle, the music of the artillery band, or the laughter of children playing on the green lawn that separates it from the Senate Chamber.
The dark dungeons of La Fuerza have held hundreds of Cuban patriots until death or deportation to Africa offered relief. The old stone steps leading down to the ground floor are worn into real pockets by the constant flow of feet over nearly 400 years. Every outer wall, parapet, alcove, and dungeon, if they could talk, “could tell a tale.” Now, everything is quiet except for the occasional bugle, the music of the artillery band, or the laughter of children playing on the green lawn that separates it from the Senate Chamber.
The first church built on the Puerto de Carenas, as the Harbor of Havana was called by the founders of the city, was of adobe, roofed with yagua from the guana palm. This was destroyed in 1538 by the pirates. Owing to the extreme poverty of the inhabitants, and to the fact that in spite of the wealth controlled by the churches of the mother country its representatives in the Western Hemisphere, especially in the City of Havana, were left to shift for themselves, and very few contributions for church building came across the seas to Cuba—it being assumed evidently that the people of a community deserved no better church than their financial means justified—it was not until well into the 17th century that churches were constructed that would at all compare with the beautiful ecclesiastical structures of Europe. Most of those of Havana, that were built during the 17th and 18th centuries, resemble, both in material and architecture, the rather heavy, ponderous and so called Gothic style that prevailed throughout the Latin American world.
The first church built at the Puerto de Carenas, which was the name the city's founders gave to the Harbor of Havana, was made of adobe and had a roof of yagua from the guana palm. This church was destroyed by pirates in 1538. Due to the extreme poverty of the locals and the fact that, despite the wealth held by the churches in the mother country, their representatives in the Western Hemisphere, particularly in Havana, were left to fend for themselves, very few donations for church construction came from across the sea to Cuba. It seemed to be assumed that the community deserved no better church than what they could afford. As a result, it wasn't until well into the 17th century that churches were built that could even begin to compare with the beautiful churches in Europe. Most of the churches in Havana that were constructed during the 17th and 18th centuries resemble the heavy and ponderous Gothic style that was common throughout Latin America.
Immediately back of the old Presidential Palace, former headquarters of the Captains General of Spain, stands the former convent and church of Santo Domingo, whose erection was due to the liberality of the Conde de Casa Bayamo, whose picture until recently hung in the sacristy. This building occupied the block of ground between O’Reilly and Obispo and Mercaderes and San Ignacio Streets. It was reconstructed in 1738 and became the Royal University of Havana. When the University was transferred to the beautiful site on the heights of Principe, overlooking Havana from the west, this old relic of bygone ages, with its ponderous walls and picturesque patio, became the Institute of Havana, where students still receive that which in English would be equivalent to a high school education. One portion of the square is today used as a police station, while the church itself, with its crude stone figures of saints standing in relief from the outer walls, is practically abandoned and will probably soon be removed, for the modest type of sky-scraper or office building that is becoming quite common throughout the city.
Right behind the old Presidential Palace, which used to be the headquarters of the Captains General of Spain, stands the former convent and church of Santo Domingo, whose construction was sponsored by the Conde de Casa Bayamo, whose portrait recently hung in the sacristy. This building took up the block between O’Reilly and Obispo and Mercaderes and San Ignacio Streets. It was rebuilt in 1738 and became the Royal University of Havana. When the University moved to the beautiful site on the heights of Principe, overlooking Havana from the west, this old remnant of the past, with its thick walls and charming courtyard, turned into the Institute of Havana, where students still get what would be equivalent to a high school education in English. One part of the square is now used as a police station, while the church itself, with its rough stone figures of saints protruding from the outer walls, is nearly abandoned and will probably be taken down soon for the modest type of skyscraper or office building that is becoming quite common throughout the city.
The cathedral, one of the largest and most imposing of the churches of Havana, was built by the Jesuits, on the north edge of the old basin or arm of the Bay that extended from the present shore along the line of the street now known as Empedrado, as far west as the little San Juan de Dios Park. This church is built of the tough coral limestone used in nearly all of the important buildings that stood within the walls of old Havana. The church, together with the convent and offices in the rear, is in the form of an irregular quadrangle, covering about a block of ground, the rear facing the bay itself. The architecture is of the so-called Gothic that prevails in all of the old-time churches and convents of the Island. Owing to the fact that, up to 1899, it contained the bones of Christopher Columbus, this building has always been one of the prominent places of interest in the city. A tablet in marble, over the entrance on San Ignacio Street, states that it was consecrated by his Excellency, Pedro Agustin Morel de Santa Cruz, Bishop of Havana, on September 8, 1755. This church was declared the Cathedral of Havana in 1789.
The cathedral, one of the largest and most impressive churches in Havana, was built by the Jesuits on the north side of the old bay that extended from the current shoreline along the street now known as Empedrado, all the way to the small San Juan de Dios Park to the west. This church is made of the durable coral limestone used in nearly all significant buildings within the walls of old Havana. The church, along with the convent and offices at the back, forms an irregular quadrangle that covers about a block of land, with the back facing the bay itself. The architecture reflects the Gothic style found in many of the traditional churches and convents on the Island. Because it held the bones of Christopher Columbus until 1899, this building has always been a major point of interest in the city. A marble plaque above the entrance on San Ignacio Street notes that it was consecrated by His Excellency, Pedro Agustin Morel de Santa Cruz, Bishop of Havana, onSeptember 8, 1755. This church was designated as the Cathedral of Havana in 1789.
The former tomb of Columbus was located in a niche built for the purpose on the west side of the altar. When the Spanish forces departed from the Island in 1899, at the request of the Pope the remains of Columbus were removed from their long resting place in the Cathedral and carried to Seville, Spain, where they are at present interred. The interior of the edifice, although not as elaborately decorated as are some of the other churches, is nevertheless imposing and well worth a few moments pause to the passing visitor.
The original tomb of Columbus was situated in a niche created for that purpose on the west side of the altar. When the Spanish forces left the island in 1899, at the Pope's request, Columbus's remains were taken from their long resting place in the Cathedral and transported to Seville, Spain, where they are currently buried. The interior of the building, while not as ornately decorated as some other churches, is still impressive and deserving of a moment’s pause from visiting guests.
The San Francisco Convent, one of the oldest churches of Havana, was completed by Order of the Franciscans in 1591. A part of the hard coral shore that formed the western edge of the bay, a few blocks south of the Plaza de Armas, formed a solid foundation for the original building which, owing to faulty material and construction, lapsed into ruins in 1719. In 1738 the structure which now occupies the spot was built under the direction of Bishop Juan Lazo. The tower of the Church proper is considered one of the best samples of ecclesiastic architecture in Havana. This building fronts on Oficios Street and extends from the Plaza of San Francisco south for more than a block, parallel with the Bay front. The old San Francisco convent is the most massive structure of its kind in Havana. Its long lofty arched passages were well built and give promise of remaining intact through centuries yet to come. The large patio in the center is today filled with flowers and admits light to the many offices, once occupied by the palefaced, sad-eyed inmates of the convent, now resounding with the click of typewriters and the tread of feet bent on the ordinary affairs of life. In 1856 this building became the depository, or general archive, of the Spanish administration of affairs in the Island. The first American Government of Intervention used it as a Custom House, where Major General Bliss had his headquarters. Shortly after the inauguration of the Republic of Cuba this property together with that of the square now used by the Institute, was purchased from the Church and continued to be used as the custom house. In 1916 the old convent, thoroughly renovated, became the permanent headquarters for the Department of Posts and Telegraphs, for which it is well adapted. The custom house was transferred to the San Francisco Wharf, a handsome structure that also shelters the administration of Trisconia. From 1608 the San Francisco Church was used as the starting point of the religious processions which annually passed the “Via de Cruces” or Way of the Cross, along Amargua Street terminating at the Church of El Cristo at the corner of Aguacate Street, which was built in 1640.
The San Francisco Convent, one of the oldest churches in Havana, was finished by the Franciscans in 1591. A part of the solid coral shore that formed the western edge of the bay, a few blocks south of the Plaza de Armas, provided a sturdy foundation for the original building, which fell into ruin in 1719 due to poor materials and construction. In 1738, the structure that stands there now was built under the direction of Bishop Juan Lazo. The tower of the church is considered one of the best examples of ecclesiastical architecture in Havana. This building faces Oficios Street and extends more than a block south from the Plaza of San Francisco, parallel to the bay. The old San Francisco convent is the largest structure of its kind in Havana. Its long, lofty arched passages were well-constructed and are expected to last through the centuries. The large courtyard in the center is now filled with flowers and lets in light to the many offices, which were once occupied by the pale-faced, sad-eyed residents of the convent but now echo with the sounds of typewriters and people going about their daily business. In 1856, this building became the depository, or general archive, of the Spanish administration of the island. The first American Intervention Government used it as a Custom House, where Major General Bliss had his headquarters. Shortly after the Republic of Cuba was established, this property, along with the square now occupied by the Institute, was bought from the Church and continued to be used as a custom house. In 1916, the old convent, thoroughly renovated, became the permanent headquarters for the Department of Posts and Telegraphs, for which it is well suited. The custom house was moved to the San Francisco Wharf, an impressive building that also houses the administration of Trisconia. Since 1608, the San Francisco Church has been the starting point for the religious processions that annually pass along the “Via de Cruces” or Way of the Cross, down Amargura Street, ending at the Church of El Cristo at the corner of Aguacate Street, which was built in 1640.
The San Agustin Convent was built by the order of San Agustin on Amergura Street at the corner of Aguiar Street. A tablet on the church itself states that it was completed in the year 1659. There is nothing of special interest connected with this church other than its antiquity and its general air of isolated depression.
The San Agustin Convent was constructed by the Augustinian order on Amergura Street at the corner of Aguiar Street. A plaque on the church indicates that it was finished in 1659. There's nothing particularly interesting about this church other than its age and its overall sense of gloomy isolation.
La Merced, located at the corner of Cuba and Merced Streets, was the culmination of an effort to establish a Merced Convent for that part of the City of Havana. It was begun in 1746 but not completed until 1792. La Merced is today considered the most fashionable church in the Island of Cuba, and during times of religious festivals the decorations of flowers and illumination of candles are very imposing. This church, and the National Theatre, during the opera season, furnish perhaps the two most interesting places in which to study Havana’s élite society.
La Merced, situated at the corner of Cuba and Merced Streets, was the result of an effort to create a Merced Convent for that area of Havana. It started in 1746 but wasn't finished until 1792. La Merced is now seen as the most stylish church on the Island of Cuba, and during religious festivals, the floral decorations and candlelight displays are quite impressive. This church, along with the National Theatre during the opera season, offers perhaps the two most fascinating venues to observe Havana's upper-class society.
IN NEW HAVANA
In New Havana
While many streets in Havana appear to belong to some Spanish city of centuries ago, many others vie with those of New York and Washington in their up-to-date Twentieth Century aspect. There are in both public and private edifices many examples of the finest modern architecture and construction, some rising many stories above the two-and three-storied buildings characteristic of former years.
While many streets in Havana look like they belong to a Spanish city from centuries ago, many others compete with those in New York and Washington for their modern 20th-century feel. Both public and private buildings showcase examples of the finest modern architecture and construction, with some rising several stories above the two- and three-story buildings typical of the past.
In 1689 the convent of Santa Catalina was built on the square facing O’Reilly Street, between Compostela and Aguacate Streets, the dedication of the church taking place in 1700. This convent has been famous for two centuries for its wealth, devotees vying with each other in the amount of money or property which they could contribute to the coffers of the church. It is said that $15,000 was the smallest contribution that could be accepted from any woman who chose to devote her life and fortune to the promotion of the Catholic faith and the prosperity of the Church. No limit was fixed to the amount of the individual contributions from novitiate nuns, and many of the wealthiest women of Havana society have disappeared from the social world, within its walls. The property was sold in 1917 for a million dollars and the inmates were removed to the new quarters located on the plateau in Vedado.
In 1689, the Santa Catalina convent was built on the square facing O’Reilly Street, between Compostela and Aguacate Streets, with the church's dedication happening in 1700. This convent has been well-known for two centuries for its wealth, with devotees competing with each other in the amount of money or property they could donate to the church. It's said that $15,000 was the minimum contribution accepted from any woman who wanted to dedicate her life and fortune to advancing the Catholic faith and the Church's prosperity. There was no limit on how much individual novitiate nuns could contribute, and many of the richest women in Havana society have vanished from the social scene within its walls. The property was sold in 1917 for a million dollars, and the residents were moved to new quarters located on the plateau in Vedado.
The picturesque church that stands on the crest of the hill in the district of Jesus del Monte was built in 1689. The view from the front of this church, looking over the city and bay beyond, is very pleasing.
The charming church that sits atop the hill in the Jesus del Monte area was built in 1689. The view from the front of this church, overlooking the city and the bay beyond, is quite delightful.
An attractive church from the viewpoint of its minarets and architecture, known as Santo Angel, is located on a small hill of that name near the junction of Cuarteles with Monserrate Street, overlooking the long stretch of green sward that extends from the new Presidential Palace to the Park of Luz Caballero. This church, in spite of its name, seems to have been selected by fate to suffer a number of serious reverses. In 1828 a stroke of lightning toppled over the tall spire on its eastern front, and again in 1846 a hurricane that did but little damage to the city tore down the cupola and brought with it the entire end of the building. In spite of this however the church has recently entered into a period of prosperity and is today the center of fashionable congregations who usually assemble there for twelve o’clock late mass.
An appealing church known as Santo Angel, recognized for its minarets and architecture, sits on a small hill of the same name near the intersection of Cuarteles and Monserrate Street. It overlooks the long stretch of green lawn that runs from the new Presidential Palace to the Park of Luz Caballero. Despite its name, this church seems to have been destined to face several major setbacks. In 1828, a lightning strike knocked down the tall spire on its eastern front, and in 1846, a hurricane that caused little damage to the city ripped down the dome and took down the entire end of the building. However, the church has recently entered a phase of prosperity and is now the hub for fashionable congregations who typically gather there for the late mass at noon.
Santa Teresa was founded in 1701 and is located at Compestela and Teniente Rey Streets.
Santa Teresa was established in 1701 and is situated at the intersection of Compestela and Teniente Rey Streets.
The convent of Santa Clara was built in 1664 and began with a fund of $550. It extends from Cuba to Havana Streets and from Sol to Luz Streets, covering two solid blocks of ground, and is the largest convent in the Island of Cuba. Owing to the recent increase in the price of city property, the space covered by this convent is valued at $1,500,000.
The convent of Santa Clara was established in 1664 with an initial fund of $550. It spans from Cuba to Havana Streets and from Sol to Luz Streets, covering two full blocks of land, making it the largest convent in on the Island of Cuba. Due to the recent rise in property prices in the city, the area occupied by this convent is now valued at $1,500,000.
In 1704 the convent of Belen was founded at the corner of Compostela and Luz Streets, covering an entire block of ground that had served previously as a recreation park for the Bishop of Compostela. Within this convent the Jesuit Order established what was known as the “Royal College of Havana,” whence were graduated some of the city’s famous lawyers and scholars. This order maintains an Observatory and weather bureau, whence reports in regard to storms in the Caribbean are contributed to the daily papers. Belen, among the devout Catholics of Cuba, is undoubtedly one of the most popular institutions of the West Indies.
In 1704, the Belen convent was established at the intersection of Compostela and Luz Streets, occupying an entire block that had previously been a recreational park for the Bishop of Compostela. Inside this convent, the Jesuit Order set up what was known as the “Royal College of Havana,” which graduated some of the city's renowned lawyers and scholars. This order also runs an observatory and weather bureau, providing storm reports for Caribbean weather to the daily newspapers. Belen is certainly one of the most popular institutions among devout Catholics in Cuba and the West Indies.
Shortly after the inauguration of Woodrow Wilson as President of the United States, Mr. William E. Gonzalez was appointed Minister Plenipotentiary from that country to the Republic of Cuba, and took up his residence in the old colonial mansion built by the Echarte family, located on the corner of Santa Catalina and Dominguez Streets. This beautiful quinta occupies a block of ground in the old aristocratic residence district of Cerro, some three miles distant from Central Park. The building, although only one story in height, is quite imposing, built of stone with white marble floors throughout, inclosing a beautiful patio that forms one of the unique and charming attractions of old-time residences in Havana. A wide marble flagged gallery runs all around this patio from which a soft subdued light enters the many rooms facing upon it. A broad porch, whose heavy flat roof is supported by long rows of stone columns, faces the south, and above it flies the Stars and Stripes from sunrise to sunset. The garden or grounds occupying the eastern half of the block are filled with beautiful shade trees and sweet scented flowers that have been brought from many parts of the world, while in front a row of stately royal palms reach up some 80 feet or more toward the blue sky.
Shortly after Woodrow Wilson became President of the United States, William E. Gonzalez was appointed as the Minister Plenipotentiary to Cuba and moved into the old colonial mansion built by the Echarte family on the corner of Santa Catalina and Dominguez Streets. This beautiful house sits on a block in the historic aristocratic neighborhood of Cerro, about three miles from Central Park. The building, although just one story tall, is quite impressive, made of stone with white marble floors throughout, enclosing a lovely patio that is one of the unique and charming features of old residences in Havana. A wide marble gallery runs around this patio, allowing soft, diffused light to enter the many rooms facing it. A large porch with a heavy flat roof supported by long rows of stone columns faces south, and above it, the Stars and Stripes flies from sunrise to sunset. The garden occupying the eastern half of the block is filled with beautiful shade trees and fragrant flowers brought from all around the world, while in front, a row of stately royal palms rises about 80 feet or more toward the blue sky.
La Chorrera, the Fort of Almandares, is a picturesque little old fort, some fifty feet square and two stories in height, built of coral rock in the year 1646, which rests upon a little islet not much bigger than the fort itself, at the eastern entrance of the Rio Almandares. Slave labor undoubtedly entered into the construction of this fort, although it is said to have cost 20,000 ducats. A flight of stone steps has been built up to the second floor that communicates with the entrance to the fort. Over this is a tablet giving the date of construction and the name of its builders.
La Chorrera, the Fort of Almandares, is a charming little old fort, about fifty feet square and two stories tall, made of coral rock in 1646. It sits on a small islet that’s not much bigger than the fort itself, at the eastern entrance of the Rio Almandares. Slave labor definitely played a role in building this fort, even though it's said to have cost 20,000 ducats. A set of stone steps leads up to the second floor, which connects to the fort's entrance. Above this is a plaque with the construction date and the names of its builders.
During the siege of Havana by the British in 1762, Lord Albemarle determined to land troops west of the City in order to take advantage of Principe Heights, overlooking the capital from the west. On June 10 a portion of the British fleet began bombarding La Chorrera. Its commanders, Captain Luis de Aguiar and Rafael de Cardenas, made a very stubborn resistance, yielding only when their ammunition had been completely exhausted. This fort is easily reached by the Vedado car line, from which a short walk of two blocks brings one to the mouth of the Almandares, on which the fort is located.
During the British siege of Havana in 1762, Lord Albemarle decided to land troops west of the city to take advantage of Principe Heights, which overlooks the capital from the west. On June 10, part of the British fleet started bombarding La Chorrera. Its commanders, Captain Luis de Aguiar and Rafael de Cardenas, put up fierce resistance, only surrendering when they ran out of ammunition. This fort can easily be reached by the Vedado car line, and a short walk of two blocks leads to the mouth of the Almandares River, where the fort is located.
On the western point, guarding the entrance of the little ensenada or inlet of Cojimo, four miles east of El Morro is Fort Cojimar, almost the duplicate of La Chorrera, which was constructed at the same time. These quaint monuments of the past add considerable historic and picturesque beauty to the northern coast of Cuba. All of them may be reached by beautiful automobile drives and are well worth a few moments in passing.
On the western point, overlooking the entrance to the small inlet of Cojimo, four miles east of El Morro, is Fort Cojimar, nearly identical to La Chorrera, which was built around the same time. These charming reminders of history add significant historical and scenic beauty to the northern coast of Cuba. They can all be accessed via beautiful drives and are definitely worth a quick stop.
The Torreon de la Playa, a small round watch tower, was erected on the eastern shores of La Playa, some three miles west of the Almandares River, where watchmen were kept both day and night to advise the authorities and inhabitants of the struggling young colony of the approach of pirates from the west, or any suspicious sails that might hove in sight. This structure was built by order of the Town Council, the “Cabilda,” on order issued on March 8, 1553, naming each individual who was to contribute either in money or men towards the work. The money contributed was exacted only from some half dozen of the inhabitants and amounted to a “real” or ten cents a day. The well-to-do inhabitants were called on each to furnish one negro with his tools, or lacking tools, a “batey” or boat in which to convey material.
The Torreon de la Playa, a small round watchtower, was built on the eastern shores of La Playa, about three miles west of the Almandares River. Watchmen stationed there day and night kept the authorities and residents of the struggling young colony informed about the approach of pirates from the west or any suspicious sails that might appear. This structure was commissioned by the Town Council, the “Cabilda,” on orders issued on March 8, 1553, which specified the names of those who were to contribute either money or labor for the project. The funds raised came solely from a handful of residents and amounted to a “real,” or ten cents, a day. Wealthier inhabitants were asked to provide a laborer along with tools, or if they didn't have tools, a “batey,” or boat, to help transport materials.
A similar tower known as the Torreon de San Lazaro was built in 1556 upon the western edge of the little inlet, which until the inauguration of the Republic in 1902 occupied the space where the beautiful equestrian statue of General Antonio Maceo now stands.
A similar tower called the Torreon de San Lazaro was built in 1556 on the western edge of the small inlet, which until the Republic was established in 1902 was the location of the beautiful equestrian statue of General Antonio Maceo that stands there now.
The picturesque fort known as Atares, located on the hill that commands the extreme southwestern end of the bay, was begun in 1763, immediately after the departure of the British, and completed in 1767. It is occupied at the present time by a small detachment of Cuban artillery, and is sacred in the eyes of all Americans owing to the fact that General Crittenden of Kentucky, and his 50 companions who had joined the unfortunate band of Cuban liberators under the command of Narciso Lopez, were executed on the western slope of the hill in August, 1851. Atares is easily reached by the Jesus del Monte cars, and the view from the top of the hill is worth the climb.
The charming fort called Atares, situated on the hill that overlooks the far southwestern tip of the bay, was started in 1763, right after the British left, and finished in 1767. It’s currently home to a small group of Cuban artillery soldiers, and it holds a special place in the hearts of all Americans because General Crittenden of Kentucky and his 50 companions, who joined the ill-fated group of Cuban liberators led by Narciso Lopez, were executed on the western slope of the hill in August 1851. Atares is easy to reach by the Jesus del Monte cars, and the view from the top of the hill is worth the hike.
The Castillo del Principe, the last fortification of the 18th century, was placed on the western edge of the Principe plateau, on the same spot where Lord Albemarle with his British troops looked down on the City of Havana during the siege of 1762. Fort Principe was begun in 1774 and completed in 1794. The general style of architecture is similar to that of all the military structures of this period, although Principe is larger and more commodious than Atares. A deep moat surrounds the fortification and an old style drawbridge connects the outer edge with the entrance to the citadel itself. Since the beginning of the Cuban Republic the fort has been used as a state penitentiary, and is a model of ideas and methods in the treatment of its convicts. The inmates are not only taught to read and write, but learn useful trades as well. Those of musical bent have formed a brass band, in which they have been encouraged under the intelligent direction of General Demetrio Castillo, who has had charge of the prisoners in Cuba almost since the beginning of the Republic.
The Castillo del Principe, the last fort built in the 18th century, is located on the western edge of the Principe plateau, right where Lord Albemarle and his British troops once overlooked the City of Havana during the siege of 1762. Construction on Fort Principe began in 1774 and wrapped up in 1794. Its architectural style is similar to that of other military structures from this period, although Principe is larger and more spacious than Atares. A deep moat surrounds the fort, and an old-fashioned drawbridge connects the outer edge to the entrance of the citadel. Since the start of the Cuban Republic, the fort has been used as a state prison and is a model for rehabilitation approaches and methods in the treatment of inmates. The prisoners are not only taught to read and write but also learn useful trades. Those with musical talent have formed a brass band, encouraged by the capable leadership of General Demetrio Castillo, who has overseen the inmates in Cuba almost since the beginning of the Republic.
The view from the top of the hill is one of the most attractive in the Province of Havana, and may be reached either by the Principe car line, which terminates at its base, or by an automobile drive which leads through a winding way up the hillside to the very entrance of the fortress.
The view from the top of the hill is one of the most beautiful in the Province of Havana, and you can get there either by the Principe train line, which ends at its base, or by driving an automobile along a winding route up the hillside to the entrance of the fortress.
The Botanical Gardens, Quinto de Molinos, are a beautiful property fronting on Carlos Tercero Street and extending along the north side of the drive from Infanta Street to the foot of Principe Hill. They belong to the Government. On the corner of Infanta Street is located the new City Hospital, the largest and most complete institute of its kind in the West Indies. Just beyond are the ground of the Botanical Gardens and the Quinto de Molinos, forming a long, beautiful well laid out, shaded park. Its graveled walks lined with many varieties of stately palms and tropical plants some indigenous and some brought from other parts of the world, render the ground a charming and interesting retreat, not far from the center of the City. The estate covers some 40 acres, and within its limits are held Agricultural and Live Stock fairs, that under normal conditions take place annually. These grounds, during Spanish colonial times, were used as a summer residence by the Captains-General of Cuba, and for that reason have a certain degree of historical interest, since here Generals Martinez Campos, Weyler and Blanco, with many of their predecessors, passed much of their time during the summer season.
The Botanical Gardens, Quinto de Molinos, is a beautiful property facing Carlos Tercero Street and stretching along the north side of the drive from Infanta Street to the base of Principe Hill. They are owned by the Government. On the corner of Infanta Street stands the new City Hospital, the largest and most complete facility of its kind in the West Indies. Just beyond are the grounds of the Botanical Gardens and Quinto de Molinos, creating a long, beautifully designed, shaded park. Its gravel paths are lined with various stately palms and tropical plants, some native and others imported from around the world, making the area a charming and interesting escape not far from the City center. The estate spans about 40 acres, and within its boundaries, Agricultural and Livestock fairs are typically held annually under normal circumstances. These grounds were used as a summer residence by the Captains-General of Cuba during Spanish colonial times, which gives them a certain degree of historical interest, as Generals Martinez Campos, Weyler, and Blanco, along with many of their predecessors, spent much of their summer here.
Several picturesque kiosks and artistic structures with seats have been built for the benefit of the public, and usually during the winter season open air concerts are given within the grounds once or twice a week by the Municipal Band. The Quinto is easily reached either by street car or automobile and there is probably no place within the city limits where one can pass a more restful and profitable hour, than within the shade of the Botanical Gardens of Havana.
Several charming kiosks and artistic structures with seating have been built for the public's enjoyment, and typically during the winter season, open-air concerts are held on the grounds once or twice a week by the Municipal Band. The Quinto is easily accessible by streetcar or car, and there's probably no place within the city limits where you can spend a more relaxing and enjoyable hour than under the shade of the Botanical Gardens of Havana.
CHAPTER XXIX
HAVANA
HAVANA is one of the most charming capitals in the New World. Its very name, Indian in its origin, conjures up a vivid panorama of four centuries, crowded with tragedy, pathos, adventure, bold deeds, cruel crimes and noble sacrifices; on whose rapidly moving film the hand of fate has pictured every phase of human emotion from the wild dreams of world conquerors, to the hopeless despair of hunted Cubenos, who preferred death to slavery. It was on the 25th day of July, 1515, that Diego Velasquez, while cruising along the south coast of the Island, stopped on the sandy beach near a native fishing village called Metabano. The Indians belonged to a tribe known as the Habanas; one of the thirty different divisions of the Cubenos. Grass-covered plains extending back from the beach seemed to impress Velasquez favorably, so he founded a city there and called it San Cristobal de la Habana.
HAVANA is one of the most charming capitals in the New World. Its name, which comes from Indigenous roots, brings to mind a vivid history of four centuries filled with tragedy, emotion, adventure, bold actions, cruel crimes, and noble sacrifices. This history reflects every aspect of human emotion, from the wild ambitions of world conquerors to the deep despair of hunted Cubans, who chose death over slavery. On July 25, 1515, Diego Velasquez, while exploring the south coast of the Island, stopped on the sandy beach near a native fishing village called Metabano. The locals were part of a tribe known as the Habanas, one of the thirty divisions of the Cubans. The grass-covered plains stretching back from the beach seemed to impress Velasquez, so he founded a city there and named it San Cristobal de la Habana.
Toward the close of the year 1519, however, the colonists evidently disapproved of Velasquez’s selection and moved their town across to the north coast of the Island at the mouth of the Almandares, where northeasterly winds made the summers more agreeable. This little stream, emptying into the Gulf of Mexico, had a depth of twelve or fifteen feet at the mouth, sufficient for the caravels of those days. But some of the City Fathers, in their wanderings to the eastward, found the beautiful bay, then known as Carena. A prophetic glimpse into the future may have furnished the motive for another change; at any rate a year later they picked up their household fixtures, carrying with them the town records, and established the City where it now stands, on the eastern shores of one of the finest land locked harbors in the world. In 1556 Havana became the capital of Cuba, the rendezvous of all Spanish fleets in the Occident, as well as the key to the Gulf of Mexico.
Toward the end of 1519, the colonists clearly disapproved of Velasquez’s choice and relocated their town to the north coast of the island at the mouth of the Almandares, where the northeastern winds made summers more pleasant. This small river, flowing into the Gulf of Mexico, was about twelve to fifteen feet deep at the mouth, which was enough for the ships of that time. However, some of the city leaders, during their explorations to the east, discovered the beautiful bay then known as Carena. A prophetic vision of the future might have motivated this change; in any case, a year later they gathered their belongings, took the town records with them, and established the city where it stands today, on the eastern shores of one of the best landlocked harbors in the world. In 1556, Havana became the capital of Cuba, the meeting point for all Spanish fleets in the West, and the gateway to the Gulf of Mexico.
Havana in the early days of the 16th century consisted of several groups or clusters of palm thatched huts, not far from the bay, with little that could suggest a city in embryo. As in all cities built by the Spaniards in the New World, the first permanent buildings were churches and monasteries erected for the benefit of the Catholic clergy and built, as a rule, of adobe or mamposteria, with walls two or three feet in thickness. The material used was a mixture of rock, earth and sand, inclosed in facings of plaster. Many of them were decorated with crude figures and images of saints popular in the community.
Havana in the early 16th century was made up of several clusters of palm-thatched huts located not far from the bay, with little to indicate the beginnings of a city. Like other cities established by the Spaniards in the New World, the first permanent structures were churches and monasteries built for the Catholic clergy, usually made of adobe or masonry, with walls two or three feet thick. The material used was a mix of rock, soil, and sand, enclosed in plaster facings. Many of these buildings featured simple figures and images of saints that were well-loved in the community.
Later, quarries of soft limestone were found in abundance, and from these, blocks were easily cut which, after exposure to the atmosphere, formed a hard, durable building material. The coral rock of which both Morro and Cabañas were built was taken from old quarries scattered along the north shore from Morro eastward. From these quarries came also the stone that built the spacious San Francisco Convent, occupied today by the Central post office.
Later, abundant quarries of soft limestone were discovered, and blocks could be easily cut from them. After being exposed to the air, these blocks turned into a hard, long-lasting building material. The coral rock used to build both Morro and Cabañas was sourced from old quarries located along the north shore from Morro to the east. These quarries also supplied the stone for the large San Francisco Convent, which is now home to the Central post office.
As in all Spanish towns, in the New World at least, a plaza or open square formed the center from which the principal streets radiated. On the eastern side of the plaza of Havana, in front of La Fuerza, was erected in after years El Templete, in honor of the first mass held by the inhabitants of Havana, which took place under a giant ceiba growing close to the shore of the harbor, in 1519.
As in all Spanish towns, at least in the New World, a plaza or open square served as the center from which the main streets spread out. On the eastern side of the Havana plaza, in front of La Fuerza, El Templete was built later on to honor the first mass celebrated by the residents of Havana, which took place under a giant ceiba tree near the harbor's shore in 1519.
Nearly all of the permanent structures in Havana, up to the middle of the 17th century, were located on or near the water front, some distance in from La Punta. Many of these, including La Fuerza, the San Francisco convent, the old cathedral and La Maestranza, were built of coral limestone cemented with a mixture the formula for which is said to have been lost, but which in these buildings has endured the wear of centuries. Excellent clay for making tile and brick was later found not far south of the City, so that the more pretentious buildings were covered with roofs of the criolla tiles that are still common throughout all Latin America.
Nearly all the permanent structures in Havana, up to the middle of the 17th century, were located on or near the waterfront, some distance from La Punta. Many of these, including La Fuerza, the San Francisco convent, the old cathedral, and La Maestranza, were made of coral limestone held together with a mix whose formula is said to have been lost, but which in these buildings has withstood the test of centuries. Later, excellent clay for making tiles and bricks was found not far south of the city, so the more impressive buildings were topped with roofs of criolla tiles that are still common throughout Latin America.
Before the middle of the 15th century, the clearing in which Havana was located was extended out as far as the street now known as Monserrate, running from the Gulf front across to the southwestern extension of the bay. In 1663 a splendid wall was begun along this line and completed with the help of slaves in 1740. It ran almost north and south, inclosing the city on the west, and protected it from all attacks coming from the land side. This wall was twenty feet in height and twelve feet thick at the base, surmounted at frequent intervals by quaint round-topped turrets. It had its angles, bastions and points of vantage for defensive purposes, the work, according to experts, representing a very high degree of engineering ability on the part of those who planned it.
Before the mid-15th century, the clearing where Havana was located stretched as far as the street now called Monserrate, running from the Gulf front across to the southwestern part of the bay. In 1663, an impressive wall began to be built along this line and was finished with the help of slaves in 1740. It ran nearly north and south, enclosing the city on the west and protecting it from any attacks from the land side. This wall was twenty feet high and twelve feet thick at the base, topped at regular intervals with charming round-topped turrets. It featured angles, bastions, and lookout points for defense, and experts noted that it demonstrated a very high level of engineering skill from those who designed it.
With the exception of one angle and its turret, which stands in front of the new Presidential Palace, the old walls were removed in 1902, thus depriving Havana of perhaps the most picturesque feature of the ancient city.
Aside from one corner and its tower, which sits in front of the new Presidential Palace, the old walls were taken down in 1902, taking away what might have been the most scenic aspect of the old city of Havana.
Just in front of this wall on the west, a wide clearing was made to prevent surprise attacks from the forests beyond. With the felling of the trees, grass soon grew along its entire length, hence the name Prado, which means meadow, became permanently attached to it, and so the green lawn in front of the old walls of the 17th century was transformed two hundred years later into Havana’s most aristocratic avenue.
Just in front of this wall to the west, a large clearing was created to guard against surprise attacks from the woods beyond. After the trees were cut down, grass quickly spread all along it, which is why it became known as Prado, meaning meadow. Over time, this green lawn in front of the old 17th-century walls transformed into Havana's most prestigious avenue, two hundred years later.
The principal thoroughfare, leading from the southern side of the Plaza de Armas to the Prado, was called Obispo or Bishop Street, which name it still retains. It is said that the first Bishop of Havana was in the habit of taking his daily walk out along this road to the main gate of the City; hence the name.
Beginning at the water front and running from La Fuerza west, parallel to Obispo, is O’Reilly Street, named in honor of one of Cuba’s most energetic Governors-General, who controlled the affairs of Havana in 1763, and who was, as the name suggests, of Irish antecedents. Just north of O’Reilly and parallel to it we have Empedrado Street which won its distinction by being paved from the old Cathedral to San Juan de Dios Park in the time of Governor General Las Casas. South of Obispo came Obrapia Street, or the Lane of Pious Works. Beyond and parallel to it came Lamparilla Street, which earned this cognomen owing to the fact that some progressive citizen in the early days hung a lantern in front of his residence for the benefit of the public at large.
Beginning at the waterfront and running from La Fuerza west, parallel to Obispo, is O’Reilly Street, named after one of Cuba’s most dynamic Governors-General, who oversaw the affairs of Havana in 1763 and was, as the name suggests, of Irish descent. Just north of O’Reilly and parallel to it is Empedrado Street, which gained recognition for being paved from the old Cathedral to San Juan de Dios Park during the time of Governor General Las Casas. South of Obispo is Obrapia Street, or the Lane of Pious Works. Further beyond and parallel to it is Lamparilla Street, which got its name because a forward-thinking citizen in the early days hung a lantern in front of his house for the benefit of the public.
Next comes Amargua Street, or the Bitter Way. It is along Amargura that certain pious and penitent monks were said to practice flagellation. With shoulders bent, and on their knees, they invited the blows of whips while wending their way out towards the edge of the city. Incidentally they collected alms en route. On the southeast corner of Amargura and Mercaderes Streets a peculiar cross in stucco, painted green, is built into the wall of the house where, centuries ago, lived a high dignitary of the church, before which all passing religious processions paused for special prayers.
Next is Amargura Street, or the Bitter Way. It's along Amargura that some devout and remorseful monks were said to practice flagellation. With their shoulders hunched and on their knees, they welcomed the blows of whips as they made their way toward the edge of the city. Along the way, they collected alms. On the southeast corner of Amargura and Mercaderes Streets, there's a unique stucco cross, painted green, built into the wall of the house where, centuries ago, a high-ranking church official lived. Religious processions would stop there for special prayers.
There is hardly a square within the old walled city that has not some story or legend whose origin goes back to the days of Velasquez, De Soto, Cortez of Mexico, and other celebrated conquerors of the New World.
There’s barely a square in the old walled city that doesn’t have a story or legend connected to it, originating from the times of Velasquez, De Soto, Cortez of Mexico, and other famous conquerors of the New World.
The Havana of today is a strange mingling of modern, reinforced cement and stone structures, five or six stories high, with little one or two-story, thick-walled, tile roofed samples of architecture that prevailed three hundred years or more ago. City property, however, is increasing so rapidly in value that many old landmarks along the narrow streets of the wall inclosed section are being torn down and replaced with large, well equipped office buildings.
The Havana of today is a strange mix of modern, reinforced concrete and stone buildings, five or six stories high, alongside small one or two-story, thick-walled, tile-roofed examples of architecture from three hundred years ago or more. However, city property is increasing in value so rapidly that many old landmarks along the narrow streets of the walled section are being demolished and replaced with large, well-equipped office buildings.
COLON PARK
Colony Park
Colon Park, one of the most beautiful pleasure grounds of the Cuban capital, is also known as the Campo de Marte, and is at the southern end of the famous Prado. It is noted for its marvellous avenues of royal palms. From it the Call de la Reina, once one of the most fashionable streets of the city but now given up to business, runs westward toward the Botanical Gardens.
Colon Park, one of the most beautiful parks in the Cuban capital, is also known as Campo de Marte and is located at the southern end of the famous Prado. It's famous for its stunning avenues of royal palms. From there, Calle de la Reina, which was once one of the trendiest streets in the city but is now primarily commercial, runs westward toward the Botanical Gardens.
With the accumulation of sugar estates, coffee plantations, cattle ranches and resultant wealth, people of means began to seek summer homes beyond the walls of the old City. All men in those days went heavily armed for any danger that might threaten, while numerous slaves furnished protection from common thieves and highwaymen.
With the growing number of sugar estates, coffee plantations, cattle ranches, and the wealth that came with them, wealthy people started looking for summer homes outside the old City. Back then, all men carried weapons to guard against any potential threats, while many slaves provided protection from thieves and bandits.
With the development of the outlying districts, trails and roads soon began to reach out both to the west and south, followed some years later by what were known as Caminos Reales or Royal Roads, connecting Havana with Matanzas, Santa Clara, Cienfuegos, Trinidad, Sancti Spiritus, Remedios, Camaguey and Santiago de Cuba.
With the growth of the surrounding areas, trails and roads quickly began to extend west and south, followed a few years later by what were called Caminos Reales or Royal Roads, linking Havana with Matanzas, Santa Clara, Cienfuegos, Trinidad, Sancti Spiritus, Remedios, Camaguey, and Santiago de Cuba.
One road, known still as El Cerro, ran southwest along the crest of a ridge that led towards the western part of the Island and in after years connected Havana with the big coffee plantations in the mountains and foothills of Pinar del Rio. Along this road were built the first suburban residences and country homes of the aristocracy of Havana.
One road, still called El Cerro, ran southwest along the ridge that led to the western part of the Island and later connected Havana to the large coffee plantations in the mountains and foothills of Pinar del Rio. Along this road, the first suburban homes and country houses of Havana's aristocracy were built.
Many of these places were cut out of dense woods, and on one of them, until less than ten years ago, the original owner, the Conde de Fernandina, retained a full square of dense primeval forest, not a tree of which had been removed since the days of Columbus. This remnant of virgin wilderness, located on the corner of El Cerro and Consejero Arango Streets, was for some six years passed by the electric car line of El Cerro.
Many of these areas were cleared from thick woods, and until less than ten years ago, the original owner, the Conde de Fernandina, still had a whole block of lush, untouched forest, with not a single tree cut down since Columbus's time. This piece of untouched wilderness, situated at the corner of El Cerro and Consejero Arango Streets, had been overlooked by the El Cerro electric car line for about six years.
All of this section of the City, of course, was long ago built up with handsome residences that sheltered most of the old Cuban families, who had inherited the right to titles, coats of arms, and other paraphernalia pertaining to the monarchy of Spain. Tulipan Park marks the center of this aristocratic district, and still retains much of its old-time atmosphere of colonial prestige.
All of this part of the City was built up a long time ago with beautiful homes that housed most of the old Cuban families, who had inherited titles, coats of arms, and other symbols related to the Spanish monarchy. Tulipan Park is at the heart of this upscale neighborhood and still keeps much of its historic colonial charm.
Further south ran another winding trail that gradually ascended a range of hills, forming the divide from which the undulating surface slopes towards the south coast, thirty miles away, where Velasquez located the original site of Havana. This thoroughfare is known as Jesus del Monte, or Jesus of the Mountain, and has become quite popular in recent years on account of reputed healthfulness due to its elevation above the sea.
Further south, there was another winding trail that gradually went up a range of hills, marking the divide from which the rolling landscape slopes down toward the south coast, thirty miles away, where Velasquez established the original site of Havana. This road is known as Jesus del Monte, or Jesus of the Mountain, and it has become quite popular in recent years because of its reputed health benefits due to its height above sea level.
When the last remnants of the Spanish army returned to Spain in 1899, that portion of the City called El Vedado, or The Forbidden, extending from the Beneficencia, or Orphan Asylum, out to the Almandares River, three miles distant, was nothing but a goat pasture, with a low sea front of sharp coral rocks. Its soil was thin and the district apparently had nothing to recommend it aside from its view of the ocean.
When the last remnants of the Spanish army came back to Spain in 1899, the area of the City known as El Vedado, or The Forbidden, which stretched from the Beneficencia, or Orphan Asylum, to the Almandares River three miles away, was just a goat pasture with a low coastline full of sharp coral rocks. The soil was thin, and the area seemed to have no appeal other than its ocean view.
A little dummy engine pulled a shaky, shabby car out to the Almandares, making four trips a day. Just why it ran at all was a mystery to the inhabitants, since there was but little inducement to travel in that direction. The entire expanse of land from the Santa Clara Battery to the Almandares, and miles beyond, could have been purchased for a song, but no one wanted it.
A small, unreliable engine pulled a rickety, worn-out car out to the Almandares, making four trips a day. The reason it even ran at all was a mystery to the locals since there wasn't much incentive to travel that way. The whole area of land from the Santa Clara Battery to the Almandares, and for miles beyond, could have been bought for a very low price, but no one was interested in it.
Two years later some “fool American” erected an attractive bungalow on the line, about half way to the Almandares, and not long after, sign boards could be seen with the notice, “Lots for sale,” which invariably occasioned smiles, since there were no purchasers. But around the bungalow were laid out pretty grounds, and the suggestion took root. Two men of means erected beautiful places close by, and the building of homes in the cactus-covered flats became a fad.
Two years later, some "foolish American" built a nice bungalow along the line, about halfway to the Almandares. Not long after, signs popped up stating "Lots for sale," which always brought smiles because there weren’t any buyers. But around the bungalow, they landscaped the area nicely, and the idea caught on. Two wealthy men built beautiful homes nearby, and suddenly, building houses in the cactus-covered flats became a trend.
The price of lots, which began at ten cents a square meter, soon rose to a dollar, then two dollars, five, ten, twenty-five, and today this entire section from Havana to the Almandares and beyond, from the dog teeth coral of the coast, up over the crest of the Principe Hill, is covered with beautiful modern mansions with splendid grounds, and forms the residential pride and show ground of the city.
The price of lots, which started at ten cents per square meter, quickly climbed to a dollar, then two dollars, five, ten, twenty-five, and now this whole area from Havana to the Almandares and beyond, from the coral reefs along the coast, up over the top of Principe Hill, is filled with stunning modern mansions and beautiful grounds, and serves as the residential pride and showcase of the city.
This marvelous increase in development of suburban property, which seems to continue with leaps and bounds, has long since passed the Almandares River and reached out to the Playa and to the Country Club, while even further west land is sold by the square meter and not by the caballeria. All has taken place since Leonard Wood stepped into the Palace as Governor-General of Cuba in the year 1900.
This amazing growth in suburban property development, which keeps advancing rapidly, has long surpassed the Almandares River and extended to the Playa and the Country Club. Even further west, land is now sold by the square meter instead of by the caballeria. All of this has happened since Leonard Wood became the Governor-General of Cuba in 1900.
Another well-known highway that played an important part in the early history of Havana was called La Reina. This wide, beautiful avenue begins at the Parque Colon and runs due west until at the crest of the first ridge the name changes to Carlos Tercero, passing between avenues of laurels until it reaches the Quinto de los Molinos and the Botanical Gardens. Passing on around the southern edge of the Principe Plateau, the avenue continues on to Colon Cemetery, a beautiful spot, commanding a view of the mouth of the Almandares, and that portion of Vedado lying between it and the Gulf. Since Havana has but one cemetery for a city of over 360,000 inhabitants, travel to the last resting place is somewhat constant over this really beautiful road.
Another well-known highway that was significant in the early history of Havana is called La Reina. This wide, beautiful avenue starts at Parque Colón and runs directly west until, at the top of the first ridge, it changes name to Carlos Tercero, passing between rows of laurel trees until it reaches Quinto de los Molinos and the Botanical Gardens. Continuing around the southern edge of the Príncipe Plateau, the avenue goes on to Colón Cemetery, a lovely spot that overlooks the mouth of the Almandares River and the part of Vedado located between it and the Gulf. Since Havana has only one cemetery for a city of over 360,000 residents, travel to this final resting place is fairly regular along this really beautiful road.
The view from the western terminus of Principe Hill is one of the finest in Cuba’s capital. It was this crest that the English Colonel Howe, after landing his force of three thousand men in 1762 at the mouth of the Almandares River, ascended and from it saw for the first time the old walled city lying at his feet, in all its primitive glory.
The view from the west end of Principe Hill is one of the best in Cuba's capital. It was this peak that the English Colonel Howe, after landing his force of three thousand men in 1762 at the mouth of the Almandares River, climbed and from there saw the old walled city below him for the first time, in all its original splendor.
This commanding position on the western edge of the Principe Plateau, with the City of Havana, the Botanical Gardens and the beautiful Quinto de los Molinos lying at its base, was chosen for the site of the University of Havana, and no more appropriate place for an institution of this kind could have been selected. In the near future it will undoubtedly become one of the most important seats of learning in Latin America.
This prominent spot on the western edge of the Principe Plateau, with the City of Havana, the Botanical Gardens, and the beautiful Quinto de los Molinos at its base, was selected for the University of Havana, and there couldn’t be a better place for an institution like this. In the near future, it will surely become one of the most significant centers of learning in Latin America.
Near the head of the western extension of Havana Harbor is the Loma of Atares, on whose summit rests a picturesque 18th century fortress of the same name. The hill rises abruptly several hundred feet above the level plain, and commands all approaches to the City both from the south and the west.
Near the top of the western extension of Havana Harbor is the Loma of Atares, where a picturesque 18th-century fortress of the same name sits on its peak. The hill rises sharply several hundred feet above the flat plain, overseeing all access to the city from both the south and the west.
The prado or meadow, that extended along the western front of Havana’s embattled ramparts, is today changed into a wide esplanade, along which runs a double driveway for automobiles and carriages. Through the center, between double rows of laurels and flamboyans, are shaded walks, shrubs and rare plants of the tropics. On both sides of this fashionable street, sumptuous mansions, many of them homes of millionaires and distinguished men of this western Paris, have been built since the inauguration of the Republic. Attempts have been made at different times to change the name of this avenue, but the people of Havana, up to the present, have insisted on retaining the term first given it, the “Prado,” that always lay between the City gates and the western forests.
The meadow that stretched along the western edge of Havana’s fortified walls has now transformed into a wide esplanade, featuring a double driveway for cars and carriages. In the middle, shaded paths lined with laurel and flamboyant trees are complemented by shrubs and rare tropical plants. On either side of this trendy avenue, impressive mansions, many belonging to millionaires and prominent figures of this western Paris, have been constructed since the Republic was established. There have been various attempts to rename this avenue, but the people of Havana have consistently chosen to keep the original name, the “Prado,” which always existed between the City gates and the western forests.
On the east lies the former walled city with its narrow streets and antique buildings and picturesque landmarks of bygone centuries. On the west we have the more modern City, that extends for miles both south and west, where beautiful residences have been erected, some of them palatial in size and appointments. Several of the more prominent hotels, too, are located on the Prado where it forms the western boundary of “Parque Central,” that delightful retreat in the City’s center. In front of the Park was the large gate that gave entrance and exit to the traffic of the old time thoroughfares of Obispo and O’Reilly. Many beautiful club buildings, whose cost ran into millions, are located along the Prado.
To the east lies the old walled city, known for its narrow streets, historic buildings, and charming landmarks from centuries past. To the west is the more modern part of the City, stretching for miles to the south and west, where elegant homes have been built, some impressively large and luxurious. Several of the notable hotels are also found on the Prado, which marks the western edge of “Parque Central,” a lovely escape in the heart of the City. In front of the Park is a large gate that allowed entry and exit for the traffic along the old major roads, Obispo and O’Reilly. There are also many beautiful club buildings along the Prado, each costing millions to construct.
At the southwestern corner of the Park is the new National Theatre, a magnificent piece of architecture covering an entire block of ground, and costing some $3,000,000. This theatre is the largest and best equipped place of amusement in Havana, and at its entertainments may be found the elite of the Island republic. The season of grand opera continues for approximately six weeks every winter, during which the best artists of Italy, France, Spain and the Metropolitan Opera of New York furnish entertainment to a music-loving audience, whose taste is as refined and critical as any in the world.
At the southwest corner of the park is the new National Theatre, an impressive piece of architecture that occupies an entire city block and cost about $3,000,000. This theatre is the largest and best-equipped venue for entertainment in Havana, attracting the elite of the island republic. The season for grand opera lasts about six weeks every winter, during which top artists from Italy, France, Spain, and the Metropolitan Opera of New York perform for a music-loving audience, whose taste is as sophisticated and discerning as any in the world.
The “Parque Central” covers an area equivalent to two city squares, in which many beautiful shade trees, including the evergreen laurel, the flamboyan, date and royal palms, and other plants and flowers peculiar to the tropics, add shade and beauty to the spot. In its center rises an imposing statue in marble of José Marti.
The “Parque Central” spans an area similar to two city squares, where many beautiful shade trees, including evergreen laurel, flamboyant, date and royal palms, along with other tropical plants and flowers, provide shade and enhance the beauty of the area. At its center stands a striking marble statue of José Martí.
From this central point the Prado continues south until it terminates in the “Parque de los Indies.” Adjoining on the west is the “Parque de Colon,” with an area equivalent to four large city blocks. Stately royal palms, india rubber trees, flowering majaguas, cocoanuts and rare tropical plants, render this park one of the most interesting in the City.
From this central point, the Prado goes south until it ends at the "Parque de los Indies." Next to it on the west side is the "Parque de Colon," which covers an area equal to four large city blocks. Elegant royal palms, rubber trees, blooming majaguas, coconuts, and unique tropical plants make this park one of the most fascinating in the city.
Leading away from the head of the Parque de Colon we find a wide avenue known as La Reina, that extends westward and upward to the summit of Belascoain, where its width is more than doubled in the Avenue known as Carlos Tercero. This continues west between two long rows of shade trees, outside of which are two more drives running parallel to the main or central avenue.
Leading away from the entrance of Parque de Colón, we find a wide street called La Reina, which goes westward and uphill to the top of Belascoain, where it widens even more into the avenue known as Carlos Tercero. This continues west between two long lines of shade trees, with two additional roads running parallel to the main central avenue.
This continues out beyond the Botanical Gardens, the Quinto de los Molinos, whence the main street curves around the crest of the Plateau of El Principe, and continues on two miles to Colon Cemetery near the further end of the Plateau, on the east bank of the Almandares.
This goes on beyond the Botanical Gardens to the Quinto de los Molinos, where the main street bends around the top of the Plateau of El Principe and carries on for two miles to Colon Cemetery at the far end of the Plateau, along the east bank of the Almandares.
Colon cemetery is one of the finest in Latin America. The monument dedicated to the seventeen firemen who perished beneath the falling wall of a burning house, consists of a single shaft some fifty feet in height, surmounted by the figure of an angel, supporting in her arms an exhausted fireman. Cameos in marble of the faces of the men who died in the performance of duty, are cut around the base of the monument. Another beautiful example of the sculptor’s art stands above the tomb of the “Inocentes,” where lie buried the bodies of the eight youths who were executed by the Spanish Volunteers, at the foot of the Prado on November 27, 1871. In this cemetery are buried also many of Cuba’s famous men and women whose graves are carefully kept, and on Decoration Day are visited by thousands of people, friends, relatives and admirers, who leave their tributes of flowers, kind thoughts and tears.
Colon Cemetery is one of the best in Latin America. The monument dedicated to the seventeen firefighters who lost their lives when a wall fell from a burning house features a single shaft about fifty feet high, topped by an angel holding an exhausted firefighter in her arms. Marble cameos of the faces of the men who died in the line of duty, are carved around the base of the monument. Another stunning example of sculptural art is located above the tomb of the “Inocentes,” where the bodies of the eight young men executed by the Spanish Volunteers are buried, at the foot of the Prado on November 27, 1871. This cemetery also contains the graves of many of Cuba’s notable men and women, which are well-maintained, and on Decoration Day, thousands of people—friends, family, and admirers—visit to pay their respects with flowers, kind thoughts, and tears.
Music in all its varied forms, from grand opera to the rhythmic beat of the kettle drum, (which plays such an important part in the orchestras of native negroes) probably furnishes the chief source of pleasure and entertainment in the Republic of Cuba. The Havanese have always been a music loving people, and really excellent musicians are common in the Capital.
Music in all its different forms, from grand opera to the rhythmic beat of the kettle drum (which plays such a key role in the orchestras of local Afro-Cuban musicians), likely provides the main source of pleasure and entertainment in the Republic of Cuba. The people of Havana have always loved music, and truly talented musicians are quite common in the capital.
The Municipal Band of Havana, with some eighty artists, under the direction of Guillermo Tomas, furnishes music, either in Central Park or the Malecon, several evenings each week. It is in attendance also at nearly all official functions, and funerals of prominent men, soldiers, and officers of the Government.
The Municipal Band of Havana, made up of about eighty musicians and led by Guillermo Tomas, plays music in Central Park or along the Malecon several nights a week. They also perform at almost all official events, as well as at the funerals of notable individuals, soldiers, and government officials.
This same band has won at different times the admiration and approval of many audiences in the United States, including that of critical Boston, where concerts were given in Symphony Hall in 1915. It was also heard at New York City’s Tercentenary Celebration during the fall of the same year. Director Tomas is very proud of the medal awarded to his band by the judges of the Buffalo Exposition in 1901.
This same band has, at different times, earned the admiration and approval of many audiences in the United States, including the critical crowd in Boston, where concerts were held in Symphony Hall in 1915. They also performed at New York City’s Tercentenary Celebration during the fall of that same year. Director Tomas takes great pride in the medal his band received from the judges of the Buffalo Exposition in 1901.
Many other excellent bands belonging to the Navy, and to different branches of the Army, are noted for their music, and share with the Municipal in entertaining the public during different evenings of the week at the Malecon, and at various parks scattered throughout the City.
Many other great bands from the Navy and various branches of the Army are known for their music and join the Municipal band in entertaining the public on different evenings throughout the week at the Malecon and in various parks across the City.
The Conservatory of Music located on Galiano Street near Concordia Street has turned out many brilliant artists during its career of half a century or more. Recitals of music are usually held in the National Theatre or in the Salons of the Academy of Arts and Sciences on Cuba Street. In these halls nearly all the celebrated artists of the world have given concerts, and hardly a week passes without entertainments by the best local talent.
The Conservatory of Music on Galiano Street near Concordia Street has produced many talented artists over its 50-plus years of existence. Music recitals typically take place at the National Theatre or in the Salons of the Academy of Arts and Sciences on Cuba Street. In these venues, almost every famous artist from around the world has performed, and hardly a week goes by without shows featuring the best local talent.
Next to music, driving, either in automobiles or open carriages, over the beautiful “Careteras” radiating from the City, furnishes probably the most popular form of diversion in Cuba. Nearly every evening throughout the year, the view of the Malecon where the Prado and the beautiful Gulf Shore Drive meet is a scene of animation not soon to be forgotten.
Next to music, driving—whether in cars or open carriages—along the beautiful "Careteras" that stretch out from the city is probably the most popular form of entertainment in Cuba. Almost every evening all year round, the view of the Malecon where the Prado and the stunning Gulf Shore Drive converge is a lively scene that's hard to forget.
The circular Glorieta, with its dome-shaped roof, supported on heavy stone columns, shelters some one of the famous National bands while hundreds of people in machines, in carriages, on stone benches and iron seats, enjoy the music and between selections chat about the various topics of the day. From eight until ten, under the shadow of the grim old fortress “la Punta,” and in the blaze of electric lights which line the Prado and the Malecon, this diversion holds the public, including all grades of society, from the highest officials to the humblest clerk, or girl worker in the tobacco factories, who enjoy the benefits of a true democracy, social and political and financial.
The circular Glorieta, with its dome-shaped roof supported by heavy stone columns, hosts one of the renowned National bands while hundreds of people in cars, carriages, on stone benches, and iron seats enjoy the music and chat about various topics of the day between performances. From eight until ten, under the shadow of the grim old fortress “la Punta,” and amidst the glow of electric lights lining the Prado and the Malecon, this entertainment attracts the public, including all levels of society, from high-ranking officials to the most humble clerk or girl worker in the tobacco factories, who benefit from a true democracy—socially, politically, and financially.
Some two miles west of the mouth of the Almandares, a little inlet known as La Playa, fairly well protected from the outer sea, furnishes the nearest bathing beach for the citizens of Havana and visitors from abroad. Since the temperature of the Gulf Stream which sweeps along this part of the northern coast is practically uniform throughout the year, bathing may be indulged in with pleasure both summer and winter. In the latter season, however, owing to cool winds that sometimes blow across the Gulf from the north, only visitors from the United States and tourists take advantage of this sport. The residents of Havana confine their bathing season largely to the strictly summer months from May until November.
About two miles west of where the Almandares River meets the sea, there's a little inlet called La Playa, which is pretty well sheltered from the open ocean and serves as the closest beach for the people of Havana and visitors. Since the temperature of the Gulf Stream that flows along this part of the northern coast stays pretty consistent all year round, people can enjoy swimming both in summer and winter. However, in winter, cool winds from the north can sometimes blow across the Gulf, so it’s mostly visitors from the United States and tourists who take advantage of this activity. The locals in Havana usually stick to swimming during the summer months, from May to November.
The Havana Yacht Club stands just back from the beach, and from its front extends some two hundred feet out into the water a splendid concrete pier, shaded by canvas awnings, and patronized by members of the club and its guests. This club was established during the first Government of Intervention and counts among its members many of the best families of Havana. The interest in yachting has grown rapidly and every year brings with it interesting sloop yacht and motor boat races, held either at the Playa or at Varadero, near Cardenas.
The Havana Yacht Club is located just off the beach, with a beautiful concrete pier extending about two hundred feet into the water, covered by canvas awnings and frequented by club members and their guests. The club was founded during the early days of intervention and includes many of the prominent families from Havana among its members. Interest in yachting has surged, and each year features exciting sloop yacht and motorboat races, which take place either at Playa or Varadero, near Cardenas.
During the bathing season the Marine Band furnishes music from five until seven in the afternoons. This is enjoyed not only by the members of the Yacht Club, but also by crowds who throng the beach for a mile or more on either side.
During the bathing season, the Marine Band plays music from five to seven in the afternoons. This is enjoyed not just by the Yacht Club members, but also by the crowds that gather on the beach for a mile or more on either side.
The finest beach of Cuba, however, is known as the Varadero, located on the sea side of Punta Icaca, a narrow strip of land that projects into the Bay of Cardenas. Here many of the regattas are held during the summer months, when visitors from the capital go to Cardenas to enjoy the twenty mile stretch of outside surf bathing. Bathing places cut out of the coral rocks along the beach of Vedado are also used, especially by the citizens of that locality.
The best beach in Cuba is Varadero, situated on the seaside of Punta Icaca, a narrow strip of land that juts into the Bay of Cardenas. Many of the regattas take place here during the summer, when visitors from the capital travel to Cardenas to enjoy the twenty-mile stretch of open surf. Bathing spots carved out of the coral rocks along the Vedado beach are also popular, especially among the locals.
Fishing is a sport that furnishes most enjoyable entertainment for those who are fond of it. Handsome specimens of the finny tribe are frequently brought in by men and boys, who drift in small boats along the coast, a mile or so out, and fish both for the table and for profit. Tourists often find amusement in going out in motor launches at night and fishing for shark off the mouth of the harbor. Since sharks are usually plentiful, and of sufficient size to give the angler a tussle before being brought up to the boat and dispatched, this form of amusement appeals as a novelty to many who come from the interior of the United States.
Fishing is a sport that offers a lot of enjoyable entertainment for those who love it. Striking examples from the fish family are often caught by men and boys who drift in small boats along the coast, about a mile out, fishing both for food and for profit. Tourists often have fun going out in motorboats at night to fish for sharks at the mouth of the harbor. Since sharks are usually abundant and big enough to provide a challenge before being pulled up to the boat and dealt with, this activity attracts many who come from inland areas of the United States.
The markets of Havana are full of excellent fish that are caught all along the Gulf Stream, between Cuba and the coast of Florida. These are brought in sloops provided with the usual fish well, which keeps them fresh until thrown on the wharf just before daylight. The varieties most sought for, or prized, are the red snapper, known in Spanish as the “Pargo,” the sword fish, and the baracuta, which are splendid fish, from two to three feet in length and very game, when caught with hook and line.
The markets in Havana are filled with amazing fish caught along the Gulf Stream, between Cuba and Florida's coast. They are brought in on boats equipped with fish wells that keep them fresh until they’re unloaded on the dock just before dawn. The most sought-after varieties are the red snapper, known in Spanish as “Pargo,” the swordfish, and the barracuda, which are magnificent fish ranging from two to three feet long and put up a good fight when caught with a hook and line.
Of the smaller fish, the Spanish mackerel, the mullet, the needle fish, and scores of other varieties are always found in abundance. The pompano, peculiar to the Gulf of Mexico, owing to its delicious flavor and its entire lack of small bones is probably the most prized of all, and commands a very high price when it reaches the table of fashionable hotels in the United States.
Among the smaller fish, the Spanish mackerel, mullet, needlefish, and many other types are always in plentiful supply. The pompano, which is unique to the Gulf of Mexico, is likely the most valued of all due to its delicious taste and lack of small bones, and it commands a high price when it’s served at upscale hotels across the United States.
The game of Jai Alai was introduced here from the Basque Provinces of Spain, during the first Government of Intervention in 1900, and became very popular with both Cubans and visitors from the United States. General Leonard Wood and his aides soon acquired the habit of visiting the Fronton and spending an hour or so in practice every morning.
The game of Jai Alai was brought here from the Basque Provinces of Spain during the first Intervention Government in 1900 and quickly gained popularity among both Cubans and visitors from the United States. General Leonard Wood and his aides soon made it a routine to visit the Fronton and spend an hour or so practicing every morning.
Jai Alai is played in a building erected for the purpose with a court some two hundred feet in length, inclosed on three sides by smooth stone walls, perhaps forty feet in height, and having a concrete floor. It is played with two opponents on each side known as the blues and the whites. The ball is similar to that of the tennis court, made in Spain with a high degree of resiliency and costing five dollars. It is thrown from a long narrow wicker basket, or scoop, slightly curved at the point, to retain the ball while swung to the head or end wall. The gloved part of the instrument is firmly strapped to the forearm of the player. The ball is caught in this sling-like scoop, and from its length of some thirty inches or more is driven with great force from the further end of the court to the opposite wall. On the rebound it must be caught by one of the two opponents, on either fly or first bound, otherwise a point is scored against the side that falls.
Jai Alai is played in a specially built court that’s about two hundred feet long, surrounded on three sides by smooth stone walls that are around forty feet high, with a concrete floor. There are two opponents on each side, known as the blues and the whites. The ball, similar to a tennis ball, is made in Spain and is highly resilient, costing five dollars. It’s thrown from a long, narrow wicker basket, or scoop, which is slightly curved at the end to hold the ball while swinging it against the front wall. The gloved part of the scoop is securely strapped to the player’s forearm. The ball is caught in this sling-like scoop and, due to its length of about thirty inches or more, is launched with great force from one end of the court to the opposite wall. When the ball rebounds, one of the two opponents must catch it, either on the fly or after its first bounce; otherwise, the opposing side scores a point.
A three-inch band is painted around the end of the court, parallel with the floor and about four feet above it. The ball must strike the wall above this band, and the science of the play is to drive it into the corner at such an angle that your opponents will find it impossible to catch it as it caroms back.
A three-inch stripe is painted around the end of the court, parallel to the floor and about four feet above it. The ball has to hit the wall above this stripe, and the strategy of the game is to hit it into the corner at an angle that makes it impossible for your opponents to catch it when it bounces back.
Once the game starts, the ball never stops its flight through the air, from the wicker scoop to the end of the wall and back, until an error is made which counts against the side that fails to catch it. And since the player cannot hold the ball in his wicker sling for an instant, the action is decidedly rapid and the excitement soon becomes intense.
Once the game starts, the ball keeps flying through the air, from the wicker scoop to the end of the wall and back, until a mistake is made that counts against the team that fails to catch it. And since the player can’t hold the ball in their wicker sling for even a moment, the action is definitely fast-paced, and the excitement quickly becomes intense.
A player may occasionally be seen to leap into the air, catch and fire the ball back to the end of the court, he himself falling flat on his back, leaving his partner to take care of the return. Thirty points constitute the usual game and about an hour is required in which to play it. Jai Alai was suspended during the latter part of President Estrada Palma’s term, on account of the heavy betting that accompanied it, but owing to insistent popular demand, it was again installed at the Fronton in the Spring of 1918.
A player might sometimes be seen jumping into the air, catching the ball, and throwing it back to the end of the court, landing flat on his back while his partner handles the return. Usually, a game consists of thirty points and takes about an hour to complete. Jai Alai was paused during the late part of President Estrada Palma’s term due to the intense betting that came with it, but because of strong public demand, it was reinstated at the Fronton in the spring of 1918.
The game of baseball, brought to Cuba in the year 1900, from the very start gained a popularity among the natives that has never ceased for a moment. It is today the national sport of Cuba, and quite a number of high-priced players from Cuba have occupied prominent places in the big league clubs of the United States. The local clubs of Havana play a splendid game, as several crack teams from the United States have discovered to their surprise and cost, many of them having been sent home badly beaten.
The game of baseball was introduced to Cuba in 1900 and quickly became popular among the locals, a trend that has never faded. Today, it's the national sport of Cuba, and many highly paid players from the island have made a name for themselves in major league teams in the United States. The local clubs in Havana play an impressive game, as several top teams from the US have found out, often returning home after being soundly defeated.
The king of sports, however, in Havana, is horse racing, first introduced from the United States in 1907. Such was its popularity that capitalists some four years ago, were encouraged to erect in the suburb of Marianao the finest racing pavilion in the West Indies. The mile track and the beautiful grounds which surround it are all that lovers of the sport could desire; while the view from the Grand Stand, across a tropical landscape whose hillsides are covered with royal palms, with dark green mountains silhouetting the distant horizon, gives us one of the most picturesque and attractive race tracks in the world.
The king of sports, however, in Havana, is horse racing, first introduced from the United States in 1907. Its popularity was so great that investors were motivated to build the finest racing pavilion in the West Indies about four years ago in the suburb of Marianao. The mile track and the beautiful grounds surrounding it are everything sports fans could hope for; and the view from the Grand Stand, overlooking a tropical landscape with hills adorned by royal palms and dark green mountains framing the distant horizon, offers one of the most picturesque and appealing race tracks in the world.
Between the Plaza and Camp Columbia are located the golf links of Havana, which owing to the natural beauty of the grounds, and the charm of the surrounding country, with its view of the ocean and distant palm covered hills, render golfing a pleasure for at least three hundred and thirty days a year. These natural advantages have made the links of the Country Club of Havana celebrated in all places where golfing news reaches those who are devoted to the game.
Between the Plaza and Camp Columbia are the golf links of Havana, which, due to the natural beauty of the grounds and the charm of the surrounding area, with its views of the ocean and distant palm-covered hills, make golfing a pleasure for at least three hundred and thirty days a year. These natural advantages have made the links of the Country Club of Havana famous wherever golfing news reaches those who are dedicated to the game.
In the various public buildings in Havana occupied by the Government of Cuba may be traced many styles of architecture that have followed each other from the beginning of the 16th century to well into the 20th. The old Fort of La Fuerza, that dates from 1538, is now occupied by the Secretary of War and Navy, and from it orders are issued directing the management of the two arms of the service, which in Cuba are combined under one directorate. Aside from modern windows, shutters and up-to-date office furniture, no changes have been made in the general outline or contour of this antiquated old fortress, whose entrance and drawbridge face the Templete close by on the spot where the residents of Cuba held their early Town Councils and listened to the singing of their first mass, four centuries ago.
In the various public buildings in Havana occupied by the Government of Cuba, you can see many architectural styles that have evolved from the early 16th century to well into the 20th. The old Fort of La Fuerza, dating back to 1538, is now home to the Secretary of War and Navy. From there, orders are issued to manage the two branches of the service, which in Cuba are combined under one leadership. Other than some modern windows, shutters, and contemporary office furniture, the overall structure and shape of this ancient fortress remain unchanged. Its entrance and drawbridge face the Templete nearby, where the residents of Cuba held their early Town Councils and listened to their first mass four centuries ago.
Next in line of antiquity would come the old San Franciscan Convent, that in 1916 was converted into a spacious and artistic post-office, where the Director General of Posts and Telegraphs looks after that important branch of the Government Service.
Next in line from the past comes the old San Franciscan Convent, which was transformed in 1916 into a spacious and artistic post office, where the Director General of Posts and Telegraphs oversees that important part of the Government Service.
Next in point of age comes the home of the Department of Public Works in the Maestranza, along the northeastern front of which runs a remnant of the old sea wall, extending along the west shore of the harbor from the Cathedral to the head of Cuba Street. This thick walled building, of only two stories, began as an iron and brass foundry, in which cannon were made several centuries ago and during later years of Spanish Colonial occupancy was used as a warehouse for rifles, sabres, pistols and small arms in general. Here were outfitted officers and men of the Spanish Volunteers, or loyalists of the Island, during Cuba’s century of revolutions. With the occupation of American troops in 1900, this building, covering over a block of ground, was converted into offices of the Sanitary Department and allied branches, who vouched for the city’s health and cleanliness during that period. It was here that Major Gorgas, now Major General, held sway and directed the campaign that exterminated the stegomyia mosquito, and thus put an end to the dreaded scourge of yellow fever in Cuba. It is at present occupied by the various branches of Public Works under the direction of Col. José R. Villalon, who has earned the reputation of being one of the most tireless and persistent workers in the Government. The National Library, whose entrance faces on Chacon Street at present, shares the accommodations of the Maestranza.
Next in age is the home of the Department of Public Works in the Maestranza, along the northeastern front of which runs a remnant of the old seawall, stretching along the west shore of the harbor from the Cathedral to the head of Cuba Street. This thick-walled, two-story building started as an iron and brass foundry, where cannons were made several centuries ago. Later, during the Spanish Colonial period, it was used as a warehouse for rifles, sabers, pistols, and small arms in general. Officers and men of the Spanish Volunteers, or island loyalists, were outfitted here during Cuba’s century of revolutions. When American troops occupied the area in 1900, this building, covering over a block of land, was turned into offices for the Sanitary Department and its allied branches, which ensured the city's health and cleanliness during that time. It was here that Major Gorgas, now Major General, oversaw the campaign to eliminate the stegomyia mosquito, effectively ending the feared yellow fever outbreak in Cuba. Currently, it houses various divisions of Public Works, led by Col. José R. Villalon, who has a reputation for being one of the most dedicated and hardworking officials in the government. The National Library, with its entrance on Chacon Street, currently shares space in the Maestranza.
The Department of Sanitation, with all of its vast ramifications, whose jurisdiction covers the entire Island, is located in an old colonial building fronting on Belascoain near the corner of Carlos Tercero Street, and with its ample patio covers an entire block of ground. This Department is located more nearly at the center of modern Havana than any of the other Government offices.
The Department of Sanitation, with all of its extensive functions, oversees the entire Island and is situated in a historic colonial building on Belascoain, near the corner of Carlos Tercero Street. Its spacious courtyard occupies a whole block. This Department is more centrally located in modern Havana than any other government office.
One of the oldest public buildings, and the largest used for purposes of Government, known as La Hacienda, is located on the water front between Obrapia Street and the Plaza de Armas. During the many years of Spanish rule, not only the Custom House, but nearly all the more important branches of Government, were located within its walls. With the inauguration of the Republic, the National Treasury was installed in the southwest corner of the building, under the direction of Fernando Figuerdo, who has retained this position of trust during all changes of administration. The remainder of the ground floor is occupied by the National Lottery and offices connected with that Institution, which extend into the entresuelo, or half-story, just above. The second floor is occupied by the Hacienda, or Treasury Department, whose offices surround the central patio on all four sides. The third and fourth floors are devoted to the central offices of the Department of Agriculture, including the headquarters of its Secretary, General Sanchez Agramonte. The upper floor, or azotea, is used by the Laboratory of the Department of Agriculture. The Hacienda is rather an imposing building from the Bay, on which it faces, and plays a very important part in the Government work of the Island.
One of the oldest public buildings and the largest used for government purposes, known as La Hacienda, is located on the waterfront between Obra Pia Street and Plaza de Armas. Throughout many years of Spanish rule, not only the Customs House but also nearly all the more significant branches of government were housed within its walls. With the establishment of the Republic, the National Treasury was set up in the southwest corner of the building, under the management of Fernando Figuerdo, who has maintained this trusted position through all changes in administration. The rest of the ground floor is occupied by the National Lottery and offices related to that institution, which extend into the half-story, or entresuelo, just above. The second floor is home to the Hacienda, or Treasury Department, with its offices surrounding the central patio on all four sides. The third and fourth floors are dedicated to the central offices of the Department of Agriculture, including the headquarters of its Secretary, General Sanchez Agramonte. The upper floor, or azotea, is used by the Laboratory of the Department of Agriculture. The Hacienda is quite an impressive building from the Bay, which it faces, and plays a vital role in the government work of the Island.
To the outside world the best known building is probably the old Governor-General’s palace, fronting on the Plaza de Armas and occupying the square of ground between Tacon and Mercaderes Streets and between Obispo and O’Reilly Streets. The palace is two stories in height and belongs to what may be termed the modern colonial style of Cuban architecture, with very high ceilings, enormous doors and tall iron-barred windows that descend to the floor. The interior of the Palace is occupied by a very pretty palm court with a statue of Christopher Columbus posing in the center, facing the wide deep entrance that opens from the Plaza. This building was erected in 1834, as a residence and headquarters for the Governors General sent out from Spain, many of whom have occupied the Palace between that date and the year 1899, when the last Governor General took his departure. It was here that General Martinez Campos, in the winter of 1896, penned his cablegram to the Spanish sovereign, stating that Generals Maximo Gomez and Antonio Maceo, with their insurgent forces, had crossed the Trocha into Pinar del Rio, for which reason he tendered his resignation, acknowledging his failure to arrest the tide of Cuba’s War of Independence. Within this same palace General Weyler planned his scheme of reconcentration, or herding of the pacificos, non-combatants, old men, women and children, into barbed wire stockades, where a quarter of a million of them died of exposure, disease and hunger. It is said that when informed of their condition and the fearful death rate, he remarked, “Excellent! Let these renegade mothers die. We will replace them with women who will bear children loyal to Spain.” It was here also that his more humane and civilized successor, General Blanco, who in the last days of 1897 had tried hard to save Spain’s one remaining colony in America, felt the shock of the explosion that sank the battleship Maine in Havana Harbor in February, 1898, and exclaimed as he looked across the bay toward the wreck: “This will mark the saddest day of Spain’s history.” Within the same room too, Cuba’s first President, the beloved and revered Tomas Estrada Palma, with tears of humiliation in his eyes, handed his resignation as President to the American Secretary of War, William H. Taft, and left for his almost forgotten farm in the forests back of Manzanillo, where he passed his last days as a martyr to the greed and cruelty of his own people.
To the outside world, the most well-known building is likely the old Governor-General's palace, located on the Plaza de Armas and sitting between Tacon and Mercaderes Streets and between Obispo and O’Reilly Streets. The palace is two stories high and represents what can be called modern colonial style in Cuban architecture, featuring very high ceilings, huge doors, and tall iron-barred windows that reach the floor. Inside the palace, there's a lovely palm court with a statue of Christopher Columbus standing in the center, facing the grand entrance that opens from the Plaza. This building was completed in 1834 as a residence and headquarters for the Governors General sent from Spain, many of whom have occupied the palace up until 1899, when the last Governor General left. It was here that General Martinez Campos, during the winter of 1896, wrote his cable to the Spanish king, stating that Generals Maximo Gomez and Antonio Maceo, along with their insurgent forces, had crossed the Trocha into Pinar del Rio, prompting him to resign since he could not stop the tide of Cuba's War of Independence. In this same palace, General Weyler devised his plan for reconcentration, or the containment of pacificos, non-combatants, old men, women, and children, into barbed wire enclosures, where a quarter of a million died from exposure, disease, and hunger. It’s said that when he was informed about their dire situation and the horrifying death rates, he remarked, “Excellent! Let these traitor mothers die. We’ll replace them with women who will have children loyal to Spain.” It was also here that his more humane successor, General Blanco, who in late 1897 worked hard to save Spain's last colony in America, felt the shock of the explosion that sank the battleship Maine in Havana Harbor in February 1898, and exclaimed as he looked across the bay at the wreck: “This will mark the saddest day in Spain's history.” In the same room, Cuba's first President, the cherished and respected Tomas Estrada Palma, with tears of humiliation in his eyes, handed his resignation as President to American Secretary of War William H. Taft, and went to his almost forgotten farm in the woods behind Manzanillo, where he spent his last days as a martyr to the greed and cruelty of his own people.
Diagonally across from the old Presidential Palace, on the northwest corner of the Plaza de Armas, stands the Senate Chamber, a two-story building of the same attractive architecture found in the old Palace. It is in a way a companion to this building, having been designed and directed as the home and office of the various Lieutenant-Generals of the Island, in which capacity it served until the termination of Spanish rule in Cuba. During the two years of American Intervention, various military departments made their headquarters within this structure, but with the installation of the Republic in 1902 it was formally dedicated to the use of the Senate, and officers connected with that branch of the Legislative government. The lofty salon fronting the Plaza de Armas served as the Senate Chamber. The 24 members of the upper house held sessions there on Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays of each week. As with the Presidential Palace, the somewhat lavish use of marble in patios, floors, stairways, balconies, etc., is much in evidence in this building.
Diagonally across from the old Presidential Palace, on the northwest corner of the Plaza de Armas, stands the Senate Chamber, a two-story building with the same attractive architecture as the old Palace. It serves as a companion to this building, having been designed as the home and office for the various Lieutenant-Generals of the Island, a role it held until the end of Spanish rule in Cuba. During the two years of American Intervention, various military departments used this structure as their headquarters, but in 1902, with the establishment of the Republic, it was formally dedicated to the Senate and its associated officers in the Legislative government. The spacious salon facing the Plaza de Armas functioned as the Senate Chamber. The 24 members of the upper house met there on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays each week. Similar to the Presidential Palace, the somewhat extravagant use of marble in patios, floors, stairways, balconies, and other areas is also prominent in this building.
Just north of the Senate Chamber, and covering the east side of the long block on Tacon Street, between the Palace and the Bay, are located the Bureau of Secret Service, the Department of Government, and those of State of Justice, all installed at the present time in the same building.
Just north of the Senate Chamber, covering the east side of the long block on Tacon Street, between the Palace and the Bay, are the Bureau of Secret Service, the Department of Government, and the State Department of Justice, all currently housed in the same building.
This building during Colonial days was occupied by the Department of Engineers, and with the beginning of American intervention was turned over to Brigadier General William A. Ludlow, to whose energy is due the credit of rapidly and effectively cleaning up the city of Havana after its sanitary abandonment of three centuries duration. General Ludlow shared the building with General Enoch Crowder. The Palace of State and Justice has been remodeled and renovated from foundation to azotes. All of its floors and most of its walls are now finished and decorated in a manner appropriate to the uses to which it is dedicated.
This building was occupied by the Department of Engineers during Colonial times, and at the start of American involvement, it was handed over to Brigadier General William A. Ludlow, who deserves credit for quickly and efficiently cleaning up the city of Havana after it had been neglected for three centuries. General Ludlow shared the building with General Enoch Crowder. The Palace of State and Justice has been completely remodeled and updated from the ground up. All of its floors and most of its walls are now finished and decorated in a way that suits its current purpose.
During the regime of General Leonard Wood, through an official decree of that most competent commander, three public buildings were added to the capital of the Republic, each now bearing his name in an appropriate placque or tablet in the wall. The first of these was a Bacteriological Laboratory, now known as the General Wood Laboratory, located on Carlos Tercero Street in front of the Botanical Gardens. Bacteriological experiments, which up to that time had been conspicuous by their absence, have since been carried on faithfully in Havana under the direction of the celebrated expert in that science, Dr. Aristides Agramonte.
During General Leonard Wood's leadership, an official decree from that highly capable commander led to the addition of three public buildings in the capital of the Republic, each now named after him on a suitable plaque or tablet on the wall. The first of these was a Bacteriological Laboratory, now known as the General Wood Laboratory, situated on Carlos Tercero Street in front of the Botanical Gardens. Bacteriological experiments, which had been noticeably absent until then, have since been rigorously conducted in Havana under the guidance of the renowned expert in that field, Dr. Aristides Agramonte.
Next in order was a handsome three-story stone building, located on Belascoain a block from the corner of Carlos Tercero Street, dedicated to the school of Industrial Arts and Sciences. The instruction given in this Institution since its foundation in 1901, has been efficient, and of excellent service to the youth of Havana, many of whom have taken very kindly to this much needed innovation.
Next in line was a beautiful three-story stone building, located on Belascoain a block from the corner of Carlos Tercero Street, dedicated to the school of Industrial Arts and Sciences. The education provided in this institution since it opened in 1901 has been effective and has greatly benefited the youth of Havana, many of whom have embraced this much-needed change.
The third of these institutions fathered by General Wood is the Academy of Sciences and Fine Arts, located on Cuba Street near Amargura Street. This institution has been a boon and a blessing to the intellectual life of Havana, since for the first time suitable quarters were offered to celebrated lecturers, artists and musicians, who find in Havana appreciative audiences, and where, since the founding of the Academy, local talent had a fitting theatre in which to display its merit.
The third of these institutions created by General Wood is the Academy of Sciences and Fine Arts, situated on Cuba Street near Amargura Street. This place has been a great asset to the intellectual scene in Havana because, for the first time, it provided appropriate venues for well-known speakers, artists, and musicians, who find appreciative audiences there. Since the founding of the Academy, local talent has had a proper stage to showcase their skills.
Since the beginning of the Republic in 1902, under President Estrada Palma, the old Governor General’s Palace was found rather limited in its accommodations. Not only was it compelled to shelter the President and his family, together with the many offices belonging to the Executive Department, but it also shared its accommodations with the City Council, and many of the dependencies of that Institution. With the rapid growth of the City, and the unavoidable increase in the work of all departments, consequent on the development of commerce and trade with the outside world, these quarters, each year, have been found increasingly cramped and unsatisfactory.
Since the Republic began in 1902 with President Estrada Palma, the old Governor General’s Palace seemed pretty limited in space. It had to accommodate the President and his family, along with all the offices for the Executive Department, while also sharing space with the City Council and many of its functions. As the City grew quickly and the workload for all departments increased due to expanding commerce and trade, these quarters have felt more and more cramped and unsatisfactory each year.
During the regime of President José Miguel Gomez, a new Presidential palace was planned, and work was begun on it on the site formerly occupied by the Villa Nueva Station, belonging to the United Railways of Havana. This ample space, facing for several blocks on the Prado and Colon Park, was exchanged, by an Act of Congress, for the old Arsenal Grounds on the water front, desired by the railways for a Grand Central Station, for which they were excellently adapted. The plans of this structure, as well as the beginning of the work, were found to be most unsuited to a Presidential Palace, and by order of President Menocal, at the suggestion of the Secretary of Public Works, work was discontinued and abandoned for other plans and better construction.
During President José Miguel Gomez's administration, a new presidential palace was planned, and construction began on the site that used to be Villa Nueva Station, owned by the United Railways of Havana. This spacious area, which stretched several blocks along the Prado and Colon Park, was traded, through a Congressional Act, for the old Arsenal Grounds on the waterfront, which the railways wanted for a Grand Central Station, as it was an ideal location. However, the plans for this building and the start of the work turned out to be unsuitable for a presidential palace. Following President Menocal's order, based on the recommendation from the Secretary of Public Works, the work was halted and other plans for better construction were explored.
Previous to the inauguration of President Menocal funds were voted for the erection of a Provincial Palace or State House, on the property belonging to the Government located between Monserrate and Zuleuta Streets, just at the head of the long, beautiful stretch of open land that sweeps down to the sea from the crest of the low hill, where rests the last remnant of the city walls. This location, with its view of the Luz Caballero Park, of the entrance of the Bay of Havana and the Morro Headland on the opposite side, is one of the finest in the City, and naturally appealed to the artistic taste of General Menocal as the true location for a Presidential Palace. The Provincial Building had been planned on a scale altogether unsuited for the offices of a Provincial Council, whose members were limited to less than ten, and whose services were of so little utility that several proposals for their discontinuance had been considered. More than all, funds for the completion of the building had been more than exhausted, and large debts to contractors were pending. To relieve this emergency and liquidate the indebtedness, it was finally resolved by the National Congress to take over the property, reimbursing the Provincial Government with the $540,000 which they had expended, and to dedicate this building to the purpose of a Presidential Palace that would be more appropriate to the demands of the Executive Department in a rapidly growing Republic.
Before President Menocal was inaugurated, funds were allocated for the construction of a Provincial Palace or State House on government property situated between Monserrate and Zuleuta Streets. This location is at the start of a beautiful stretch of open land that leads down to the sea from the top of the low hill where the last remnant of the city walls stands. With its view of Luz Caballero Park, the entrance to the Bay of Havana, and the Morro Headland across the way, it is one of the best spots in the city and naturally appealed to General Menocal's artistic sensibilities as the perfect site for a Presidential Palace. The plans for the Provincial Building had been much too grand for the offices of a Provincial Council, which had fewer than ten members and provided services that were so limited that proposals to abolish them had been considered. Moreover, the funds for the building's completion had been completely exhausted, and there were significant debts owed to contractors. To address this issue and pay off the debts, the National Congress ultimately decided to take over the property, compensating the Provincial Government with the $540,000 they had spent, and to designate this building as an appropriate Presidential Palace that would better suit the needs of the Executive Department in a rapidly growing Republic.
A million dollars was appropriated for this purpose, which sum has since been augmented in order to carry out the interior decoration of the building along lines that would be in keeping with its proposed use. The new Presidential Palace is four stories in height built of white stone, the architecture being a harmonious combination of the Medieval and Renaissance, terminating with a magnificent dome that rises from the center of the building. The interior decoration of the new Palace has had the benefit of skilled experts, and everything is in harmony with the purpose to which the building was dedicated. The great Salon de Honor is in the style of Louis XVI, while the State Dining Room is modeled after the Italian Renaissance. The main entrance, principal staircase, the hall and the general dining-room are of Spanish Renaissance. The Salon de Damas is decorated in modern French style. All of the other rooms that pertain to the personal equipment of the Palace, and comprise the east wing, follow the same general line of architecture and decorations, varying only in design and colors. The Palace is beyond doubt, in location, design and decoration, one of the most beautiful and interesting structures of its kind in the western hemisphere.
A million dollars was allocated for this purpose, and this amount has since increased to carry out the interior decoration of the building in a way that matches its intended use. The new Presidential Palace is four stories tall and made of white stone, featuring architecture that blends Medieval and Renaissance styles, topped with a stunning dome that rises from the center of the building. The interior decoration of the new Palace has benefited from skilled experts, ensuring everything aligns with the building's intended purpose. The grand Salon de Honor is styled after Louis XVI, while the State Dining Room is inspired by the Italian Renaissance. The main entrance, the main staircase, the hall, and the general dining room reflect Spanish Renaissance architecture. The Salon de Damas is decorated in a modern French style. All of the other rooms related to the Palace's personal spaces, which make up the east wing, follow the same general architectural style and decoration, differing only in design and colors. The Palace is undoubtedly one of the most beautiful and interesting structures of its kind in the western hemisphere, thanks to its location, design, and decoration.
Work on the new capitol building, which is to replace the architectural mistake of its original founders, was begun in 1918, with the purpose of making this building the most imposing and stately modern structures of its kind in the West Indies. It will be four stories in height and cover 5,940 square meters of ground, with a floor space of 38,195 square meters. Above this spacious structure will rise a splendid dome in keeping with the architecture of the main building. One half of the building will be devoted to the use of the House of Representatives, while the other will be occupied by the Senate. It will contain offices and apartments for the Vice President, Committee halls, etc., and will be furnished with all of the conveniences and improvements of modern times. The Hall of Representatives will accommodate 133 members, and may be increased up to 218. The Senate Chamber has ample capacity for the 24 senators, with accommodations in each of these Congressional halls for visitors and the general public. Elevators will reach all floors and the interior decorations will be in keeping with the purpose to which the new Capitol Building is devoted.
Work on the new Capitol building, aimed at replacing the architectural blunder of its original creators, started in 1918, with the goal of making this building the most impressive and elegant modern structure of its type in the West Indies. It will be four stories tall and cover 5,940 square meters of land, with a floor area of 38,195 square meters. Above this spacious structure will rise an impressive dome that matches the architecture of the main building. One half of the building will be used by the House of Representatives, while the other half will be occupied by the Senate. It will include offices and apartments for the Vice President, committee halls, and more, all furnished with the latest conveniences and advancements of modern times. The Hall of Representatives will hold 133 members, with the potential to expand to 218. The Senate Chamber will comfortably accommodate 24 senators, with seating available in each of these Congressional halls for visitors and the public. Elevators will provide access to all floors, and the interior decor will reflect the purpose of the new Capitol Building.
During the Presidency of General Mario Menocal, work was begun on the National Hospital, which when completed, will be one of the finest institutions of its kind in the world. The grounds are located on the northwest corner of Carlos Tecero and Belascoain Streets, occupying the eastern extension of the Botanical Gardens that adjoin the hospital grounds on the west. The location, near the center of what may be termed modern Havana, is excellent, and the work as planned will constitute a very important adjunct to the maintenance of health in Havana.
During General Mario Menocal's presidency, work started on the National Hospital, which, once finished, will be one of the top facilities of its kind in the world. The grounds are situated at the northwest corner of Carlos Tecero and Belascoain Streets, taking up the eastern extension of the Botanical Gardens that border the hospital grounds to the west. The location, close to the center of what's considered modern Havana, is ideal, and the project as planned will play a significant role in promoting health in Havana.
The plans contemplate the erection of 32 modern buildings, constructed of white limestone and reinforced concrete. Sixteen, or one-half of these had been finished in the fall of 1918. This hospital when complete will cost approximately a million and a half of dollars, and will rank with those of the best of America and Europe. The institution has been named in memory of General Calixto Garcia.
The plans include the construction of 32 modern buildings made of white limestone and reinforced concrete. Half of these, specifically sixteen, were completed in the fall of 1918. Once finished, this hospital will cost around one and a half million dollars and will be on par with the best in America and Europe. The institution is named in honor of General Calixto Garcia.
CHAPTER XXX
A PARADISE OF PALM DRIVES
TO those who are fond of motoring in the tropics, the world offers no more delightful field than the Island of Cuba from the end of October until early May, with Havana as a point of departure. Some fourteen hundred kilometers or 850 miles of clean, cream colored macadamized drives stretch out to the east, south and west of Havana, each inviting the tourist or lover of nature to feast his eyes on a fascinating panorama of mountain, hill and dale; of canon, cliff and undulating plain.
To those who enjoy driving in the tropics, there’s no better place than the Island of Cuba from late October to early May, with Havana as the starting point. About fourteen hundred kilometers or 850 miles of clean, cream-colored paved roads spread out to the east, south, and west of Havana, each inviting tourists and nature lovers to take in a stunning view of mountains, hills, valleys, canyons, cliffs, and rolling plains.
Long lines of stately royal palms, of white-trunked Cuban laurel, from whose branches the glossy green leaves never fall, of cocoas, mangoes, almonds, tamarinds, and a score of others, border mile after mile of the national highways, furnishing grateful shade and softened light that otherwise would try the eyes. Every turn and curve of the driveway brings change. There is no sameness of landscape, no monotony of level. Each mile, each moment, presents something new. Expectation is seldom disappointed.
Long lines of majestic royal palms and white-trunked Cuban laurels, whose shiny green leaves never fall, along with cocoa trees, mango trees, almond trees, tamarind trees, and many others, line mile after mile of the national highways, providing welcome shade and gentle light that would otherwise strain your eyes. Every twist and turn of the driveway offers something different. There’s no uniformity in the landscape, no dull flatness. Every mile, every moment reveals something new. Expectations are rarely let down.
Nothing perhaps is more startlingly novel or strikingly beautiful than when, in early summer, the touring car, rounding a curve, suddenly brings to view a line of flamboyans in full bloom. Lips open in surprise, eyes fasten on what seems a forest of fire. The great banks of brilliant red and golden yellow waving in the breeze need only smoke to proclaim the roadside all ablaze. The camouflage of Nature is perfect and strangers of the tropics will bid the chauffeur pause until they can feast their eyes on this riot of color.
Nothing is more surprisingly new or incredibly beautiful than when, in early summer, the touring car, rounding a curve, suddenly reveals a line of flamboyans in full bloom. People open their mouths in surprise, their eyes fixated on what looks like a forest of fire. The huge banks of bright red and golden yellow swaying in the breeze only need smoke to make the roadside appear completely ablaze. Nature’s camouflage is flawless, and visitors from the tropics will ask the driver to stop so they can take in this explosion of color.
AN AVENUE OF PALMS
Avenue of Palms
The splendid highways which under the Republic have been created in all parts of Cuba have not been left as mere roadways, but have been provided with hundreds of thousands of shade trees, for the comfort of travellers as well as for the scenic beauty which they enhance. There are hundreds of miles of driveways shaded and adorned with stately palms or other trees, like that shown in the illustration.
The amazing highways built throughout Cuba during the Republic aren't just simple roads; they are lined with hundreds of thousands of shade trees for the comfort of travelers and to enhance the scenic beauty. There are hundreds of miles of driveways shaded and decorated with elegant palms and other trees, like the one shown in the illustration.
The most interesting excursions through Cuba radiate from the Capital. One of exceptional charm stretches east through Matanzas to Cardenas, a comparatively modern, well built little city of some thirty thousand souls, resting on the southern shore of Cardenas Bay, just a hundred miles from Havana.
The most fascinating trips around Cuba start from the capital. One particularly charming route goes east through Matanzas to Cardenas, a relatively modern, well-constructed small city with around thirty thousand people, located on the southern shore of Cardenas Bay, just a hundred miles from Havana.
One of the old colonial, solidly-built military roads leaving Havana was constructed along a comparatively straight line for 48 kilometers to the little city of Guines, located in the southeastern center of the province of Havana. The road, bridges, and culverts are built solidly of stone, while giant laurels, almonds and flamboyans on both sides of the way furnish a continuous stretch of shade beneath which the voyager travels from one end of the road to the other. This drive is over a rolling, and in places a decidedly hilly country, which relieves monotony and at the same time adds greatly to the picturesqueness of the highway. Many little villages such as San Francisco, Cotorro, Cautro Caminos, Jamaica, San Jose, Ganuza and Loma de Candela or “Hill of the Candle,” are passed between Havana and Guines. These, to the stranger are always a source of novelty and interest. From the top of the Loma de Candela, a beautiful view of the valley below spreads out towards the south. This is known as the Valley of Guines, a large part of which has the good fortune to have been brought under a rather crude but nevertheless efficient system of irrigation many years ago. The water for this irrigation comes from a large spring that, like many others in the Island, bursts from some big cavern below the surface and forms a river that eventually reaches the sea a little east of the village of Batabano, on the south coast. Some three miles from Guines the river is brought under control by a rather crude dam of cement through which it is distributed by ditches over the lands, referred to usually as the “Vegetable Garden of the Province of Havana.” Here large quantities of tomatoes, egg plants, peppers, squash and Irish potatoes are grown during the late fall and winter months. The produce of this section is shipped to the United States as long as market prices justify, after which ready sale is found in the local markets of the capital.
One of the old colonial, well-built military roads that leaves Havana was constructed in a relatively straight line for 48 kilometers to the small city of Guines, located in the southeastern central part of the province of Havana. The road, bridges, and culverts are solidly made of stone, while large laurel, almond, and flamboyant trees on both sides provide a continuous stretch of shade under which travelers move from one end of the road to the other. This drive goes over rolling terrain, and in some places, a distinctly hilly landscape, which helps break up the monotony and adds to the beauty of the highway. Many small villages like San Francisco, Cotorro, Cuatro Caminos, Jamaica, San Jose, Ganuza, and Loma de Candela, or "Hill of the Candle," are encountered between Havana and Guines. These are always a source of novelty and interest for newcomers. From the top of Loma de Candela, there’s a stunning view of the valley below stretching southward. This area is known as the Valley of Guines, a large part of which has been fortunate enough to benefit from a rather rudimentary but effective irrigation system established many years ago. The water for this irrigation comes from a large spring that, like many others on the island, bursts forth from a large cavern beneath the surface and forms a river that eventually flows to the sea just east of the village of Batabano on the south coast. About three miles from Guines, the river is managed by a basic cement dam through which it is channeled by ditches over the land, often referred to as the "Vegetable Garden of the Province of Havana." Here, substantial amounts of tomatoes, eggplants, peppers, squash, and Irish potatoes are cultivated during the late fall and winter months. The produce from this area is shipped to the United States as long as market prices allow, after which it sells easily in the local markets of the capital.
From Guines another drive extends some 13 kilometers towards the northeast to the town of La Catalina on the way to Matanzas. The distance from Havana to Matanzas is shortened by a connecting link 16 kilometers in length which branches off the Guines highway at Ganuza, and runs due east through La Catalina to the town of Madruga, 63 kilometers from Havana. This section of the road follows a ridge of low hills or mountains. From Madruga the drive turns sharply to the northeast, entering the Province of Matanzas, 25 kilometers east of the border line.
From Guines, there’s another road that goes about 13 kilometers northeast to the town of La Catalina on the way to Matanzas. The distance from Havana to Matanzas is shortened by a 16-kilometer connecting road that branches off the Guines highway at Ganuza and goes straight east through La Catalina to the town of Madruga, which is 63 kilometers from Havana. This part of the road runs along a ridge of low hills or mountains. From Madruga, the route takes a sharp turn to the northeast, entering the Province of Matanzas, which is 25 kilometers east of the border.
The drive from Havana to Matanzas is 100 kilometers or 60 miles in length, and passes through a section of country every mile of which brings to view charming bits of tropical scenery, together with an opportunity to see something of the life of the inhabitants in the interior of the Island. If one has time to stop, or cares to leave the main highway at Ceiba and cross the ridge of hills about a mile distant, a beautiful little valley lies below, on the other side of the divide. The drive from Havana to Matanzas is usually made in about three hours, and, aside from the attractions furnished by the city and its suburbs spread out along the western side of the harbor, will furnish a very pleasant diversion for an early morning or late afternoon excursion.
The drive from Havana to Matanzas is 100 kilometers (or 60 miles) long, and every mile showcases beautiful tropical scenery, along with a glimpse of the lives of the island's residents. If you have the time to stop or want to veer off the main road at Ceiba and go over the hill about a mile away, there's a lovely little valley waiting for you on the other side. The journey from Havana to Matanzas usually takes about three hours, and besides the attractions of the city and its suburbs along the western harbor, it makes for a nice outing in the early morning or late afternoon.
Another of the old Spanish colonial military roads, leaving Havana through the suburb of Marianao, sweeps away towards the southwest in a comparatively straight line until it reaches the city of Guanajay, 42 kilometers distant. Here the road divides, one branch running due south to the little city of Artemisa, located in the center of the pineapple district, which furnishes a large part of the fruit shipped to the United States. From Havana to Artemisa, 58 kilometers, Cuban laurels, royal palms and flamboyans furnish a continuous and often dense shade throughout its entire length. In some places, for miles, the road resembles a long green tunnel passing through foliage that arches up from the sides and meets in the center above. From Las Mangas, 7 kilometers south of Artemisa, the road swings sharply to the westward and so continues through a more open country with less shade and less traffic. There is no speed limit on the country roads of Cuba, and if the condition of the drive permits, one can skip along at a 40 or 50 mile clip between villages, with little danger of interference. This westerly drive swings on through Candelaria, 82 kilometers from Havana, where one gets the first glimpse of the long picturesque range of the Organ Mountains some five miles away to the north. These parallel the road to the western terminus of the Island.
Another one of the old Spanish colonial military roads leaves Havana through the suburb of Marianao and continues southwest in a fairly straight line until it reaches the city of Guanajay, 42 kilometers away. Here, the road splits; one branch goes straight south to the small city of Artemisa, located in the heart of the pineapple district that supplies a significant amount of the fruit shipped to the United States. The distance from Havana to Artemisa is 58 kilometers, where Cuban laurels, royal palms, and flamboyans provide continuous and often dense shade along the entire route. In some areas, for miles, the road resembles a long green tunnel, with foliage arching up from the sides and meeting above in the center. From Las Mangas, 7 kilometers south of Artemisa, the road sharply turns westward and continues through more open countryside with less shade and traffic. There is no speed limit on the country roads of Cuba, so if the drive conditions allow, you can cruise at 40 or 50 miles per hour between villages, with little risk of interruption. This westward route passes through Candelaria, 82 kilometers from Havana, where you first catch sight of the beautiful Organ Mountains, about five miles to the north. These mountains run parallel to the road leading to the western end of the Island.
From the village of Candelaria a short drive not over five miles in length reaches up to the base of the Ruby hills, which at this point form a perpendicular cliff several hundred feet in height, over which falls a stream of water whose volume during the winter is comparatively small, but the drop is perpendicular and the roar of the torrent during the rainy season can be easily heard at Candelaria. Just above the falls are a group of mineral springs, iron, sulphur, etc., that were once very popular, and during slavery days, which terminated in 1878, many families passed the warm months at these baths, the ruins of which can still be seen. About four kilometers of this road to the falls is macadamized and the remainder can be negotiated readily by an ordinary carriage. A connecting link some 20 kilometers in length has been proposed to connect Candelaria with San Diego de Nunez and Bahia Honda on the north coast, but the cost of the road through the mountains may prevent its completion for some time.
From the village of Candelaria, a short drive of no more than five miles leads to the base of the Ruby hills, which here form a steep cliff several hundred feet high, over which a stream of water cascades. Its volume is relatively small during the winter, but the drop is vertical, and the sound of the torrent during the rainy season can easily be heard from Candelaria. Just above the falls, there's a group of mineral springs with iron and sulfur, etc., that were once quite popular. During the days of slavery, which ended in 1878, many families spent the warm months at these baths, and the ruins can still be seen today. About four kilometers of the road to the falls is paved, while the rest can be easily navigated by a regular carriage. A proposed connecting road of around 20 kilometers aims to link Candelaria with San Diego de Nunez and Bahia Honda on the north coast, but the cost of building the road through the mountains might delay its completion for quite a while.
San Cristobal, 10 kilometers further west, and 92 kilometers from Habana, was the terminus of one of the old military roads at the beginning of the Cuban Republic. Since this time a beautiful automobile drive has been continued out to Guane, 246 kilometers from Havana, and will soon reach La Fe and Los Arroyos, two points on the extreme western coast about 30 kilometers further on.
San Cristobal, 10 kilometers further west and 92 kilometers from Havana, was the end point of one of the old military roads at the start of the Cuban Republic. Since then, a scenic drive has been extended out to Guane, 246 kilometers from Havana, and will soon reach La Fe and Los Arroyos, two locations on the far western coast about 30 kilometers further along.
Nine kilometers west of San Cristobal a connecting link with the main highway has been built to the town of Taco-Taco, about a mile and a quarter distant on the railroad, with another branch 7 kilometers in length running due north to the foot of the mountains. This road will be built straight across the Organ Range, through Rangel and Aguacate, to Bahia Honda on the north coast, passing the old time “cafetales” or coffee plantations of Pinar del Rio, and also through some of the rich mineral zones of that region. The uncompleted link is only about 20 kilometers but is over a rather difficult mountainous country.
Nine kilometers west of San Cristobal, a connecting road has been built to the town of Taco-Taco, which is about a mile and a quarter away by rail, with another branch that runs 7 kilometers due north to the foot of the mountains. This road will be constructed straight through the Organ Range, passing through Rangel and Aguacate, to Bahia Honda on the north coast, going by the old coffee plantations known as “cafetales” in Pinar del Rio, and also through some of the rich mineral areas in that region. The unfinished link is only about 20 kilometers but goes over quite difficult mountainous terrain.
At the 117th kilometer post a highway of six kilometers connects with the town of Palacios on the Western Railway, while at the 123rd, still another branches south to Paso Real with a northern extension that reaches San Diego de los Banos, 9 kilometers distant. This road too, will eventually cross the mountain range and connect with Consolacion del Norte, whence the road has already been completed to Rio Blanco on the north coast, 9 kilometers away.
At the 117th kilometer, a six-kilometer highway connects to the town of Palacios on the Western Railway. At the 123rd kilometer, another road branches south to Paso Real, with a northern extension that goes to San Diego de los Baños, 9 kilometers away. This road will also eventually cross the mountains and connect to Consolación del Norte, from where the road has already been completed to Río Blanco on the north coast, 9 kilometers away.
The drive from the main line to San Diego de los Banos is through an extremely picturesque country of hill and dale, and the village itself is well worthy of a visit. Like the Candelaria Springs, the San Diego Baths have long been famous, and the latter still continue to be so. The springs of hot and cold water impregnated with sulphur, iron and other minerals are said to have valuable medicinal qualities.
The drive from the main road to San Diego de los Baños takes you through a beautiful landscape of hills and valleys, and the village itself is definitely worth visiting. Similar to the Candelaria Springs, the San Diego Baths have been well-known for a long time, and they continue to be popular. The hot and cold springs, filled with sulfur, iron, and other minerals, are said to have beneficial health properties.
From the cross roads at the 123rd kilometer the main trunk-line passes through a series of low hills, but with grades so reduced that motors have no difficulty in negotiating them. From the town of Consolacion, 151 kilometers from Havana, one enters the eastern border of the celebrated Vuelta Abaja tobacco district that lies spread out on either side of the driveway. On either side are low hills with gentle slopes and little oases or “vegas” of land that are not only rich, but contain that mysteriously potent quality which from time immemorial has produced the finest tobacco in the world.
From the intersection at the 123rd kilometer, the main road goes through a series of low hills, but the grades are gentle enough that vehicles can easily handle them. From the town of Consolacion, 151 kilometers from Havana, you enter the eastern edge of the famous Vuelta Abaja tobacco region, which stretches out on both sides of the road. On either side, there are low hills with gentle slopes and small oases, or "vegas," of land that are not only rich but also possess that mysteriously powerful quality that has historically produced the finest tobacco in the world.
Pinar del Rio, the capital of the province, is located at the 172nd kilometer and forms a center from which five different automobile drives radiate. The western line, which may be considered as an extension of the main highway, will eventually connect San Antonio, the western terminus of the Island, with Cape Maisi in the east, 800 miles away. This road to the northwest soon enters the mountains, through which it passes many rises, falls and unexpected turns, bringing into view a picturesque country, rugged but not forbidding. At kilometer 200, a point known as Cabezas or “the Head,” the drive turns at a right angle and sweeps down towards the plain below, terminating at Guane, 246 kilometers from Havana, on the western edge of the celebrated Vuelta Abajo. A shorter line between Pinar del Rio and Guanes, passing through San Juan y Martinez, is under process of construction. The latter city is located in the western center of the Vuelta Abajo district.
Pinar del Río, the capital of the province, is situated at the 172nd kilometer and serves as a hub from which five different roads branch out. The western route, which can be viewed as an extension of the main highway, will eventually link San Antonio, at the western tip of the island, to Cape Maisí in the east, 800 miles away. This road to the northwest quickly enters the mountains, where it navigates various rises, dips, and unexpected curves, revealing a scenic landscape that is rugged yet welcoming. At kilometer 200, a spot known as Cabezas or “the Head,” the road makes a sharp turn and descends toward the plain below, ending at Guane, 246 kilometers from Havana, on the western edge of the famous Vuelta Abajo. A shorter route between Pinar del Río and Guanes, passing through San Juan y Martínez, is currently under construction. The latter city is located in the western center of the Vuelta Abajo district.
From this city, a modern little place of some 12,000 or 15,000 inhabitants, another branch of the trunk line, 25 kilometers in length, passes through a level country until it reaches La Paloma, a landing place for coasting vessels and light draft steamers of the Caribbean Sea.
From this city, a small modern place with about 12,000 to 15,000 residents, another branch of the main line, 25 kilometers long, goes through flat land until it reaches La Paloma, a port for coastal ships and light-draft steamers from the Caribbean Sea.
From the capital of the Province due north a line 52 kilometers in length has been built straight across to La Esperanza on the north coast, a little fishing village located on the bay formed by the outlying islands some six miles from the mainland. The road ascends by comparatively easy grades to a height of some 1800 feet, where the top of the ascent is reached. Here the line takes a sharp curve to the east, bringing suddenly into view, as Rex Beach exclaimed: “The most picturesquely, dramatically beautiful valley in the world!” This strangely hidden mountain recess or park is known as the Valley of Vinales, and forms part of a strange basin, that has been carved out of the heart of the Organ range by erosion, leaving a quiet grass covered, flat bottomed basin 2,000 feet below the top of the ridge from whose level surface strange, round topped limestone hills are lifted perpendicularly to an altitude of 2000 feet. A small stream courses through the rich grass that carpets the floor, and one lone picturesque little village, with houses of stone and roofs of tile, nestles in its center. The inhabitants of the place seem absolutely content with its quiet charm and seldom see anything of the outside world, except as represented by the occasional tourist, who sweeps through with his car, stopping for a moment perhaps for some simple refreshment, and then on, through the narrow gap between the towering “magotes” that form the northern wall of the valley. Here the road suddenly swings to the west, following the foot of the mountain which towers above for a few kilometers, whence it again turns north, and passes out into the comparatively barren pine covered hills that continue on through San Cayetano until the gulf coast is reached at La Esperanza.
From the capital of the Province, a 52-kilometer road has been built straight north to La Esperanza on the north coast, a small fishing village situated on the bay created by the surrounding islands about six miles from the mainland. The road climbs steadily to about 1800 feet, reaching the peak of the ascent. Here, the route takes a sharp turn to the east, revealing, as Rex Beach put it, “The most beautifully picturesque and dramatic valley in the world!” This hidden mountain area, known as the Valley of Vinales, is part of a unique basin carved from the core of the Organ range by erosion, leaving a tranquil, grass-covered, flat-bottomed basin 2,000 feet below the ridge. From this level surface, strange, round-topped limestone hills rise straight up to an elevation of 2000 feet. A small stream flows through the lush grass that covers the floor, and one quaint village, with stone houses and tile roofs, sits at its center. The villagers appear completely content with the serene charm of their home and rarely encounter the outside world, except for the occasional tourist who drives through, stopping briefly for a quick snack before continuing on through the narrow gap between the towering “magotes” that form the northern wall of the valley. The road then swings to the west, following the base of the mountain for a few kilometers before turning north again, leading into the relatively barren, pine-covered hills that extend through San Cayetano until reaching the gulf coast at La Esperanza.
In returning after a rather primitive fish breakfast which can be had at La Esperanza, it is worth one’s while to pause for a moment in front of the little country school, on the west side of the road, just before the Valley is entered from the north, and there to secure a child guide, whom the courteous professor will indicate, and with the services of this little pilot you may find the reappearing river, a stream that slips under the base of the mountain within the valley, and reappears from a picturesque, cave-like opening on the other side. The stream is only a few yards in width, with the water clear as crystal and very pleasant to drink.
After enjoying a simple fish breakfast at La Esperanza, it's a good idea to stop for a moment in front of the little country school on the west side of the road, just before you enter the Valley from the north. There, you can get a child guide, whom the friendly professor will recommend. With this little guide, you can discover the river that flows under the mountain within the valley and comes back into view through a charming, cave-like opening on the other side. The stream is only a few yards wide, with crystal-clear water that tastes great to drink.
Standing on the rocks in the shade of the cliffs above, one can hear the roar of the water some place back in the depths of the range, where it evidently falls to a lower level. A visit to this spot gives one an opportunity to note and observe at close hand the peculiar formations of the rocks, full of pockets and openings, from every one of which protrudes some strange growth of tropical vegetation. To explore the Valley of Vinales and its various turns, narrowing up between steep walls in some places, opening out into beautiful parks at others, would require a week at least, but would afford a rare diversion never to be regretted.
Standing on the rocks in the shade of the cliffs above, you can hear the roar of the water somewhere deep in the mountains, where it clearly drops to a lower level. Visiting this spot allows you to closely examine the unique rock formations, filled with pockets and openings, each displaying some unusual tropical plant. Exploring the Valley of Vinales with its twists and turns—narrowing between steep walls in some areas and opening up into beautiful parks in others—would take at least a week but would offer a one-of-a-kind experience that you'll never regret.
The little city of Guanajay, at which the long western automobile drive divides, is located on an elevated plateau, some thousand feet above the level of the sea. From the little central plaza of the town a beautiful road leaves in a northerly direction, passing through cane fields and grazing lands for some five or six kilometers, until it reaches the crest from which the road descends to the harbor of Mariel. It is worth while to pause at this point and note the beautiful panorama of hills on all sides and the tall peaks of the Organ range of Pinar del Rio to the westward. From this point down, for two kilometers, the descent is rather steep, winding, and picturesque.
The small city of Guanajay, where the long western drive splits, sits on a high plateau about a thousand feet above sea level. From the central plaza, a lovely road heads north, weaving through sugar cane fields and pastures for about five or six kilometers, until it reaches the top where the road leads down to the harbor of Mariel. It’s worth stopping here to take in the stunning view of hills all around and the tall peaks of the Organ range of Pinar del Río to the west. The descent from this point lasts for two kilometers and is quite steep, winding, and scenic.
Thirteen kilometers from Guanajay the little fishing village of Mariel is found at the head of one of the deep protected harbors of the north coast. The view from the head of the bay is very interesting, with high flat promontories on the east, perched on the crest of one of which is the Naval Academy of the Republic, the Annapolis of Cuba. A little further on may be seen a large cement plant erected in 1917, beyond which, on the point, is the quaint old light-house that has done duty for many years. The western shore line is broken into tongue-like projections, with deep recesses between, all covered with fields of waving sugar cane.
Thirteen kilometers from Guanajay, you’ll find the small fishing village of Mariel at the entrance of one of the deep, protected harbors along the north coast. The view from the head of the bay is quite striking, featuring high, flat promontories to the east, with the Naval Academy of the Republic, the Annapolis of Cuba, perched on one of them. A bit further down, there’s a large cement plant built in 1917, and beyond that, on the point, stands a charming old lighthouse that has been in service for many years. The western shoreline juts out into tongue-like projections with deep recesses in between, all blanketed with fields of swaying sugar cane.
On the extreme western point, at the entrance of the harbor, is located the Quarantine Station where passengers and crews from foreign vessels in which some infectious disease has appeared are cared for in cleanly commodious quarters until the sanitary restriction is removed. The National Quarantine Station has been chosen by President Menocal as a favorite anchorage for his private yacht during the warm months of summer. Fishing in this bay, too, attracts many tourists.
On the far western point, at the entrance of the harbor, is the Quarantine Station where passengers and crews from foreign ships with reported infectious diseases are looked after in clean and comfortable quarters until the health restrictions are lifted. President Menocal has picked the National Quarantine Station as a preferred spot to anchor his private yacht during the warm summer months. Fishing in this bay also attracts many tourists.
Near kilometer 10, on the Mariel Drive, the road divides, the western branch sweeping away at right angles through rich cane fields as far as the eye can see and gradually ascending towards the little village of Quiebra Hacha, near which are several magnificent sugar estates whose mills grind day and night through six or eight months every year. At the 18th kilometer, the road turns due west and follows the crest of a range of low hills which sweep along the southern shore of the harbor of Cabanas.
Near kilometer 10 on Mariel Drive, the road splits, with the western branch extending at a right angle through lush cane fields as far as the eye can see and gradually rising toward the small village of Quiebra Hacha. Close by, there are several impressive sugar estates whose mills operate day and night for six to eight months each year. At kilometer 18, the road turns directly west and follows the top of a series of low hills that stretch along the southern shore of Cabanas harbor.
The view of this bay from the drive is one of the finest in Cuba. Every turn of the road shows some part of the bright blue waters, dotted with palm crested islets a thousand feet below. The entrance of the harbor, with a small island just inside the mouth, its quaint old 17th century fortress recalling the days of the pirates and buccaneers of the Spanish Main, can be seen in the distance.
The view of this bay from the road is one of the best in Cuba. Every turn reveals another glimpse of the bright blue waters, sprinkled with palm-covered islets a thousand feet below. In the distance, you can see the harbor entrance, with a small island just inside the mouth and its charming old 17th-century fortress that brings back memories of the pirates and buccaneers of the Spanish Main.
For eight or ten miles the drive follows the general trend of the shoreline, leaving it finally with a graceful turn and many changes of level, as hill after hill is either climbed or circled. The driveway sweeps on westward through a country devoted to cane growing and stock raising, until another beautiful deep water harbor known as Bahia Honda is sighted off to the northwest Eventually the drive passes through and terminates abruptly about a kilometer and a half beyond the little village of Bahia Honda or Deep Bay, that was built over two kilometers back from the head of the harbor over a century ago, when the inhabitants still feared the incursion of enemies from the sea. The town lies just at the foot of forest covered hills that come gradually down from the Organ Range some six miles back. The town itself, aside from a certain quaintness, common to all interior cities of Cuba, has but little interest. A short driveway leads to the head of the bay and the inshore lighthouse.
For eight to ten miles, the drive follows the general outline of the shoreline, eventually making a graceful turn with lots of elevation changes as hill after hill is climbed or navigated around. The road continues westward through an area used for sugar cane farming and livestock raising, until another beautiful deepwater harbor called Bahia Honda comes into view to the northwest. Eventually, the drive ends suddenly about a kilometer and a half past the small village of Bahia Honda or Deep Bay, which was built over two kilometers back from the harbor's entrance more than a century ago, when the residents were still worried about attacks from the sea. The town sits right at the base of forested hills that gradually slope down from the Organ Range about six miles back. The town itself, aside from a certain quaintness typical of all inland cities in Cuba, has little of interest. A short driveway leads to the head of the bay and the nearby lighthouse.
The harbor is some five or six miles in length by three or four in width, and furnishes splendid anchorage even for deep draft vessels. This bay was originally chosen as the north shore coaling station for the United States Government in Cuba, but afterwards was abandoned as unnecessary. Two range lights render entrance at night easy, while just west of the mouth on the long line of barrier reefs known as the Colorados, stands the new Gobernadora lighthouse, erected a few years ago for the benefit of ships plying between Havana and Mexico.
The harbor is about five to six miles long and three to four miles wide, providing excellent anchorage even for deep-draft vessels. This bay was originally selected as the coaling station for the U.S. government in Cuba's north shore, but it was later abandoned as unnecessary. Two range lights make entering at night straightforward, and just west of the mouth, on the long line of barrier reefs called the Colorados, stands the new Gobernadora lighthouse, built a few years ago to assist ships traveling between Havana and Mexico.
The drive from Havana to Bahia Honda, with the little digression towards Mariel, is sixty miles in length. The rather heavy grades in places, and the beauty of the scenery throughout its entire length, discourage fast motoring, but the jaunt can easily be made between “desayuno” at seven and the Cuban “almuerzo” or breakfast at eleven. No trip of equal length in the Republic furnishes greater charm to the lover of picturesque Nature than does this north shore drive to Bahia Honda. When connected as planned, with Vinales, some 50 kilometers further west, it will rank with, if not excel, any other drive known in the tropical world.
The drive from Havana to Bahia Honda, with a short detour to Mariel, is sixty miles long. The steep grades in some areas and the stunning scenery along the way can make it tough to drive quickly, but you can easily make the trip between breakfast at seven and lunch at eleven. No other drive of the same distance in the country offers more charm to nature lovers than this north shore route to Bahia Honda. Once connected as planned with Vinales, about 50 kilometers further west, it will be among the best drives known in the tropical world, if not the best.
From Matanzas several short lines radiate, all of which are interesting, especially those which wander through the valley of the Yumuri, and another seven kilometers in length which follows the shore line and sweeps up over the ridge, affording a beautiful view of the Yumuri, stretching out to the westward. Another short line, only a few kilometers in length, has been built to the caves of Bellamar, a favorite resort for winter tourists.
From Matanzas, several short train lines spread out, all of which are interesting, especially the ones that go through the Yumuri valley, and another one that’s seven kilometers long that runs along the shoreline and climbs over the ridge, offering a stunning view of the Yumuri stretching out to the west. There’s also a short line, just a few kilometers long, that leads to the Bellamar caves, a popular spot for winter tourists.
Another drive reaching south to La Cidra, 16 miles distant, on the railroad to Sabanilla, enables one to form some conception of the country to the southward of the capital. Only a few kilometers from Matanzas one of the main trunk lines has been completed as far east as Contreras, 60 kilometers. From this line, just beyond Ponce, a branch runs 8½ kilometers to the charming little city of Cardenas, resting on the southern edge of the bay.
Another road heading south to La Cidra, 16 miles away, on the railroad to Sabanilla, allows one to get a sense of the area south of the capital. Just a few kilometers from Matanzas, one of the main trunk lines has been completed all the way east to Contreras, 60 kilometers. From this line, just past Ponce, a branch extends 8½ kilometers to the lovely little city of Cardenas, sitting on the southern edge of the bay.
Extending from Cardenas due west is another line, terminating at the little town of Camarioca, 18 kilometers distant. Some five kilometers along this road a branch sweeps north 10 kilometers to the Playa of Varadero, the finest beach in the Island of Cuba, where many of the wealthier families assemble for the summer to enjoy surf bathing on the outer shore, and where the annual regatta is held during the season.
Extending from Cardenas due west is another road that ends in the small town of Camarioca, which is 18 kilometers away. About five kilometers along this road, a branch goes north for 10 kilometers to Varadero Beach, the best beach on the Island of Cuba. Many affluent families gather there in the summer to enjoy swimming in the ocean, and it’s the site of the annual regatta during the season.
From Contreras the northern trunk line has been projected eastward, through Corralillo, across the border into the Province of Santa Clara. Short stretches of this line have been completed from the towns of Marti and Itabo, but up to January 1, 1919, no trunk line extended further west than Cardenas.
From Contreras, the northern trunk line has been planned to go eastward, through Corralillo, and across the border into the Province of Santa Clara. Short sections of this line have been completed from the towns of Marti and Itabo, but as of January 1, 1919, no trunk line extended further west than Cardenas.
Cienfuegos, one of the principal seaports of the south coast of Santa Clara, is the center from which two automobile drives radiate. One runs 26 kilometers to the westward, terminating at Rodas and passing through a number of rich sugar estates. The other runs northeast, through Caunao, Las Guaos, Cumaneyagua, and Barajagua, terminating at Manicaragua, 38 kilometers distant. It penetrates the valley of the Arimao where a good quality of tobacco, known as the Manicaragua, is grown. The scenery is delightfully picturesque and interesting. Manicaragua is on the western edge of one of Santa Clara’s most important mining districts.
Cienfuegos, one of the main seaports on the south coast of Santa Clara, is the hub from which two major roads branch out. One road goes 26 kilometers to the west, ending at Rodas and passing through several prosperous sugar plantations. The other stretches northeast, through Caunao, Las Guaos, Cumaneyagua, and Barajagua, reaching Manicaragua, which is 38 kilometers away. This route cuts through the Arimao valley, where high-quality tobacco, known as Manicaragua, is cultivated. The scenery is beautifully picturesque and captivating. Manicaragua lies on the western edge of one of Santa Clara’s key mining areas.
From Casilda, another seaport on the south coast, a short line has been built to the quaint, old-time city of Trinidad, perched on the side of a mountain and founded by the companions of Christopher Columbus in 1514. This road has been extended further north ten kilometers and will eventually reach the important railroad junction and road center of Placetas, on the Cuba Company’s line, connecting the western with the eastern end of the Island.
From Casilda, another coastal city on the south coast, a short road has been built to the charming, historic city of Trinidad, situated on the mountainside and established by Christopher Columbus's companions in 1514. This road has been extended further north by ten kilometers and will eventually connect to the vital railroad junction and road hub of Placetas, on the Cuba Company’s line, linking the western and eastern parts of the Island.
From Santa Clara, the capital of the Province, several short lines radiate in different directions. The longest sweeps through a rich cane and cattle country, connecting the villages of La Cruz, Camajuani, Taguaybon and Remedios, and terminating at Caibarien, the principal seaport on the northeast coast of the Province. None of the trunk lines proposed, up to January, 1919, had crossed the line into Camaguey.
From Santa Clara, the capital of the province, several short lines extend in different directions. The longest goes through fertile sugarcane and cattle areas, linking the villages of La Cruz, Camajuani, Taguaybon, and Remedios, and ending at Caibarien, the main seaport on the northeast coast of the province. None of the main lines proposed, up to January 1919, had crossed into Camaguey.
Camaguey, owing perhaps to the fact that the province is less thickly settled than any other in Cuba, has but few auto drives; the only ones worthy of mention radiating from the capital, Camaguey. One runs west some 10 kilometers, parallel with the Cuba Company’s railroad lines, while the other extends east 34 kilometers passing through the charming agricultural experimental station of Camaguey. This splendid provincial institution, under the direction of Mr. Roberto Luaces, is located five miles from the city. Since the greater part of the province is comparatively level, road building in Camaguey is not expensive and will probably be rapidly extended in the near future.
Camaguey, possibly because it's less densely populated than other provinces in Cuba, has only a few scenic drives; the main ones start from the capital, Camaguey. One route heads west for about 10 kilometers, running alongside the Cuba Company’s railroad, while the other goes east for 34 kilometers, passing through the lovely agricultural experimental station of Camaguey. This excellent provincial facility, managed by Mr. Roberto Luaces, is located five miles from the city. Since most of the province is relatively flat, building roads in Camaguey isn’t costly, and it’s likely to expand quickly in the near future.
Oriente, owing to its mountainous character, presents more serious engineering and financial problems than any other of the Island. The wealth of its natural resources, however, especially in cane lands and mineral deposits, will undoubtedly furnish an impetus for further building.
Oriente, because of its mountainous terrain, poses bigger engineering and financial challenges than any other part of the Island. However, its abundant natural resources, particularly in sugarcane fields and mineral deposits, will definitely provide a boost for more development.
At present several short lines radiate from Santiago de Cuba, its capital, located on the beautiful harbor of that name. One of these runs due north to Dos Caminos, and then west to Palma Soriana, passing through San Luis. The length of this line is approximately 40 kilometers. Still another, fifteen kilometers long, reaches Alto Songo, northeast of Santiago, passing through Boniato, Dos Bocas, and El Cristo.
At the moment, several short train lines branch out from Santiago de Cuba, the capital located by its beautiful harbor. One of these goes straight north to Dos Caminos, and then west to Palma Soriana, passing through San Luis. This line is about 40 kilometers long. Another line, which is fifteen kilometers long, goes to Alto Songo, northeast of Santiago, passing through Boniato, Dos Bocas, and El Cristo.
During General Wood’s administration of Santiago Province surveys were made at his instigation and roads were completed to nearly all those points of historical interest where engagements took place between Americans and Spanish troops in the summer of 1898. One of these lines, six kilometers in length, carries the visitor to the village of El Caney, where the brave Spanish General Vara del Rey lost his life in its defense. The fortifications were shelled and captured by General William A. Ludlow of the U. S. Engineering Corps.
During General Wood’s administration of Santiago Province, surveys were conducted at his request, and roads were built to nearly all the historical sites where battles occurred between American and Spanish troops in the summer of 1898. One of these roads, six kilometers long, takes visitors to the village of El Caney, where the courageous Spanish General Vara del Rey lost his life defending it. The fortifications were bombarded and taken over by General William A. Ludlow of the U.S. Engineering Corps.
Another, reaching out towards the northeast some five kilometers, terminates at the top of San Juan hill, where Theodore Roosevelt got his first experience of mauser rifle fire. On the crest of this loma a little pagoda has been erected, from the second story of which splendid views of the surrounding country may be enjoyed and of all places where engagements occurred. Brass tablets form the window sills of this picturesque outlook, each one carrying an arrow stamped in the brass, indicating the various points of interest, followed by a brief description of the places, with dates of battles, etc. On the same road may be seen the famous ceiba tree under which the armistice was signed terminating the war between Spain and the United States.
Another path, extending northeast for about five kilometers, ends at the top of San Juan Hill, where Theodore Roosevelt first experienced Mauser rifle fire. On the crest of this ridge, a small pagoda has been built, offering stunning views of the surrounding area and all the sites where battles took place. Brass plaques serve as window sills for this picturesque viewpoint, each featuring an arrow stamped in the brass that points to various points of interest, along with a brief description of those places, including battle dates, etc. Along the same road, you can also find the famous ceiba tree where the armistice was signed, ending the war between Spain and the United States.
Another short line ascends to the crest of a hill in the Sierra Maestra from which may be enjoyed a charming view of the Bay, city and surrounding country for many miles. The longest automobile drive in Oriente extends from the harbor of Manzanillo on the west coast almost due east to the village of Juguani, 58 kilometers away, passing through Yara, Veguitas and Bayamo. This line is being rapidly extended to Baire, and thence on to Palma Soriana, thus completing the connection between Manzanillo and Santiago de Cuba.
Another short road climbs to the top of a hill in the Sierra Maestra, where you can enjoy a beautiful view of the bay, city, and the countryside for miles around. The longest car route in Oriente stretches from the harbor of Manzanillo on the west coast almost directly east to the village of Juguani, 58 kilometers away, passing through Yara, Veguitas, and Bayamo. This route is being quickly extended to Baire and then onward to Palma Soriana, completing the link between Manzanillo and Santiago de Cuba.
A short line from Baracoa on the extreme northeastern coast of the Island, has been built in a southerly direction to Sabanilla, 12 kilometers. Local machines can be found at all of these points that will carry the tourist the length of the line, enabling him to form some conception of a section that otherwise could be penetrated only by mountain ponies or on mule back.
A short railway line from Baracoa, located on the far northeastern coast of the island, has been constructed southward to Sabanilla, covering a distance of 12 kilometers. Local trains can be found at all these points to take tourists along the route, giving them a chance to experience an area that can otherwise only be accessed by mountain ponies or mules.
CHAPTER XXXI
BAYS AND HARBORS
NOTHING is more essential to the general prosperity of a mercantile country than good harbors. They are the economic gateways to the interior, through which all foreign trade must come and go. Cuba in this sense is essentially fortunate, especially along her north coast, where sixteen large, deep, well protected bays and harbors of the first order empty into the Gulf of Mexico, and into the north Atlantic, furnishing thus direct avenues of trade to the greatest commercial centers of the world.
NOTHING is more crucial to the overall success of a trading country than good harbors. They serve as the economic gateways to the interior, through which all foreign trade flows. Cuba, in this regard, is quite fortunate, especially along its north coast, where sixteen large, deep, well-protected bays and harbors of the highest quality open into the Gulf of Mexico and the North Atlantic, providing direct routes for trade to the world's greatest commercial hubs.
Four harbors and bays of the first order are distributed along the southern coast, emptying into the Caribbean, and through that great tropical sea pass the avenues of trade that connect Cuba with the republics of Central America, Colombia, Venezuela, the Guianas, Brazil, Uruguay and the Argentine, while the Panama Canal permits direct water communication, not only with the republics of Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia and Chile, but also with the west coast of Mexico, and the United States, as well as with Japan and the Orient. With North Africa and the Mediterranean are direct lines of trade through the old Bahama Channel, while central and southern Africa are reached by way of the Lesser Antilles and Barbadoes.
Four major harbors and bays are located along the southern coast, flowing into the Caribbean. This vast tropical sea serves as the main trade routes connecting Cuba with the countries of Central America, Colombia, Venezuela, the Guianas, Brazil, Uruguay, and Argentina. The Panama Canal allows direct maritime communication not only with Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, and Chile, but also with the west coast of Mexico and the United States, as well as with Japan and Asia. Trade routes to North Africa and the Mediterranean run through the old Bahama Channel, while central and southern Africa can be accessed via the Lesser Antilles and Barbados.
Most of the foreign trade at the present time is with the American ports along the eastern coast of the Atlantic and through the Gulf ports by which Cuba has access to the Mississippi Valley, while along the Gulf Stream Cuba has a direct avenue, as well as a favorable current, that carried her commerce to England, France and other countries of western Europe.
Most of the foreign trade right now is with American ports on the eastern coast of the Atlantic and through the Gulf ports that give Cuba access to the Mississippi Valley. Additionally, along the Gulf Stream, Cuba has a direct route, along with a favorable current, that carries its commerce to England, France, and other countries in Western Europe.
Beginning with the harbors and bays of the north coast we have the western group located in Pinar del Rio, on the Gulf of Mexico, not distant from Vera Cruz and Tampico in Mexico, or Galveston in Texas, while almost facing them we have New Orleans, Pascagoula, Mobile and Pensacola, with Tampa on the Florida coast.
Beginning with the harbors and bays of the north coast, we have the western group in Pinar del Rio, along the Gulf of Mexico, not far from Vera Cruz and Tampico in Mexico, or Galveston in Texas. Directly across from them are New Orleans, Pascagoula, Mobile, and Pensacola, with Tampa on the Florida coast.
On this group the first is that fine deep land locked deep-water harbor of Bahia Honda (deep bay), sixty miles west of Havana, that was first selected by the Government of the United States as a coaling station, but afterwards surrendered for Guantanamo on account of the latter’s proximity to the Panama Canal and the Pacific, to which it gives entrance. Bahia Honda has a deep, rather narrow and fairly straight channel that leads from the Gulf into a beautiful sheet of water, extending some five or six miles into the interior, where good anchorage may be found for quite a fleet of vessels. A twelve mile light is located on the western entrance of the harbor, while two fine range lights enable shipping to leave or enter at night. The little town of Bahia Honda, three miles back, is connected with the port by a fine macadam highway. Owing to the fact that this section of Pinar del Rio, although rich in minerals, has not been brought under development up to the present, most of the commerce is confined to the local trade between Bahia and Havana, sixty miles distant.
On this group, the first notable site is the beautiful deep-water harbor of Bahia Honda, located sixty miles west of Havana. Initially, the U.S. government chose it as a coaling station but later gave it up for Guantanamo due to the latter’s proximity to the Panama Canal and the Pacific. Bahia Honda features a deep, narrow, and fairly straight channel that connects the Gulf to a stunning body of water, extending about five or six miles inland, where good anchorage is available for a fleet of vessels. A lighthouse is situated at the western entrance of the harbor, and two excellent range lights help ships enter or leave at night. The small town of Bahia Honda, just three miles inland, is linked to the port by a well-maintained macadam highway. Despite being rich in minerals, this area of Pinar del Rio has not seen much development, so most trade is limited to local commerce between Bahia Honda and Havana, sixty miles away.
Twelve miles further east and forty-eight miles from Havana, we have the beautiful harbor of Cabanas, a large, double-purse-shaped, interior bay, that extends some ten miles from east to west and furnishes one of the most picturesque land-locked harbors on the north coast. A small island in the entrance, on which is located one of the old time forts of the 17th century, obscures the bay itself from passing vessels. The shores of Cabanas are covered with extensive sugar cane fields that furnish cane to the surrounding mills, while its commerce is at the present time almost entirely local.
Twelve miles further east and forty-eight miles from Havana, we find the beautiful harbor of Cabanas, a large, double-purse-shaped bay that stretches about ten miles from east to west and offers one of the most picturesque sheltered harbors on the north coast. A small island at the entrance, which is home to one of the old forts from the 17th century, conceals the bay from passing ships. The shores of Cabanas are lined with vast sugar cane fields that supply cane to the nearby mills, while its trade is currently almost entirely local.
Located in the same province, some 18 miles further east, and only 30 from Havana, is the harbor of Mariel, a single-purse-shaped bay, that from its narrow entrance opens out to a broad picturesque sheet of water extending southward some four or five miles, while several prolongations extend out towards the southwest, bordered with rich sugar cane plantations. The little fishing village of Mariel is located at the extreme head of the bay and connected with Havana by automobile drive, as are the two harbors previously mentioned. A high table land extends along much of the eastern shore of this harbor, on the summit of which stands the Cuban Naval Academy. Near the entrance, on the eastern shore, is located a new cement factory with a capacity of a thousand barrels a day. On the western side of the entrance is the quarantine station, to which all infested vessels are sent, and where delightful accommodations are found ashore for both passengers and crew, who may be detained by sanitary officials of the central government.
Located in the same province, about 18 miles further east and just 30 from Havana, is the harbor of Mariel, a single-purse-shaped bay that opens out from its narrow entrance to a large, picturesque body of water extending southward for about four or five miles, with several extensions reaching southwest, lined with rich sugar cane plantations. The small fishing village of Mariel sits at the far end of the bay and is connected to Havana by car, just like the two harbors mentioned earlier. A high plateau runs along much of the eastern shore of this harbor, on top of which stands the Cuban Naval Academy. Near the entrance, on the eastern shore, there is a new cement factory that produces a thousand barrels a day. On the western side of the entrance is the quarantine station, where all contaminated vessels are sent, and where there are comfortable accommodations on land for both passengers and crew who may be held by sanitary officials from the central government.
The fine deep-water harbor of Havana, which boasts of a foreign trade excelled in the western hemisphere only by that of New York City, is, of course, the most important commercial gateway of the Republic of Cuba. It is one of those deep, narrow-necked, purse-shaped harbors, so characteristic of the Island, and furnishes splendid anchorage, with well equipped modern wharves, for handling the enormous bulk of freight that comes and goes throughout every day of the year. After passing the promontories of El Morro and Cabanas, that stretch along the eastern side of the entrance for a mile or more, the remainder of the shores of the Bay of Havana are comparatively low, although high ridges and hills form a fairly close background in almost every direction. Within the last ten years a great deal of dredging and land reclaiming has taken place in this harbor, increasing greatly not only the depth of water but also the available building sites. A series of magnificent modern wharves have been built along the western shore of the harbor, furnishing splendid shipping facilities for incoming and outgoing vessels. The upper portions of these buildings are occupied by the Custom House and Quarantine authorities. The southwest extension of this bay, recently dredged, furnishes access to deep draft steamships up to the site of the old Spanish Arsenal, that in 1908 was converted into the freight and passenger yards of the United Railroads. Along the docks, where steamers of the P. & O. SS line are moored, were built and launched many of Spain’s ships that centuries ago fought with Great Britain for the dominion of the seas. On the broad topped promontory that lies along the eastern shore, southeast of Cabanas, is located Trisconia, a splendidly equipped detention camp for immigrants and passengers coming from infested ports in different parts of the world. Excellent accommodations are there provided during the period of detention, which may last anywhere from five to fifteen days. This is the “Ellis Island” of Cuba, and has been a credit to the Republic since the first year of its installment in 1902, during which time it has been under the able direction of Dr. Frank Menocal, who takes great personal pride in having Trisconia, with its floating population, running sometimes into the thousands, one of the best appointed stations of its kind in the Western Hemisphere.
The deep-water harbor of Havana, known for its foreign trade that is second only to New York City in the Western Hemisphere, is undoubtedly the most important commercial gateway for Cuba. It's one of those deep, narrow, purse-shaped harbors that are so characteristic of the island, providing excellent anchorage with well-equipped modern wharves to handle the massive amount of freight that moves in and out every day of the year. After navigating past the promontories of El Morro and Cabanas that line the eastern side of the entrance for over a mile, the rest of the shores of the Bay of Havana are relatively low, although high ridges and hills offer a consistent backdrop in almost every direction. In the past decade, significant dredging and land reclamation have occurred in this harbor, greatly increasing both the water depth and the number of available building sites. A series of impressive modern wharves have been constructed along the western shore, providing excellent shipping facilities for incoming and outgoing vessels. The upper levels of these buildings house the Custom House and Quarantine authorities. The southwest extension of this bay, which has been recently dredged, allows access for deep draft steamships up to the old Spanish Arsenal site, which was converted in 1908 into freight and passenger yards for the United Railroads. Along the docks, where ships of the P. & O. SS line are moored, many of Spain's vessels that fought with Great Britain for control of the seas were built and launched centuries ago. On the broad-topped promontory along the eastern shore, southeast of Cabanas, is Trisconia, a well-equipped detention camp for immigrants and passengers arriving from regions with health risks around the world. There are excellent accommodations provided during the detention period, which can last from five to fifteen days. This facility is the "Ellis Island" of Cuba and has been a credit to the Republic since it was established in 1902, under the capable leadership of Dr. Frank Menocal, who takes great pride in making Trisconia one of the best stations of its kind in the Western Hemisphere, often managing a floating population that can reach into the thousands.
The harbor of Matanzas, sixty miles east of Havana, is a beautiful wide mouthed bay, or open roadstead, facing on the Gulf Stream as it sweeps between northern Cuba and southern Florida. This picturesque sheet of water reaches back into the land some six or eight miles, and although not noted for its depth, nevertheless furnishes safe anchorage for the fleet of tramp steamers found there during the larger part of the year, loading sugar from the many centrals scattered throughout the Province of Matanzas. Into this harbor, from the west, opens the Yumuri gorge, through which runs the river whose waters in ages past carved out the famous valley of the Yumuri, whose beauty was extolled by Alexander Von Humboldt during his travels in the western world. Covering the western shores of the bay, that slope down from the top of the hills to the water’s edge, lies the city of Matanzas, while off to the east and south may be seen great fields of sugar cane and henequen, that form two of the important industries of the Province.
The harbor of Matanzas, sixty miles east of Havana, is a stunning wide bay, or open roadstead, facing the Gulf Stream as it flows between northern Cuba and southern Florida. This picturesque body of water extends about six to eight miles inland, and while it may not be the deepest, it still provides safe anchorage for the fleet of tramp steamers that can be found there for most of the year, loading sugar from the many mills scattered throughout the Province of Matanzas. To the west, the Yumuri gorge opens into this harbor, through which flows the river whose waters carved out the famous Yumuri valley long ago, a beauty praised by Alexander Von Humboldt during his travels in the western world. Covering the western shores of the bay, which slope down from the top of the hills to the water’s edge, lies the city of Matanzas, while to the east and south, you can see vast fields of sugar cane and henequen, which are two of the important industries in the Province.
Forty miles further east we find the beautiful landlocked bay of Cardenas, whose northwestern shore is formed by a long sandy strip of land extending in a curve out into the sea and known as the Punta de Hicacos. Cardenas Bay is some thirty miles in length from east to west, by ten or twelve from north to south, and is protected from the outside sea by a chain of small keys or islands, through which a deep ship channel was dredged during the first decade of this century. This furnishes entrance to one of the largest sugar exporting points of Cuba, the City of Cardenas.
Forty miles further east, we come across the stunning landlocked bay of Cardenas, whose northwestern shore is a long sandy strip that curves out into the sea and is known as Punta de Hicacos. Cardenas Bay is about thirty miles long from east to west and ten or twelve miles from north to south, and it’s sheltered from the open sea by a chain of small keys or islands. A deep ship channel was dug through this chain in the first decade of this century, providing access to one of Cuba's largest sugar export locations, the City of Cardenas.
East of the harbor of Cardenas lies Santa Clara Bay, also protected by outlying keys, but without deep water anchorage. These island dotted bays, separated from each other only by islands, and connected by comparatively shallow channels, extend from Punta Hicacos, some 300 miles eastward, to the Harbor of Nuevitas.
East of the Cardenas harbor is Santa Clara Bay, which is also shielded by surrounding keys, but it doesn't have deep water anchorage. These island-filled bays, which are only separated by islands and linked by relatively shallow channels, stretch from Punta Hicacos, about 300 miles eastward, to the Harbor of Nuevitas.
Seventy-five miles east of Cardenas we find the bay of Sagua, very similar to the others, and with a depth not exceeding twelve or fifteen feet. This harbor is located on the northern shore of the Province of Santa Clara, and its port, Isabela de Sagua, is the shipping point for a large amount of the sugar produced along the north coast of the province. The rivers emptying into the bay of Sagua, as well as the bay itself, are noted for their splendid fishing ground, tarpon being especially abundant; also for the small delightfully flavored native oyster.
Seventy-five miles east of Cardenas, we find Sagua Bay, which is very similar to the others and doesn’t exceed a depth of twelve or fifteen feet. This harbor is located on the northern shore of the Province of Santa Clara, and its port, Isabela de Sagua, serves as the shipping point for a large amount of the sugar produced along the north coast of the province. The rivers that flow into Sagua Bay, as well as the bay itself, are known for their excellent fishing, especially tarpon, and for the small, delicious native oyster.
Still further east we have another important shipping port known as Caibarien, located on Buena Vista Bay, that unfortunately has an average depth of only 12 or 15 feet, necessitating lighterage out to the anchorage at Cayo Frances, 18 miles distant, where ships of the deepest draft find perfect protection while loading.
Further east, we have another important shipping port called Caibarien, located on Buena Vista Bay. Unfortunately, it has an average depth of only 12 to 15 feet, which requires lightering out to the anchorage at Cayo Frances, 18 miles away. There, ships with the deepest drafts find excellent protection while loading.
On the north shore of the Province of Camaguey we have but one harbor of the first order, the Bay of Nuevitas, but this harbor may easily lay claim to being one of the best in the world. Its entrance is narrow, resembling a river, some six miles in length and with a rather swift running current, depending upon the flow of tide, as it passes in or out. The Bay itself is a beautiful sheet of water of circular form, with an extension of deep water reaching out towards the west some 15 miles, and connected with the Bay of Carabelas, Guajaba and Guanaja, forty or fifty miles further west. Along these quiet landlocked lagoons are located the American colonies of La Gloria, Columbia, Punta Pelota and Guanaja.
On the north shore of Camaguey Province, there’s only one top-tier harbor, the Bay of Nuevitas, and it could easily be considered one of the best in the world. Its entrance is narrow, like a river, about six miles long, with a fairly swift current that depends on the tides coming in and out. The Bay itself is a beautiful circular body of water, deep and extending westward for around 15 miles, and it's connected to the Bay of Carabelas, Guajaba, and Guanaja, which are about forty or fifty miles further west. Along these calm, sheltered lagoons are the American colonies of La Gloria, Columbia, Punta Pelota, and Guanaja.
There are many reasons for believing that the entrance to this harbor was the place where Columbus spent several days scraping and cleaning the bottom of his caravels, while a few of his companions made a journey into the interior, finding very agreeable natives but no indications of gold. From Nuevitas is shipped nearly all of the sugar made in the Province of Camaguey, together with a great deal of fine hardwood, cut in the Sierra de Cubitas Mountains.
There are many reasons to believe that the entrance to this harbor was where Columbus spent several days scraping and cleaning the bottom of his caravels, while a few of his crew members took a trip into the interior, meeting very friendly locals but finding no signs of gold. Almost all the sugar produced in the Province of Camaguey is shipped from Nuevitas, along with a lot of high-quality hardwood cut from the Sierra de Cubitas Mountains.
The north shore railroad, beginning at Caibarien some 300 kilometers distant, has its eastern terminus on Nuevitas Bay, and will, when completed, greatly increase the trade of splendid sugar and vegetable land, as well as the mining zone, rich in iron and chrome, that lies just south of the Sierras.
The north shore railroad, starting at Caibarien about 300 kilometers away, has its eastern endpoint at Nuevitas Bay. Once it's finished, it will significantly boost the trade of the amazing sugar and farming land, along with the mining area, which is rich in iron and chrome, located just south of the Sierras.
Thirty miles further east we have the harbor of Manati, with a narrow but comparatively deep and easy entrance, which soon opens out into the usual long pouch shaped bay, on the shore of which are the sugar mills of Manati. This harbor, although not ranked among the largest, nevertheless can accommodate a large fleet of merchant ships or tramp steamers waiting for their cargoes of sugar and hardwood timber.
Thirty miles further east, we have the harbor of Manati, which has a narrow but relatively deep and easy entrance that quickly opens up into the typical long, pouch-shaped bay. On its shores are the sugar mills of Manati. Although this harbor isn't one of the largest, it can still accommodate a large fleet of merchant ships or tramp steamers waiting for their loads of sugar and hardwood timber.
Malageta, some ten miles east of Manati, cannot be properly ranked as a harbor of the first class, although it furnishes protection for vessels of moderate draft.
Malageta, about ten miles east of Manati, can't really be considered a top-tier harbor, although it does provide some protection for moderately sized boats.
Puerto Padre, 20 miles east of Manati, is another large pouch-shaped deep water harbor like nearly all those of the north coast, and owing to the location on its southern shore of two of the largest sugar mills in the world, Chaparra and Las Delicias, with a combined production of over a million bags a year, it may be justly ranked as one of the most important harbors of Oriente.
Puerto Padre, 20 miles east of Manati, is another large, pouch-shaped deep-water harbor like almost all those on the north coast. Due to the presence of two of the largest sugar mills in the world, Chaparra and Las Delicias, on its southern shore, with a combined production of over a million bags a year, it can rightfully be considered one of the most important harbors in Oriente.
Fifty miles further east we have the open roadstead of Gibara, a deep indentation of the sea that gives, unfortunately, but little protection from northerly gales, but since Gibara is the exit for the rich Holguin district of northern Oriente, its commerce is extensive.
Fifty miles further east, we have the open roadstead of Gibara, a deep inlet that unfortunately offers little protection from northern gales. However, since Gibara serves as the exit for the wealthy Holguin district of northern Oriente, it has significant commercial activity.
Sixty miles further east, after rounding Lucrecia Point, where the coast for the first time faces due east, we have another fine deep water harbor known as Banes, on whose shores is located a large sugar mill known as “Boston,” with an annual output of 500,000 bags.
Sixty miles further east, after rounding Lucrecia Point, where the coast first faces directly east, we find another excellent deep-water harbor called Banes. On its shores stands a large sugar mill known as “Boston,” which produces 500,000 bags annually.
Some ten miles southeast of Banes we enter the Bay of Nipe, the largest landlocked harbor in Cuba. Nipe is a beautiful sheet of water, whose southern and western shores are low, although mountains can be seen in the distance in almost any direction. Nipe contains forty square miles of deep water anchorage, with a width from east to west of twelve miles and from north to south of seven to eight miles. The Mayari River, one of the most important streams of the north coast of Oriente Province, empties into Nipe. On the north shore of the bay the little town of Antilla forms the northeastern terminus of the Cuba Company’s railroad, connecting Orient with Havana and the western end of the Island. The land surrounding the bay is exceptionally rich and is owned largely by the United Fruit Company. Here they originally cultivated large fields of bananas, but owing to their extensive plantations in Costa Rica, and to the high price of sugar brought about by the war, their Cuban properties have been converted into sugar plantations. The splendid mills of Preston are located on Nipe Bay, from which a half million bags of sugar are shipped every year to the outside world. The rich mines of the Mayari district belonging to the Bethlehem Steel Company are located back of Nipe Harbor and contribute considerably to the commerce of this port.
Some ten miles southeast of Banes, we enter the Bay of Nipe, the largest landlocked harbor in Cuba. Nipe is a stunning body of water, with low southern and western shores, though mountains can be seen in the distance from almost any angle. Nipe covers forty square miles of deep water anchorage, stretching twelve miles from east to west and seven to eight miles from north to south. The Mayari River, one of the most significant rivers on the north coast of Oriente Province, flows into Nipe. On the bay's north shore, the small town of Antilla marks the northeastern end of the Cuba Company’s railroad, which connects the eastern part of the island with Havana and the western section. The land around the bay is incredibly fertile and is mostly owned by the United Fruit Company. They initially grew large banana plantations here, but because of their extensive farms in Costa Rica and the high sugar prices caused by the war, their Cuban properties have been turned into sugar plantations. The impressive mills of Preston are located on Nipe Bay, from which half a million bags of sugar are shipped out every year. The rich mines in the Mayari district, owned by the Bethlehem Steel Company, are situated behind Nipe Harbor and significantly contribute to the port's commerce.
Some five or six miles east of the entrance of Nipe we have the deep double harbors of Cabonico and Levisa; the latter large and circular in form, while Cabonico is comparatively small, and separated from Levisa by a narrow peninsula that extends almost into the single entrance of the two bays. The lands around this harbor are largely covered with forests of magnificent hard woods, while the soil is rich enough to produce cane for a quarter of a century or longer without replanting.
About five or six miles east of the entrance to Nipe, we find the deep double harbors of Cabonico and Levisa. Levisa is large and circular, while Cabonico is smaller and separated from Levisa by a narrow peninsula that nearly reaches the single entrance connecting the two bays. The land surrounding this harbor is mainly covered with beautiful hardwood forests, and the soil is so rich that it can grow sugarcane for twenty-five years or more without needing to be replanted.
Some 15 miles further east we have another fine large bay with a narrow entrance on the Atlantic, known as Sagua de Tanamo. This bay is very irregular in form, with many ramifications or branches reaching out towards the east, south and west, while into it flows the Tanamo River, draining the forest covered valleys and basins that lie between the mountains of eastern Oriente and the north shore.
About 15 miles further east, there's another large bay with a narrow entrance to the Atlantic, called Sagua de Tanamo. This bay has a very irregular shape, with many branches extending to the east, south, and west, and the Tanamo River flows into it, draining the forested valleys and basins located between the mountains of eastern Oriente and the northern shore.
Baracoa, an open roadstead, celebrated owing to the fact that here the Spanish conquerors made their first settlement in the Pearl of the Antilles in 1512, is a very picturesque bay, but unfortunately with almost no protection from northerly winds that prevail during the winter months. Cocoanuts form the chief article of export from Baracoa, which is the last port of any note on the north coast of Cuba.
Baracoa, an open roadstead famous for being the site where Spanish conquerors established their first settlement in the Pearl of the Antilles in 1512, is a very picturesque bay. However, it unfortunately offers almost no protection from the northerly winds that dominate during the winter months. Coconuts are the main export from Baracoa, which is the last significant port on the north coast of Cuba.
Although the south coast of Cuba contains some of the finest harbors in the world, Dame Nature was not quite so generous with her commercial gateways along the Caribbean as along the shores bordering on the Atlantic and the Gulf of Mexico. Some 85 miles west of Cape Maisi we come to the Bay of Guantanamo, a long, deep indentation from the Caribbean, extending ten or twelve miles straight up into the land, and in its upper extension opening out into quite a wide sheet of water. Guantanamo is deep, well protected, and of sufficient area to furnish excellent anchorage for the navy of the United States. That which for naval purposes gives Guantanamo especial strategic value is the fact that its mouth, free from obstructions, is so wide that three first-class battleships can leave or enter at full speed, without danger of collision or interference, either with each other or with the inclosing shores. This feature of the bay, which is not often found in well protected harbors, together with the fact that it practically commands the Caribbean Sea, and lies almost in a direct line between the Atlantic Coast and the Panama Canal, were the reasons why Guantanamo was selected in preference to all other bays as the United Naval Station in the Republic of Cuba. During the last ten years many improvements have taken place in Guantanamo and today its importance is not excelled by that of any other naval station in the Western Hemisphere. The Guantanamo Valley, one of the richest in the Island, furnishes a large amount of cane that supplies seven or eight sugar mills located a little back from the shore of the Bay.
Although the south coast of Cuba has some of the best harbors in the world, nature wasn't as generous with its commercial entrances along the Caribbean as it was along the shores of the Atlantic and the Gulf of Mexico. About 85 miles west of Cape Maisi, we find the Bay of Guantanamo, a long, deep indentation from the Caribbean, extending ten to twelve miles straight into the land, and at its upper extension, it opens into a fairly wide body of water. Guantanamo is deep, well protected, and large enough to offer excellent anchorage for the United States Navy. What gives Guantanamo special strategic value for naval operations is its unblocked, wide mouth, allowing three first-class battleships to enter or leave at full speed without the risk of collisions or interference, either with each other or the surrounding shores. This feature, which is rare in well-protected harbors, combined with its commanding position over the Caribbean Sea and its near-direct line between the Atlantic coast and the Panama Canal, explains why Guantanamo was chosen over all other bays as the United Naval Station in Cuba. Over the past decade, many improvements have been made in Guantanamo, and its importance now rivals that of any other naval station in the Western Hemisphere. The Guantanamo Valley, one of the richest areas on the island, produces a large amount of cane that supplies seven or eight sugar mills located slightly inland from the bay.
Fifty miles further west, near the center of the southern coast of Oriente, the pent up streams and basins of the geological past have broken through the chain of mountains bordering the Caribbean and by erosion have formed one of the finest and most picturesque harbors in the world. The Morro of Santiago stands on a high promontory at the eastern entrance of its narrow mouth, passing through which the Bay rapidly opens up into a charming panorama of palm covered islands, strips of white beach, and distant mountains, that combine to render Santiago one of the most beautiful harbors in the world. The City of Santiago lies on a side hill sloping down to the water’s edge, and owing to the fact of its being the southeastern terminus of the Cuba Company’s lines, which connect it with Havana, and to the natural wealth of the Province of Oriente itself, of which Santiago is the chief commercial city, it has no rival in the Republic outside of Havana. Several lines of steamers connect Santiago, not only with the Atlantic and Gulf ports of the United States, but also with Jamaica, Porto Rico, Panama and Europe.
Fifty miles farther west, near the center of the southern coast of Oriente, the trapped streams and basins from the geological past have broken through the mountain range bordering the Caribbean. Through erosion, they've created one of the most stunning and picturesque harbors in the world. The Morro of Santiago sits on a high promontory at the eastern entrance of its narrow mouth. Passing through this entrance, the Bay quickly opens up to a beautiful view of palm-covered islands, stretches of white beach, and distant mountains, all combining to make Santiago one of the most beautiful harbors globally. The City of Santiago is located on a hillside sloping down to the water’s edge. Due to being the southeastern terminus of the Cuba Company’s lines, which connect it to Havana, and the natural wealth of the Province of Oriente itself—of which Santiago is the main commercial city—it has no competitor in the Republic, except for Havana. Several lines of steamers connect Santiago not only with the Atlantic and Gulf ports of the United States but also with Jamaica, Puerto Rico, Panama, and Europe.
Manzanillo, located on the west coast of Oriente, at the head of the Gulf of Guacanabo, is the most important harbor in that section of the province, and owing to the rich country lying back of it, whence are shipped not only sugar, but hardwoods, hides and minerals, Manzanillo Harbor is one of the most important in the eastern end of the Island. Between this and Cienfuegos, which is the most important port on the south coast of central Cuba, we have a stretch of several hundred miles in which only harbors of the second order are found.
Manzanillo, situated on the west coast of Oriente at the head of the Gulf of Guacanabo, is the most significant harbor in that part of the province. Due to the fertile land behind it, which exports not just sugar but also hardwoods, hides, and minerals, Manzanillo Harbor is one of the most vital on the eastern side of the island. Between here and Cienfuegos, the main port on the south coast of central Cuba, there's a stretch of several hundred miles that features only secondary harbors.
Cienfuegos, or a “Hundred Fires,” is another of those beautiful, storm protected inland pockets, with a narrow river-like channel connecting it with the Caribbean. An old time 17th century fort nestles on the western shore of the entrance, an interesting reminder of the days in which every city and every harbor had to protect itself from the incursions of privateers and pirates. Cienfuegos Bay extends from southeast to northwest a distance of about fifteen miles, with a varying width of from three to seven miles. The bay is dotted with charming islands, many of which have been converted into delightful homes and tropical gardens, where the wealthy people of the city pass most of their time in summer. The city itself lies on the northern shore and is comparatively modern, with wide streets and sidewalks. Good wharves and spacious warehouses line the shores of the commercial part of the city. Cienfuegos is the main gateway, not only for the sugar of southern Santa Clara but for the whole southern coast of the central part of the Republic. Its commerce ranks next to that of Santiago de Cuba, and the bay itself is one of the most interesting in the Island.
Cienfuegos, or “Hundred Fires,” is another beautiful, sheltered inland spot, with a narrow river-like channel connecting it to the Caribbean. An old 17th-century fort sits on the western shore at the entrance, serving as a fascinating reminder of a time when every city and harbor had to defend itself from privateers and pirates. Cienfuegos Bay stretches from southeast to northwest for about fifteen miles, with a width ranging from three to seven miles. The bay is sprinkled with lovely islands, many of which have been turned into charming homes and tropical gardens, where the city’s wealthy residents spend most of their summers. The city itself is located on the northern shore and is relatively modern, featuring wide streets and sidewalks. Good wharves and spacious warehouses line the shores of the city’s commercial district. Cienfuegos is the primary gateway for the sugar of southern Santa Clara and for the entire southern coast of the central region of the Republic. Its commerce ranks just after that of Santiago de Cuba, and the bay is one of the most captivating in the Island.
Further west, towards Cape San Antonio, while we have many comparatively shallow harbors and embarcaderos or shipping points for coasting vessels and those of light draft, there are no other deep harbors aside from that of the Bay of Cochinos, or Pig Gulf, which is really an indentation of the coast line, extending from the Caribbean up into the land some fifteen miles, with a width of 10 or 12 miles at its mouth, gradually tapering towards the north, but furnishing no protection from southerly gales.
Further west, near Cape San Antonio, while we have many relatively shallow harbors and shipping points for coastal vessels and those with lighter drafts, there are no other deep harbors besides the Bay of Cochinos, or Pig Gulf. This bay is actually a recess in the coastline, stretching from the Caribbean about fifteen miles inland, with a width of 10 to 12 miles at its entrance, gradually narrowing towards the north, but it offers no protection from southerly gales.
On either side of this bay are located low lands and swamps including those of the Cienaga de Zapata, most of which will never be cultivated unless drained. Extensive forests of hardwood timber surround the bay in all directions. Several big drainage propositions have been projected at different times but none, up to the present, have been carried into execution.
On both sides of this bay, there are low-lying areas and swamps, including the Cienaga de Zapata, most of which will never be farmed unless drained. Large forests of hardwood trees surround the bay in every direction. Various major drainage projects have been proposed over time, but none have been implemented so far.
Batabano, almost due south of Havana, is quite a shipping point, receiving fish, sponge and charcoal from the shallow waters and low forests along the south coast of Havana Province and Pinar del Rio. Fruit and vegetables are landed here from the Isle of Pines, but owing to the shallow waters of the bay and its utter lack of protection from any direction but the north, it can hardly be considered a harbor.
Batabano, located almost directly south of Havana, is a significant shipping hub, receiving fish, sponge, and charcoal from the shallow waters and low forests along the southern coast of Havana Province and Pinar del Río. Fruit and vegetables arrive here from the Isle of Pines, but due to the bay's shallow waters and lack of protection from all directions except the north, it can barely be called a harbor.
Of harbors of the second order, Cuba has some twenty on the north coast, most of which have depths varying from 10 to 15 feet, although a few may be found difficult of entrance at low tide for boats drawing over ten feet. Beginning on the northwest coast of Pinar del Rio, near Cape San Antonio, we have El Cajon, Guardiana Bay, and moving northward, Pinatillo, Mantua, Dimas and San Cayetano. At all of these with the exception of the first, the light draft coasting steamers of the Menendez Line stop every five days in their trips around the western end of the Island, between Habana and Cienfuegos on the south coast. Santa Lucia, a few miles west of San Cayetano, is used as the shipping port for copper from the Matahambre Mines. The ore, however, is conveyed in lighters across the bay and transferred to steamers near Cayo Jutias.
Cuba has around twenty secondary harbors along its north coast, most with depths between 10 and 15 feet, though a few can be tricky to enter at low tide for boats with drafts over 10 feet. Starting from the northwest coast of Pinar del Río, near Cape San Antonio, you'll find El Cajón, Guardiana Bay, and as you move north, Pinatillo, Mantua, Dimas, and San Cayetano. Except for El Cajón, the shallow-draft coasting steamers of the Menendez Line stop at these ports every five days while traveling around the western end of the island, between Havana and Cienfuegos on the south coast. Santa Lucía, located a few miles west of San Cayetano, serves as the shipping port for copper from the Matahambre Mines. The ore, however, is transported in lighters across the bay and transferred to steamers near Cayo Jutias.
East of Havana, about half way to Matanzas, we have the embarcadero of Santa Cruz, from which many vegetables, especially onions, are shipped to Havana. Still further east, on the outer island shore is a harbor of the second order near Paredon Grande, carrying twelve feet, and used largely by fishermen and turtlers in stormy weather. Between Cayo Confitas and Cayo Verde, there is a wide break in the barrier reef that permits vessels in distress to find protection during periods of storm. Some thirty miles west of Nuevitas is another break in the barrier reef over which schooners drawing not more than seven or eight feet can find shelter in the Bay of Guajaba. This is the deepest water approach to the American colony of La Gloria. A little blasting would improve it.
East of Havana, about halfway to Matanzas, we have the dock at Santa Cruz, from which a lot of vegetables, especially onions, are shipped to Havana. Further east, on the island's outer shore, there is a smaller harbor near Paredon Grande, which has a depth of twelve feet and is mainly used by fishermen and turtle catchers during stormy weather. Between Cayo Confitas and Cayo Verde, there is a wide gap in the barrier reef that allows distressed vessels to seek shelter during storms. About thirty miles west of Nuevitas, there's another gap in the barrier reef where schooners with a draft of no more than seven or eight feet can find refuge in the Bay of Guajaba. This is the deepest water access to the American settlement of La Gloria. A bit of blasting could enhance it.
Nuevas Grandes, located midway between Nuevitas and Manati, on the coast of Camaguey, is not easy of entrance in bad weather owing to surf breaking on the outlying reefs, nor is the country back of it sufficiently productive to give promise of much commerce in the future.
Nuevas Grandes, situated halfway between Nuevitas and Manati on the Camaguey coast, is difficult to access in bad weather due to waves crashing on the outer reefs. Additionally, the surrounding area isn’t productive enough to suggest much trade in the future.
On the north coast of Oriente we have a number of comparatively shallow harbors, some of which furnish very good protection for vessels in bad weather. The more important of these are Puerto Vita, Puerto Sama, Tanamo and Puerto Naranjo.
On the north coast of Oriente, there are several relatively shallow harbors, some of which provide excellent protection for ships during bad weather. The main ones are Puerto Vita, Puerto Sama, Tanamo, and Puerto Naranjo.
Along the south coast of Oriente we have Imias Sabana la Mar, Puerto Escondido, Playa de Cuyuco and Daiquiri which, with the exception of the latter, from which the Daiquiri iron mines ship their ore, have practically no commerce.
Along the south coast of Oriente, we have Imías, Sabana la Mar, Puerto Escondido, Playa de Cuyuco, and Daiquiri. Except for Daiquiri, where the iron mines ship their ore, these places have almost no trade.
West of Santiago, on the same coast, are the little landing places of Dos Rios, Cotibar, Turquino and Mota. Between the last two, however, we have a fairly good harbor known as Portillo, that furnishes ample protection for vessels drawing not more than 15 feet, and is the shipping point for the output of the sugar estates that surround Portillo Bay.
West of Santiago, along the same coast, are the small landing spots of Dos Rios, Cotibar, Turquino, and Mota. However, between the last two, there is a pretty decent harbor called Portillo that provides ample protection for vessels with a draft of no more than 15 feet, and serves as the shipping point for the sugar produced by the estates surrounding Portillo Bay.
Between Cabo Cruz and Manzanillo are the embarcaderos of Nequiro, Media Luna, Ceiba Hueca and Campechuela, from nearly all of which a considerable amount of sugar is shipped during the season.
Between Cabo Cruz and Manzanillo are the docks of Nequiro, Media Luna, Ceiba Hueca, and Campechuela, from almost all of which a significant amount of sugar is shipped during the season.
North of Manzanillo, and extending west along the coast of Camaguey and Santa Clara, we have the shallow harbors of Romero, Santa Cruz del Sur, Jucaro, Tunas de Zaza and Casilda. The southern coast steamers stop at each of these ports, and quite a large amount of sugar and hardwood is shipped from them.
North of Manzanillo, and stretching west along the coast of Camaguey and Santa Clara, we find the shallow harbors of Romero, Santa Cruz del Sur, Jucaro, Tunas de Zaza, and Casilda. The southern coast steamers stop at each of these ports, and a significant amount of sugar and hardwood is shipped from them.
From Cienfuegos west we have the Bahia de Cochinos and Batabano already mentioned, together with La Paloma, Punta de Cartas, Bay of Cortes and the Gulf of Corrientes, all of which are located along the south shore of Pinar del Rio, and have quite an extensive local trade in charcoal, fish and hardwood.
CHAPTER XXXII
RAILROAD SYSTEMS IN CUBA
SOMEWHAT strange to relate, railroad building, insofar as it applied to Spanish territory, had its inception in Cuba, at a time when the Island was one of Spain’s colonial possessions. A few rich planters owning large properties at Guines, an exceptionally fertile district some forty miles from the capital, had kept in touch with experiments in railroad building and steam locomotives, as a new source of power in the commercial world, and for the purpose of trying out the practicability of this new means of transportation bought a steam railway locomotive, together with the necessary rails and equipment, for use in transporting sugar cane and other produce from one point to another on their own plantations. Besides this, the Nuevitas-Puerto Principe Railroad was the first public service steam railroad ever built on Spanish soil.
Somewhat strangely, the construction of railroads in Spanish territory started in Cuba, when the island was one of Spain’s colonies. A few wealthy planters owning large estates in Guines, an incredibly fertile area about forty miles from the capital, stayed updated on railroad construction and steam engines as a new commercial power source. To test this new mode of transportation, they purchased a steam locomotive, along with the necessary tracks and equipment, to transport sugar cane and other goods between points on their plantations. Additionally, the Nuevitas-Puerto Principe Railroad was the first public steam railroad ever built on Spanish territory.
What is known as the United Railways of Havana may justly claim to be the father of public railway transportation in the Island, since the founders of the Company took advantage of the railway nucleus at Guines, and gradually extended the line through various private properties until it reached the city of Havana, while branches and connections were thrown out in other directions. With the consent of the Colonial Government, the entire property was later acquired at auction by an English Company and began business as the United Railways of Havana.
What is known as the United Railways of Havana can rightly say it’s the origin of public train transportation on the Island. The founders of the Company made use of the railway base at Guines and gradually expanded the line through various private lands until it reached the city of Havana, while also creating branches and connections in other directions. With the Colonial Government's approval, an English Company later bought the entire property at auction and started operating as the United Railways of Havana.
In 1886 the Company took over another short line known as the Alfonso XII Railroad, that had been built three years before. After various fusions and transfers, these properties were combined in one, with an initial capital of $16,875,196. The complete system of wharves and warehouses at Regla passed into the possession of the Company at the same time. Afterwards the short line connecting the city of Havana with the suburb of Marianao was absorbed, followed later by the taking over of the Cardenas and Jucaro Line.
In 1886, the Company acquired another short line called the Alfonso XII Railroad, which had been built three years earlier. After several mergers and transfers, these properties were consolidated into one, with an initial capital of $16,875,196. At the same time, the entire system of wharves and warehouses at Regla came under the Company’s ownership. Later, the short line connecting Havana to the suburb of Marianao was incorporated, followed by the acquisition of the Cardenas and Jucaro Line.
In 1906 the Matanzas Railway was brought into the corporation, giving it at that time a combined length of 1127 kilometers, most of which was included in the Provinces of Havana and Matanzas. Later the United Railways were extended into the Province of Santa Clara as far east as La Esperanza, making in the year 1903, over the Cuban Central Railway, the much-desired connection with the Cuba Railroad to Santiago de Cuba and the Bay of Nipe. In 1907 the Western Railway of Havana, connecting the capital with Pinar del Rio, and the still further extension westward to the town of Guane, were brought under the control of the United Railways.
In 1906, the Matanzas Railway became part of the corporation, which at that time had a total length of 1,127 kilometers, most of it located in the Provinces of Havana and Matanzas. Later on, the United Railways expanded into the Province of Santa Clara, reaching as far east as La Esperanza, creating the long-awaited link with the Cuba Railroad to Santiago de Cuba and the Bay of Nipe in 1903, over the Cuban Central Railway. In 1907, the Western Railway of Havana, which connected the capital with Pinar del Rio, and the further extension westward to the town of Guane, were brought under the control of the United Railways.
From Guane north and east a new North Shore Road for Pinar del Rio has been projected, which will circle around the western end of the Organ Mountains passing through the towns of Mantua, Dimas and La Esperanza, paralleling the Gulf Coast of the Province of Pinar del Rio until it reaches Bahia Honda, where it will connect with the western extension of the Havana Central now terminating at Guanajay. This projected line, which has been approved by Congress and the Railroad Commission, will pass through a comparatively undeveloped section of the Island, whose rich mineral zones and fertile agricultural lands between Bahia Honda and Guanajay have long suffered for lack of transportation. A very substantial subsidy which will materially assist in the construction of the road, may be considered as a guarantee of its early completion.
From Guane north and east, a new North Shore Road for Pinar del Rio is planned, which will go around the western end of the Organ Mountains, passing through the towns of Mantua, Dimas, and La Esperanza, running parallel to the Gulf Coast of the Province of Pinar del Rio until it reaches Bahia Honda, where it will connect with the western extension of the Havana Central, which currently ends at Guanajay. This planned route, which has been approved by Congress and the Railroad Commission, will go through a relatively undeveloped area of the Island, where the rich mineral zones and fertile agricultural lands between Bahia Honda and Guanajay have long suffered due to a lack of transportation. A significant subsidy that will help considerably with the road's construction may be seen as a guarantee of its timely completion.
GRAND CENTRAL RAILWAY STATION, HAVANA
Grand Central Railway Station, Havana
The city of Havana is not only the chief port but also the chief railroad centre of Cuba, from which radiate trunk lines running east, west and south, to all parts of the island, besides, of course, numerous short suburban lines. Since the establishment of the Cuban Republic, by mutually advantageous arrangement between the Government and the companies, a general terminal for all these roads has been provided in a handsome and commodious building conveniently placed adjacent to the water front.
The city of Havana is not just the main port but also the primary railroad hub of Cuba, from which major lines extend east, west, and south to all parts of the island, along with many short suburban lines. Since the establishment of the Cuban Republic, a beneficial agreement between the Government and the companies has led to the creation of a central terminal for all these railroads in an attractive and spacious building conveniently located by the waterfront.
The new electric lines connecting Havana with Guanajay in the west, and Guines towards the southeast, were joined to the United Railways, and a magnificent railway terminal was built on the old Arsenal grounds, acquired from the Government. This is a splendid modern four-story building of brick, stone and steel, with two artistic towers reaching a height of 125 feet, making it one of the most imposing edifices in the City. From this station trains arrive and depart for every part of the Island.
The new electric lines linking Havana with Guanajay to the west and Guines to the southeast were integrated into the United Railways, and an impressive train station was constructed on the former Arsenal site, which was obtained from the Government. This is a striking modern four-story building made of brick, stone, and steel, featuring two decorative towers that rise to 125 feet, making it one of the most impressive structures in the city. From this station, trains arrive and depart for all parts of the island.
The combined mileage at present operating under the control of the United Railways of Havana is 1,609 kilometers or 963 miles.
The total mileage currently managed by the United Railways of Havana is 1,609 kilometers or 963 miles.
From the viewpoint of commercial progress and utility it may be safely stated that Sir William Van Horne, by building the much needed connecting link of railroad between the eastern terminus of the United Railways at Santa Clara and the two terminals of the Cuba Company’s road at Antilla on the north coast, and Santiago de Cuba on the south, conferred on this Island a greater benefit than any other one man in that realm of affairs.
From a perspective of business development and practicality, it's clear that Sir William Van Horne, by constructing the essential railway connection between the eastern end of the United Railways at Santa Clara and the two terminals of the Cuba Company’s line at Antilla on the north coast and Santiago de Cuba on the south, provided this island with a greater advantage than any other single individual in that area of work.
Immediately after the American occupation of the Island, Sir William Van Horne visited Cuba, en route to Demarara, British Guiana, and got only as far as Cienfuegos, Cuba. He later rode over the rich country lying between Santa Clara and the city of Santiago de Cuba, and in his fertile brain was promptly visualized a line of railroad passing through the center of the three eastern and largest provinces of the Island, and terminating on the shore of the two finest bays of Oriente, connecting this by rail with the west portion of Cuba. The Foraker Resolutions prohibited the securing of a franchise for the building of such a railroad, and but little encouragement was given Sir William Van Horne, while a number of obstacles were presented, including difficulties in securing right of way for the proposed railroad, without the right of condemnation. Owners of properties that were practically inaccessible, and whose products could not be exported except at great cost, were seemingly blind to the advantages that would accrue to them from the construction of such a line. This big-brained pioneer, however, who had only recently built the Canadian Pacific across the plains and mountains of the North American Continent, did not hesitate a moment in undertaking and carrying out his project of connecting the capital of Cuba with the rich and undeveloped territory lying to the eastward. Where right of way was not granted willingly he bought the properties outright, and built his railroad practically over his own farms and fields, with but little local assistance and no land grants of any kind.
Immediately after the American occupation of the Island, Sir William Van Horne visited Cuba while on his way to Demarara, British Guiana, and made it only as far as Cienfuegos, Cuba. He later traveled through the rich area between Santa Clara and Santiago de Cuba, where he quickly envisioned a railroad running through the center of the three largest eastern provinces of the Island, ending at the shores of the two most beautiful bays of Oriente, and connecting this by rail with western Cuba. The Foraker Resolutions blocked the possibility of securing a franchise to build such a railroad, and Sir William Van Horne received little encouragement, facing several obstacles, including issues with obtaining rights of way for the proposed railroad without the ability to condemn land. Property owners, whose lands were almost impossible to access and whose goods could only be exported at a high cost, seemed unaware of the benefits they would gain from the construction of such a line. However, this visionary pioneer, who had recently built the Canadian Pacific across the plains and mountains of North America, didn’t hesitate to undertake and execute his project to link the capital of Cuba with the rich and undeveloped territory to the east. Where rights of way weren't freely given, he bought the properties outright and built his railroad mostly over his own farms and fields, with minimal local support and no land grants of any sort.
The Cuba Company’s line, including the branches contributary to it and under its direction, measures 717 miles. The main line begins at Santa Clara and passes through Placetas del Sur, Zaza del Medio, Ciego de Avila, Camaguey, Marti, Victoria de las Tunas, Cacocum, Alto Cedro and San Luis, to Santiago de Cuba, a distance of 573 kilometers. From Alto Cedro a line was built north to Antilla, 50 kilometers distant on Nipe Bay, whence the greater portion of the freight destined for northern markets is shipped directly to New York.
The Cuba Company’s network, including its branches and those under its management, spans 717 miles. The main line starts at Santa Clara and goes through Placetas del Sur, Zaza del Medio, Ciego de Avila, Camaguey, Marti, Victoria de las Tunas, Cacocum, Alto Cedro, and San Luis, ending in Santiago de Cuba, covering a distance of 573 kilometers. From Alto Cedro, a line was constructed north to Antilla, located 50 kilometers away on Nipe Bay, where most of the freight meant for northern markets is shipped directly to New York.
Of the numerous branch lines, beginning in the west, may be mentioned two that leave Placetas del Sur, one extending north to Placetas and through connections to the harbor of Caibarien; the other, built in a southerly direction, to the city of Trinidad on the south coast. From Zaza del Medio, in the Province of Santa Clara, a branch extends almost due south to Sancti Spiritus, and thence, through connections with the Sancti Spiritus Railroad to Zaza on the shore of the Caribbean. At Ciego de Avila, the Cuba Company’s road is crossed by what is known as the Jucaro & Moron Road, built many years ago as a military line through the center of the trocha, or barrier, intended to prevent insurrectionary troops passing from Camaguey into the western part of the Island. This short stretch of railway connects San Fernando on the north coast with Jucaro on the Caribbean.
Of the many branch lines, starting in the west, we can mention two that leave Placetas del Sur. One goes north to Placetas and connects to the harbor at Caibarien; the other heads south to the city of Trinidad on the southern coast. From Zaza del Medio in the Province of Santa Clara, a branch line goes almost directly south to Sancti Spiritus, and from there, it connects with the Sancti Spiritus Railroad to Zaza on the Caribbean coast. At Ciego de Avila, the Cuba Company’s railroad intersects with what's known as the Jucaro & Moron Road, which was built many years ago as a military line through the center of the trocha, or barrier, meant to stop insurrectionary troops from moving from Camaguey into the western part of the island. This short stretch of railway connects San Fernando on the north coast with Jucaro on the Caribbean.
At Camaguey, the old Camaguey and Nuevitas Road during many years had enjoyed a monopoly in the transportation of products to the coast. The Cuba Company absorbed and incorporated the road, securing thus a valuable adjunct to its system. The Bay of Nuevitas was not of sufficient depth to permit large vessels loading at the old wharves, so the Cuba Company extended the road five kilometers to Punta de Pastelillo, where sugar warehouses and wharves have been built, so that sugar from all the mills of central Camaguey can be delivered aboard ship, doing away with the old system of lightering out to deep water.
At Camaguey, the old Camaguey and Nuevitas Road had for many years held a monopoly on transporting goods to the coast. The Cuba Company took over and integrated the road, which became a valuable part of its operations. The Bay of Nuevitas wasn't deep enough for large ships to load at the old docks, so the Cuba Company extended the road five kilometers to Punta de Pastelillo, where sugar warehouses and docks have been built. This allowed sugar from all the mills in central Camaguey to be loaded directly onto ships, replacing the old method of transferring goods to smaller vessels for transport to deeper water.
From Marti, 60 kilometers east of Camaguey on the main line, a southeastern extension was built across country to the City of Bayamo, in the southwestern center of the Province of Oriente, 127 kilometers distant. Another branch built from Manzanillo on the west coast of Bayamo, 56 kilometers in length, opened up a section of country previously inaccessible. From Bayamo a road parallel to the main line has been built east to San Luis, 98 kilometers, furnishing an exit for one of the richest sections of the Cauto Valley, and also for the rich mineral zones that lie on the southern slope of the Sierra Maestra Mountains. This line from Marti to San Luis passes through one continuous stretch of sugar cane fields, extending as far as the eye can reach, north and south, throughout its entire length.
From Marti, 60 kilometers east of Camaguey on the main line, a southeastern extension was built across the countryside to the city of Bayamo, which is 127 kilometers away in the southwestern center of the Province of Oriente. Another branch, constructed from Manzanillo on the west coast of Bayamo and 56 kilometers long, opened up a previously inaccessible area. From Bayamo, a road parallel to the main line was built east to San Luis, 98 kilometers long, providing access to one of the richest parts of the Cauto Valley, as well as to the rich mineral zones located on the southern slope of the Sierra Maestra Mountains. This route from Marti to San Luis runs through an uninterrupted stretch of sugar cane fields, extending as far as the eye can see, north and south, along its entire length.
From Cacocum a short line of 18 kilometers extends north to Holguin. Up to the completion of this connecting link, the city of Holguin, in north central Oriente, had been connected with the outside world only through the medium of a short road terminating at Gibara on the Atlantic coast, where coasting steamers stopped weekly.
From Cacocum, a short 18-kilometer line runs north to Holguin. Before this connection was completed, the city of Holguin, in north central Oriente, was only linked to the outside world by a short road ending at Gibara on the Atlantic coast, where coastal steamers made weekly stops.
A branch from Placetas del Sur to Casilda, 90 kilometers, is in process of construction. Another will connect the city of Camaguey with Santa Cruz del Sur on the Caribbean, 98 kilometers away. At San Luis connection is made with the Guantanamo & Western Railway, where passengers for the United States Naval Station on Guantanamo Bay, and the rich sugar districts lying north and west of the harbor, are transferred.
A branch from Placetas del Sur to Casilda, 90 kilometers long, is being constructed. Another will connect the city of Camaguey with Santa Cruz del Sur on the Caribbean, which is 98 kilometers away. In San Luis, there is a connection with the Guantanamo & Western Railway, where passengers heading to the United States Naval Station on Guantanamo Bay and the prosperous sugar districts north and west of the harbor are transferred.
The Cuba system is equipped with 156 locomotives, 125 passenger coaches, 5013 freight cars, 70 baggage cars and 131 construction cars. In the harbors of Antilla and Nuevitas twelve steamers, tugs and launches are employed in making the various necessary transfers of material from one point to another. On the lines of the Cuba system and its branches are 30 sugar estates and mills, with nine new ones under construction. Daily trains connecting Havana with Santiago de Cuba leave the terminal station at 10.00 P.M., making the trip in about 24 hours.
The Cuba system has 156 locomotives, 125 passenger coaches, 5,013 freight cars, 70 baggage cars, and 131 construction cars. In the ports of Antilla and Nuevitas, twelve steamers, tugs, and launches are used for transferring materials from one point to another. Along the Cuba system and its branches, there are 30 sugar estates and mills, with nine new ones being built. Daily trains connecting Havana with Santiago de Cuba depart from the terminal station at 10:00 PM, taking about 24 hours for the trip.
With the completion of the Cuba Company’s lines, the interior of the Provinces of Oriente, Camaguey and much of Santa Clara were opened up to the commerce of the world for the first time. During the years that have elapsed since its completion, a large amount of valuable hard wood, cedar, mahogany, etc., growing along the line, have been cut and shipped to nearby seaports for export to the United States and other countries. With the building of this line, too, some of the richest lands of Cuba were rendered available for the production of sugar, and today a vast area is under cultivation in cane, and four hundred thousand tons or more of sugar, with the assistance of this road, was delivered each year to the Allies who were fighting in France and Belgium. Thus Sir William Van Home’s foresight enabled the Republic of Cuba to “do its bit” in a very practical way towards the furtherance of the cause of universal democracy.
With the completion of the Cuba Company’s lines, the interior of the Provinces of Oriente, Camaguey, and much of Santa Clara were opened up to global commerce for the first time. Since its completion, a significant amount of valuable hardwood, including cedar and mahogany, growing along the line has been cut and shipped to nearby seaports for export to the United States and other countries. The construction of this line also made some of the richest lands in Cuba available for sugar production, and today, a vast area is cultivated in sugar cane, yielding four hundred thousand tons or more of sugar each year, with the help of this road, delivered to the Allies fighting in France and Belgium. Thus, Sir William Van Home’s foresight enabled the Republic of Cuba to “do its bit” in a very practical way to support the cause of universal democracy.
No account of the Cuba Railroad would, however, be complete which failed to make mention of the part played in its construction and initial organization by Mr. R. G. Ward, of New York City, whose energy and industry, first as manager of construction and later as manager of operation, combined with the character of the men by whom he surrounded himself are generally recognized as having been potent if not dominant factors in determining the rapidity with which the original main line of that railroad, extending from Santa Clara to Santiago, was built, and the promptness and thoroughness with which it was put into operation. The importance of this achievement is emphasized, when it is taken into consideration that the entire line was located and built without the right of eminent domain, which necessitated the acquisition of practically the whole of the right of way through private negotiation. It is stated that the cross-ties and rails were placed by track-laying machines of his devising, which, with crews of less than one hundred men, could, and often did, lay down three miles of full-tied, full-spiked and full-bolted track per day per machine. He also is credited with having inaugurated the policy of employing Cubans or residents of Cuba, whenever it was possible to obtain them to do the work required. Rather than import telegraph operators needed to run the newly constructed railroad, he opened and operated, free of all cost or expense to the students, a School of Telegraphy, under the direction of Horace H. McGinty, through whose administration nearly one hundred operators were qualified for positions in less than six months. Sir William Van Horne, who himself was an expert railroad telegraph operator, regarded this as a “marvelous achievement, creditable alike to Mr. Ward, to Mr. McGinty, and to the character and capacity of the young Cuban students;” many of whom have since held good positions in Cuba, in Mexico and in the Argentine Republic.
No account of the Cuba Railroad would be complete without mentioning the role played in its construction and initial organization by Mr. R. G. Ward from New York City. His energy and hard work, first as construction manager and later as operations manager, along with the quality of the team around him, are generally recognized as key factors in how quickly the original main line of the railroad, stretching from Santa Clara to Santiago, was built and how efficiently it was put into operation. The significance of this achievement is highlighted by the fact that the entire line was located and constructed without the right of eminent domain, which meant that nearly all of the right of way had to be secured through private negotiations. It's said that the cross-ties and rails were laid using track-laying machines of his design, which, with crews of fewer than one hundred men, could—and often did—install three miles of fully-tied, fully-spiked, and fully-bolted track per day per machine. He is also credited with starting a policy of hiring Cubans or residents of Cuba whenever possible for the required work. Instead of bringing in telegraph operators to run the new railroad, he opened and operated a School of Telegraphy at no cost to the students, led by Horace H. McGinty, who successfully trained nearly one hundred operators for positions in under six months. Sir William Van Horne, an expert railroad telegraph operator himself, considered this a "marvelous achievement, commendable to Mr. Ward, Mr. McGinty, and the character and capabilities of the young Cuban students," many of whom have since secured good positions in Cuba, Mexico, and the Argentine Republic.
The Cuba Central Road of the Province of Santa Clara occupies third place in commercial importance among Cuba’s system of railroads. This Company’s lines were built largely for the benefit of the older sugar estates of Santa Clara, located around Sagua la Grande, Remedios, Caribarien, Cienfuentes, Isabel de las Lajas, etc. The main line of the Cuba Central extends from Isabel de Sagua, a port on the north coast, almost due north to Cruces, a junction on the Cuba Road midway between Santa Clara and Cienfuegos.
The Cuba Central Road in the Province of Santa Clara ranks third in commercial importance among Cuba's railroad system. The lines of this company were mainly built to serve the older sugar plantations in Santa Clara, which are around Sagua la Grande, Remedios, Caribarien, Cienfuentes, Isabel de las Lajas, and more. The main line of the Cuba Central runs from Isabel de Sagua, a port on the north coast, almost straight north to Cruces, a junction on the Cuba Road halfway between Santa Clara and Cienfuegos.
Another important division of the line runs from Sagua east to the seaport of Caibarien, passing through Camajuani and Remedios. The Cuba Central lines, while public highways in every sense of the word, may be classed among the roads dedicated largely to the service of the sugar planters of Santa Clara.
Another important stretch of the line goes from Sagua east to the port of Caibarien, passing through Camajuani and Remedios. The Cuba Central lines, while public highways in every sense, can be categorized as roads mainly intended for the use of the sugar planters of Santa Clara.
Among the independent projected lines of Cuba, the North Shore Road, at present under construction at several different points in the Provinces of Camaguey and Santa Clara, is one of marked importance. This road has its western terminal at Caibarien, on the north shore of Santa Clara, whence it extends eastward, passing through an exceptionally rich valley that furnishes cane to some half-dozen large sugar mills, and continues eastward through Moron, in the Province of Camaguey. It parallels the north coast, extending eastward across the rich grazing lands of the Caunao River, and stretching out further eastward, traverses the virgin forests that lie between the Sierra de Cubitas and the Bays of Guanaja and Guajaba. Leaving the Cubitas slope, it crosses the Maximo and eventually reaches deep water anchorage on the shores of the western extension of Nuevitas Harbor.
Among the independent projected routes in Cuba, the North Shore Road, currently under construction at various points in the provinces of Camaguey and Santa Clara, is particularly significant. This road starts at Caibarien, located on the north coast of Santa Clara, and stretches eastward through a very fertile valley that supplies sugarcane to about six large sugar mills. It continues eastward past Moron in the province of Camaguey. The road runs parallel to the north coast, moving eastward across the rich grazing lands near the Caunao River, and further east, it goes through the untouched forests between the Sierra de Cubitas and the bays of Guanaja and Guajaba. After leaving the Cubitas slope, it crosses the Maximo and ultimately reaches deep water anchorage along the western extension of Nuevitas Harbor.
This line is at present under construction from Nuevitas westward and from Moron both east and west. In the winter of 1918-19 the line was finished from the deep water terminal on Nuevitas Harbor as far west as the Maximo River. When completed it will pass through one of the richest agricultural and mineral sections of the Island.
This line is currently being built from Nuevitas to the west and from Moron in both directions. During the winter of 1918-19, the line was completed from the deep water terminal at Nuevitas Harbor to the Maximo River. Once it's finished, it will traverse one of the most valuable agricultural and mineral areas of the Island.
CHAPTER XXXIII
MONEY AND BANKING
A perusal of Cuban history shows that within a few years after the country was settled, questions in regard to the exchange value of its moneys arose, which were not effectually resolved till the lapse of nearly four centuries later, upon the establishment of the Cuban Republic.
A look at Cuban history reveals that within just a few years after the country was settled, issues regarding the exchange value of its money emerged, which were not effectively resolved until nearly four centuries later, with the establishment of the Cuban Republic.
As with the other early Spanish colonies of the New World, the circulating medium was at first solely metallic. A credit currency was not suited to a primitive country, whose foreign trade was largely clandestine, open to piracy and other perils, its lawful commerce being limited to the port of Cadiz, Spain, under the monopoly of a board of trade known as the “Contratacion de las Indias,” succeeded in 1740 by the “Real Compania de la Habana,” till the English occupation in 1762.
Like the other early Spanish colonies in the New World, the currency in circulation was initially only metallic. A credit system didn't fit a developing nation where foreign trade was mostly underground, subject to piracy and other dangers; legal trade was restricted to the port of Cadiz, Spain, controlled by a trade board called the “Contratacion de las Indias,” which was replaced in 1740 by the “Real Compania de la Habana,” until the British occupation in 1762.
The position of Cuba on the highroad between Europe and Latin America made its harbors the Mecca of the Spanish fleets of those days. The gold and silver mines of Mexico and South America poured their millions into the Island after the year 1545, when the deposits of San Luis Potosi were opened to the world, the volume of the output being brought to Havana before distribution to Europe and other parts.
The location of Cuba on the main route between Europe and Latin America made its ports the hub for Spanish fleets at that time. The gold and silver mines of Mexico and South America sent their wealth to the Island after 1545, when the San Luis Potosi deposits were revealed to the world, with the output being shipped to Havana before it was distributed to Europe and other regions.
Instead of ships making the transatlantic journey alone as at present, large merchant fleets, laden with immense treasure, were convoyed by war vessels at long intervals, as a safeguard against filibusters and buccaneers as well as to preclude possible competition.
Instead of ships making the transatlantic journey alone like they do now, large merchant fleets, loaded with great wealth, were escorted by warships at long intervals to protect against pirates and privateers and to avoid any potential competition.
In 1550 a monetary crisis occurred in Havana, owing to the failure of the governor, Dr. Gonzalo Perez de Angulo, to enforce the provision of the Spanish law, that the silver Real should be estimated at 34 maravedis, instead of 40 to 44, the commercial rate prevailing at Vera Cruz, Santo Domingo, Cartagena de las Indias and other points near the silver mines. The governor, actuated by private interests, claimed that conditions in Cuba justified the same rate as in these places, and that the legal rate of 34 to 1, if applied, would drain the country of its silver stock.
In 1550, a monetary crisis hit Havana because the governor, Dr. Gonzalo Perez de Angulo, failed to enforce the Spanish law stating that the silver Real should be valued at 34 maravedis instead of the 40 to 44 that was the commercial rate in places like Vera Cruz, Santo Domingo, Cartagena de las Indias, and other areas near the silver mines. The governor, motivated by personal interests, argued that the situation in Cuba justified the same rate as those places, and that applying the legal rate of 34 to 1 would deplete the country's silver supply.
These views were also expressed by travellers going from Mexico to Spain, who were obliged to make a long stoppage in Havana, where their money was exchanged, insisting that they should receive the larger or commercial rate for their silver as in other places.
These opinions were also shared by travelers journeying from Mexico to Spain, who had to take a long break in Havana, where they exchanged their money, insisting that they should get the higher commercial rate for their silver like in other places.
Not disposed to change his attitude in the matter, the Spanish King issued a royal circular reasserting the legal rate of 34 to 1 for Cuba, under a penalty of 100,000 maravedis, instead of 10,000 as fixed in his former order, for each violation.
Not willing to change his stance on the issue, the Spanish King sent out a royal letter reaffirming the legal exchange rate of 34 to 1 for Cuba, with a penalty of 100,000 maravedis, instead of the 10,000 set in his previous order, for each violation.
The sovereign mandate was complied with, as peace and policy required, but this demand for a higher valuation of money in Cuba than in the mother country is taken as the origin of the premium afterwards placed on Spanish coin, with which the people of later times are familiar.
The ruling mandate was followed, as peace and order demanded, but the request for higher money value in Cuba than in the homeland is seen as the start of the premium later put on Spanish coins, which people today recognize.
When in the year 1779 the Spanish gold onza was coined, its par value was estimated at 16 pesos in Spain. But in Cuba it was shortly afterwards taken to represent 17 pesos, or a premium of about 6%, which it continued to hold until the repatriation of Spanish money a few years ago. This premium was expected to keep gold in the country, at an excess valuation, along with the annual output of $800,000 in silver coming from Mexico, sugar and tobacco being exported from Cuba to North America and Europe as an offset thereto.
When the Spanish gold onza was minted in 1779, it was valued at 16 pesos in Spain. However, shortly after that, it was considered to be worth 17 pesos in Cuba, which was a premium of about 6%. This premium remained until the repatriation of Spanish money a few years ago. It was thought that this premium would keep gold within the country at an inflated value, along with the annual production of $800,000 in silver from Mexico, while sugar and tobacco were being exported from Cuba to North America and Europe to balance things out.
LEOPOLDO CANCIO
LEOPOLDO CANCIO
Born at Sancti Spiritus on May 30. 1851, Leopoldo Cancio y Luna rose to eminence as a jurist, economist and financier; and for many years has filled the chair of Economics and Finance in the University of Havana. As one of the founders of the Autonomist party he became a Deputy in the Spanish Cortes after the Ten Years’ War. Under the Governorship of General Brooke he was Assistant Secretary and under General Leonard Wood he was Secretary of Finance, an office which he now fills in the Cabinet of President Menocal. He was the author of the great monetary reforms of 1914.
Born in Sancti Spiritus on May 30, 1851, Leopoldo Cancio y Luna became a prominent jurist, economist, and financier. He has taught Economics and Finance at the University of Havana for many years. As one of the founders of the Autonomist party, he served as a Deputy in the Spanish Cortes after the Ten Years’ War. During General Brooke's governorship, he was the Assistant Secretary, and under General Leonard Wood, he became the Secretary of Finance, a position he currently holds in President Menocal's Cabinet. He was responsible for the major monetary reforms of 1914.
When the modern Spanish centen or alfonsino, and the French Louis or 20 franc gold piece, came into vogue, they were also admitted to Cuba at the same ratio as the onza, namely a 6% premium or 17 to 18 approximately, to the detriment of Cuban industry and commerce, throughout the course of the nineteenth century.
In the year 1868 Spain passed from a silver to a double standard, adopting the peseta as the monetary unit, equal in weight and fineness to the French franc and that of other countries of the Latin Union, composed of France, Belgium, Italy, Switzerland and Greece by the monetary conventions of 1865 and 1868. The Isabellan silver escudo, adopted in Spain as the unit by the law of June 24, 1864, was thereby demonetized.
In 1868, Spain switched from a silver standard to a double standard, adopting the peseta as its currency, which was equal in weight and quality to the French franc and those of other countries in the Latin Union, including France, Belgium, Italy, Switzerland, and Greece, based on the monetary agreements of 1865 and 1868. The Isabellan silver escudo, which had been established in Spain as the currency by the law of June 24, 1864, was therefore taken out of circulation.
But the Spanish peseta, consisting of gold or silver indifferently, while circulating freely in Cuba along with French gold and American currency in recent times till 1915, did not become the unit of value in the Island. The Spanish gold dollar (peso oro Espanol), an imaginary coin equal to five Spanish gold pesetas (of 24.8903 grains of pure gold each) considered at a premium of 106, weighing 21.13 grains of fine gold (as a result of the 6% premium), and circulating in the form of current Spanish or French gold pieces, was taken as the standard. By reason of such premium these coins were received in the country at $5.30 oro espanol for the centen (25 peseta gold piece) and $4.24 oro espanol for the Louis and doblon (25 franc and 25 peseta gold pieces of equal weight and fineness), which values they held till the last of Spanish money circulation in the Island.
But the Spanish peseta, made of either gold or silver, circulated freely in Cuba alongside French gold and American currency until 1915, yet it never became the standard unit of value on the Island. The Spanish gold dollar (peso oro Español), a fictional coin worth five Spanish gold pesetas (each containing 24.8903 grains of pure gold) at a premium of 106, weighed 21.13 grains of fine gold (after a 6% premium). This was circulated as current Spanish or French gold coins and was accepted as the standard. Due to this premium, these coins were valued at $5.30 oro español for the centen (25 peseta gold piece) and $4.24 oro español for the Louis and doblón (25 franc and 25 peseta gold pieces of equal weight and purity), which values remained until the last of the Spanish money circulation on the Island.
The use of Colonial paper money in Cuba, during the wars with the Spanish government, did not substantially lessen the demand for actual coin, and it was not until after the Spanish-American War of 1898 that new conditions arose which afforded credit and security for the introduction of a composite system of currency.
The use of colonial paper money in Cuba during the wars with the Spanish government didn’t significantly reduce the demand for actual coins, and it wasn’t until after the Spanish-American War of 1898 that new conditions emerged that provided credit and security for the introduction of a mixed currency system.
When the American government was established at Santiago in 1898, one of its first acts was to stabilize the currency of the eastern part of the Island. United States money was forthwith adopted as the lawful medium and Spanish silver was eliminated accordingly. In the provinces of Havana, Pinar del Rio, Matanzas and Santa Clara, Spanish gold and silver continued in use, along with French gold and U. S. currency, at varying market quotations from day to day, until the adoption of a national standard by the Cuban Congress under the law of October 29, 1914, by virtue of which the Cuban gold peso, of weight and fineness similar to the American dollar, was declared the unit, and United States money a legal tender.
When the American government was set up in Santiago in 1898, one of its first actions was to stabilize the currency in the eastern part of the Island. The U.S. dollar was immediately adopted as the official currency, and Spanish silver was phased out. In Havana, Pinar del Río, Matanzas, and Santa Clara, Spanish gold and silver continued to circulate, along with French gold and U.S. currency, at different market rates each day. This continued until the Cuban Congress established a national standard under the law of October 29, 1914, which declared the Cuban gold peso, with weight and quality similar to the American dollar, as the unit of currency, making U.S. money legal tender.
Under the authority of the Secretary of Finance, Spanish and other moneys were shipped abroad from Cuba as follows
Under the authority of the Secretary of Finance, Spanish and other currencies were sent overseas from Cuba as follows:
Fiscal Year 1914-1915 (ending June 30th): | ||
United States | $3,032,529.00 | |
Spain | 1,435,192.00 | |
Canary Islands | 66,000.00 | $4,533,721.00 |
Fiscal Year 1915-1916: | ||
United States | 17,337,734.00 | |
Spain | 17,411,003.00 | |
France | 60,000.00 | |
Canary Islands | 38,300.00 | 34,847,037.00 |
Fiscal Year 1916-1917: | ||
United States | 317,253.00 | |
Spain | 24,332,707.00 | |
Mexico | 45,000.00 | |
Canary Islands | 13,240.00 | 24,708,200.00 |
Total, reduced to U. S. Currency | $64,088,958.00 |
Of the above shipments, those to the United States were principally for recoinage to Cuban gold of the new issue and were brought back later in national coin. They also include $5,934,810.00 Spanish silver (value in U.S. currency) sent to Spain between August, 1915, and June, 1917. This delicate operation was affected gradually and in such a manner as not to disturb the monetary or exchange values of the country. By June 1, 1916, all conversions of accounts had been practically made to the new system.
Of the shipments mentioned earlier, those to the United States were mainly for recoinage into the new Cuban gold and were later returned as national coin. They also included $5,934,810.00 in Spanish silver (equivalent value in U.S. currency) sent to Spain between August 1915 and June 1917. This careful process was done gradually to avoid disrupting the country's monetary or exchange values. By June 1, 1916, nearly all account conversions had been completed into the new system.
Gold Coins: | $20 pieces | $1,135,000 | |
10 pieces | 12,635,000 | ||
5 pieces | 9,140,000 | ||
4 pieces | 540,000 | ||
2 pieces | 320,000 | ||
1 pieces | 17,250 | $23,787,250 | |
Silver Coins: | $1 pieces | 2,819,000 | |
40¢ pieces | 1,128,000 | ||
20¢ pieces | 2,090,000 | ||
10¢ pieces | 625,000 | 6,662,000 | |
Nickel Coins: | 5¢ pieces | 340,450 | |
2¢ pieces | 228,210 | ||
1¢ pieces | 187,120 | 755,780 | |
Total Coinage | $31,205,030 |
The above national supply of coin, together with perhaps twice the same amount of U. S. currency in general circulation, has been found sufficient for the country’s normal needs, and Cuba thereby automatically becomes, in law and in fact, a part of the American monetary system of the present day.
The national supply of coins, along with about twice that amount of U.S. currency in general circulation, has been enough for the country's usual needs, making Cuba, both legally and practically, a part of the current American monetary system.
As the country exports the bulk of its products and imports most articles of consumption and use, including machinery and implements, it follows that Cuba is in normal times one of the highest priced countries of the world, and under conditions due to the European War the cost of living is enormous.
As the country exports most of its products and imports most consumer goods, including machinery and tools, it follows that Cuba is usually one of the most expensive countries in the world. Given the circumstances caused by the European War, the cost of living is extremely high.
To move the country’s resources annually requires the use of millions of dollars from abroad, which the banks obtain and circulate in legal tender (which means United States money and Cuban coin) according to local demands.
To move the country’s resources each year requires using millions of dollars from abroad, which the banks acquire and circulate as legal tender (meaning U.S. currency and Cuban coins) based on local needs.
It follows, therefore, that the chief functions of banking in Cuba are Discount, Deposit, Exchange, Collections, Collateral Loans, Foreign Credits and the distribution of money throughout the country.
It follows, therefore, that the main functions of banking in Cuba are discounting, accepting deposits, exchanging currencies, handling collections, offering collateral loans, facilitating foreign credits, and distributing money throughout the country.
The National City Bank of New York. Capital, $25,000,000.
The National City Bank of New York. Capital: $25 million.
Banco Español de la Isla de Cuba. Capital, $8,000,000.
Banco Español de la Isla de Cuba. Capital: $8,000,000.
Banco National de Cuba. Capital, $6,860,455.
Banco Nacional de Cuba. Capital: $6,860,455.
Banco Territorial de Cuba. Capital, $5,000,000.
Banco Territorial de Cuba. Capital, $5,000,000.
Royal Bank of Canada. Capital and surplus, $25,000,000.
Royal Bank of Canada. Capital and reserves, $25,000,000.
The Trust Company of Cuba. Capital, $500,000.
The Trust Company of Cuba. Capital: $500,000.
Banco Mercantile Americano de Cuba. Capital, $2,000,000; surplus, $500,000.
Banco Mercantile Americano de Cuba. Capital, $2,000,000; surplus, $500,000.
CHAPTER XXXIV
PUBLIC INSTRUCTION
THINKING men and women, the world over, realize that the hope, security and well being of the future lies in properly educating the children of the present. From an educated community we have nothing to fear. Mistakes in government policies may occur, but where intelligence dwells, right and justice will soon prevail over wrong. Education to-day is universally recognized as the most efficient and potent safeguard against crime and lawlessness of all kind, and in no section of the world is the need of general education more gravely manifest than in the Latin-American Republics of the Western Hemisphere.
Thinking men and women everywhere understand that the hope, security, and well-being of the future depend on properly educating today's children. We have nothing to fear from an educated community. While there may be mistakes in government policies, where intelligence exists, right and justice will ultimately triumph over wrong. Today, education is universally acknowledged as the most effective and powerful protection against crime and lawlessness of all kinds, and nowhere is the need for widespread education more urgently evident than in the Latin American republics of the Western Hemisphere.
Education in all of these countries, from the beginning of their existence as colonies of Spain, has been, unfortunately under the control of the Church, and with the exception of Cuba, largely so remains to-day. Even in this progressive little Republic, the clerical influence on tuition, from the kindergarten to the university, is more or less prevalent. The influence of the priest and the prelate, exerted in the home, usually through the mother, still casts its shadow over true educational progress, especially among those of the gentler sex. There are, of course, many well educated women in Cuba, but they are women whose intellectual longings and aspirations could not be held in check.
Education in all of these countries, since they became colonies of Spain, has unfortunately been under the Church's control, and with the exception of Cuba, it largely still is today. Even in this progressive little Republic, the influence of clergy on education, from kindergarten to university, remains significant. The impact of priests and bishops, often felt at home through the mother, still hinders true educational progress, especially for women. There are certainly many educated women in Cuba, but they are women whose intellectual desires and ambitions could not be suppressed.
True, some of the most brilliant men in Cuba have been pupils of church institutions, but men of this stamp and minds of this calibre held from birth all the promise and potency of greatness. Their intellectual lights could not be hidden under the proverbial bushel.
True, some of the brightest individuals in Cuba have been educated in church institutions, but people like them with such exceptional minds were always destined for greatness. Their intellectual talents couldn't be kept under wraps.
In 1896 the population of the Island was 1,572,791, of whom 1,400,884 were unable to read, 33,003 knew how to read but not to write, while 19,158 had received the advantages of what was termed higher education. Even this paucity of true knowledge was frequently superficial and sadly warped by obsolete tradition.
When, at the beginning of American intervention, that generous and able group of American officers under General Wood took charge of affairs in Cuba, the need of even a rudimentary education among the untutored masses was painfully apparent. A report of conditions prevailing was forwarded to Washington. Secretary Root referred the matter to President Eliot of Harvard, and as a result Mr. Alexis E. Frye was sent to Havana to establish in Cuba the American school system, or one as nearly like that in vogue in the United States as conditions would permit.
When the American intervention began, the capable group of American officers led by General Wood took control in Cuba, and it quickly became clear that the local population lacked even basic education. A report detailing the situation was sent to Washington. Secretary Root brought this issue to President Eliot of Harvard, and as a result, Mr. Alexis E. Frye was sent to Havana to set up an American-style school system in Cuba, or one similar to what existed in the United States, tailored to fit local conditions.
The selection of Mr. Frye was a wise one, and the people have never ceased to be grateful for the admirable and unselfish efforts of that remarkably clever teacher to place public instruction on a firm foundation in Cuba. After going carefully over the ground and studying the situation thoroughly Mr. Frye, working by candle light in a backroom of the Hotel Pasaje, drafted the school law and wrote the rules and regulations that today form the base of public instruction in the island. Soon after, Mr. Frye was appointed Superintendent of Schools. His salary was $400 a month, but every month’s pay check was divided into eight parts and distributed among those schools where it would do the most good. He would accept no recompense whatever for himself.
Mr. Frye's selection was a smart choice, and the community has always been thankful for the dedicated and selfless work of that incredibly talented teacher to build a solid foundation for public education in Cuba. After thoroughly assessing the situation, Mr. Frye, writing by candlelight in a back room of the Hotel Pasaje, crafted the school law and drafted the rules and regulations that still serve as the foundation for public education on the island today. Shortly after, Mr. Frye was appointed Superintendent of Schools. His salary was $400 a month, but each month's paycheck was divided into eight parts and distributed to those schools where it would be most beneficial. He refused to accept any payment for himself.
In the work of establishing a modern system of education in Cuba Mr. Frye received valuable aid from a remarkably gifted and brilliant young Cuban named Lincoln de Zayas. Dr. de Zayas was a descendant of one of the most prominent families in Havana. He had been educated in the United States, was graduated from the school of medicine of Columbia University in New York, was a master of some five or six languages, and knew the character of his own people. He assisted Mr. Frye in solving many delicate problems and in overcoming troublesome obstacles, many of which resulted from the former ecclesiastical control of everything pertaining to education. Dr. Francisco Barrero, a writer, student and poet, was made assistant director of education.
In setting up a modern education system in Cuba, Mr. Frye got valuable help from an exceptionally talented young Cuban named Lincoln de Zayas. Dr. de Zayas came from one of the most prominent families in Havana. He had studied in the United States, graduated from Columbia University's medical school in New York, mastered about five or six languages, and understood his own people well. He helped Mr. Frye tackle many sensitive issues and navigate difficult challenges, many of which stemmed from the old church control over all aspects of education. Dr. Francisco Barrero, a writer, student, and poet, was appointed as assistant director of education.
During the second year of American intervention, Mr. Frye interested Harvard University in the subject of Cuban education. This finally resulted in an invitation from that institution to a large body of potential Cuban teachers to come to Boston and enjoy during the summer months special instruction provided for them by the president and faculty of the University. Through Mr. Frye’s efforts and those of General Wood, then Military Governor of the Island, the Washington government became interested in the school problem in Cuba, and through the War Department furnished passage in one of the large American transports for all teachers who cared to visit the United States in the interest of Cuban education. Some 1600 teachers, mostly young ladies, were selected from applicants in various parts of the Island, and conveyed on the U.S. transport General McClellan to the city of Boston, where they were comfortably lodged and cared for during a period of three months as guests of Harvard University.
During the second year of American involvement, Mr. Frye got Harvard University interested in the topic of Cuban education. This eventually led to an invitation from the university for a large group of potential Cuban teachers to come to Boston and receive special training from the president and faculty during the summer months. Thanks to Mr. Frye’s efforts and those of General Wood, who was the Military Governor of the Island at the time, the Washington government took an interest in the education issue in Cuba. The War Department provided passage on one of the large American transports for all teachers who wanted to visit the United States to further Cuban education. About 1,600 teachers, mostly young women, were chosen from applicants across the Island and transported on the U.S. transport General McClellan to Boston, where they were comfortably housed and cared for as guests of Harvard University for three months.
The direct educational benefit derived by these young Cuban teachers was almost incalculable. A great majority of them had no knowledge whatever of the English language, and knew but little of the outside world. The press of Cuba in those days was limited in its fund of general information or other matter that might be of educational value to the reading public. Nor had education, especially among women, been encouraged during the days of Spain’s control over the island.
The direct educational benefit gained by these young Cuban teachers was immense. Most of them had no knowledge of the English language and very little awareness of the outside world. The media in Cuba at that time had a limited amount of general information or other content that could be educational for the readers. Additionally, education, especially for women, had not been promoted during Spain's control over the island.
The summer work at Harvard was a revelation. The educational seed fell upon receptive soil, and the young teachers who were fortunate enough to be selected as guests of that institution gave an excellent account of themselves in work that followed during the early days of the Republic. Incidentally Mr. Frye chose one of these young teachers as his companion through life. After Mr. Frye’s departure, Lieut. Hanna, at the suggestion of General Wood, made some changes and additions to the public school system of Cuba, conforming it somewhat to the methods then in vogue in the State of Ohio.
The summer program at Harvard was eye-opening. The educational ideas landed in fertile ground, and the young teachers lucky enough to be invited as guests of the university did an outstanding job in the work that followed in the early days of the Republic. By the way, Mr. Frye chose one of these young teachers to be his life partner. After Mr. Frye left, Lieutenant Hanna, at General Wood's suggestion, made some updates and additions to Cuba's public school system, aligning it more closely with the methods popular at that time in Ohio.
With the installation of the Cuban Republic in 1902 public instruction came directly under the supervision of the Central or Federal Government, and the Secretary of Public Instruction was made a member of the President’s Cabinet, adding thus dignity and importance to that branch of work on which the character of succeeding generations depended. Unfortunately for the cause of education it has been found rather difficult to separate the Department of Public Instruction from a certain amount of political interference, which has tended to mar its efficiency and retard progress.
With the establishment of the Cuban Republic in 1902, public education came directly under the control of the Central or Federal Government, and the Secretary of Public Instruction became a member of the President’s Cabinet, which added more dignity and importance to this area of work that affects the character of future generations. Unfortunately, for the advancement of education, it has been quite challenging to keep the Department of Public Instruction free from political interference, which has harmed its efficiency and slowed progress.
With the beginning of the second Government of Intervention in 1906, Dr. Lincoln de Zayas was made Secretary of Public Instruction under Governor Magoon, and with his untiring devotion to the cause of true knowledge, as well as his keen insight into the modern or more improved methods of teaching, interest in public instruction in Cuba was greatly revived, and English began to assume a far more important role in the primary and grammar schools than in former days.
With the start of the second Intervention Government in 1906, Dr. Lincoln de Zayas became the Secretary of Public Instruction under Governor Magoon. His tireless commitment to genuine education, along with his sharp understanding of modern teaching methods, significantly renewed interest in public education in Cuba. As a result, English started to play a much more important role in primary and grammar schools than it had in the past.
The services of an excellent teacher, Miss Abbie Phillips, of California, was secured as General Superintendent of English throughout the Republic, and under her direction was formed a corps of remarkably competent Cuban women, who accomplished much in a short time towards making the study of English in the public schools more popular than it had been. With the death of Dr. de Zayas the cause of public instruction seemed again partially to relapse into its former desuetude. Yet in spite of the misfortune that thus befell it, the work has proceeded more satisfactorily than might have been expected, owing to the strong desire on the part of the youth of the Republic to learn, and to shake off the fetters that had previously kept them in a kind of a respectable ignorance.
The services of an outstanding teacher, Miss Abbie Phillips, from California, were secured as the General Superintendent of English throughout the Republic. Under her direction, a team of highly capable Cuban women was formed, who made significant strides in making the study of English in public schools more popular than it had been. After the death of Dr. de Zayas, public education appeared to fall back into its previous neglect. However, despite this setback, the work has progressed more successfully than expected, thanks to the strong desire among the youth of the Republic to learn and to break free from the restraints that had kept them in a state of respectable ignorance.
During President Menocal’s administration the resignation of the Secretary of Public Instruction gave opportunity for the selection and appointment to that office of Dr. Dominguez Roldan, who has endeavored to inject new life into the cause and to place this important branch of the Government once more in a position that will command the respect, not only of the people of Cuba, but also of the outside world. New school houses, designed expressly for the purpose, are replacing the old and inadequate buildings that were formerly rented. The study of English, that had been discouraged by his predecessor, is being again revived, and many steps in the cause of learning are being taken whose wisdom will become evident in the near future.
During President Menocal’s administration, the resignation of the Secretary of Public Instruction created an opportunity for Dr. Dominguez Roldan to be selected and appointed to that position. He has worked to revitalizing the educational system and to ensure this vital branch of the government gains respect from both the people of Cuba and the wider world. New school buildings, specifically designed for this purpose, are replacing the old and inadequate structures that were previously rented. The study of English, which had been discouraged by his predecessor, is being revived, and many initiatives in education are being implemented, the value of which will become clear in the near future.
In 1913, when Mario G. Menocal assumed the direction of the Government of Cuba, there were but 262 schools in the island, while to-day there are 1136, showing an increase of 1074; with 335,291 pupils attending. No fewer than 1746 teachers have been appointed and added to the Department of Public Instruction in Cuba. In addition to this two night schools have recently been established, one in Santiago de Cuba and one in Bayamo. Four kindergartens, or “School Gardens,” as they are now termed, have recently been established in the Province of Santa Clara.
In 1913, when Mario G. Menocal took charge of the Cuban government, there were only 262 schools on the island. Today, that number has grown to 1,136, marking an increase of 1,074, with 335,291 students enrolled. A total of 1,746 teachers have been appointed to the Department of Public Instruction in Cuba. Additionally, two night schools have recently been opened, one in Santiago de Cuba and the other in Bayamo. Four kindergartens, now referred to as “School Gardens,” have also been established in the Province of Santa Clara.
At the present time, throughout the Republic of Cuba, there is a total of 5,685 teachers in the primary schools. Among these are included 116 teachers who render special service throughout the different sections of the country, 19 teachers of night schools, 118 teachers devoted to school gardens, 40 teachers of cutting and sewing, 26 teachers of English, 21 of Sloyd, and 4 teachers devoted to instruction in jails. In 1915 a normal school, co-educational, was established in each of five of the Provinces. Havana has two normal schools, one for boys and the other for girls.
Currently, there are 5,685 teachers in primary schools across the Republic of Cuba. This total includes 116 teachers providing special services throughout various regions of the country, 19 teachers at night schools, 118 teachers focused on school gardens, 40 teachers of cutting and sewing, 26 English teachers, 21 Sloyd teachers, and 4 teachers dedicated to instruction in jails. In 1915, a co-educational normal school was established in each of five provinces. Havana has two normal schools, one for boys and one for girls.
During the year 1918 a school of Domestic Economy, Arts and Sciences, known as the “School of the Home,” was established. The object of this school, as that of similar institutions, is to prepare the future wife and mother so that she may be able to undertake in an intelligent manner the direction of the home. Among the subjects taught are accounting, domestic economy, moral and civic obligations, hygiene, the care of infants and of the sick, cutting, sewing, dressmaking, basket-making, and elementary physics and chemistry, which form the base of scientific cooking. In addition to these, gardening, the care of animals, ordinary and higher cooking are taught; also washing and ironing, dyeing, the removing of stains, and the proper method of cleaning and taking care of shoes. In order to make the school popular and to insure its success, a society of patriotic and intelligent women has been formed, from which much practical benefit is expected in the future.
In 1918, a Domestic Economy, Arts, and Sciences school, known as the "School of the Home," was established. The goal of this school, like other similar institutions, is to prepare future wives and mothers to manage their homes intelligently. The subjects taught include accounting, domestic management, civic and moral responsibilities, hygiene, caring for infants and the sick, cutting, sewing, dressmaking, basket-making, and basic physics and chemistry, which are essential for scientific cooking. Additionally, the curriculum covers gardening, animal care, basic and advanced cooking, washing and ironing, dyeing, stain removal, and proper care and cleaning of shoes. To make the school more appealing and ensure its success, a society of patriotic and knowledgeable women has been created, from which a lot of practical benefits are expected in the future.
In order to provide for and to permit the scientific development both physical and mental of the Cuban youth, the Department of Public Instruction has established a separate institution, with an experimental annex, for the purpose of studying the eccentricities and aptitudes of Cuban children.
To support the physical and mental growth of Cuban youth, the Department of Public Instruction has set up a dedicated institution, along with an experimental annex, to study the unique traits and abilities of Cuban children.
The order of sequence of public instruction in Cuba, as previously stated, has followed very largely that of the United States. The school gardens are followed by primary and grammar schools, all suitably graded, and the course of studies is more or less similar to that of the United States.
The sequence of public education in Cuba, as mentioned earlier, has mostly mirrored that of the United States. The school gardening programs lead into primary and grammar schools, all appropriately tiered, and the curriculum is somewhat similar to that of the United States.
The Institute of Havana, located for many years in the old convent building just back of the Governor General’s Palace, occupies a place between the grammar school and the University. The course of studies and scope of this institution is similar to the average high school of America. New buildings are being erected for the accommodation of the several thousand boys and girls who attend the institute, and with its removal to more commodious and congenial quarters, this important seat of learning will be reorganized with greatly increased efficiency.
The Institute of Havana, which has been in the old convent building behind the Governor General’s Palace for many years, sits between the grammar school and the University. Its curriculum and focus are similar to the typical high school in America. New buildings are being constructed to accommodate the several thousand boys and girls who attend the institute, and with its move to more spacious and welcoming facilities, this important educational institution will be restructured for much greater efficiency.
The National University of Havana was founded under the direction of monks of the Dominican Order on January 5, 1728, and until the installation of the Republic occupied the old convent that afterwards served as the Institute. To-day the University of Havana can boast of one of the most picturesque and delightful locations occupied by any seat of learning in the world. It crowns the northeast corner of the high plateau, overlooking the capital of the Republic from the west. Its altitude is several hundred feet above the plain below, with the Gulf of Mexico close by on the north and old Morro Castle standing at the entrance of a beautiful harbor, that stretches out along the far eastern horizon, sweeping afterwards toward the south. The city of Havana fills the center of the picture, while in the immediate foreground nestle the forests of the Botanical Gardens and the Quinto de los Molinos, or summer residence of the former Spanish Governor Generals, with their beautiful drives sweeping along the front and up to the crest of the plateau.
The National University of Havana was established by monks from the Dominican Order on January 5, 1728, and until the Republic was formed, it occupied the old convent that later became the Institute. Today, the University of Havana proudly boasts one of the most beautiful and charming locations of any educational institution in the world. It sits on the northeast corner of the high plateau, overlooking the capital of the Republic to the west. Its elevation is several hundred feet above the plain below, with the Gulf of Mexico nearby to the north and the historic Morro Castle at the entrance of a stunning harbor that extends along the far eastern horizon and then curves southward. The city of Havana occupies the center of the scene, while in the foreground are the lush forests of the Botanical Gardens and the Quinto de los Molinos, or the summer residence of the former Spanish Governors General, with their scenic drives leading up to the crest of the plateau.
The broad stone staircase at the entrance to the grounds is quite in keeping with the dignity of the place and the numerous buildings devoted to various departments of learning are harmonious in design and commodious in appointment. A giant laurel, with an expanse of shade that would protect a small army of men, occupied the center of an old courtyard that once belonged to the fortifications commanding the Principe Heights.
The wide stone staircase at the entrance to the grounds fits perfectly with the importance of the place, and the many buildings dedicated to different fields of study have a cohesive design and comfortable features. A massive laurel tree, providing enough shade for a small army, stood in the middle of an ancient courtyard that used to be part of the fortifications overlooking the Principe Heights.
To these buildings will soon be added another to be known as the National School of Languages, at a cost of $150,000. This edifice, sumptuous in its appointments, will be dedicated largely to the reciprocal study of Spanish and English. American students who wish to perfect their knowledge of Spanish will be invited from the various universities of the United States to visit Cuba, at stated periods of the year, for the purpose of studying and improving their acquaintance with this language through direct contact with the students and professors of the University. The latter, on the other hand, will be afforded an excellent opportunity to perfect their knowledge of English by mingling with visiting students from the United States, and it is believed that the result of acquaintances and friendships, formed in this way, many of which will be sustained through life, will add greatly to those bonds of friendship and mutual understanding that resulted from America’s assistance to Cuba in her War for Independence, and that for a thousand reasons should never be permitted to relapse or sink into indifference.
Soon, another building will be added, called the National School of Languages, at a cost of $150,000. This impressive facility will mainly focus on the mutual study of Spanish and English. American students wanting to enhance their Spanish skills will be invited from various universities in the United States to visit Cuba at specific times during the year. The aim is to study and improve their grasp of the language through direct interaction with students and professors at the University. In turn, these professors will have a fantastic opportunity to refine their English by engaging with visiting students from the United States. It is believed that the friendships formed in this way, many of which will last a lifetime, will significantly strengthen the bonds of friendship and understanding that emerged from America's support of Cuba during its War for Independence, and that for countless reasons, should never be allowed to fade or fall into apathy.
The national or public library of Cuba, located in the Maestranza, one of the most substantial of those old buildings that have come down from the days of Spanish dominion, was founded during the first American intervention by General Leonard Wood, on October 18, 1901. It is open to the public every day of the week except Sunday, from 8 to 11 in the morning and from 1 to 5 in the afternoon, except Saturday, when access may be secured at any time between 8 and 12 in the morning.
The National or Public Library of Cuba, situated in Maestranza, one of the most significant old buildings that date back to the era of Spanish rule, was established during the first American intervention by General Leonard Wood on October 18, 1901. It is open to the public every day of the week except Sunday, from 8 to 11 in the morning and from 1 to 5 in the afternoon, except on Saturday, when visitors can come anytime between 8 and 12 in the morning.
The library contains at the present time about twenty thousand volumes. This does not however include a great mass of pamphlets and unbound manuscripts, documents, papers, etc., which form a valuable part of the collection. These volumes are largely in Spanish, French and English, and include all of the more important branches of human knowledge. Among them may be found an excellent collection of the best encyclopedias and dictionaries of those languages.
The library currently has around twenty thousand books. This number doesn't include a large number of pamphlets, unbound manuscripts, documents, papers, and more, which are a valuable part of the collection. These books are mostly in Spanish, French, and English, covering all the major fields of human knowledge. Among them, you'll find a great collection of the best encyclopedias and dictionaries in those languages.
Its collection of American History is extensive; in addition to which may be mentioned a valuable collection of works on international law, given by the eminent jurist Dr. Antonio S. de Bustamante, who represented the Republic of Cuba at the Peace Conference in Paris at the conclusion of the Great War.
Among other gifts to the public library may be mentioned a series of large, beautiful, artistic drawings in colors, that represent all that is known of the Aztec and Toltec life existing in the Republic of Mexico at the time of the Spanish Conquest in the early part of the 16th century. These engravings have been drawn and colored with marvelous care. They are assembled in the form of an atlas which permits close study and makes one of the most interesting and valuable contributions of this kind to be found in any part of the world. They were presented to Cuba by General Porfirio Diaz, President of the Republic of Mexico.
Among the various donations to the public library, there are a series of large, stunning, artistic colored drawings that depict everything known about Aztec and Toltec life in Mexico during the Spanish Conquest in the early 16th century. These engravings have been created and colored with incredible attention to detail. They are organized as an atlas, allowing for detailed study and making it one of the most fascinating and valuable contributions of its kind found anywhere in the world. These were given to Cuba by General Porfirio Diaz, President of the Republic of Mexico.
Arrangements have been made to catalogue the volumes of the library. For this purpose experts have been secured and the space amplified, and when this work is completed, while the library will not offer the luxurious quarters of institutions of its kind in other countries, it will be useful and accessible to those who wish to avail themselves of its services.
Plans are in place to organize the library's collection. For this, we've brought in experts and expanded the space, and once this project is finished, while the library may not have the fancy facilities found in similar institutions abroad, it will be practical and accessible for those looking to take advantage of its services.
CHAPTER XXXV
OCEAN TRANSPORTATION
TRANSPORTATION is the handmaid of production. Where transportation facilities are faulty, exchange of commodities is necessarily restricted to local demands, and commerce with the outside world is practically impossible. Good harbors are among the first essentials to foreign trade, and with deep, well protected bays, Cuba has been bountifully supplied. Every sheltered indentation of her two thousand miles of coast line, from the days of Colon, has been an invitation for passing ships to enter. The wealth of the island in agriculture and mineral and forest products, has made the visits of these ocean carriers profitable; hence the phenomenal growth of Cuba’s foreign commerce.
TRANSPORTATION is essential for production. When transportation systems are inadequate, the exchange of goods is limited to local needs, making it nearly impossible to trade with other areas. Good harbors are crucial for international trade, and Cuba is abundantly equipped with deep, well-protected bays. Every sheltered bay along its two thousand miles of coastline, dating back to the days of Columbus, has invited passing ships to come in. The island's wealth in agriculture, minerals, and forest products has made visits from these ocean carriers profitable, leading to the remarkable growth of Cuba's foreign trade.
In spite of the stupid restriction of trade enforced by Spain in the early colonial days, contraband commerce assumed large proportions during the 17th century, and when England’s fleet captured Havana in 1763, the capital of Cuba enjoyed a freedom of foreign exchange never before known. Quantities of sugar, coffee, hides and hardwoods, large for those times, demanded transportation during the second quarter of the 19th century. Foreign trade, too, was greatly stimulated in Cuba by conditions resulting from the Civil War in the United States. The rapid development of the sugar industry following this war soon called for more permanent lines of ocean transportation.
Despite the foolish trade restrictions imposed by Spain in the early colonial days, smuggling became quite significant during the 17th century. When England's fleet captured Havana in 1763, the capital of Cuba experienced a level of foreign trade freedom that had never been seen before. During the second quarter of the 19th century, there was a high demand for transportation of large quantities of sugar, coffee, hides, and hardwoods, which were considerable for that time. Additionally, Cuba's foreign trade was greatly boosted by the circumstances arising from the Civil War in the United States. The rapid growth of the sugar industry after this war soon required more stable ocean transportation routes.
THE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE, HAVANA
Havana Chamber of Commerce
The Chamber of Commerce is one of the oldest civic organizations in Cuba, which even under the repressive and discouraging rule of Spanish Governors did much for the material progress of the Island. Under the Republic its activities and achievements have of course been immensely increased, and it is now appropriately housed in one of the finest public buildings of the capital. A certain resemblance to the famous Cooper Union building in New York has often been remarked, though the Havana edifice is the more ornate and attractive of the two.
The Chamber of Commerce is one of the oldest civic organizations in Cuba, and even under the oppressive leadership of the Spanish Governors, it contributed a lot to the Island's material progress. During the Republic, its activities and achievements have significantly increased, and it is now suitably located in one of the most impressive public buildings in the capital. People have often noted its similarity to the famous Cooper Union building in New York, though the Havana structure is the more elaborate and appealing of the two.
The interdependence of produce and transportation is well illustrated in the early history of what is now known as the United Fruit Company. In 1870, Captain Lorenzo D. Baker was in command of a small, swift coasting schooner en route from Jamaica to Boston. On the wharf at Kingston lay some 40 bunches of bananas, a few of which were ripe, others lacking 10 days or more in which to change their dull green coats into the soft creamy yellow of the matured fruit. Captain Baker was fond of bananas, and ordered that the lot be placed on board his schooner, just before sailing. Fortune favored him and strong easterly beam winds brought him into the harbor of Boston in 10 days, with all of the bunches not consumed en route in practically perfect condition. Many friends of Capt. Baker, to whom this delicious fruit was practically unknown, got a taste of the banana for the first time. Among these was Andrew W. Preston, a local fruit dealer in Boston, who was greatly impressed with the appearance of the fruit, and the success which had attended Captain Baker’s effort to get the bananas into the market without injury.
The connection between produce and transportation is clearly shown in the early history of what is now called the United Fruit Company. In 1870, Captain Lorenzo D. Baker was in charge of a small, fast coasting schooner traveling from Jamaica to Boston. On the wharf in Kingston were about 40 bunches of bananas, some ripe while others still needed 10 days or more to turn from their dull green color to the soft, creamy yellow of ripe fruit. Captain Baker loved bananas and ordered that the entire lot be loaded onto his schooner just before he set sail. Luck was on his side, and strong easterly winds helped him reach the Boston harbor in 10 days, with all the bunches that weren't eaten along the way in nearly perfect condition. Many of Captain Baker's friends, to whom this tasty fruit was almost unknown, got to try bananas for the first time. One of them was Andrew W. Preston, a local fruit dealer in Boston, who was very impressed with the fruit's appearance and how successfully Captain Baker managed to bring the bananas to market without damage.
Mr. Preston reckoned that if a schooner with a fair wind could land such delicious fruit in Boston in ten days, steamers could do the same work with absolute certainty in less time. This far sighted pioneer and promoter of trade realized that three factors were essential to building up an industry of this kind. First, there must be a market for the product, and he was confident that the people of Boston and the vicinity could soon be educated to like the banana and to purchase it if offered at a fair price. Next, a sufficient and steady supply must be provided. Third, reliable transportation in the form of steamers of convenient size and suitable equipment must be secured, in order to convey the fruit with economy and regularity to the waiting market or point of consumption. True, he at first failed to interest other fruit dealers in the project. “It had never been done and consequently was a dangerous innovation that would probably prove unprofitable.” But Mr. Preston had visualized a new industry on a large scale, and with the faith of the industrial pioneer he finally succeeded in persuading nine of his friends to put up with him each $2,000, and to form a company for the purpose of growing bananas in the West Indies, of chartering a steamer suitable for the transportation, and finding a market for the produce in Boston.
Mr. Preston figured that if a schooner could bring such delicious fruit to Boston in ten days with a good wind, steamers could definitely do it in a shorter time with more reliability. This forward-thinking pioneer and trade promoter understood that three key factors were necessary to establish this kind of industry. First, there needed to be a market for the product, and he believed that the people of Boston and the surrounding area could quickly be taught to enjoy bananas and buy them if offered at a fair price. Next, a consistent and ample supply had to be ensured. Lastly, reliable transportation through appropriately sized steamers equipped for the task needed to be secured to deliver the fruit efficiently and regularly to the eager market or point of sale. Admittedly, he initially struggled to get other fruit dealers interested in the venture. “It had never been done before, and therefore, it was seen as a risky innovation that likely wouldn’t be profitable.” But Mr. Preston had envisioned a large-scale new industry, and with the determination of an industrial pioneer, he eventually convinced nine of his friends to each invest $2,000 with him to create a company aimed at growing bananas in the West Indies, chartering a suitable steamer for transport, and finding a market for the produce in Boston.
The details were worked out carefully and the first cargo purchased in Jamaica and landed in New England proved a decided success. During the first two or three years the accruing dividends were invested in fruit lands in Jamaica and everything went well. Not long after, however, it was found that a West Indian cyclone could destroy a banana field and put it out of business in a very few hours. More than one field or locality in which to grow bananas on a large scale was necessary to provide against the possible failure of the crop at some other point.
The details were worked out carefully, and the first shipment bought in Jamaica and brought to New England was a huge success. For the first two or three years, the earnings were reinvested in fruit lands in Jamaica, and everything went smoothly. However, it wasn’t long until it became clear that a West Indian cyclone could wipe out a banana field and ruin it in just a few hours. It became necessary to have more than one field or location to grow bananas on a large scale to protect against the potential failure of the crop in another area.
In the meantime another broad minded and determined pioneer in the world of progress, Minor C. Keith, a youth of 23, was trying to build a railroad some 90 miles in length from Puerto Limon to the capital, San Jose, in the highlands of Costa Rica. The greater part of this road was through dense jungle and forest almost impenetrable, with nothing in the shape of freight or passengers from which revenues could be derived until the road was completed to the capital. Mr. Keith had a concession from the Costa Rican Government, but the Government had no funds with which to aid the builder in his enterprise, and this young engineer, through force of character and moral suasion, kept his two thousand workmen in line without one dollar of money for over 18 months. Food he managed to scrape up from various sources, but the payday was practically forgotten. In the meantime, some banana plants were secured from a plantation in Colombia, and set out on the virgin soils along the roadway through which Mr. Keith was laying his rails. These grew marvellously, and not only supplied fruit for the Jamaica negroes engaged in the work, but soon furnished bananas for export to New Orleans, and thus was started a rival industry to that of Mr. Preston, on the shores of the Western Caribbean.
In the meantime, another open-minded and determined pioneer in the world of progress, Minor C. Keith, a 23-year-old, was working to build a railroad about 90 miles long from Puerto Limon to the capital, San Jose, in the highlands of Costa Rica. Most of this route went through dense jungle and nearly impenetrable forest, with no freight or passengers to generate revenue until the road was completed to the capital. Mr. Keith had a concession from the Costa Rican Government, but the Government had no funds to support the builder in his project, and this young engineer, through sheer force of character and moral persuasion, kept his two thousand workers motivated without a single dollar for over 18 months. He managed to gather food from various sources, but payday was nearly forgotten. Meanwhile, some banana plants were obtained from a plantation in Colombia and planted in the untouched soil alongside the route where Mr. Keith was laying the tracks. They grew remarkably well, not only providing fruit for the Jamaican workers involved in the project but soon also supplying bananas for export to New Orleans, thus starting a competing industry to that of Mr. Preston on the shores of the Western Caribbean.
It was not long before Mr. Keith, who struggled for 20 years to complete his line from the coast to the capital of Costa Rica, came into contact with Mr. Preston. These captains of industry realized the advantages of co-operation, and in a very short time organized the United Fruit Company, which is probably the greatest agricultural transportation company in the world to-day. Its various plantations include lands in Colombia, Panama, Costa Rica, Honduras, Guatemala and Jamaica. Large plantations of bananas belonging to the company were until recently on the harbors of Banes and Nipe, on the north coast of Oriente, in the Island of Cuba, but these were subjected to strong breezes from the northeast that whipped the leaves and hindered their growth. Then too, it was soon discovered that these lands were better adapted to the cultivation of sugar cane, hence bananas of the United Fruit Company disappeared from the Nipe Bay district, to be replaced by sugar plantations that to-day cover approximately 37,000 acres and in 1920 will reach 50,000 acres. Over 200,000 acres on the coast of the Caribbean are devoted to the cultivation of bananas. About 30,000 head of cattle are maintained as a source of food for the thousands of laborers, mostly Jamaicans, who are employed in the fields of the United Fruit Company, which comprise an aggregate of 1,980,000 acres; while 743 miles of standard gauge railway, together with 532 miles of narrow gauge roads, are owned and operated throughout the various plantations.
It didn’t take long before Mr. Keith, who worked for 20 years to complete his line from the coast to the capital of Costa Rica, met Mr. Preston. These business leaders recognized the benefits of working together, and soon organized the United Fruit Company, which is likely the largest agricultural transportation company in the world today. Its various plantations include land in Colombia, Panama, Costa Rica, Honduras, Guatemala, and Jamaica. Until recently, the company had large banana plantations on the harbors of Banes and Nipe, on the north coast of Oriente, in Cuba, but these faced strong northeast winds that damaged the leaves and stunted their growth. It was also quickly realized that these areas were better suited for sugar cane cultivation, so bananas from the United Fruit Company disappeared from the Nipe Bay region, replaced by sugar plantations that now cover around 37,000 acres and are expected to reach 50,000 acres by 1920. More than 200,000 acres along the Caribbean coast are dedicated to banana cultivation. About 30,000 head of cattle are kept to provide food for the thousands of workers, mostly Jamaicans, who are employed in the fields of the United Fruit Company, which cover a total of 1,980,000 acres. Additionally, there are 743 miles of standard gauge railway and 532 miles of narrow gauge roads owned and operated throughout the different plantations.
In the year 1915, 46,000,000 bunches of bananas were shipped by the United Fruit Company from the shores of the Caribbean to the United States, while the sugar plantations owned by the Company on the north coast of Oriente Province, in Cuba, produced sugar in 1918 that yielded a net return of $5,000,000.
In 1915, the United Fruit Company shipped 46,000,000 bunches of bananas from the Caribbean to the United States, while its sugar plantations on the north coast of Oriente Province in Cuba produced sugar in 1918 that generated a net profit of $5,000,000.
In order to provide transportation for this enormous agricultural output this company to-day owns and operates one of the biggest fleets of steamships in the world. Forty-five of these ships, with tonnages varying from 3,000 to 8,000, especially equipped for the banana trade, and with the best of accommodations for passengers, have an aggregate tonnage of 250,000; while 49 other steamers were chartered by the company before the war, making the total tonnage employed in the carrying trade approximately half a million.
To transport this massive agricultural output, this company currently owns and operates one of the largest fleets of steamships in the world. Forty-five of these ships, with tonnages ranging from 3,000 to 8,000, are specially equipped for the banana trade, and offer top-notch accommodations for passengers, totaling an aggregate tonnage of 250,000. Additionally, 49 other steamers were chartered by the company before the war, bringing the total tonnage used in the carrying trade to about half a million.
Nearly all these steamers, which connect the coast of the Caribbean with New York, Boston and New Orleans, touch, both coming and going, at the City of Havana, thus giving that port the advantage of unexcelled transportation facilities, and connecting Cuba not only with the more important cities of the Gulf of Mexico, New York and New England, but also with Jamaica, Caribbean ports, and the South American Republics lying beyond the Isthmus of Panama, along the western shores of that continent.
Nearly all these steamers that link the Caribbean coast with New York, Boston, and New Orleans stop in Havana, both on the way there and back. This gives Havana unbeatable transportation options, connecting Cuba not just with major cities like those in the Gulf of Mexico, New York, and New England, but also with Jamaica, other Caribbean ports, and the South American countries beyond the Isthmus of Panama along the continent's western coast.
No steamship line perhaps has been more closely related to the commercial development of Cuba than has the New York & Cuba Mail Steamship Company. This line had its origin in a carrying trade between Cuba and the United States started by the firm of James E. Ward & Co. The members of the firm were Mr. James E. Ward, Mr. Henry B. Booth and Mr. Wm. T. Hughes. The Company was incorporated under the laws of the State of New York and formally organized in July, 1881, with Mr. Ward as President, Mr. Booth as Vice President and Mr. Hughes as Secretary and Treasurer. When first organized the Company had only four ships, the Newport, Saratoga, Niagara and Santiago, with a gross tonnage of 10,179. Between the date of its organization and its transfer to the Maine Corporation, or during a period of 26 years, the company acquired 19 vessels, with a total gross tonnage of 84,411. In addition to the above the company has operated under foreign flags eight other ships aggregating a tonnage of 26,624.
No steamship line has been more linked to Cuba's commercial growth than the New York & Cuba Mail Steamship Company. This line started as a shipping trade between Cuba and the United States initiated by the firm James E. Ward & Co. The firm consisted of Mr. James E. Ward, Mr. Henry B. Booth, and Mr. Wm. T. Hughes. The Company was incorporated under New York State law and officially organized in July 1881, with Mr. Ward as President, Mr. Booth as Vice President, and Mr. Hughes as Secretary and Treasurer. When it was first established, the Company had just four ships: the Newport, Saratoga, Niagara, and Santiago, with a total gross tonnage of 10,179. From its founding until it transferred to the Maine Corporation, a span of 26 years, the company acquired 19 vessels with a combined gross tonnage of 84,411. Additionally, the company operated eight other ships under foreign flags, totaling a tonnage of 26,624.
The four original steamers mentioned above were owned in part by the builders, Messrs. John Roach & Son, and a few other individuals. The original firm however sold its ships to the Company at the time of its reorganization. Of the vessels acquired by the company, the majority were built under contract by Messrs. Roach & Son, and Wm. Cramp & Sons’ Ship and Engine Building Company. Among the ships that were purchased and not built especially for this company, were the two sister ships Seguranca and Vigilancia, built in 1890 for the Brazil Line. The steamships City of Washington and City of Alexandria were originally owned by the Alexandria Line, and passed into the hands of the Ward Line after its organization. The Matanzas, formerly the Spanish steamer Guido, that had left London with a valuable cargo of food, munitions and money with which to pay off Spanish troops in Cuba, was captured by the American forces during the early part of the war with Spain, in an attempt to run the blockade that had been established, and was afterwards sold by the American Government to the Ward Line.
The four original steamers mentioned earlier were partly owned by their builders, John Roach & Son, and a few other individuals. However, the original firm sold its ships to the Company during its reorganization. Most of the vessels acquired by the company were built under contract by Roach & Son and Wm. Cramp & Sons’ Ship and Engine Building Company. Among the ships that were bought but not specifically built for this company were the two sister ships Seguranca and Vigilancia, which were built in 1890 for the Brazil Line. The steamships City of Washington and City of Alexandria were initially owned by the Alexandria Line and were transferred to the Ward Line after its formation. The Matanzas, previously the Spanish steamer Guido, had left London carrying a valuable cargo of food, munitions, and money intended to pay the Spanish troops in Cuba. It was captured by American forces early in the war with Spain while attempting to break the established blockade and was later sold by the American Government to the Ward Line.
The business of this company, after its organization, began with a passenger and freight service connecting the cities of Havana, Santiago and Cienfuegos with New York. With the acquisition of the Alexandria Line, the service of the company was extended to Mexico, and a number of ports have been added to its itinerary both in Cuba and in Mexico. The line to-day maintains a service on each of the following routes: New York to Havana and return; New York to Havana, Progreso, Yucatan, and Vera Cruz, returning via Progreso and Havana to New York; New York to Tampico, Mexico, calling occasionally on return voyages at other ports when cargoes are offered; New York to Guantanamo, Santiago, Manzanillo and Cienfuegos, returning according to the demands of shipping interests; New York to Nassau, in the Bahamas, Havana, and return. The sailings average about five a week and schedules are prepared from time to time to meet the requirements of trade. Passengers on this line are carried in three distinct classes, first cabin, intermediate, and steerage, the vessels being constructed with reference to suitable accommodations for the various classes.
The company started its operations with a passenger and freight service connecting Havana, Santiago, and Cienfuegos with New York. After acquiring the Alexandria Line, the company's service expanded to Mexico, and several ports in both Cuba and Mexico were added to its routes. Today, the line operates on the following routes: New York to Havana and back; New York to Havana, Progreso, Yucatan, and Vera Cruz, returning via Progreso and Havana to New York; New York to Tampico, Mexico, occasionally stopping at other ports on the return trip when cargo is available; New York to Guantanamo, Santiago, Manzanillo, and Cienfuegos, returning based on shipping demands; and New York to Nassau in the Bahamas, then back to Havana. The average sailings are about five a week, with schedules adjusted as needed for trade. Passengers are accommodated in three distinct classes: first cabin, intermediate, and steerage, with the ships designed to provide suitable accommodations for each class.
The principal railway and other connections are as follows: At New York in general with all railroads terminating at that port, as well as all foreign and domestic water lines that move traffic via that port; at Havana with the United Railways of Havana and the Cuba Railroad; at Tampico with the Mexican Central Railway for interior points in Mexico; at Progreso with the United Railways of Yucatan for Merida, Campeche and other interior points; at Vera Cruz with the National Railways of Mexico and the Interoceanic Railroad for interior points of Mexico, as well as with the Vera Cruz and Pacific Railroad for interior points of Mexico and the Pacific Coast; at Puerto Mexico with the Tehuantepec National Railway, for points on the Isthmus of Tehuantepec and on the Pacific Coast. Connection is also made at Vera Cruz with the Compañia Mexicana de Navegacion for traffic to Tuxpam, Coatzacoalcos, Tlacotalpam and Frontera, ports on the Gulf of Mexico. At Santiago connection is made with the Cuba Eastern Railway and Cuba Railroad for points throughout the interior of Cuba; at Guantanamo with the Cuba Eastern Railway and at Cienfuegos with the Cuban Central Railroad.
The main railway and other connections are as follows: In New York, there are connections with all railroads ending at that port, along with all foreign and domestic shipping lines that transport goods through that port; in Havana, there are connections with the United Railways of Havana and the Cuba Railroad; in Tampico, it's connected with the Mexican Central Railway for destinations in Mexico; in Progreso, the United Railways of Yucatan connects to Merida, Campeche, and other interior points; in Vera Cruz, connections are made with the National Railways of Mexico and the Interoceanic Railroad for inland points in Mexico, as well as with the Vera Cruz and Pacific Railroad for locations in Mexico and the Pacific Coast; in Puerto Mexico, it connects with the Tehuantepec National Railway for destinations on the Isthmus of Tehuantepec and along the Pacific Coast. There is also a connection in Vera Cruz with the Compañia Mexicana de Navegacion for shipping to Tuxpam, Coatzacoalcos, Tlacotalpam, and Frontera, ports on the Gulf of Mexico. In Santiago, there is a connection with the Cuba Eastern Railway and Cuba Railroad for various points throughout the interior of Cuba; in Guantanamo, there is a connection with the Cuba Eastern Railway and in Cienfuegos with the Cuban Central Railroad.
The company has contracts with the United States Government for the transportation of mails between New York and Havana, and between New York, Havana and Mexico. It also has a contract with the Bahamas Government for the transportation of mails.
The company has contracts with the U.S. Government for mailing services between New York and Havana, as well as between New York, Havana, and Mexico. It also has a contract with the Bahamian Government for postal transportation.
Steamers: | |
Havana | Matanzas |
Saratoga | Antilla |
Mexico | Camaguey |
Morro Castle | Santiago |
Esperanza | Bayamo |
Monterey | Manzanillo |
Segurancia | Yumuri |
Vigilancia | Guantanamo |
Seneca | |
Tugs and Steam Lighters: | |
Colonia | Auxiliar |
Nautilus | Comport |
Neptuno | Edwin Brandon |
Hercules |
The total gross tonnage of the steamers and tugs above mentioned is 84,000 tons.
The total gross tonnage of the mentioned steamers and tugs is 84,000 tons.
One of the oldest and most important lines in the carrying trade of the Caribbean is known as the Munson Steamship Line, and was founded in 1872 by Walter D. Munson. The trade began with sailing vessels but the increase in traffic was so great that these were soon replaced with steamers. The steamships in the service of the Munson Line to-day number 140, with an average tonnage of 2,500 tons each, dead weight.
One of the oldest and most significant shipping lines in the Caribbean is the Munson Steamship Line, founded in 1872 by Walter D. Munson. The trade started with sailing ships, but the surge in traffic was so substantial that they were quickly replaced by steamships. Today, the Munson Line operates 140 steamships, each with an average deadweight tonnage of 2,500 tons.
These vessels sail from nearly every port in Cuba, connecting the Island with nearly all of the Atlantic and Gulf Coast ports of the United States. The passenger steamers of the Munson Line ply between New York, Nuevitas and Nipe Bay of the Province of Oriente. The passenger steamers, although not touching at Havana, are equipped for the accommodation of passengers that leave from the ports of the eastern provinces of the Island.
These ships depart from almost every port in Cuba, linking the Island to almost all of the Atlantic and Gulf Coast ports in the United States. The passenger steamers of the Munson Line operate between New York, Nuevitas, and Nipe Bay in the Province of Oriente. Although these passenger steamers don’t stop in Havana, they are set up to accommodate passengers traveling from the ports in the eastern provinces of the Island.
During the late European War twelve of the Munson steamships were placed in the service of the United States and three under the British flag.
During the late European War, twelve of the Munson steamships were put into service for the United States and three were under the British flag.
The Peninsular and Occidental Steamship Company operates a daily passenger, mail and freight service between Havana and Key West, Florida. Since 1912 this company has maintained practically a daily service between the two ports and maintains also a bi-weekly service between Havana and Port Tampa, Florida. Owing to the frequency of the sailings, the P. & O. SS. Co. is considered the official mail route between the United States and Cuba.
The Peninsular and Occidental Steamship Company runs a daily service for passengers, mail, and freight between Havana and Key West, Florida. Since 1912, this company has almost provided daily service between the two ports and also offers a bi-weekly service between Havana and Port Tampa, Florida. Because of the frequency of the sailings, the P. & O. SS. Co. is seen as the official mail route between the United States and Cuba.
The company operates also the Florida East Coast Car-Ferry freight service between Havana and Key West. This service was made possible by the extension of the Florida East Coast Railroad from the southern points of the peninsula out over the long line of keys that terminates in the Island of Key West.
The company also runs the Florida East Coast Car-Ferry freight service between Havana and Key West. This service became possible due to the extension of the Florida East Coast Railroad from the southern parts of the peninsula across the long string of keys that ends at Key West Island.
The erection of this viaduct, built at an enormous expense, of stone and concrete, was the realization of Henry W. Flagler’s dream of modern transportation facilities between the United States and Cuba. The car ferry service was inaugurated in January, 1915. At the present time two of these great car ferryboats, with a capacity of 28 standard freight cars each, make a round trip every twenty-four hours between the two ports. These two vessels transport approximately 1,150 cars in and out of Cuba every month, carrying over 35,000 tons each way in that length of time.
The construction of this viaduct, built at a huge cost with stone and concrete, marked the fulfillment of Henry W. Flagler’s vision for modern transportation between the United States and Cuba. The car ferry service started in January 1915. Currently, two of these large car ferry boats, each capable of carrying 28 standard freight cars, make a round trip every 24 hours between the two ports. These vessels transport around 1,150 cars in and out of Cuba each month, carrying over 35,000 tons each way during that time.
Since the inauguration of the service more business has been offered than can be handled during certain months of the year, and it has been found necessary to refuse large quantities of cargo destined for the Republic of Cuba. The advantage of this service to the Cuban fruit and vegetable growers has been very great, since they are enabled to load in the Cuban fields freight cars belonging to almost every line in the United States, so that this produce may be shipped direct, without breaking bulk, to any market in the United States.
Since the service started, there has been more business than can be managed during certain months of the year, and it has been necessary to turn away large amounts of cargo destined for the Republic of Cuba. This service has been a huge benefit for Cuban fruit and vegetable growers, allowing them to load freight cars from nearly every line in the United States straight from the Cuban fields, so their products can be shipped directly, without any handling, to any market in the United States.
In the year 1870 the Pinillos Izquierdo Line of steamers was established between Spain and the Island of Cuba. The home office of this line is in Cadiz, Spain. Their vessels are engaged in freight and passenger service touching at the following points in the Peninsula: Barcelona, Palma de Majorca, Valencia, Alicante, Malaga, Cadiz, Vigo, Gijon and Santander.
In 1870, the Pinillos Izquierdo Line of steamers was founded between Spain and the Island of Cuba. The main office of this line is in Cadiz, Spain. Their ships are involved in cargo and passenger service, stopping at the following locations on the Peninsula: Barcelona, Palma de Mallorca, Valencia, Alicante, Malaga, Cadiz, Vigo, Gijon, and Santander.
Infanta Isabel | 16,500 tons | 2000 passengers |
Cadiz | 10,500 tons | 1500 passengers |
Barcelona | 10,500 tons | 1500 passengers |
Valbanera | 10,500 tons | 1500 passengers |
Catalina | 8,000 tons | 1000 passengers |
Martin Sáena | 5,500 tons | 800 passengers |
Balmes | 6,500 tons | 800 passengers |
Conde Wifredo | 5,500 tons | 800 passengers |
Miguel M. Pinillos | 4,500 tons | 500 passengers |
78,000 tons |
The Southern Pacific, originally known as the Morgan line, established a transportation service between Gulf ports and the Island of Cuba many years ago, beginning with two side-wheel walking-beam steamboats of about 800 tons dead weight. They were heavy consumers of coal and had a speed of from 9½ to 11 knots. A few years later the steamers Hutchinson and Arkansas, both side wheelers, were added to the fleet. Still later the single propeller steamers Excelsior and Chalmette, of about 2,400 tons each, were placed in the service of the Southern Pacific Line. These combined freight and passenger boats were well built and seaworthy fourteen knot steamers, of an equipment considered modern at that time. The Louisiana entered the service in 1900, but owing to an error in loading freight, it turned turtle at the docks in New Orleans and became a total loss. The Excelsior and Chalmette are still maintaining an efficient weekly service between New Orleans and Havana.
The Southern Pacific, formerly known as the Morgan line, set up a transportation service between Gulf ports and the Island of Cuba many years ago, starting with two side-wheel walking-beam steamboats weighing around 800 tons. They were heavy coal users and could travel at speeds between 9½ and 11 knots. A few years later, the steamers Hutchinson and Arkansas, both side wheelers, joined the fleet. Later on, the single propeller steamers Excelsior and Chalmette, each weighing about 2,400 tons, were added to the Southern Pacific Line. These combined freight and passenger boats were well-constructed and seaworthy fourteen-knot vessels, featuring equipment that was considered modern for that time. The Louisiana started service in 1900, but due to a mistake in loading freight, it capsized at the docks in New Orleans and was a total loss. The Excelsior and Chalmette are still providing an effective weekly service between New Orleans and Havana.
The Compagnie General Transatlantique, generally known as the French Line, connecting western France, Northern Spain and the Canary Islands, with Cuba, Porto Rico, Vera Cruz, Mexico, and the city of New Orleans, was established in 1860.
The Compagnie General Transatlantique, commonly referred to as the French Line, connects western France, northern Spain, and the Canary Islands with Cuba, Puerto Rico, Veracruz, Mexico, and New Orleans. It was established in 1860.
St. Nazaire on the Bay of Biscay in France is the headquarters of this line. Their steamers touch at Santander and Coruña on the north coast of Spain; at the Canary Islands, Porto Rico, Martinique, Santiago de Cuba, Havana, Vera Cruz, and New Orleans. Their fleet consists of 13 ships with a combined tonnage of 153,500 tons.
St. Nazaire on the Bay of Biscay in France is the headquarters of this line. Their steamers stop at Santander and Coruña on the north coast of Spain; at the Canary Islands, Puerto Rico, Martinique, Santiago de Cuba, Havana, Veracruz, and New Orleans. Their fleet has 13 ships with a total tonnage of 153,500 tons.
The steamship Lafayette, of 15,000 tons, is equipped for the accommodation of 1,620 passengers. The Espana, of 15,000 tons, carries 1,500 passengers; the Flanders, of 12,000 tons, carries 1,250 passengers; the Venizia, of 12,000 tons, carries 700 passengers; the Navarre, of 10,000 tons, carries 1,000 passengers; the Venezuela, of 7,000 tons, carries 500 passengers.
The steamship Lafayette, weighing 15,000 tons, is designed to accommodate 1,620 passengers. The Espana, also 15,000 tons, can carry 1,500 passengers; the Flanders, at 12,000 tons, holds 1,250 passengers; the Venizia, which is 12,000 tons, carries 700 passengers; the Navarre, weighing 10,000 tons, accommodates 1,000 passengers; and the Venezuela, at 7,000 tons, has a capacity for 500 passengers.
The Caroline, the Mississippi and the Georgie are each steamers of 13,000 tons. The Honduras is a 12,000 ton ship; the Hudson 11,000 tons; the Californie 10,500 tons, and the Virginie 10,000 tons. The seven last mentioned vessels carry cargo only.
The Caroline, the Mississippi, and the Georgie are all steamers weighing 13,000 tons. The Honduras is a 12,000-ton ship; the Hudson weighs 11,000 tons; the Californie is 10,500 tons, and the Virginie weighs 10,000 tons. The last seven ships mentioned carry cargo only.
During August, 1919, the 7,000 ton steamer Panama Canal arrived in Cuba from Japan, inaugurating a new steamship line between Japan and the United States, touching at Cuban ports. The line is known as the Osaka Shosen Kaisha, of Osaka, Japan. The fleet consists of 186 steamers plying between Japan and different parts of the world. The headquarters for this company has been established at Chicago, Illinois, owing to connections that have been made with the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul Railroad.
In August 1919, the 7,000-ton steamer Panama Canal arrived in Cuba from Japan, launching a new steamship line between Japan and the United States, with stops at Cuban ports. The line is called the Osaka Shosen Kaisha, based in Osaka, Japan. The fleet includes 186 steamers operating between Japan and various parts of the world. The company has set up its headquarters in Chicago, Illinois, due to connections made with the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul Railroad.
Steamers eastward bound from Japan will bring rice and general cargo, most of which will be consigned to the Island of Cuba, owing to the heavy consumption of that article of food in that Republic. New Orleans will be the terminus in the United States of the line. On the initial trip of the Panama Canal 50,000 sacks of rice grown in Japan were consigned to Cuban merchants in Santiago de Cuba and Cienfuegos. The return cargoes will be composed largely of cotton, taken aboard at New Orleans, and with sugar and tobacco shipped from Cuba to the Orient. This line has begun with one sailing each way per month, all steamers touching at Havana for freight and passengers.
Steamers heading east from Japan will carry rice and general cargo, most of which will be sent to the Island of Cuba due to the high demand for that food in the Republic. New Orleans will be the endpoint in the United States for this route. On the first trip of the Panama Canal, 50,000 sacks of rice grown in Japan were sent to Cuban merchants in Santiago de Cuba and Cienfuegos. The return cargo will mainly consist of cotton picked up in New Orleans, along with sugar and tobacco shipped from Cuba to the Orient. This route has started with one sailing each way per month, with all steamers stopping in Havana for freight and passengers.
The Customs regulations of Cuba require five sets of invoices for Havana and four for all other points; which must be written in ink, in either English or Spanish. If they are typewritten the original imprint must be included, but the others may be carbon copies. Invoices must give the names of shippers and consignees, and of vessels; marks and numbers, description of merchandise, gross and net weights by metric system, price, value, and statement of expenses incurred. If there are no expenses, that fact must be stated. Prices must be detailed, on each article, and not in bulk. Descriptions of merchandise must be detailed, telling the materials of each article and of all its parts. Descriptions of fabrics must tell the nature of the fibre, character of weave, dye, number of threads in six square millimeters, length and width of piece, weight, price, and value. All measurements must be in metric units.
The customs rules for Cuba require five copies of invoices for Havana and four for all other locations, which must be written in ink, either in English or Spanish. If they are typed, the original must be included, but the others can be carbon copies. Invoices must include the names of the shippers and consignees, as well as the vessels; the marks and numbers, a description of the merchandise, gross and net weights using the metric system, price, value, and a statement of any expenses incurred. If there are no expenses, that must be stated. Prices should be detailed for each item, not in bulk. Merchandise descriptions must be specific, outlining the materials of each item and all its components. Fabric descriptions must state the type of fiber, weave characteristics, dye, number of threads per six square millimeters, length and width of the piece, weight, price, and value. All measurements should be in metric units.
At the foot of each sheet of the invoice must be a signed declaration, in Spanish, telling whether the articles are or are not products of the soil or industry of the United States. If the manufacturer or shipper is not a resident of the place where the consulate is situated, he must appoint in writing a local agent to present the invoice and the agent must write and sign a declaration concerning his appointment. Stated forms are prescribed and are furnished by consuls for manufacturers, producers, owners, sellers and shippers.
At the bottom of each invoice sheet, there must be a signed statement in Spanish indicating whether the items are products of the soil or industry of the United States. If the manufacturer or shipper doesn't live in the area where the consulate is located, they must designate a local agent in writing to submit the invoice, and the agent must write and sign a declaration about their appointment. Consuls provide specific forms for manufacturers, producers, owners, sellers, and shippers.
Freight charges to the shipping port, custom house and statistical fees, stamps, wharfage and incidental expenses must be included in the dutiable value of goods, and must be stated separately; but insurance and consular fees must not be included.
Freight charges to the shipping port, customs fees, and statistical fees, along with stamps, wharfage, and other incidental expenses must be included in the dutiable value of goods and must be listed separately; however, insurance and consular fees should not be included.
Each invoice must cover a single, distinct shipment, by one vessel to one consignee. Separate consignments must not be included in one invoice. Invoices under $5, covering products of the soil or industry of the United States must be certified in order to enjoy the provisions of the reciprocity treaty between the two countries. Invoices and declarations must be written on only one side of the paper, and no erasures, corrections, alterations or additions must be made, unless stated in a signed declaration.
Each invoice must represent a single, clear shipment, sent by one vessel to one consignee. Separate shipments should not be combined in one invoice. Invoices under $5, covering products from the soil or industry of the United States must be certified to benefit from the reciprocity treaty between the two countries. Invoices and declarations must be written on only one side of the paper, and no erasures, corrections, alterations, or additions are allowed, unless noted in a signed declaration.
Domestic and foreign merchandise from the United States must be separately invoiced. Invoices are not required on shipments of foreign goods of less value than $5.
Domestic and foreign goods from the United States must be invoiced separately. Invoices are not needed for shipments of foreign items valued at less than $5.
Fabrics of mixed fibres must be so stated, with a statement of the proportion of the principal material, upon which the duty is to be computed. Cotton goods pay duty according to threads, and silk and wool ad valorem. Samples of cotton goods are taken at the custom house, and should be provided for that purpose to avoid mutilation of the piece. Duties on ready made clothing are based on the chief outside fabric. A surtax of 100% is placed on ready-made cotton clothing, and a surtax of 30% on colored threads.
Fabrics made from mixed fibers must be clearly labeled, including the percentage of the main material used to calculate the duty. Cotton items are taxed based on the number of threads, while silk and wool are taxed as a percentage of their value. Samples of cotton products are collected at customs, and should be prepared to prevent damage to the original piece. Taxes on ready-made clothing are determined by the primary outer fabric. An additional tax of 100% applies to ready-made cotton clothing, and there’s a 30% extra tax on colored threads.
Two copies of each set of bills of lading must be given, but on merchandise of less than $5 value need not be certified.
Two copies of each set of bills of lading must be provided, but merchandise valued under $5 does not need to be certified.
Invoices covering shipments of automobile vehicles must state maker, name of car, style of car, year of make, maker’s number on motor, number of cylinders, horse power, and passenger capacity.
Invoices for shipments of cars must include the manufacturer, model name, car style, year of manufacture, manufacturer's number on the engine, number of cylinders, horsepower, and passenger capacity.
If after an invoice has been certified it or any part of it is delayed in shipment, the steamship company must mark on the bill of lading opposite the delayed goods “Short Shipped,” but the invoice need not be recertified. The consignee should, however, be informed.
If an invoice has been certified and any part of it is delayed in shipping, the steamship company must note on the bill of lading next to the delayed goods “Short Shipped,” but the invoice doesn’t need to be recertified. The consignee should be informed, though.
The list of articles admitted into Cuba free of duty comprises samples of fabrics, felt, and wall paper, of a prescribed size, samples of lace and trimmings, and samples of hosiery, provided that they are rendered unfit for any other purpose than that of samples; trained animals, animals, portable theatres, and other articles for public entertainment, not to remain in Cuba longer than three months; receptacles in which fruits or liquids were exported from Cuba and which are being returned empty; furniture, clothing and other personal property of immigrants, or of travellers, showing evidence of having already been used; agricultural implements not including machinery; and pictures, posters, catalogues, calendars, etc., not for sale but for free distribution for advertising purposes.
The list of duty-free items allowed into Cuba includes samples of fabrics, felt, and wallpaper of a specified size, samples of lace and trimmings, as well as samples of hosiery, as long as they are made unsuitable for any purpose other than being samples; trained animals, performance animals, portable theaters, and other items for public entertainment, which cannot stay in Cuba for more than three months; containers that held fruits or liquids exported from Cuba and are being returned empty; furniture, clothing, and other personal belongings of immigrants or travelers, showing signs of previous use; agricultural tools, excluding machinery; and pictures, posters, catalogs, calendars, etc., not for sale but for free distribution for advertising purposes.
The importation into Cuba is forbidden or restricted of foreign coins of anything but gold, save those of the United States; gunpowder, dynamite and other explosives, save by special permit of the Interior Department; and silencers for firearms. Arms of more than .32 caliber, .44 caliber revolvers, and automatic pistols require special permit.
The importation into Cuba is forbidden or restricted of foreign coins other than gold, except for those from the United States; gunpowder, dynamite, and other explosives, except with a special permit from the Interior Department; and silencers for firearms. Firearms over .32 caliber, .44 caliber revolvers, and automatic pistols require a special permit.
Consular fees for certification are: On shipments worth less than $5, nothing; from $5 upward and less than $50, fifty cents; from $50 upward and less than $200, $2; over $200, $2 plus ten cents for each $100 or fraction thereof. Extra copies of invoices, 50 cents each. Invoice blanks, ten cents a set. Certifying bills of lading, $1.
Consular fees for certification are as follows: For shipments valued under $5, there is no charge; for shipments from $5 up to less than $50, the fee is 50 cents; for shipments from $50 up to less than $200, the fee is $2; for shipments over $200, the fee is $2 plus 10 cents for each additional $100 or fraction of that amount. Extra copies of invoices cost 50 cents each. Invoice blanks are 10 cents per set. Certifying bills of lading costs $1.
Cuban consulates are situated in the United States and its possessions as follows: Atlanta, Ga.; Baltimore, Md.; Boston, Mass.; Brunswick, Ga.; Chattanooga, Tenn.; Chicago, Ill.; Cincinnati, Ohio.; Detroit, Mich.; Fernandina, Fla.; Galveston, Tex.; Gulfport, Miss.; Jacksonville, Fla.; Kansas City, Mo.; Key West, Fla.; Los Angeles, Cal.; Louisville, Ky.; Mobile, Ala.; New Orleans, La.; New York; Newport News, Va.; Norfolk, Va.; Pascagoula, Miss.; Pensacola, Fla.; Philadelphia, Penn.; San Francisco, Cal.; Savannah, Ga.; St. Louis, Mo.; Tampa, Fla.; Washington, D. C.; and Aguadilla, Arecibo, Mayagues, Ponce, and San Juan, Porto Rico.
Cuban consulates are located in the United States and its territories as follows: Atlanta, GA; Baltimore, MD; Boston, MA; Brunswick, GA; Chattanooga, TN; Chicago, IL; Cincinnati, OH; Detroit, MI; Fernandina, FL; Galveston, TX; Gulfport, MS; Jacksonville, FL; Kansas City, MO; Key West, FL; Los Angeles, CA; Louisville, KY; Mobile, AL; New Orleans, LA; New York; Newport News, VA; Norfolk, VA; Pascagoula, MS; Pensacola, FL; Philadelphia, PA; San Francisco, CA; Savannah, GA; St. Louis, MO; Tampa, FL; Washington, D.C.; and Aguadilla, Arecibo, Mayaguez, Ponce, and San Juan, Puerto Rico.
CHAPTER XXXVI
AMERICAN COLONIES IN CUBA
AMERICAN soldiers returning to the United States at the conclusion of her little war with Spain, in the summer of 1898, brought wonderful stories of Cuba, with glowing accounts of her climate, her rainfall, her rich soil and natural advantages. Schemes for the colonization of the Island were immediately formed and some of them put into effect during the early days of the Government of Intervention.
AMERICAN soldiers coming back to the United States after the brief war with Spain in the summer of 1898 shared amazing stories about Cuba, highlighting its great climate, rainfall, fertile soil, and natural benefits. Plans for settling in the island were quickly created, and some of these were implemented during the early days of the Intervention Government.
Unfortunately, most of these enterprises originated with speculators, and so-called land-sharks, who sought only to secure large tracts of territory, at the smallest possible cost, and with the assistance of attractive literature place them on the market in the United States, at prices which would enable them, even when sold on the installment plan to make a thousand percent or more profit on the capital invested.
Unfortunately, most of these businesses started with speculators and so-called land sharks, who just wanted to grab large pieces of land at the lowest possible cost. They used appealing marketing materials to sell them in the United States at prices that would allow them to make a thousand percent or more profit on their investment, even when sold on an installment plan.
This method of settling up the country would not have been so objectionable had the promoters of the schemes taken the pains to locate their colonies in those sections of the Island where transportation facilities, if not immediately available, could at least be reasonably sure in the near future.
This way of developing the country wouldn't have been so problematic if the people behind the plans had bothered to choose locations for their colonies in parts of the Island where transportation options, even if not available right away, could at least be expected to improve in the near future.
Up to the present, a logical, common sense plan in the colonization in this Island has in no instance been carried out. On the contrary, every American colony that has yet been established in Cuba, and her adjacent Islands, has been located with disregard to the first essentials of success. These hapless experiments have met with a fate that was inevitable and in most instances can be described with one word “Failure.”
Up until now, there hasn’t been a sensible, commonsense plan for colonizing this island. In fact, every American colony that's been established in Cuba and its nearby islands has been set up without considering what’s necessary for success. These unfortunate attempts have faced an inevitable outcome that can often be summed up in one word: “Failure.”
The first American Colony in Cuba was started on Broadway, New York City, by a land speculator, who, through correspondence, learned of a large property that could be had in Cuba with a small cash payment, at what seemed to be a ridiculously low price; in other words at about 80 cents an acre. An option was secured on several thousand acres, the larger part of which, perhaps, was available for general agricultural purposes. But the location with reference to transportation facilities was one of the most unfortunate that could have been selected. This colony was called La Gloria, and while La Gloria has not been a failure, nothing in the world has saved it but the pluck, and persistent and intelligent effort of a courageous and most commendable community of Americans.
The first American Colony in Cuba was established on Broadway, New York City, by a land speculator who, through letters, found out about a large property available in Cuba for a small cash payment at what seemed like an absurdly low price—around 80 cents an acre. An option was secured on several thousand acres, most of which was probably suitable for general farming. However, the location was poorly chosen concerning transportation options. This colony was named La Gloria, and while La Gloria hasn’t been a failure, it’s only been saved by the determination, consistent hard work, and smart efforts of a brave and commendable group of Americans.
Some 800 of these, not knowing where they were going, other than that it was somewhere in Cuba, were dumped by a chartered steamer in the harbor of Nuevitas, 40 miles from their destination. This they afterwards reached with the aid of light draft schooners, or shallow, flat-bottom boats, pushed through a muddy ditch some three or four miles, and as many more over sand shoals, where the passengers were compelled to get out and wade. Worse than all, when finally landed on the south shore of Guajaba Bay, they were obliged to wade through a swamp for another five miles, in mud knee-deep, or more, in order to reach the high ground on which they were to make their future homes in a foreign land.
About 800 of these people, not knowing where they were headed other than it was somewhere in Cuba, were dropped off by a chartered steamer in the harbor of Nuevitas, 40 miles from their intended destination. They eventually made it there with the help of light draft schooners or shallow, flat-bottom boats, pushing through a muddy ditch for about three or four miles, and then a few more over sand bars, where the passengers had to get out and wade. To make matters worse, when they finally reached the south shore of Guajaba Bay, they had to slog through a swamp for another five miles, in mud that was knee-deep or worse, to reach the high ground where they were to build their new lives in a foreign land.
Many of these colonists, disappointed and deceived, failed to stand the strain, and those who had the necessary funds, or could borrow, returned disgusted to their homes in the United States. Others, after studying the soil and noting the splendid growth of forest and vegetation, lulled into resignation by soft, cool breezes from the Atlantic Ocean, and the bright sunshine that seldom missed a day, made up their minds to stick to the game and to see it out, which they did.
Many of these colonists, feeling disappointed and misled, couldn’t handle the pressure, and those who had enough money or could borrow it returned home to the United States, frustrated. Others, after examining the land and noticing the lush forests and plants, relaxed by the gentle, cool breezes from the Atlantic Ocean and the bright sunshine that rarely failed to shine, decided to stick it out and see it through, which they did.
Their efforts in the end were crowned with a certain degree of success, and the near future holds out to them the promise of fairly satisfactory transportation for their fruit, vegetables and other products, to profitable markets, both in Cuba and the United States.
Their efforts ultimately led to a certain degree of success, and the near future offers them the promise of fairly reliable transportation for their fruit, vegetables, and other products to profitable markets in both Cuba and the United States.
The colony of La Gloria in the fall of 1918 contained about 75 families and comprised, all told, probably 500 people. This estimate includes the little nearby settlements of Guanaja, Punta Pelota, Columbia, Canasi, The Garden, and other little suburbs or groups of families, scattered throughout the district.
The colony of La Gloria in the fall of 1918 had around 75 families and included roughly 500 people in total. This estimate accounts for the small nearby settlements of Guanaja, Punta Pelota, Columbia, Canasi, The Garden, and other small suburbs or groups of families dispersed throughout the area.
With the Cubans, the people of La Gloria have always maintained the most friendly relations, while mutual esteem and respect is the rule of the district. The Mayor of La Gloria, a Cuban, was elected by popular vote, and is highly esteemed in the community as a man who has been always an enthusiastic and efficient supporter of the interests of the colony. Seventy per cent of the population is American. La Gloria has always been fortunate in having a good school in which both Spanish and English are taught.
With the Cubans, the people of La Gloria have always kept a friendly relationship, where mutual respect and regard are common in the area. The Mayor of La Gloria, who is Cuban, was elected by popular vote and is highly respected in the community as someone who has always passionately and effectively supported the interests of the colony. Seventy percent of the population is American. La Gloria has been lucky to have a good school that teaches both Spanish and English.
The town itself is located on the northern edge of the plateau, or rise of ground overlooking the savanna that separates it from the bay. A fairly good road some five miles in length, built at Government expense, connects the town with the wharf, whence, up to the winter of 1918, all produce was sent for shipment to the harbor of Nuevitas some forty miles east by launch.
The town is situated on the northern edge of the plateau, or elevated area, that overlooks the savanna separating it from the bay. A decent road about five miles long, built at the government's expense, links the town to the wharf, where until the winter of 1918, all produce was shipped by launch to the harbor of Nuevitas, approximately forty miles east.
The streets are very wide, shaded with beautiful flowering flamboyans, and the houses, many of them two stories in height, are built of native woods, cedar, mahogany, etc., products of the saw mills of the neighborhood. These, as a rule, are kept painted, and the general appearance of the town, although not bustling with business, is one of comfort, cleanliness and thrift.
The streets are wide and lined with beautiful flowering flamboyant trees, and many of the houses are two stories tall, made from local woods like cedar and mahogany, sourced from nearby sawmills. Generally, these houses are well-painted, and the overall look of the town, while not busy with activity, suggests comfort, cleanliness, and carefulness.
It is not an exaggeration to state that there is no little town in conservative New England where less of waste, or disfiguring material, even in back yards, or rear of houses, can be found, than in the little town of La Gloria. The furnishing of most of the houses consists of a strange mingling of articles of comfort brought from home, combined with other things that have been improvised and dug out of their tropical surroundings.
It’s no exaggeration to say that there isn’t a small town in conservative New England where there’s less waste or unsightly material, even in backyards or behind houses, than in the little town of La Gloria. Most of the furnishings in the houses feature a unique mix of comfort items brought from home, along with other things that have been improvised and sourced from their tropical surroundings.
A mistake, made in the early days of La Gloria, and one common to every American colony in the West Indies, has been the exclusive dedication of energy, effort and capital to the growth of citrus fruit. The first essential factor to the success of a colony in any climate is food, and forage for animals. This, in nearly every American town in Cuba, has been ignored, every effort being expended on the planting and promotion of a citrus grove from which no yield could be expected inside of five or six years, and during which time, many a well meaning farmer has become discouraged or has exhausted his capital, leaving his grove in the end to be choked up with weeds and ruined by the various enemies of the citrus family. However, the people of La Gloria planted and stuck to their orange trees and many of these, today, are yielding very satisfactory returns, in spite of the serious lack of transportation.
A mistake made in the early days of La Gloria, which is common to every American colony in the West Indies, was focusing all energy, effort, and money solely on growing citrus fruit. The most essential factor for the success of a colony in any climate is food and animal feed. Unfortunately, this has been overlooked in nearly every American town in Cuba, with all efforts dedicated to planting and promoting citrus groves that wouldn’t produce any yield for five or six years. During this time, many well-meaning farmers became discouraged or ran out of funds, leaving their groves overgrown with weeds and damaged by various pests. However, the people of La Gloria continued to plant and care for their orange trees, and many of these are now producing very satisfactory returns, despite the serious lack of transportation.
The best land belonging to the colony is located in the district known as Canasi, some three miles south of the town, in the direction of the Cubitas Mountains. There are 600 acres in this section devoted to oranges and grape fruit, all of which have been well cared for and are increasing in value each year.
The best land in the colony is found in an area called Canasi, about three miles south of the town, toward the Cubitas Mountains. This section has 600 acres dedicated to oranges and grapefruit, all of which have been well maintained and are increasing in value every year.
The citizens of the colony have joined forces and built a well equipped packing plant, 100 feet in length by 30 feet in width, from which, last year, were shipped 432,000 loose oranges, and 9,200 boxes of grape fruit, the latter going to the United States by the way of Nuevitas. All of this fruit at the present time is hauled by wagon, some eight or nine miles to the wharf, on the bay, whence it is conveyed to the harbor of Nuevitas for sale and shipment.
The colony's citizens have come together and constructed a well-equipped packing plant, 100 feet long and 30 feet wide. Last year, they shipped out 432,000 loose oranges and 9,200 boxes of grapefruit, with the grapefruit heading to the United States via Nuevitas. Currently, all this fruit is transported by wagon about eight or nine miles to the wharf on the bay, from where it’s taken to the harbor of Nuevitas for sale and shipment.
La Gloria’s hope of really satisfactory transportation facilities is vested in the North Shore Railroad of Cuba, and her dream of suitable connections with the outside world of trade will soon be realized. La Gloria has many things to commend it, aside from soil and climate. One of these is excellent drinking water, found at an average depth of twenty feet. The soil on which the town is built is largely impregnated with iron ore, which forms a splendid roadbed, and enables the population to escape the seas of mud that are rather common throughout the interior, excepting along macadamized roads.
La Gloria's hope for truly satisfactory transportation options lies with the North Shore Railroad of Cuba, and her dream of having the right connections to the outside world of trade will soon come true. La Gloria has many qualities that make it appealing, beyond just its soil and climate. One of these is the excellent drinking water available at an average depth of twenty feet. The ground on which the town is built contains a lot of iron ore, which creates a great roadbed and allows the locals to avoid the muddy conditions that are common in the interior, except along paved roads.
Most vegetables, with the exception of potatoes, may be grown throughout the entire year in La Gloria, and a variety of potato adapted to that peculiar soil will probably be found in the near future. A serious mistake common not only in La Gloria but in nearly all other colonies in Cuba has been neglect in sowing forage plants and thus providing for live stock, so essential to the success of any farming district.
Most vegetables, except for potatoes, can be grown year-round in La Gloria, and it's likely that a type of potato suited for that unique soil will be discovered soon. A significant mistake that occurs not just in La Gloria but in almost all other settlements in Cuba has been the failure to plant forage crops, which are crucial for supporting livestock and, ultimately, the success of any farming community.
That which is most to be admired in La Gloria, is the class of people who form the backbone of the colony, and who certainly came from excellent stock, proved by their successful efforts in overcoming difficulties that would have discouraged a less persevering community. The colony supports a weekly newspaper, and holds annual agricultural fairs that are a credit to the district.
What stands out the most in La Gloria is the kind of people who make up the foundation of the colony. They clearly come from good backgrounds, as shown by their successful efforts to overcome challenges that would have discouraged a less determined community. The colony publishes a weekly newspaper and hosts annual agricultural fairs that enhance the reputation of the district.
The second and most serious experiment in colonization in Cuba was staged in the Isle of Pines. In the year 1900 this intrepid storm sentinel of the Caribbean offered several advantages for a successful exploitation of the American public. In spite of the fact that this Island had always formed an integral part of Cuba, it was advertised throughout the United States as American property, and the flag raised by the Government of Intervention was pointed to as a permanent asset of that particular section.
The second and most significant colonization experiment in Cuba took place on the Isle of Pines. In 1900, this bold outpost of the Caribbean offered numerous benefits for effective engagement with the American public. Even though this island had always been a part of Cuba, it was promoted across the United States as American territory, and the flag flown by the Intervention Government was highlighted as a lasting symbol of that specific area.
Again the promoters of this pretentious colonization scheme absolutely ignored the basic principles of success in colony work. In other words they did not take into account that not only was the Isle of Pines devoid of a first-class harbor, but that the chances of securing direct transportation between that section and the United States was decidedly remote.
Again, the backers of this ambitious colonization plan completely overlooked the fundamental principles of successful colonization. In other words, they failed to consider that not only did the Isle of Pines lack a top-notch harbor, but that the likelihood of establishing direct transportation between that area and the United States was quite unlikely.
Through the hypnotic influence of beautifully worded advertisements and attractive pictures, large numbers of settlers from the United States and Canada, especially from Minnesota and the Dakotas, were tempted to locate in the Isle of Pines, or to purchase property, usually on the installment plan, which they had never seen, and for which they paid exorbitant prices.
Through the captivating power of well-crafted ads and appealing images, many settlers from the United States and Canada, particularly from Minnesota and the Dakotas, were enticed to settle in the Isle of Pines or to buy property, often on the installment plan, that they had never seen, and for which they paid outrageous prices.
Tracts that cost from 90¢ to $1.20 per acre, were divided into 10, 20 and 40 acre farms, and sold at prices ranging from $25 in the beginning up to $75 and even $100 per acre in 1918. These prices have always been out of proportion to the quality of the soil, and the location of the land, since lands far more fertile, and within easy reach of steamers leaving Havana daily, might have been found on the mainland of Cuba, that would give the prospect of a fair chance of success in almost any agricultural undertaking.
Tracts that cost between 90¢ and $1.20 per acre were divided into 10, 20, and 40-acre farms and sold for prices starting at $25, eventually rising to $75 and even $100 per acre in 1918. These prices have always been disproportionate to the quality of the soil and the location of the land, as there were far more fertile lands easily accessible to steamers leaving Havana daily on the mainland of Cuba, which would offer a much better chance of success in nearly any agricultural venture.
Here again the prospective settler was advised to start citrus fruit groves, to the exclusion of forage and other crops from which immediate returns would have encouraged the farmer, and permitted him to live economically while making up his mind as to the advisability of citrus fruit culture, which is a specialized form of horticulture, requiring much technical knowledge, and a great deal of experience to insure satisfactory results.
Here again, potential settlers were encouraged to focus on starting citrus fruit groves, rather than planting forage and other crops that could provide quick returns. This approach would support the farmer’s financial situation while they decided whether or not to pursue citrus farming, which is a specialized type of horticulture needing a lot of technical expertise and extensive experience to achieve good results.
In the Isle of Pines, as in La Gloria, while many men have been disappointed, and many families have left the country in despair, there still remains a nucleus of hard working, intelligent and enterprising men who, in spite of the disadvantages that will surround them, have made for themselves comfortable homes, and who enjoy the quiet, dreamy life that soon becomes essential to the man who remains long in the tropics.
In the Isle of Pines, just like in La Gloria, although many men have faced disappointment and many families have left the country feeling hopeless, there is still a core group of hardworking, smart, and enterprising individuals who, despite the challenges they face, have built comfortable homes for themselves and enjoy the peaceful, dreamy lifestyle that becomes necessary for anyone who stays in the tropics for a long time.
The Isle of Pines ships a considerable amount of fruit and vegetables each year, through Havana, to markets in the United States. How often the balance may be found on the profit side of the ledger, however, is open to question. The Isle of Pines undoubtedly offers an excellent retreat for those who have become tired of the strenuous life of cities, and who prefer to pass the remainder of their days in pleasant, healthful surroundings. To do this, of course, requires an income that will insure them against any little petty annoyance that might come from a disturbing cyclone, or a low price for grape fruit in northern markets.
The Isle of Pines ships a significant amount of fruit and vegetables each year, through Havana, to markets in the United States. How often the profits might be on the positive side of the ledger, though, is questionable. The Isle of Pines definitely provides a great getaway for those worn out by the hectic city life, who want to spend their remaining days in a nice, healthy environment. Of course, doing this requires an income that protects them from any minor inconveniences that might arise from a disruptive cyclone or a drop in grapefruit prices in northern markets.
The enterprising promoters connected with the early colonization of the Isle of Pines made a second experiment at Herradura, in the Province of Pinar del Rio, 90 miles from the city of Havana by rail. Here they purchased some 22,000 acres of land in 1902, paying, it is said, an average price of a dollar an acre, and started the third American colony in Cuba under the name of Herradura.
The ambitious promoters involved in the early colonization of the Isle of Pines tried again at Herradura, located in the Pinar del Rio Province, about 90 miles from Havana by train. In 1902, they bought around 22,000 acres of land, reportedly paying an average of a dollar per acre, and established the third American colony in Cuba, called Herradura.
In the colonization work, the old La Gloria and Isle of Pines method of advertising was faithfully followed, and with results eminently satisfactory to the promoters, most of whom have acquired comfortable fortunes, at the expense of Americans and Canadians in the United States who were anxious to find homes where they could enjoy life and perhaps prosper in the Tropics.
In the colonization effort, the traditional La Gloria and Isle of Pines advertising strategy was closely adhered to, leading to results that were highly satisfactory for the promoters. Most of them have built up comfortable fortunes, often at the expense of Americans and Canadians in the United States who were eager to find homes where they could enjoy life and possibly thrive in the Tropics.
The larger part of the Herradura tract, especially that which lay along the Western Railroad, was a light sandy soil, used by the natives in the olden days for grazing cattle, and burned over every winter, thus destroying nearly all of the humus in the land. This property was divided into 40-acre tracts and sold at $20 per acre. As soon as the settlers from the United States began to arrive in any numbers, the price was advanced to $40. Citrus fruit was held out to prospective home seekers as the surest means of securing an easy life and a fortune after the first four or five years.
The majority of the Herradura land, especially the part along the Western Railroad, had light sandy soil. Natives used it in the past for grazing cattle, but it was burned every winter, which destroyed almost all of the nutrients in the soil. This property was divided into 40-acre lots and sold for $20 per acre. Once settlers from the United States began arriving in significant numbers, the price was raised to $40. Citrus fruit was promoted to potential homebuyers as the best way to achieve an easy life and make a fortune within the first four or five years.
Under favorable conditions, where all the essential elements to success are combined, this is possible. But Herradura did not combine all of the required features, hence hundreds of acres of abandoned groves can be seen along the railroad track for miles, as one enters the Herradura district. The cyclone of 1917 which added the last straw to the proverbial camel’s back, in the Isle of Pines, swept across the western end of Pinar del Rio Province also, and only those groves that had been provided with wind-breaks escaped from blight and ruin in the hurricane.
Under the right conditions, when all the key factors for success come together, this is achievable. But Herradura didn't have all the necessary elements, so for miles along the railroad track leading into the Herradura district, you can see hundreds of acres of abandoned groves. The cyclone of 1917, which was the final blow for many, also hit the western part of Pinar del Rio Province, and only those groves that had windbreaks managed to avoid devastation during the hurricane.
Today there are about 25 families, with perhaps 100 inhabitants, remaining in the colony of Herradura. Some of these settlers, men of experience, who came from the citrus grove districts of Florida, and others who took up general farming on the better lands, some two or three miles north of the railroad, have succeeded, and have built for themselves comfortable homes where rural life is enjoyed to the utmost.
Today, there are around 25 families, with about 100 people, still living in the colony of Herradura. Some of these settlers, experienced men from the citrus grove areas of Florida, along with others who started general farming on the better land about two or three miles north of the railroad, have succeeded and built comfortable homes where they fully enjoy rural life.
Some of them have their machines with which they can motor over a splendid automobile drive to Havana, and spend a few days in the capital, during the opera season. Nearly all of them have a few saddle horses that furnish splendid exercise and amusement for the younger members of the colony. One of the successful old timers of Herradura is Mr. Earle, formerly chief of the Government Experimental Station at Santiago de Las Vegas, a scientific farmer and a good business man. Mr. Earle located on good land in a little valley well back from the road, planted 40 acres in citrus fruit and has succeeded where others failed.
Some of them have their cars that they can drive over a beautiful road to Havana and spend a few days in the city during the opera season. Almost all of them have a few saddle horses that provide great exercise and fun for the younger members of the community. One of the successful veterans of Herradura is Mr. Earle, who was the head of the Government Experimental Station at Santiago de Las Vegas, a scientific farmer and a savvy businessman. Mr. Earle chose good land in a small valley set back from the road, planted 40 acres of citrus fruit, and has succeeded where others have failed.
On all lands where irrigation is possible, the growing of vegetables, especially peppers and egg plants, has proven very satisfactory. The average number of crates per acre is 350, and a dollar per crate net is the estimated average profit. The irrigation comes either from wells or little streams.
On all places where irrigation is feasible, growing vegetables, especially peppers and eggplants, has proven to be very successful. The average yield is 350 crates per acre, with an estimated average profit of one dollar per crate. The irrigation is supplied either by wells or small streams.
The price of fairly good land in Herradura today is from $25 to $50 per acre. The successful owner of a well cared for citrus grove in this colony values it at $1,500 per acre. The freight on fruit and vegetables from Herradura to the city of Havana over the Western Road, is ten cents per box.
The cost of decent land in Herradura today ranges from $25 to $50 per acre. The owner of a well-maintained citrus grove in this area values it at $1,500 per acre. The shipping fee for fruit and vegetables from Herradura to Havana via the Western Road is ten cents per box.
The colony boasts of a very comfortable school house, which also serves as a church and town hall. The old standbys, as they call themselves, seldom complain of their lot, and could hardly be induced to change or seek homes in other localities.
The colony has a very nice schoolhouse that also functions as a church and town hall. The longtime residents, as they call themselves, rarely complain about their situation and would hardly be persuaded to move or look for homes elsewhere.
There are some half dozen American and Canadian colonies in the Province of Oriente, most of them scattered along the line of the Cuba Company’s railroad that has brought the interior of that province into contact with the seaports of Antilla, on the north coast, and Santiago de Cuba on the south. The colony of Bartle is the westernmost, located about fifty miles from the borderline between that province and Oriente.
There are about six American and Canadian colonies in the Province of Oriente, most of them spread along the route of the Cuba Company’s railroad, which has connected the interior of that province with the seaports of Antilla on the north coast and Santiago de Cuba on the south. The colony of Bartle is the westernmost, situated around fifty miles from the border between that province and Oriente.
The Bartle tract consisted originally of 5,000 acres, 3,000 of which lie north of the railroad and the remainder extending toward the south. Most of the land is covered with a heavy forest of hard woods and the work of clearing is a serious proposition, although the soil, once freed from stumps, is exceptionally rich and productive. Less than 2,000 acres have been cleared up to the present, and some three or four hundred have been planted in citrus fruit. Good water is found at a depth of 25 feet.
The Bartle tract originally spanned 5,000 acres, with 3,000 acres located north of the railroad and the rest extending to the south. Most of the land is densely forested with hardwoods, making the clearing process quite challenging, though the soil, once the stumps are removed, is incredibly rich and fertile. So far, less than 2,000 acres have been cleared, and about three to four hundred acres have been planted with citrus trees. Good water can be found at a depth of 25 feet.
There are approximately 200 permanent residents in this little settlement, which has been laid out to advantage with its Plantation House, hotel, church, stores, etc., and a very neat railway station. The buildings are nearly all frame, painted white with green trimmings. In Bartle, as in all colonial settlements in Cuba up to the present, the planting of citrus fruit seems to have been the aim and ambition of the settlers, who are about evenly divided between Canadians and Americans.
There are about 200 permanent residents in this small settlement, which is nicely arranged with its Plantation House, hotel, church, stores, and a very tidy railway station. Most of the buildings are wooden, painted white with green trim. In Bartle, as in all colonial settlements in Cuba so far, the focus of the settlers has been on planting citrus fruit, with roughly equal numbers of Canadians and Americans.
Just south of Bartle are a number of small estates on land that belonged to the late Sir Wm. Van Horne, father of the Cuba Company Railroad.
Just south of Bartle are several small estates on land that used to belong to the late Sir Wm. Van Horne, the father of the Cuba Company Railroad.
Twenty miles further east a colony has been established at Victoria de las Tunas, one of the storm centers of the various revolutionary movements on the part of the Cubans against Spanish control. There are some 800 or 900 acres of citrus fruit groves, in various stages of production, within a radius of fifteen miles surrounding the town of Victoria de las Tunas. In nearly all of the American and Canadian colonies in the Province of Oriente, settlers have learned, at times through bitter experience, that it was an economical mistake to devote all of their energies to the production of citrus groves that could give them no returns inside of five years, and that, with the exception of the local markets of Camaguey, Manzanillo and Santiago de Cuba, neither oranges nor lemons would bring a sufficient price to pay for the cost of packing, transportation and sale. Grape fruit usually yielded a profit, if the market happened to be just right; or in other words, if competing shipments from Florida and California did not lower the price below the margin of profit.
Twenty miles further east, a colony has been set up in Victoria de las Tunas, one of the key battlegrounds for the various Cuban revolutionary movements against Spanish rule. There are about 800 to 900 acres of citrus groves at different stages of production within a fifteen-mile radius of the town. In most American and Canadian colonies in the Province of Oriente, settlers have learned—often through harsh experiences—that it was a costly mistake to focus all their efforts on growing citrus groves that wouldn’t yield any returns for five years. Furthermore, apart from the local markets in Camaguey, Manzanillo, and Santiago de Cuba, neither oranges nor lemons would sell for a high enough price to cover the expenses of packing, transporting, and selling. Grapefruits typically made a profit, but only if the market was favorable; in other words, if shipments from Florida and California didn’t drive prices down below the profit margin.
Twenty-two miles still further east we find the colony of Omaja, boasting a population of nearly 300 people, most of whom are Americans, although a number are from England and Canada. A small group of hard working Finlanders, too, have joined their fortunes with the settlers of Omaja. The surrounding country is quite attractive, and was at one time a huge cattle ranch, covering some 50,000 acres of land, divided between heavy forests and open savannas.
Twenty-two miles further east, we find the colony of Omaja, which has a population of nearly 300 people, most of whom are Americans, though some are from England and Canada. A small group of hardworking Finns have also joined the settlers of Omaja. The surrounding area is quite appealing and used to be a large cattle ranch, covering about 50,000 acres of land, divided between dense forests and open grasslands.
Omaja has the usual complement of post-office, school-house, churches and stores, with a sufficient variety of creeds to satisfy almost any community. Some 700 or 800 acres of citrus fruit have been planted in Omaja, about one-half of which is grape-fruit and Valencia oranges. Omaja has an encouraging amount of social and musical activity which lightens the more serious burdens of life in the colony.
Omaja has the typical amenities of a post office, school, churches, and shops, featuring enough different beliefs to cater to almost any community. Approximately 700 or 800 acres of citrus fruits have been planted in Omaja, with about half of that being grapefruit and Valencia oranges. Omaja also boasts a healthy amount of social and musical events that lighten the more serious challenges of life in the colony.
Some 30 miles north of Santiago de Cuba, and 50 miles south of Antilla, the shipping point on Nipe Bay, are two small colonies only a few miles apart known as Paso Estancia and Bayate. There are some 40 or 50 permanent settlers in Paso Estancia, Americans, Canadians and English. They have made clearings in the thick virgin forests and made for themselves comfortable and rather artistic little homes; frame buildings covered with zinc roofs, perched on hillsides, convenient to swift running streams.
About 30 miles north of Santiago de Cuba and 50 miles south of Antilla, which is the shipping point on Nipe Bay, there are two small settlements just a few miles apart called Paso Estancia and Bayate. In Paso Estancia, there are around 40 to 50 permanent residents, including Americans, Canadians, and English. They've cleared areas in the dense virgin forests and built comfortable and somewhat artistic little homes; frame structures topped with zinc roofs, situated on hillsides and close to fast-flowing streams.
The “Royal Palm” Hotel, a cement building, furnishes accommodations for newcomers and guests. The view from the hotel, looking across a delightful panorama of forest covered hills and valleys, gives a certain lasting charm to the vicinity.
The “Royal Palm” Hotel, a concrete building, provides lodging for newcomers and guests. The view from the hotel, overlooking a beautiful landscape of forested hills and valleys, adds a lasting appeal to the area.
The settlers of this section evidently were advised of the mistakes made in other parts of the Island, and while the growing of citrus fruits seems to have been the main object, food products, corn, vegetables, coffee, cacao, cattle, hogs and forage were not neglected.
The settlers in this area clearly learned from the mistakes made elsewhere on the Island. While the primary focus appears to have been on growing citrus fruits, they also paid attention to food products, including corn, vegetables, coffee, cacao, cattle, hogs, and forage.
A few miles south is the colony of Bayate, settled very largely by Swedish Americans, whose programme has been quite a departure from that of other colonists in Cuba. Their children are being taught Spanish in the schools so that they may bring their parents more closely in contact with their Spanish speaking neighbors. There are approximately 200 settlers in this community, most of whom have devoted their energies to growing sugar cane, for which the land in the neighborhood is excellently adapted. The Auza mill, twelve miles further down the railroad, buys all of the cane they can raise, giving them in exchange 5½ lbs. of sugar for every 100 pounds of cane. There is a very decent little hotel, built of mahogany and cedar, furnishing accommodations to guests who may happen to stop.
A few miles south is the colony of Bayate, predominantly settled by Swedish Americans, whose approach has been quite different from that of other colonists in Cuba. Their children are being taught Spanish in schools so that they can connect more closely with their Spanish-speaking neighbors. There are about 200 settlers in this community, most of whom focus their efforts on growing sugar cane, as the land in the area is ideally suited for it. The Auza mill, twelve miles down the railroad, buys all the cane they produce, offering them 5½ lbs. of sugar for every 100 pounds of cane. There’s a nice little hotel made of mahogany and cedar, providing accommodations for guests who might stop by.
Bayate has its school house, for which the Cuban Government furnishes two teachers, one of whom teaches in Spanish and the other in English. Most of the settlers have their own cows, pigs and an abundance of chickens. Some of them are planting coffee and cacao on the hill sides. Two crops of corn may be easily grown in this section, and nothing perhaps in Cuba, brings a better price, especially in the western end of the Island.
Bayate has its own schoolhouse, where the Cuban Government provides two teachers—one teaches in Spanish and the other in English. Most of the settlers have their own cows, pigs, and plenty of chickens. Some are planting coffee and cacao on the hillsides. It's easy to grow two crops of corn in this area, and nothing perhaps in Cuba brings a better price, especially in the western part of the Island.
It would seem quite probable that general farming will eventually take the place of the citrus fruit grove in Cuba, as a source of permanent income and profit. The demand for sugar, brought about by the European War, greatly increased the acreage of cane, and has undoubtedly saved many American colonies, especially those of Oriente, from economical disaster.
It seems likely that general farming will ultimately replace citrus fruit groves in Cuba as a stable source of income and profit. The demand for sugar, generated by the European War, significantly expanded the land used for sugarcane and has undoubtedly rescued many American colonies, especially those in Oriente, from economic disaster.
It is to be hoped that the Cuban Government, in the future, may be induced to provide some kind of supervision over projected colonies in regard to the selection of localities, the character of soil, and the election of agricultural undertakings which will insure success. It is the desire of the Government that all homeseekers, if possible, may find life in Cuba both pleasant and profitable, and only in some such way can the mistakes of colonization in the past be avoided.
It is hoped that the Cuban Government will eventually provide some level of oversight for planned colonies concerning the choice of locations, soil quality, and selection of agricultural projects that will lead to success. The Government wants all homeseekers to find life in Cuba enjoyable and profitable, and only through this approach can past colonization mistakes be avoided.
INDEX
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_6__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_7__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_8__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_9__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_10__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_11__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_12__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_13__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_14__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_15__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_16__.
Agramonte, General Eugenio Sanchez, Secretary of Agriculture, 154.
Agriculture, 144;
typical rural home view, 145;
natural advantages of soil and climate, 145;
Department of Agriculture, 148;
Division of Agriculture, 148; of Commerce, 149;
of Veterinary Science and Animal Industry, 149;
of Forestry and Mines, 149;
of Trade Marks and Patents, 150;
of Meteorology, 150;
of Immigration, Colonization and Labor, 150;
of Game and Bird Protection, 151;
of Publicity and Exchanges, 152;
Experiment Station, 153;
breeding live stock, 155;
fruits and vegetables, 156;
combatting insects and diseases, 157;
“black fly,” 157.
See Grains, Grass, Fruit, Vegetables, Stock-Raising.
American Colonists, 80, 103, 390;
deluded by speculators, 391;
ill-chosen sites, 391;
La Gloria, 392;
relations with the Cubans, 392;
increasing and assured prosperity for those who persevere, 393;
Isle of Pines, 394;
Herradura, Pinar del Rio, 396;
Bartle, 398;
Victoria de las Tunas, 399;
Omaja, 399;
Paso Estancia and Bayate, 400.
American Legation at Havana, 298.
Animals, Indigenous, 257;
the hutia, 257;
sandhill crane, 258;
guinea fowl, 258;
turkey, 259;
quail, 259;
buzzard, 259;
sparrow hawk, 259;
mocking bird, 259;
pigeons, 259;
parrots, 260;
tody, 260;
orioles, 260;
lizard cuckoo, 261;
trogon, 261;
flamingo, 262;
Sevilla, 262;
ani, 262.
See Poultry, Stock Raising, Bees.
Asphalt and Petroleum:, 126;
early discovery of pitch, 126;
observations of Alexander von Humboldt, 127;
in Havana Province, 128;
in Matanzas, 128;
in Pinar del Rio, 129;
many wells sunk, 130, et seq.
Atkins, Edward F., Sugar promoter, 177.
Banking. See Money and Banking.
Bees, for honey and wax, 280;
exceptional facilities for culture, 281;
trade in wax, 282.
Birds. See Animals.
Botanic Gardens, 301.
Cacao, 233;
for food and drink, 234;
varieties, 236;
culture, 236.
Camaguey Province, 71;
history, 71;
topography, 74;
harbor of Nuevitas, 78;
resources and industries, 79;
American colonies, 80;
Camaguey City, 82;
chrome deposits, 116.
Canning, opportunity for industry, in pineapples, 226.
Cardenas, City, 56;
City Hall and Plaza, scene, 56;
Industries, 57;
mines, 58.
Cauto River, 85.
Chocolate. See Cacao.
Chrome. Sec Mines and Mining.
Cienaga de Zapata, 67; plans for draining, 165.
Cienfuegos, 65.
Clay and Cement, 27.
Climate, 19;
equable temperature, 19;
rainfall, 20;
at Havana, 31.
Cocoa. See Cacao.
Coffee, 197;
origin of Cuban plantations, 197;
many abandoned groves, 198;
methods of culture, 199;
profits of crop, 199; marketing, 200; encouragement for the industry, 201.
Commerce. See Ocean Transportation, and Railroads.
Cork Palm, 38.
Customs. See Ocean Transportation.
Drives: A Paradise of Palm-shaded automobile highways, 326;
roads radiating from Havana, 327;
to Matanzas, 328;
to Artemisa, 328;
to Candelaria, 329;
San Cristobal, 329;
Bahia Honda, 320;
San Diego de los Banos, 330;
Pinar del Rio, 331;
Valley of Vinales, 331;
Mariel, 333;
radiating from Matanzas, 335;
Cardenas, 336;
Cienfuegos, 336;
Trinidad, 336;
radiating from Santa Clara, 337;
Camaguey, 337;
Santiago, 337;
among Mountains of Oriente, 338.
Forestry, 135;
great number and variety of trees, 135;
alphabetical list of sixty leading kinds, with characteristics of each, 136, et seq.;
location of timber lands, 142;
extent, 143.
Fruits: Aguacate, 228;
varieties, 229;
for salads, 230.
Anon, or sugar apple, 226.
Bananas, the world’s greatest fruit, 219;
methods of use, 219;
grown for commerce, 220;
soil and cultivation, 221;
varieties, 222;
possibilities of the crop, 223.
Chirimoya, 226.
Citrus fruits, 211;
orange groves, 212;
discretion and care needed in culture, 214;
varieties of oranges, 215;
grape fruit, 217;
limes, 217.
Figs, 228. Grapes, 232;
experiments with various kinds, 233;
wine-making, 233.
Guava, 228.
Mamey, 227.
Mamoncillo, 228.
Mango, foremost fruit of Cuba, 203;
the Manga, 204;
varieties and characteristics, 204, et seq.;
for both fruit and shade, 209;
fruit vender in Havana, scene, 209.
Pineapples, 224;
soil and culture, 224;
profits of crop, 225;
varieties, 225;
for canning, 226.
Sapodilla, see Zapote.
Tamarind, 227.
Zapote, 226.
Grain: Indian corn, 248;
Kaffir corn, 249;
millet, 249;
wheat, 249;
rice, 250;
opportunities for rice culture, 251.
Grasses and Forage Plants: Parana grass, 253;
Bermuda grass, 253;
alfalfa, 253; cow peas, 254;
beans, 255;
peanuts, 255.
Guantanamo, 89.
Harbors: Havana, 28, 342;
Mariel, 41, 341;
Cabanas, 42, 341;
Bahia Honda, 42, 341;
Cienfuegos, 65, 349;
Nuevitas, 78, 345;
Nipe, 87, 346;
Guantanamo, 89, 347;
Santiago, 87, 348;
Matanzas, 343;
Cardenas, 344;
Sagua, 344;
Caibarien, 344;
Manati, 345;
Puerto Padre, 346;
Banes, 346;
Cabonico and Levisa, 347;
Sagua de Tanamo, 347;
Baracoa, 347;
Manzanillo, 349;
Batabano, 350.
Minor
harbors, 350, et seq.
Hawley, Robert B., Sugar promoter, 175.
Havana, City: history, 303;
famous streets and buildings, 304 et seq.;
modern development of city and suburbs, 307;
El Vedado, 308;
places of Interest, 309;
National Theatre, 310;
the Prado, 310;
parks, 211;
Colon Cemetery, 311;
Municipal Band and other musical organizations, 312;
Conservatory of Music, 312;
drives, 313;
bathing beaches, 313, 314;
Havana Yacht Club, 314;
fishing, 314;
Jai Alai, 315;
baseball, 316;
horse racing, 317;
golf, 317;
the Templete, 317;
the Maestranza, 318;
Department of Sanitation, 318;
La Hacienda, 319;
old Governor-General’s palace, 319;
Senate Chamber, 320;
“General Wood Laboratory,” 321;
School of Industrial Arts and Sciences, 322;
Academy of Sciences and Fine Arts, 322;
President’s Palace, 322;
new Capitol, 324;
National Hospital 325.
See Places of Historical Interest.
Havana, Province: topography, 21;
Valley of the Guines, 23;
tobacco region, 24;
forests, 25;
agriculture and horticulture, 26;
industries, 27;
harbor of Havana, 28;
water supply, 30;
climate, 31.
Henequen: world-wide importance, 53;
brought from Yucatan, 190;
first plantation, 191;
International Harvester Company’s plantation, 191;
possibilities of extension of the industry, 192;
advantages of soil and climate, 193;
estimates of cost and profit, 195.
Himely, H. A., estimates Sugar crop, 166.
Holguin, 93.
Iron. See Mines and Mining.
Magotes, 14.
Manganese. See Mines and Mining.
Manzanillo, 92.
Matanzas Province: Topography, 49;
drainage system, 49;
Yumuri River and Valley, 51;
resources, 52;
henequen and sisal, 53;
Matanzas City, 54;
Caves of Bellamar, 55;
Cardenas, 56;
mines, 58;
sugar, 58;
chrome, 116.
Menocal, Mario G., Sugar promoter, 175.
Mines and Mining: Pinar del Rio, 47;
Matanzas, 58;
Oriente, 96;
early search for gold, 104.
Copper: El Cobre mines, 105;
near Havana, 106;
Bayamo, 107;
Matanzas, 108;
Santa Clara, 108;
Camaguey, 108;
Pinar del Rio, 109;
American interests in, 109;
Matahambre mines, 110.
Iron, in Oriente, 111;
Camaguey, 112;
Pinar del Rio, 112;
nickeliferous ores, 112;
statistics of shipments of iron and copper ores, 112.
Manganese, in Oriente, Pinar del Rio and Santa Clara, 115, 120, 121, 122;
analysis of ore, 123; output, 124.
Chrome, in Havana, Matanzas, Camaguey and Oriente, 115;
United States Geological Survey’s prospects, 114, 117;
many rich deposits, 117 et seq.
Money and Banking: Early monetary systems, 361;
double standard adopted, 363;
stabilization under American occupation, 363;
present standard and unit, 364;
statistics, 364;
list of principal banks of Cuba, 366.
Ocean Transportation: United Fruit Company, origin of, 376;
Lorenzo D. Baker and Andrew D. Preston, 377;
Minor C. Keith’s Costa Rica railroad, 378;
development of world’s greatest agricultural transportation company, 379;
magnitude of its fleet, 379.
New York and Cuba Mail Company, origin and development of, 380;
Ward, Alexandria and other lines merged, 381;
extent of service, 381 et seq.;
its fleet, 382.
Munson Steamship Line, 383;
extent of its service, 383.
Peninsular and Occidental Steamship Company, 383;
its great ocean and railroad ferry from Havana to Key West, 384.
Pinillos Izquiendo Line, between Cuba and Spain, 384;
its large fleet, 385.
Southern Pacific, formerly Morgan, Line, 385.
French Line, 385;
its fleet, 386.
Japanese Line, Osaka Shosen Kaisha, 386.
Customs regulations, 387;
invoices, 387;
consular fees, 389;
Cuban consulates in United States and its territories, 389.
Organ Mountains, 13.
Oriente Province: Topography, 83;
picture of mountain road, 84;
rivers, 85;
sugar, 86;
Guantanamo, 89;
Santiago, 89;
resources and industries, 95;
mines, 96;
iron, 110;
chrome and manganese, 117.
Packing Houses, opportunity for, 273.
“Paradise of Palm Drives,” 326.
People of Cuba: Their hospitality and other traits, 1;
domestic habits, 2;
racial descent, 3;
Gallegos and Catalans, 5;
English, 5;
Irish, 6;
Italians, 6;
Germans, 7;
Americans, 7.
Petroleum. See Asphalt.
Pinar Del Rio Province: Topography, 34;
Valley of Vinales, 36;
harbors, 41;
Pinar del Rio City, 45;
Vuelta Abajo tobacco region, 45;
mines, 47.
Places of Historic Interest, 284-302:
Atares Fort, 300;
Bayamo, 92;
Belen Convent and College, 298;
Bellamar Caves, 55;
Cabanas, la, 286;
history, 286;
prison and place of execution, 287;
“Road without Hope,” 287;
present condition, 289.
Cathedral, Havana, 294;
Castillo del Principe, 300;
Chorrera, la, fort, 299;
City Wall of Havana, 291;
Cojimar fort, 299;
Echarte mansion, 298;
Fuerza, la, 292;
Institute of Havana, 294;
Jesus del Monte church, 297;
Merced, la, convent, 296;
Morro Castle, Havana, 284;
Punta, la, 290;
Quinto de Molinos, 301;
San Augustin convent 296;
San Francisco church and convent, 295;
Santa Catalina convent, 296;
Santa Clara convent, 297;
Santa Teresa church, 297;
Santo Angel church, 297;
Santo Domingo church and convent, 293;
Torreon de la Playa, 299;
Torreon de la San Lazaro, 300;
“Twelve Apostles,” at El Morro, 286.
Poultry: Varieties, 278;
Turkeys, 279;
Guinea hens, 279.
Public Instruction: Backward state under Spanish rule, 367;
progress under American occupation, 368;
Alexis E. Frye, Superintendent, 368;
Lincoln de Zayas, 368;
great aid from Harvard University, 369;
schools placed under National government, 370;
Miss Abbie Phillips, General Superintendent of English, 370;
Dr. Dominguez Roldan, Secretary of Public Instruction, 371;
increase in schools and school attendance during President Menocal’s administration, 371;
“School of the Home,” 372;
Institute of Havana, 372;
National University, 373;
National School of Languages, 373;
National Public Library, 374.
Puerto Principe. See Camaguey.
Railroads: First railroad on Spanish soil in Cuba, 353;
United Railways of Havana, 353;
Matanzas Railway, 354;
extension of system, 354;
electric lines, 354.
Sir William Van Horne’s great work, 355;
Cuba Company’s line and branches, 356 et seq.;
work of R. G. Ward in building and equipping Cuba Company’s lines, 358.
Cuba Central road and branches, 359.
North Shore road, 360.
Rionda, Don Manuel, Sugar promoter, 173.
Santa Clara Province:
History, 60;
mountains, 62;
rivers, 64;
Cienfuegos, 65;
Sancti Spiritus, 66;
Cienaga de Zapata,67;
resources and industries, 68;
coffee, 69.
Santiago, 89.
Schools. See Public Instruction.
Shipping. See Ocean Transportation.
Sisal. See Henequen.
Sponges, extent of industry, 283.
Sports: Automobiling, 326 et seq.;
bathing beaches, 313;
yachting, 314; fishing, 314;
Jai Alai, 315;
baseball, 316;
horse racing, 317;
golf, 317.
Stock Raising: Horses introduced into Cuba, 263;
recent importations from the United States, 263;
breeds and numbers, 264;
mules, 265.
Cattle, 265;
importations, 266;
choice breeding, 267;
crossing with the zebu, 267;
advantages of Cuba for stock raising, 268.
Swine, 269;
advantages for hog raising, 270;
palmiche and yuca for hog food, 271;
varieties of swine, 272;
opportunity for packing plants in hog products, 273.
Sheep, for food, 273.
Goats, for meat, skins and hair, 274;
Angoras, 275;
profits, 276.
Sugar: In Matanzas, 58;
Santa Clara, 68;
Camaguey, 79;
Oriente, 86;
El Chaparra and Las Delicias, 86;
Bay of Nipe, 87;
magnitude of crop, 160;
favorable natural conditions, 161;
reports and estimates of available lands, 161 et seq.;
possible output, 164;
plans for draining swamp lands, 164;
Cienaga de Zapata, 165;
Mr. R. G. Ward’s projects, 166;
Mr. H. A. Himely’s estimates of crop, 166;
methods of planting and cultivation, 167;
the labor problem, 168;
“Administration” and “Colono” systems, 170;
Cuba Cane Sugar Corporation, 173;
Cuban-American Sugar Company, 175;
Rionda Sugar Properties, 176;
United Fruit Company’s Sugar Properties, 177;
Atkins Sugar Properties, 177;
Poté Rodriguez Sugar Properties, 178;
West Indies Sugar Finance Corporation, 178;
Gomez-Mena Properties, 179;
Cuba Company Properties, 180;
Mendoza-Cunaga Properties, 180;
Cuba’s relation to the world’s supply of sugar, 181.
Tobacco: Tumbadero, in Havana, 24;
Vuelta Abajo, Pinar del Rio, 45;
early history, 183;
profits of crop, 184;
method of growing, 184;
various regions of growth, 186;
insect pests, 186;
growing under cheesecloth, 187;
magnitude of industry, 188.
Topography, of Cuba: Mountain systems, 10;
Sierra Maestra, 11;
El Yunque, 11;
Sierras Cristal and Nipe, 12;
Najassa Hills, 12;
Sierra Cubitas, 13;
Sierra del Escambray, 13;
Sierras Morena, and de Bamburano, 13;
Sierra de los Organos, 13;
Vinales Valley, 14;
Magotes, 14;
plains, 16.
Vanilla, 237;
growth and preparation for market, 238.
Vegetables: Beans, Lima and string, 244;
Egg plant, 243;
Okra, 244;
Peppers, 242;
Potatoes, 242;
Pumpkins, 245;
Squashes, 245;
Tomatoes, 243.
Ward, R. G., plans for draining Cienaga de Zapata, 166;
railroad construction and equipment, 358.
Yumuri River and Valley, 51.
Agramonte, General Eugenio Sanchez, Secretary of Agriculture, 154.
Farming, 144;
image of a typical country house, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
natural benefits of soil and climate, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Department of Agriculture, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Division of Agriculture, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__; Division of Commerce, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
of Veterinary Science and Animal Industry, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
of Forestry and Mines, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
of Trademarks and Patents, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
of Meteorology, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
of Immigration, Colonization and Labor, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
of Game and Bird Protection, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
of Public Relations and Exchanges, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Experiment Station, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
raising livestock, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
fruits and veggies, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
managing pests and diseases, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
“black fly,” __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
See Grains, Grass, Fruit, Vegetables, Stock-Raising.
American Colonists , 80, 103, 390;
misled by investors, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
badly selected locations, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
La Gloria, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
relationships with the Cubans, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
growing and steady prosperity for those who persevere, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Isle of Pines, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Herradura, Pinar del Río, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Bartle, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Victoria de las Tunas, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Omaja, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Paso Estancia and Bayate, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
American Legation at Havana, 298.
Animals, Indigenous, 257;
the hutia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
sandhill crane, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
guinea fowl, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
turkey, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
quail, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
buzzard, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
sparrowhawk, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
mockingbird, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
pigeons, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
parrots, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
today, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
orioles, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
lizard cuckoo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
trogon, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
flamingo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Seville, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
ani, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
See Poultry, Stock Raising, Bees.
Asphalt and Oil: 126;
early pitch discovery, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
observations by Alexander von Humboldt, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
in Havana Province, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
in Matanzas, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
in Pinar del Río, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
many wells drilled, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, etc.
Atkins, Edward F., Sugar promoter, 177.
Banking. See Finance and Banking.
Bees, for honey and wax, 280;
great farming facilities, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
trade in wax, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Birds. See Animals.
Botanic Gardens, 301.
Cocoa, 233;
for food and drinks, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
varieties, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
growing, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Camagüey Province, 71;
history, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
topography, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
harbor in Nuevitas, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
resources and industries, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
American colonies, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Camagüey, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
chrome deposits, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Canning, potential for industry, in pineapples, 226.
Cardenas, City, 56;
City Hall and Plaza, scene, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Industries, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
mines, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Cauto River, 85.
Chocolate. See Cocoa.
Chrome. See Mining Operations.
Cienaga de Zapata, 67; plans for drainage, 165.
Cienfuegos, 65.
Clay and Cement, 27.
Climate, 19;
mild temperatures, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
rain, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
at Havana, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Cocoa. See Chocolate.
Coffee, 197;
origin of Cuban plantations, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
many abandoned groves, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
farming techniques, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
profits from crops, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__; marketing, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__; support for the industry, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.
Commerce. See Ocean Shipping and Trains.
Cork Palm, 38.
Customs. See Shipping by Sea.
Drives: A Paradise of palm-lined highways, 326;
roads radiating from Havana, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
to Matanzas, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
to Artemisa, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
to Candelaria, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
San Cristobal, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Bahia Honda, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
San Diego de los Baños, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Pinar del Río, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Valley of Viñales, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Mariel, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
radiating from Matanzas, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Cardenas, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Cienfuegos, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Trinidad, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
radiating from Santa Clara, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Camagüey, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Santiago, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
in the Oriente mountains, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Forestry, 135;
variety and number of trees, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
an alphabetical list of sixty main types, each with its characteristics, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, et seq.;
location of timberlands, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
extent, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Fruits: Aguacate, 228;
varieties, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
for salads, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Anon, or sugar apple, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Bananas, the world's favorite fruit, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
usage methods, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
grown for trade, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
soil and farming, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
varieties, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
crop potential, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Chirimoya, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Citrus fruits, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
orange orchards, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
care needed for farming, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
types of oranges, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
grapefruit, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
limes, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Figs, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Grapes, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
experiments with different types, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
winemaking, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Guava, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Mamey, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Mamoncillo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Mango, the most popular fruit in Cuba, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
the manga, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
varieties and features, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, et seq.;
for fruit and shade, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
fruit seller in Havana, scene, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Pineapples, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
soil and farming, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
crop profits, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
varieties, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
for canning, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Sapodilla, see Zapote.
Tamarind, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Zapote, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Grain: Indian corn, 248;
Kaffir corn, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
millet, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
wheat, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
rice, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
opportunities for rice farming, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Grass and Forage Plants: Parana grass, 253;
Bermudagrass, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
alfalfa, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__; cowpeas, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
beans, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
peanuts, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Guantanamo, 89.
Harbors: Havana, 28, 342;
Mariel, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
Cabanas, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
Bahia Honda, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
Cienfuegos, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
Nuevitas, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
Nipe, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
Guantanamo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
Santiago, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
Matanzas, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Cardenas, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Sagua, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Caibarien, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Manati, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Puerto Padre, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Banes, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Cabonico and Levisa, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Sagua de Tanamo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Baracoa, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Manzanillo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Batabano, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Minor
harbors, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, etc.
Hawley, Robert B., Sugar promoter, 175.
Havanna, City: history, 303;
famous streets and buildings, 304 and following;
modern development of cities and suburbs, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
El Vedado, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
places of interest, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
National Theatre, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
the Prado, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
parks, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Colon Cemetery, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Municipal Band and other music groups, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Music School, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
drives, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
beaches, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
Havana Yacht Club, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
fishing, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Jai Alai, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
baseball, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
horse racing, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
golf, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
the Template, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
the Maestranza, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Department of Sanitation, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
La Hacienda, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
former Governor-General's palace, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Senate Chamber, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
"General Wood Lab," __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
School of Industrial Arts and Sciences, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Academy of Sciences and Fine Arts, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
President's Palace, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
new Capitol, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
National Hospital __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
See Historical Sites.
Havana City, Province: topography, 21;
Valley of the Guines, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
tobacco area, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
forests, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
farming and gardening, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
industries, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
harbor of Havana, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
water supply, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
climate change, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Henequen plant: globally significant, 53;
introduced from Yucatán, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
first plantation, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
International Harvester Company's farm, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
potential for growth in the industry, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
benefits of soil and climate, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
cost and profit projections, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Himely, H. A., sugar crop estimates, 166.
Holguin, 93.
Iron. See Mining Industry.
Magotes, 14.
Manganese. See Mining and Resources.
Manzanillo, 92.
Matanzas Province: Topography, 49;
drainage system, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Yumuri River and Valley, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
resources, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
henequen and sisal, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Matanzas City, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Bellamar Caves, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Cardenas, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
mines, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
sugar, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
chrome, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Menocal, Mario G., Sugar promoter, 175.
Mines and Mining: Pinar del Rio, 47;
Matanzas, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Oriente, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
early gold rush, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Copper: El Cobre mines, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
near Havana, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Bayamo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Matanzas, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Santa Clara, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Camagüey, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Pinar del Río, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
American interests in, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Matahambre mines, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Iron, in Oriente, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Camaguey, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Pinar del Rio, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
nickel-containing ores, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
shipment statistics for iron and copper ores, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Manganese can be found in Oriente, Pinar del Rio, and Santa Clara, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__;
ore analysis, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__; output, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Chrome, in Havana, Matanzas, Camaguey, and Oriente, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
United States Geological Survey findings, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
many valuable deposits, 117 et seq.
Finance and Banking: Early monetary systems, 361;
double standard adopted, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
stabilization during U.S. occupation, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
current standard and unit, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
statistics, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
list of major banks in Cuba, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Ocean Shipping: United Fruit Company, origin of, 376;
Lorenzo D. Baker and Andrew D. Preston, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Minor C. Keith’s Costa Rica railroad, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
development into the world’s biggest agricultural transportation company, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
size of its fleet, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
The New York and Cuba Mail Company, its origin and development, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Ward, Alexandria, and other lines combined, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
extent of service, 381 and following;
its fleet, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Munson Steamship Line, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
extent of its service, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Peninsular and Occidental Steamship Co., __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Its main ocean and railroad ferry from Havana to Key West, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Pinillos Izquiendo Line, between Cuba and Spain, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
its large fleet, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Southern Pacific, once Morgan Line, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
French Line, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
its fleet, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Japanese Line, Osaka Shosen Kaisha, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Customs rules, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
invoices, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
consulate fees, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Cuban consulates in the U.S. and its territories, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Organ Mountains, 13.
Oriente Province: Topography, 83;
mountain road image, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
rivers, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
sugar, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Guantanamo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Santiago, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
resources and industries, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
mines, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
iron, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
chrome and manganese, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Packing Centers, potential opportunities for, 273.
“Paradise of Palm Drives,” 326.
Cuban people: Their hospitality and other traits, 1;
home habits, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
racial background, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Galicians and Catalans, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
English, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Irish, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Italians, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Germans, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Americans, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Petroleum. See Blacktop.
Pinar del Río Province: Topography, 34;
Vinales Valley, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
harbors, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Pinar del Río City, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Vuelta Abajo tobacco area, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
mines, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Historic Sites, 284-302:
Atares Fort, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Bayamo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Belen Convent and College, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Bellamar Caves, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Cabanas, the, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
history, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
prison and execution site, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
"Dead End," __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
current condition, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Cathedral, Havana, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Castillo del Príncipe, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Chorrera, the, fort, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Havana City Wall, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Cojimar fortress, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Echarte mansion, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Strength, the, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Institute of Havana, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Jesus del Monte Church, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Merced, the convent, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Morro Castle, Havana, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Punta, the, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Quinto de Molinos, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
San Agustin Convent __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
San Francisco church and convent, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Santa Catalina convent, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Santa Clara convent, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Santa Teresa Church, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Santo Angel Church, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Santo Domingo church and convent, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Torreon de la Playa, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Torreon de la San Lazaro, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
“Twelve Apostles,” at El Morro, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Chicken: Varieties, 278;
Turkeys, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Guinea fowl, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Public Education: Underdeveloped state during Spanish rule, 367;
progress during U.S. occupation, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Alexis E. Frye, Superintendent, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Lincoln de Zayas, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
great support from Harvard, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
schools under national government, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Miss Abbie Phillips, General Superintendent of English, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Dr. Dominguez Roldan, Secretary of Public Instruction, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
increase in schools and student attendance during President Menocal’s administration, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
“Home School,” __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Institute of Havana, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
National University, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
National School of Languages, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Public Library, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Puerto Principe. See Camagüey.
Trains: First railroad on Spanish soil in Cuba, 353;
United Railways of Havana, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Matanzas Railway, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
system growth, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
power lines, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Sir William Van Horne’s main achievement, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Cuba Company’s line and branches, 356 and following;
R. G. Ward’s contributions to constructing and supplying the Cuba Company’s infrastructure, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Cuba Central road and branches, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
North Shore Road, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Rionda, Don Manuel, Sugar promoter, 173.
Santa Clara Province:
History, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
mountains, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
rivers, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Cienfuegos, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Sancti Spiritus, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Cienaga de Zapata, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
resources and industries, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
coffee, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Santiago, 89.
Schools. See Public Education.
Shipping. See Ocean Shipping.
Sisal. See Henequen fiber.
Sponges, extent of industry, 283.
Sports: Automobiling, 326 et seq.;
beaches, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
boating, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__; fishing, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
Jai Alai, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
baseball, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
horse racing, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
golf, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Livestock Farming: Horses introduced into Cuba, 263;
recent imports from the U.S., __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
breeds and quantity, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
mules, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Cows, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
imports, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
select breeding, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
crossbreeding with zebu, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
benefits of Cuba for livestock farming, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Pigs, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
benefits of pig farming, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
palmiche and yuca for pig feed, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
pig breeds, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
opportunity for processing plants in pork products, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Meat sheep, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Goats are raised for their meat, hides, and hair, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Angoras, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
profitability, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Sugar: In Matanzas, 58;
Santa Clara, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Camaguey, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Oriente, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
El Chaparra and Las Delicias, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Bay of Nipe, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
crop size, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
favorable natural conditions, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
reports and estimates of available land, 161 and following;
potential yield, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
drainage plans for wetlands, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Ciénaga de Zapata, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Mr. R. G. Ward's projects, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Mr. H. A. Himely’s crop estimates, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
planting and farming techniques, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
the labor issue, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
“Admin” and “Colono” systems, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Cuba Cane Sugar Corp, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Cuban-American Sugar Co., __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Rionda Sugar Properties, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
United Fruit Company's Sugar Properties, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Atkins Sugar Properties, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Rodriguez Sugar Properties, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
West Indies Sugar Finance Corp, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Gomez-Mena Properties, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Cuba Company Properties, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Mendoza-Cunaga Properties, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Cuba's role in the global sugar supply, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Smoking: Tumbadero, in Havana, 24;
Vuelta Abajo, Pinar del Río, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
early history, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
profits from the harvest, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
growing techniques, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
various growing areas, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
pest insects, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
growing under cheesecloth, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
industry scale, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Landscape of Cuba: Mountain systems, 10;
Sierra Maestra, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
El Yunque, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Sierras Cristal and Nipe, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Najassa Hills, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Sierra Cubitas, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Sierra del Escambray, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Sierras Morena and de Bamburano, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Sierra de los Órganos, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Vinales Valley, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Magotes, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
plains, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Vanilla, 237;
growth and market readiness, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Veggies: Beans, Lima and string, 244;
Eggplant, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Okra, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Peppers, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Potatoes, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Pumpkins, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Squash, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Tomatoes, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Ward, R. G., plans for draining Cienaga de Zapata, 166;
railroad construction and equipment, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Yumuri River and Valley, 51.
Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber: |
---|
so that it can item=> so that it can produce {pg vii} |
The shores of Mariel are beautiful=> The shores of Mariel are beautiful {pg 41} |
at the southern end of the Bat=> at the southern end of the Bay {pg 41} |
afterwards was led=> afterwards was led {pg 61} |
on the party of=> on the part of {pg 80} |
Mexican revolutions=> Mexican revolutions {pg 191} |
they should fear=> they should bear {pg 207} |
any woman whose chose to devote=> any woman who chose to devote {pg 297} |
the installment plant=> the installment plan {pg 395} |
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