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EVERYMAN’S LIBRARY
EDITED BY ERNEST RHYS
Everyman's Library
Edited by Ernest Rhys
TRAVEL AND TOPOGRAPHY
Travel and Geography
STOW’S SURVEY OF LONDON
WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY
HENRY B. WHEATLEY
STOW’S SURVEY OF LONDON
WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY
HENRY B. WHEATLEY
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BIOGRAPHY
REFERENCE
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HISTORY ❦ CLASSICAL
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NYC: E. P. DUTTON & CO.

THE
WISE MAN
ALL THE
WORLD’S
A SOIL
BEN JONSON
THE SURVEY
OF LONDON
BY ❦ JOHN
STOW Citizen
of London
BY ❦ JOHN
STOW Citizen
of London
LONDON PUBLISHED
by J M DENT & SONS LTD
AND IN NEW YORK
BY E P DUTTON & CO
LONDON PUBLISHED
by J M DENT & SONS LTD
AND IN NEW YORK
BY E P DUTTON & CO
INTRODUCTION
Stow’s Survey of London, from its first publication in 1598, has taken rank as the first authority on the history of London, but this very fame has been the cause of some injury to the unity of the work, owing to the additions of successive editors, whose words have often been quoted as if they were written by the original author, although often referring to occurrences long after Stow’s death.
Stow’s Survey of London, first published in 1598, is recognized as the primary source on the history of London. However, this recognition has led to some issues with the consistency of the work because of the contributions from later editors. Their comments have frequently been quoted as if they were written by Stow himself, even when they pertain to events that occurred long after his death.
What the reader of to-day wants, is the original work as it left the hands of the veteran antiquary, or as nearly as the change of spelling allows, because this gives him a vivid picture of Elizabethan London—the city in which Shakespeare lived and worked among a multitude of the men and women of those “spacious days,” respecting whom we are all eager to learn something more. The Survey is a masterpiece of topographical literature written by a Londoner of ripe experience, who was interested in everything that occurred around him.
What today's reader wants is the original work as it came from the hands of the experienced antiquarian, or as close as possible given the changes in spelling, because this provides a vivid picture of Elizabethan London—the city where Shakespeare lived and worked among many men and women of those "spacious days," about whom we all want to learn more. The Survey is a masterpiece of topographical literature written by a knowledgeable Londoner who was interested in everything happening around him.
Stow founded his work upon documents of great value collected by himself, and also upon the splendid series of manuscripts belonging to the city of London, to which he had access as “fee’d chronicler” of the corporation.
Stow based his work on valuable documents he collected himself, as well as the impressive series of manuscripts owned by the city of London, which he could access as the "paid chronicler" for the corporation.
The great charm of the book to the general reader is to be found in the personal touches by which we are informed of changes and incidents which occurred in Stow’s own experience. Of this special feature several instances have been singled out, such as the boy fetching milk from the farm attached to the abbey of the minoresses, for which he paid one halfpenny for three pints; and the staking out by the tyrannical Thomas Cromwell of part of the gardens of Stow’s father and others in Throgmorton Street to be added to his own garden, which after his execution came into the possession of the Drapers’ Company, and are now covered by Throgmorton Avenue. Stow, in his description of the monuments of St. Paul’s, alluding to the burial places of Sir Philip Sidney, Sir Francis Walsingham and Sir Christopher Hatton, says of[viii] the latter “under a most sumptuous monument where merry poet writ thus—
The real appeal of the book for the average reader lies in the personal touches that reveal changes and events from Stow’s own life. Several specific examples highlight this, such as the boy who brought milk from the farm next to the abbey of the minoresses, paying half a penny for three pints; and the oppressive Thomas Cromwell taking part of Stow’s father’s gardens and others on Throgmorton Street to expand his own garden, which, after his execution, became the property of the Drapers’ Company and is now under Throgmorton Avenue. In his description of the monuments at St. Paul’s, Stow mentions the burial sites of Sir Philip Sidney, Sir Francis Walsingham, and Sir Christopher Hatton, saying of[viii] the latter, “under a most lavish monument where a cheerful poet wrote this—
"For great Christopher takes up all the space."
Henry Holland, in his Monumenta Sepulchralia Sancti Pauli, 1614, tells us that there is “no doubt but the merry poet was the merry old man Stow himself.”
Henry Holland, in his Monumenta Sepulchralia Sancti Pauli, 1614, tells us that “there’s no doubt that the cheerful poet was the cheerful old man Stow himself.”
During the whole of his life Stow was indefatigable in his work, but he kept the best wine for the last. The first edition of the Survey of London was published in 1598, when he was past seventy years of age, but there can be no doubt that the whole of his previous life was a preparation for his great work. He always lived in London, and he was interested in every particular connected with his native city. Nothing of value in its history ever escaped him, and what he did not personally know, he often obtained information of from older men than himself. Some of his informants could tell what their fathers saw, so that their reminiscences often take us back to a long past time. It is this mixture of the personal remembrances of old men with his own memory of what he had seen, and his careful examination of places himself, in corroboration of tradition, which give such special value to his book.
Throughout his life, Stow was tireless in his work, but he saved the best for last. The first edition of the Survey of London was released in 1598, when he was over seventy years old, but there's no doubt that all his previous experiences prepared him for this major project. He lived his whole life in London and was curious about every detail related to his hometown. Nothing valuable in its history slipped past him, and if he didn't know something firsthand, he often got information from older men. Some of his sources could share what their fathers experienced, so their memories can take us back to a much earlier time. It’s this combination of the personal memories from older individuals, along with his own recollections and his thorough exploration of places to confirm traditions, that gives his book such unique significance.
Stow was always in search of information at first hand, and other authors were glad to avail themselves of his wide experience. Sir George Buck, when writing the History of Richard III., availed himself of Stow’s information that he had talked to old men who remembered that maligned king as “a comely prince.” Stow’s arrangement of his materials is admirable, and many modern topographers might imitate him with advantage. He himself acknowledged that the model for his Survey was his friend William Lambarde’s excellent Perambulation of Kent, 1576. Some of his explanations of the names of places, being grounded on historical evidence, are often of great value, but others are little better than crude guesses. This is not to the discredit of an author writing in the sixteenth century, but some modern writers, who ought to have a better knowledge of the origin of place names, have been unwise enough to quote these as possible etymologies. Mr. C. L. Kingsford, in his excellent edition of the Survey, has corrected most of these from trustworthy old documents. Stow improved his book in the second edition, published in 1603, two years before his death, but he[ix] omitted some passages in the first edition which are of interest to us, and which are noted in this edition.
Stow was always looking for firsthand information, and other authors were happy to take advantage of his extensive experience. Sir George Buck, while writing the History of Richard III., utilized Stow’s information that he had spoken to older men who remembered that misunderstood king as “a handsome prince.” Stow’s organization of his materials is impressive, and many modern topographers could benefit from following his example. He acknowledged that the inspiration for his Survey was his friend William Lambarde’s excellent Perambulation of Kent, published in 1576. Some of his explanations for place names, based on historical evidence, are often very valuable, while others are little more than rough guesses. This isn’t a slight against an author writing in the sixteenth century, but some modern writers, who should have a better understanding of the origins of place names, have foolishly quoted these as potential etymologies. Mr. C. L. Kingsford, in his excellent edition of the Survey, has corrected most of these using reliable old documents. Stow improved his book in the second edition, published in 1603, two years before his death, but he[ix] left out some interesting passages from the first edition, which are noted in this edition.
Although it is chiefly the Survey which keeps Stow’s memory green in popular esteem, his other literary productions were highly appreciated by many distinguished contemporaries. He found a valuable patron in Archbishop Parker, for whom he edited some old chronicles. Among his many friends must be named Camden, Lambarde, Savile, Dr. Dee, Robert Glover, Somerset Herald, and Fleetwood the Recorder, who hung in his study a portrait of Stow inscribed, “Johannes Stowe, Antiquarius Angliæ.” The “antiquary” was very proud of this honour, and he told Massingham, who records the incident in his diary, that he thought himself “worthy of that title for his pains.”
Although it’s mainly the Survey that keeps Stow’s memory alive in popular regard, his other writings were greatly valued by many notable contemporaries. He gained an important patron in Archbishop Parker, for whom he edited several old chronicles. Among his many friends were Camden, Lambarde, Savile, Dr. Dee, Robert Glover, Somerset Herald, and Fleetwood the Recorder, who displayed a portrait of Stow in his study with the inscription, “Johannes Stowe, Antiquarius Angliæ.” The “antiquary” was very proud of this honor, and he told Massingham, who noted the event in his diary, that he believed he was “worthy of that title for his efforts.”
Stow was born about the year 1525, and came of a good London stock, his grandfather and father were tallow chandlers, and supplied the church of St. Michael, Cornhill, with lamp oil and candles. Thomas Stow, the grandfather, died in 1527, and directed his body “to be buried in the little green churchyard of St. Michael, Cornhill, nigh the wall as may be by my father and mother.”
Stow was born around 1525 and came from a respectable London family. His grandfather and father were candle makers who provided the church of St. Michael, Cornhill, with lamp oil and candles. Thomas Stow, the grandfather, passed away in 1527 and instructed that his body "be buried in the small green churchyard of St. Michael, Cornhill, as close to the wall as possible, near my father and mother."
We have no particulars as to John Stow’s schooling, and Mr. Kingsford points out that his remarks in the “chapter of Schools and other houses of Learning,” respecting his seeing the scholars of divers grammar schools repair to the churchyard of St. Bartholomew, Smithfield, to a scholastic battle of disputation “hardly suggests that he took part in their exercises.”
We don’t have any details about John Stow’s education, and Mr. Kingsford notes that Stow’s comments in the “chapter of Schools and other houses of Learning,” about seeing students from various grammar schools gather in the churchyard of St. Bartholomew, Smithfield, for a debate “barely imply that he participated in their activities.”
The general opinion seems to be that he was self-taught, but it is strange that the son of a fairly well-to-do citizen should not have been a scholar at one of these free grammar schools. He did not follow his father’s business as a tallow chandler, but set up for himself as a tailor, in a house by the well within Aldgate, over which in later times a structure was erected widely known as Aldgate pump. Tailors have very generally had to put up with threadbare jokes on their trade, and Stow was no exception to the rule. Aubrey reports that Sir Henry Spelman said to Sir William Dugdale, “We are beholding to Mr. Speed and Stow for stitching up for us our English history,” and Aubrey adds, “It seems they were both tailors.” Stow was admitted to the freedom of the Merchant Taylors’ Company, on 25th November 1547, but was never called to the livery or any office in the company. At the same[x] time he seems to have been highly esteemed, and was helpful to the company. He became a pensioner about 1578, and received four pounds a year until mid-summer 1600; this is sometimes called his “fee” and sometimes his “pension.” At the latter date, when he had fallen upon evil days, his pension was increased to ten pounds a year. This information is given by Mr. C. M. Clode, under the heading of “the loving brother of this mysterie, John Stowe,” in his Memorials of the Fraternity, 1875.
The general opinion is that he was self-taught, but it's odd that the son of a fairly well-off citizen wasn't a student at one of those free grammar schools. He didn't take over his father's business as a tallow chandler but started his own tailoring shop in a house by the well in Aldgate, which later became known as Aldgate pump. Tailors have often had to endure tired old jokes about their profession, and Stow was no different. Aubrey reports that Sir Henry Spelman once said to Sir William Dugdale, "We owe it to Mr. Speed and Stow for stitching up our English history," and Aubrey adds, "It appears they were both tailors." Stow was granted freedom by the Merchant Taylors’ Company on November 25, 1547, but he was never called to the livery or given any office in the company. At the same[x] time, he seems to have been highly regarded and was useful to the company. He became a pensioner around 1578, earning four pounds a year until mid-summer 1600; this is sometimes referred to as his “fee” and sometimes his “pension.” By that time, when he had fallen on hard times, his pension was raised to ten pounds a year. This information comes from Mr. C. M. Clode, under the title “the loving brother of this mystery, John Stowe,” in his Memorials of the Fraternity, 1875.
Stow’s first literary work is one that does him great credit, namely, the 1561 edition of Chaucer’s works, and subsequently he helped his “loving friend” Speght with notes from “divers records and monuments,” which that friend used in his edition of Chaucer published in 1597. He then turned to the publication of the results of his historical studies. In 1565, he brought out A Summarie of Englyshe Chronicles, which was frequently reprinted, also The Summarie abridged, first in 1566, and often reprinted. The Chronicles of England were published in 1580 and not reprinted. The Annals of England appeared first in 1592, other editions issued by Stow himself in 1601 and 1605. Editions continued by Edmond Howes were published in 1615 and 1631.
Stow’s first literary work is one that reflects well on him, specifically the 1561 edition of Chaucer’s works. After that, he assisted his “loving friend” Speght with notes from “various records and monuments,” which Speght used in his edition of Chaucer published in 1597. He then focused on publishing the results of his historical studies. In 1565, he released A Summarie of Englyshe Chronicles, which was frequently reprinted, along with The Summarie, an abridged version that first appeared in 1566 and was often reprinted. The Chronicles of England were published in 1580 and were not reprinted. The Annals of England was first published in 1592, with other editions released by Stow himself in 1601 and 1605. Further editions continued by Edmond Howes were published in 1615 and 1631.
The Annals are much of a compilation, but Stow has made them interesting by the frequent insertion of his own opinions and remarks. The bibliography of these works is somewhat complicated, but Mr. Kingsford has set forth the dates and distinctive characters of the different books with much clearness.
The Annals are mostly a compilation, but Stow has made them engaging by frequently adding his own thoughts and comments. The bibliography of these works is a bit complicated, but Mr. Kingsford has outlined the dates and unique features of the different books very clearly.
Stow early fell into a discord with the chronicler Grafton, and the two belaboured one another in print, sometimes having resort to bad puns. Grafton sneered at the “Memories of superstitious foundations, fables foolishly stowed together,” and Stow replied by alluding to “empty townes and unfruitfull grafts of Momus’ offspring.”
Stow quickly got into a dispute with the chronicler Grafton, and they exchanged harsh words in print, sometimes resorting to bad puns. Grafton mocked the “Memories of superstitious foundations, fables foolishly stowed together,” and Stow fired back by referring to “empty townes and unfruitfull grafts of Momus’ offspring.”
Stow’s life was a stormy one, and he had much to endure, both publicly and in his own family, but his friends helped him through many of his difficulties. His younger brother Thomas was ungrateful, and a thorn in his side for many years.
Stow's life was tumultuous, and he faced a lot of challenges, both in the public eye and within his family, but his friends supported him through many of his struggles. His younger brother Thomas was ungrateful and a constant source of frustration for him for many years.
In the early part of 1569 he was brought before the Lord Mayor for having in his possession a copy of the manifesto of the Spanish Ambassador on behalf of the Duke of Alva, but he seems to have been able to clear himself. The same matter[xi] was brought before the master and wardens of the Merchant Taylors’ Company. Mr. Clode remarks respecting this occurrence: “It is curious to note from the depositions of the several examinants how very shy of knowing much about the matter they appear to have been. The knowledge or memory of the nine taylors examined was too frequently failing them to bring guilt home to any brother of the craft.”
In early 1569, he was brought before the Lord Mayor for having a copy of the Spanish Ambassador's manifesto regarding the Duke of Alva, but it seems he was able to clear his name. The same issue was presented to the master and wardens of the Merchant Taylors’ Company. Mr. Clode comments on this occurrence: “It’s interesting to see from the testimonies of the various witnesses how reluctant they were to admit they knew much about the situation. The knowledge or memory of the nine taylors questioned often failed them, preventing them from pinning any guilt on a brother of the craft.”
The trouble about the Alva manifesto drew the attention of the Queen’s Council to Stow’s library, and the Bishop of London (Grindal) was directed to have his house searched, and in reply the Bishop enclosed to Cecil a catalogue of “Stowe the taylour his unlawfull bookes,” amongst these are “a great store of folishe fabulous bokes of old prynt as of Sir Degory, Sir Tryamore,” etc., “old fantastical popish books printed in the old type.” Thomas Stapleton’s translation of Bede’s Ecclesiastical History is among the objectionable books. Nothing, however, came of all this pother.
The issue with the Alva manifesto caught the Queen’s Council's attention towards Stow’s library, and the Bishop of London (Grindal) was instructed to search his house. In response, the Bishop sent Cecil a list of “Stowe the tailor’s unlawful books.” Among these were “a large collection of foolish, fabulous books of old prints like Sir Degory, Sir Tryamore,” etc., and “old, fanciful popish books printed in the old type.” Thomas Stapleton’s translation of Bede’s Ecclesiastical History is listed among the questionable books. However, nothing came of all this commotion.
Stow appears to have been fairly well off for some years of his life, when he spent a considerable amount of money on the extensive collection of manuscripts which he gathered together. This library was well known to and much appreciated by his fellow antiquaries. Many of the important documents are now in the British Museum and other public libraries.
Stow seems to have been quite well off for several years of his life, during which he spent a significant amount of money on the large collection of manuscripts he assembled. This library was well-known and highly valued by his fellow antiquarians. Many of the important documents are now in the British Museum and other public libraries.
He gave up his business in order to devote himself uninterruptedly to his antiquarian labours. Although these labours were much appreciated they were not profitable, and in consequence his means were very limited in his later years. His poverty was brought under the notice of James I., who acknowledged his claims, but instead of giving substantial aid the king granted letters patent, dated 8th March 1604, authorising John Stow and his deputies to collect money—the “voluntary contribution and kind gratuities” of the king’s subjects. This authority brought little money to the chronicler’s wasted coffers, and it was indeed a pitiful reward for the well-directed labours of a life-time.
He gave up his business to fully focus on his work as an antiquarian. Although this work was highly valued, it didn’t bring in much money, and as a result, his finances were very limited in his later years. His poverty came to the attention of James I., who recognized his claims, but instead of providing significant help, the king issued letters patent on March 8, 1604, allowing John Stow and his assistants to collect money—the "voluntary contributions and kind gratuities" from the king's subjects. This authority brought in very little money for the chronicler's empty pockets, and it was truly a sad reward for the well-directed efforts of a lifetime.
Stow did not long survive this remarkable instance of royal favour. He died on the 6th April 1605, and was buried in the Church of St. Andrew Undershaft, Leadenhall Street, where his widow erected a terra cotta monument to his memory, this, which shows the man as he lived, is one of the most interesting monuments in the city of a past London worthy.
Stow didn’t live long after this notable act of royal favor. He passed away on April 6, 1605, and was buried in the Church of St. Andrew Undershaft on Leadenhall Street, where his widow put up a terracotta monument in his memory. This monument, which depicts him as he lived, is one of the most fascinating memorials of a notable figure from London’s past.
Edmond Howes, his literary executor, and continuator of his[xii] Annals, has left a vivid picture of the old chronicler, which completes this short notice of one of the most distinguished “Lovers of London.”
Edmond Howes, his literary executor and the person who continued his[xii] Annals, has provided a clear image of the old chronicler, which wraps up this brief mention of one of the most notable “Lovers of London.”
“He was tall of stature, lean of body and face, his eyes small and crystalline, of a pleasant and cheerful countenance; his sight and memory very good; very sober, mild, and courteous to any that required his instructions; and retained the true use of all his senses unto the day of his death, being of an excellent memory. He always protested never to have written anything either for malice, fear, or favour, nor to seek his own particular gain or vain-glory; and that his only pains and care was to write truth. He could never ride, but travelled on foot unto divers cathedral churches, and other chief places of the land to search records. He was very careless of scoffers, back-biters, and detractors. He lived peacefully, and died of the stone colic, being four-score years of age.”
“He was tall, thin, and had a lean face; his eyes were small and clear, with a pleasant and cheerful expression. He had very good sight and memory. He was sober, gentle, and polite to anyone who asked for his guidance, and he kept all his senses sharp up until his death, boasting an excellent memory. He always insisted that he never wrote anything out of malice, fear, or favoritism, nor did he seek personal gain or vanity; he claimed his only purpose was to write truth. He could never ride a horse, so he traveled on foot to various cathedrals and other major places across the country to search for records. He was quite indifferent to mockers, gossipers, and detractors. He lived a peaceful life and died of kidney stones at the age of eighty.”
Stow is greatly to be commended for printing as an appendix to his Survey, William Fitzstephen’s Descriptio Londoniæ, which originally formed an introduction to the same writer’s Life of Becket. It is a remarkable relic, and unique in its interest as a vivid description of London in the twelfth century. The author is carried away by his enthusiasm, and probably exaggerates the beauties of the city. But he is not blind to evils, for he wisely says, “The city is delightful indeed, if it has a good governor,” and we know that it did not always have that. The account of the sports of the citizens is particularly valuable, especially the early notice of the use of skates on the Moorfields during the winter time. We may be proud as Englishmen that no other city in Europe possesses so early a description of a mediæval town. It should be noted incidentally that “King Henry the Third” mentioned at the close of Fitzstephen’s account is not the king usually known by that name; but Henry the second son of Henry II. This prince was crowned during his father’s life-time; but died in 1182, seven years before his father. Matthew Paris also speaks of him as Henry III.
Stow deserves a lot of praise for including William Fitzstephen’s *Descriptio Londoniæ* as an appendix to his *Survey*. This piece is an incredible artifact and stands out for its vivid description of London in the twelfth century. The author is clearly passionate, and he probably exaggerates the city’s beauty. However, he’s not oblivious to its problems, wisely noting, “The city is indeed delightful, if it has a good governor,” and we know it hasn’t always had that. The description of the citizens' sports is especially valuable, particularly the early mention of skating on the Moorfields in winter. We can be proud as Englishmen that no other city in Europe has such an early description of a medieval town. It’s worth mentioning that “King Henry the Third” referred to at the end of Fitzstephen’s account isn’t the one usually called that; it’s actually Henry, the second son of Henry II. This prince was crowned while his father was still alive but died in 1182, seven years before his father. Matthew Paris also refers to him as Henry III.
An enlarged edition of the Survey was prepared by Anthony Munday after Stow’s death, and published in 1618. In 1633, four months after Munday’s death, another edition, in folio, appeared “completely finished by the study of A. M., H. D., and others.” John Strype took the matter in hand in the next century and made a new book of the Survey in two volumes,[xiii] folio, 1720. The sixth edition, enlarged by John Strype, “brought down to the present time by careful hands,” was published in the same form in 1754-5. Strype died in 1737. This edition of Stow is an excellent history of London, but most persons will agree with Thomas Hearne in his criticism, “Stow should have been simply reprinted as a venerable original, and the additions given in a different character.”
An expanded version of the Survey was put together by Anthony Munday after Stow’s death and was published in 1618. In 1633, four months after Munday’s death, another edition in folio format was released, “completely finished by the study of A. M., H. D., and others.” John Strype took on the project in the next century and created a new two-volume book of the Survey,[xiii] folio, in 1720. The sixth edition, expanded by John Strype, “brought down to the present time by careful hands,” was published in the same format in 1754-5. Strype passed away in 1737. This edition of Stow is a remarkable history of London, but most people will agree with Thomas Hearne in his critique, “Stow should have been simply reprinted as a venerable original, and the additions presented in a different style.”
It was not until 1842 that Stow’s edition of 1603 was reprinted, when it was edited by Mr. W. J. Thoms, founder and first editor of Notes and Queries. Mr. C. L. Kingsford produced a critical edition of Stow’s second edition (1603) which is of great value. It was published by the Clarendon Press, Oxford, in 1908. The editor gives an account of Stow’s collections and MSS., tracing their present location.
It wasn't until 1842 that Stow's 1603 edition was reprinted, edited by Mr. W. J. Thoms, the founder and first editor of Notes and Queries. Mr. C. L. Kingsford created a critical edition of Stow's second edition (1603), which is very valuable. It was published by the Clarendon Press, Oxford, in 1908. The editor provides a background on Stow's collections and manuscripts, detailing where they are currently located.
HENRY B. WHEATLEY.
HENRY B. WHEATLEY.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ed. Woorkes of Geffrey Chaucer, 1561; Summarie of Englyshe Chronicles, 1565; other editions, 1566, 1570, 1574, 1575, 1590; The Summary abridged, 1566, 1567, 1573, 1584, 1587, 1598, 1604, 1607, 1611, 1618; ed. Matthew of Westminster’s Flores Historiarum, 1567; ed. Matthew Paris’s Chronicle, 1571; ed. Thos. Walsingham’s Chronicle, 1574; The Chronicles of England, 1580; re-arranged as The Annales of England, 1592; other editions, 1601, 1605; re-edited by Edmund Howse, 1615, 1631; The Successions of the History of England, 1638 (Lourdes); ed. second edition of Holinshed’s Chronicle, 1585-1587; A Survey of London, 1598, 1603; enlarged edition by Anthony Munday, 1618 and 1633; by J. Strype, 1720, 1754; modernised by Wm. J. Thoms, 1842, 1876; by Henry Morley, 1890, 1893 (with index), 1908; by C. L. Kingsford, 1908; Selections from A Survey of London, ed. by A. Barter, 1910.
Ed. Works of Geoffrey Chaucer, 1561; Summary of English Chronicles, 1565; other editions, 1566, 1570, 1574, 1575, 1590; The Summary abridged, 1566, 1567, 1573, 1584, 1587, 1598, 1604, 1607, 1611, 1618; ed. Matthew of Westminster’s Flores Historiarum, 1567; ed. Matthew Paris’s Chronicle, 1571; ed. Thos. Walsingham’s Chronicle, 1574; The Chronicles of England, 1580; re-arranged as The Annals of England, 1592; other editions, 1601, 1605; re-edited by Edmund Howse, 1615, 1631; The Successions of the History of England, 1638 (Lourdes); ed. second edition of Holinshed’s Chronicle, 1585-1587; A Survey of London, 1598, 1603; enlarged edition by Anthony Munday, 1618 and 1633; by J. Strype, 1720, 1754; modernized by Wm. J. Thoms, 1842, 1876; by Henry Morley, 1890, 1893 (with index), 1908; by C. L. Kingsford, 1908; Selections from A Survey of London, ed. by A. Barter, 1910.
Biographies.—By Edmund Howe (in Annales of England), 1615; by J. Strype (in Survey of London), 1720; by Wm. J. Thoms (in Survey of London), 1876; by C. M. Clode (in The Early History of the Guild of Merchant Taylors), 1888; by C. L. Kingsford (in Survey of London), 1908.
Bio.—By Edmund Howe (in Annales of England), 1615; by J. Strype (in Survey of London), 1720; by Wm. J. Thoms (in Survey of London), 1876; by C. M. Clode (in The Early History of the Guild of Merchant Taylors), 1888; by C. L. Kingsford (in Survey of London), 1908.
NORDEN’S
MAP OF LONDON
1593
REFERENCES TO THE MAP
ON PAGES xvi AND xvii
b Papie.
c Alhallowes in the wall.
d S. Taphyns.
e Syluer streete.
f Aldermanburye.
g Barbican.
h Aldersgate streete.
i Charterhowse.
k Holborne conduct.
l Chauncery lane
m Temple barr.
n Holbourn.
o Grayes Inn lane.
p S. Androwes.
q Newgate.
r S. Iones.
s S. Nic shambels.
t Cheap syde.
u Bucklers burye.
w Brode streete.
x The Stockes.
y The Exchannge.
z Cornehill.
3. Bassings hall.
4. Honnsditche.
5. Leaden hall.
6. Gratious streete.
7. Heneage house.
8. Fancshurche.
9. Marke lane.
10. Minchyn lane.
11. Paules.
12. Eastcheape.
13. Fleetstreete.
14. Fetter lane.
15. S. Dunshous.
16. Themes streete.
17. Lodon Stone.
18. Olde Baylye.
19. Clerkenwell.
20. Winchester house.
21. Battle bridge.
22. Bermodsoy streete.
CONTENTS
PAGE | |
The Author to the Reader | 1 |
The Antiquity of London | 3 |
The Wall about the City of London | 7 |
Of the Ancient and Present Rivers, Brooks, Bourns, Pools, Wells, and Conduits of Fresh Water serving the City | 12 |
The Town Ditch without the Wall of the City | 19 |
Bridges of this City | 21 |
Gates in the Wall of this City | 27 |
Of Towers and Castles | 42 |
Of Schools and other Houses of Learning | 66 |
Houses of Students of the Common Law | 70 |
Of Orders and Customs of the Citizens | 73 |
Of Charitable Alms in Old Times given | 82 |
Sports and Pastimes of Old Time used in this City | 84 |
Watches in London | 91 |
Honour of Citizens, and Worthiness of Men in the same | 96 |
The City of London divided into Parts | 107 |
Portsoken Ward | 110 |
Tower Street Ward | 118 |
Aldgate Ward | 125 |
Lime Street Ward | 136 |
Bishopgate Ward | 148 |
Broad Street Ward | 157 |
Cornehill Ward | 168 |
Langborne Ward and Fennie About | 179 |
Billingsgate Ward | 185 |
Bridge Ward Within | 189 |
Candlewike Street Ward | 194 |
Walbrook Ward | 200 |
Downegate Ward | 206 |
Vintry Ward | 213 |
Cordwainer Street Ward | 224 |
Cheap Ward | 231 |
Coleman Street Ward | 248 |
[xx]Bassings hall Ward | 255 |
Cripplegate Ward | 260 |
Aldersgate Ward | 271 |
Faringdon Ward Infra, or Within | 277 |
Bread Street Ward | 307 |
Queen hithe Ward | 314 |
Castle Baynard Ward | 325 |
The Ward of Faringdon Extra, or Without | 331 |
Bridge Ward Without (the 26th in number), consisting of the Borough of Southwark, in the County of Surrey | 358 |
The Suburbs without the Walls of the City, briefly touched, as also | |
without the Liberties, more at large described | 374 |
Liberties of the Duchy of Lancaster | 393 |
The City of Westminster, with the Antiquities, Bounds, and Liberties thereof | 398 |
Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Government | 422 |
Parish Churches | 434 |
Hospitals in this City and Suburbs | 438 |
Of Leprous People and Lazar Houses | 440 |
Temporal Government of this City | 442 |
Aldermen and Sheriffs of London | 474 |
Officers belonging to the Lord Mayor’s House | 474 |
Sheriffs of London; their Officers | 475 |
Mayor and Sheriffs’ Livery | 475 |
Companies of London placed at the Mayor’s Feast | 476 |
Liveries worn by Citizens at Triumphs | 479 |
An Apology, or Defence, against the Opinion of some Men, which think that the Greatness of that City standeth not with the Profit and Security of this Realm | 482 |
The Singularities of the City of London | 485 |
An Appendix | 498 |
Fitzstephen’s Description of London | 501 |
Index | 511 |
A
SVRVAY OF
LONDON.
A
SURVEY OF
LONDON.
Conteyning the Originall, Antiquity,
Increase, Moderne estate, and description of that
City, written in the yeare 1598, by Iohn Stow
Citizen of London.
Conteyning the Original, Antiquity,
Increase, Modern State, and Description of That
City, written in the year 1598 by John Stow
Citizen of London.
Since by the same Author increased,
with diuers rare notes of Antiquity, and
published in the yeare,
1603.
Since by the same Author expanded,
with different rare notes from Antiquity, and
published in the year,
1603.
Also an Apologie (or defence) against the
opinion of some men, concerning that Citie,
the greatnesse thereof.
Also an Apology (or defense) against the
opinions of some people about that city,
its greatness.
VVith an Appendix, contayning in Latine
Libellum de situ & nobilitate Londini: Written by
William Fitzstephen, in the raigne of
Henry the second.
With an Appendix, containing in Latin
A brief book about the geography and nobility of London: Written by
William Fitzstephen, in the time of
Henry the Second.
Imprinted by Iohn Windet, Printer to the honorable
Citie of London.
1603.
Imprinted by John Windet, Printer to the honorable
City of London.
1603.
TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
ROBERT LEE
LORD MAYOR OF THE CITY OF LONDON
TO THE COMMONALTY AND CITIZENS OF THE SAME
JOHN STOW, CITIZEN, WISHETH LONG HEALTH
AND FELICITY
TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
ROBERT LEE
LORD MAYOR OF THE CITY OF LONDON
TO THE COMMONALTY AND CITIZENS OF THE SAME
John Stow, a citizen, wishes you long health and happiness.
Since the first publishing of the perambulation of Kent by that learned gentleman, William Lambert, Esq., I have heard of sundry other able persons to have (according to the desire of that author) essayed to do somewhat for the particular shires and counties where they were born or dwelt; of which none that I know (saving John Norden, for the counties of Middlesex and Hertford) have vouchsafed their labour to the common good in that behalf. And, therefore, concurring with the first, in the same desire to have drawn together such special descriptions of each place, as might not only make up a whole body of the English chorography amongst ourselves, but also might give occasion and courage to M. Camden to increase and beautify his singular work of the whole, to the view of the learned that be abroad, I have attempted the discovery of London, my native soil and country, at the desire and persuasion of some of my good friends, as well because I have seen sundry antiquities myself touching that place, as also for that through search of records to other purposes, divers written helps are come to my hands, which few others have fortuned to meet withall; it is a service that most agreeth with my professed travels; it is a duty that I willingly owe to my native mother and country, and an office that of right I hold myself bound in love to bestow upon the politic body and members of the same. What London hath been of ancient time men may here see, as what it is now every man doth behold. I know that the argument, being of the chief and principal city of the land, required the pen of some excellent artisan, but fearing that none would attempt and finish it, as few have essayed any, I chose rather (amongst other my labours)[xxiv] to handle it after my plain manner, than to leave it unperformed. Touching the dedication, I am not doubtful where to seek my patron, since you be a politic estate of the city, as the walls and buildings be the material parts of the same. To you, therefore, do I address this my whole labour, as well that by your authority I may be protected, as warranted by your own skill and understanding of that which I have written. I confess that I lacked my desire to the accomplishment of some special parts,[1] which some other of better ability promised to perform; but as I then professed, have since out of mine old store-house added to this work many rare notes of antiquity, as may appear to the reader, which I do afford in all duty, and recommend to your view, my labours to your consideration, and myself to your service, during life, in this or any other.
Since the first publication of the exploration of Kent by the knowledgeable William Lambert, Esq., I've heard of several other capable individuals who have, following the author's wish, attempted to contribute to specific counties and shires where they were born or lived; of these, none that I know of (except for John Norden, regarding Middlesex and Hertford) have offered their efforts for the public good. Therefore, agreeing with the original intent, I also wanted to gather detailed descriptions of each place, not only to create a comprehensive record of English geography among us but also to inspire and encourage M. Camden to enhance and beautify his remarkable work for scholars abroad. I've endeavored to explore London, my birthplace and homeland, at the request of some good friends, both because I've seen various historical artifacts about this area and because, through researching records for other purposes, I've come across several written resources that few others have encountered; this pursuit aligns well with my declared interests. It's a duty I willingly owe to my native land, and a responsibility I feel compelled by love to fulfill for its governing body and its people. People can see what London was like in ancient times, as well as what it is now. I realize that the subject, being the most important city in the country, called for a skilled writer, but fearing that no one would take up and complete the task, as few have attempted it at all, I chose to tackle it in my straightforward style rather than leave it undone. Regarding the dedication, I have no doubt in finding my patron, since you represent a governing body of the city, just as the walls and buildings are its physical parts. Therefore, I present all my work to you, both to benefit from your protection and to be validated by your own expertise and understanding of what I’ve written. I admit that I fell short in completing some specific sections, which others of greater ability promised to handle; however, as I stated then, I have since added many rare notes of antiquity from my previous research to this work, as the reader will see. I provide this to you out of duty and present my efforts for your consideration, while I also place myself at your service for life, in this endeavor or any other.
THE AUTHOR TO THE READER
Because amongst others mine authors, I have oftentimes alleged Fitz-Stephens as one more choice than other, namely, for the ancient estate of this city, more than four hundred years since: and also the said author being rare, I have in this place thought good by impression to impart the same to my loving friends, the learned antiquaries, as the author wrote it in the Latin tongue; and first to note in effect what Master Bale, in commendation of the said author, writeth:
Because among my many sources, I have often mentioned Fitz-Stephens as a standout, particularly for his description of the ancient history of this city, over four hundred years ago. Since this author is quite rare, I've decided to share his work here with my dear friends, the knowledgeable historians, exactly as he wrote it in Latin; and first, I want to highlight what Master Bale wrote in praise of this author:
“William Stephanides, or Fitzstephen, a monk of Canterbury, born of worshipful parents in the city of London, well brought up at the first under good masters, did more and more increase in honest conditions and learning; for ever in his young years there appeared in him a certain light of a gentleman-like disposition, which promised many good things, afterwards by him performed. Such time as other spent in brawls and idle talk, he employed in wholesome exercises for the honour of his country, following therein the example of Plato, and was very studious both in humanity and divinity.”
“William Stephanides, or Fitzstephen, a monk from Canterbury, born to respected parents in London, was well-educated from a young age under good teachers. As he grew, he increasingly embodied the qualities of a gentleman, which promised many great achievements that he later fulfilled. While others wasted their time on fights and pointless chatter, he dedicated himself to meaningful activities that honored his country, following the example of Plato, and he was very diligent in both the humanities and theology.”
The city of London, his birth-place, the most noble of all other cities of this land, and the prince’s seat, situated in the south part of this island, he loved above all the other, so that at length he wrote most elegantly in Latin of the site and rights of the same. Leland, in divers of his books, commendeth him for an excellent writer. He lived in the reign of King Stephen, wrote in the reign of Henry II., and deceased in the year of Christ 1191, in the reign of Richard I.
The city of London, his birthplace, the greatest of all cities in this land and the prince's seat, located in the southern part of the island, he loved more than any other. Eventually, he wrote beautifully in Latin about its location and rights. Leland praises him in several of his books as an excellent writer. He lived during King Stephen's reign, wrote during Henry II's reign, and passed away in the year 1191, during Richard I's reign.
THE SURVEY OF LONDON CONTAINING THE ORIGINAL, ANTIQUITY, INCREASE, MODERN ESTATE, AND DESCRIPTION OF THAT CITY
As the Roman writers,[2] to glorify the city of Rome, derive the original thereof from gods and demi-gods, by the Trojan progeny, so Geoffrey of Monmouth, the Welsh historian, deduceth the foundation of this famous city of London, for the greater glory thereof, and emulation of Rome, from the very same original. For he reporteth that Brute, lineally descended from the demi-god Æneas, the son of Venus, daughter of Jupiter, about the year of the world 2855, and 1108 before the nativity of Christ, built this city near unto the river now called Thames, and named it Troynovant, or Trenovant. But herein, as Livy, the most famous historiographer of the Romans, writeth, antiquity is pardonable, and hath an especial privilege, by interlacing divine matters with human, to make the first foundation of cities more honourable, more sacred, and, as it were, of greater majesty.
As the Roman writers,[2] to celebrate the city of Rome, trace its origins back to gods and demi-gods, descended from the Trojans, Geoffrey of Monmouth, the Welsh historian, claims the foundation of the famous city of London was also to enhance its glory and rival Rome, drawing from the same origins. He states that Brutus, a direct descendant of the demi-god Aeneas, the son of Venus, who is the daughter of Jupiter, established this city near the river now known as the Thames around the year 2855 since the creation of the world, and 1108 years before the birth of Christ, naming it Troynovant or Trenovant. However, as Livy, the renowned Roman historian, writes, antiquity is excusable and has a special privilege, combining divine elements with human stories to make the founding of cities appear more honorable, more sacred, and, in a sense, of greater significance.
King Lud (as the aforesaid Geoffrey of Monmouth noteth) afterwards not only repaired this city, but also increased the same with fair buildings, towers, and walls, and after his own name called it Caire-Lud,[3] as Lud’s town; and the strong gate which he built in the west part of the city he likewise, for his own honour, named Ludgate.
King Lud (as mentioned by Geoffrey of Monmouth) not only restored this city but also expanded it with beautiful buildings, towers, and walls, naming it Caire-Lud,[3] after himself, which means Lud’s town; and the strong gate he built on the west side of the city, he also named Ludgate in his honor.
This Lud had issue two sons, Androgeus and Theomantius, who being not of age to govern at the death of their father, their uncle Cassibelan took upon him the crown; about the eighth[4] year of whose reign, Julius Cæsar arrived in this land with a great power of Romans to conquer it; the manner of which conquest I will summarily set down out of his own Commentaries, which are of far better credit than the relations of Geoffrey Monmouth.
This Lud had two sons, Androgeus and Theomantius. Since they were too young to rule after their father's death, their uncle Cassibelan took the crown. About the eighth[4] year of his reign, Julius Caesar arrived in this land with a large force of Romans to conquer it. I will briefly outline the details of this conquest from his own commentaries, which are more reliable than Geoffrey Monmouth's accounts.
The chief government of the Britons, and ordering of the wars, was then by common advice committed to Cassibelan, whose seigniory was separated from the cities towards the sea-coast by the river called Thames, about fourscore miles from the sea. This Cassibelan, in times past, had made continual war upon the cities adjoining; but the Britons being moved with the Roman invasion, had resolved in that necessity to make him their sovereign, and general of the wars (which continued hot between the Romans and them); but in the meanwhile the Troynovants, which was then the strongest city well near of all those countries (and out of which city a young gentleman, called Mandubrace, upon confidence of Cæsar’s help, came unto him into the mainland of Gallia, now called France, and thereby escaped death, which he should have suffered at Cassibelan’s hand), sent their ambassadors to Cæsar, promising to yield unto him, and to do what he should command them instantly, desiring him to protect Mandubrace from the furious tyranny of Cassibelan, and to send him into their city with authority to take the government thereof upon him. Cæsar accepted the offer, and appointed them to give unto him forty hostages, and withal to find him grain for his army; and so sent he Mandubrace unto them.
The main leadership of the Britons and the management of wars was then entrusted to Cassibelan, whose territory was separated from the coastal cities by the Thames River, about eighty miles from the sea. Cassibelan had previously waged war against the nearby cities, but the Britons, alarmed by the Roman invasion, decided to make him their ruler and general in their ongoing conflict with the Romans. Meanwhile, the Troynovants, which was the strongest city in the region at the time, sent ambassadors to Caesar. Their representative, a young man named Mandubrace, had come to him in mainland Gaul (now known as France) seeking Caesar’s support to escape the death Cassibelan had planned for him. The Troynovants promised to submit to Caesar and do his bidding, requesting that he protect Mandubrace from Cassibelan's ruthless rule and allow him to return to their city with the authority to govern. Caesar accepted their proposal, instructed them to provide him with forty hostages, and to supply his army with grain, then he sent Mandubrace back to them.
When others saw that Cæsar had not only defended the Trinobants against Cassibelan, but had also saved them harmless from the pillage of his own soldiers, then did the Conimagues, Segontians, Ancalits, Bibrokes, and Cassians, likewise submit themselves unto him; and by them he learned that not far thence was Cassibelan’s town, fortified with woods and marsh ground, into the which he had gathered a great number both of men and cattle.
When others saw that Caesar had not only protected the Trinobants from Cassibelan but had also kept them safe from the looting of his own soldiers, the Conimagues, Segontians, Ancalits, Bibrokes, and Cassians also chose to submit to him. From them, he learned that not far away was Cassibelan’s town, which was fortified with woods and marshland, where he had gathered a large number of both people and livestock.
For the Britons call that a town (saith Cæsar), when they have fortified a cumbersome wood with a ditch and rampart, and thither they resort to abide the approach of their enemies; to this place therefore marched Cæsar with his legions; he found it excellently fortified, both of nature and by man’s advice; nevertheless, he resolved to assault it in two several places at once, whereupon the Britons, being not able to endure the force of the Romans, fled out at another part, and left the town unto him: a great number of cattle he found there, and[5] many of the Britons he slew, and others he took in the chase.
For the Britons, a town is what they call a place (according to Caesar) when they’ve surrounded a dense forest with a ditch and a wall, and they gather there to wait for their enemies. So, Caesar marched there with his legions. He found it very well fortified, both by nature and design; however, he decided to attack it at two different spots at the same time. As a result, the Britons, unable to withstand the Romans’ strength, fled out another way and left the town to him. He discovered a large number of cattle there, and[5] he killed many of the Britons while chasing others down.
Whilst these things were doing in these quarters, Cassibelan sent messengers into Kent, which lieth upon the sea, in which there reigned then four particular kings, named Cingetorex, Carvill, Taximagull, and Segonax, whom he commanded to raise all their forces, and suddenly to set upon and assault the Romans in their trenches by the sea-side; the which, when the Romans perceived, they sallied out upon them, slew a great sort of them, and taking Cingetorex their noble captain prisoner, retired themselves to their camp in good safety.
While all this was happening in those areas, Cassibelan sent messengers to Kent, which is by the sea, where there were then four local kings named Cingetorex, Carvill, Taximagull, and Segonax. He ordered them to gather all their forces and launch a surprise attack on the Romans in their trenches by the seaside. When the Romans saw this, they charged out against them, killed a significant number, and captured Cingetorex, their noble leader, before safely returning to their camp.
When Cassibelan heard of this, and had formerly taken many other losses, and found his country sore wasted, and himself left almost alone by the defection of the other cities, he sent ambassadors by Comius of Arras to Cæsar, to intreat with him concerning his own submission; the which Cæsar did accept, and taking hostages, assessed the realm of Britain to a yearly tribute, to be paid to the people of Rome, giving strait charge to Cassibelan that he should not seek any revenge upon Mandubrace or the Trinobantes, and so withdrew his army to the sea again.
When Cassibelan heard this, having already suffered many losses and seeing his country devastated and himself nearly abandoned by the other cities, he sent ambassadors led by Comius of Arras to Caesar to negotiate his submission. Caesar accepted this and, after taking hostages, imposed an annual tribute on the kingdom of Britain to be paid to the Roman people. He instructed Cassibelan not to seek revenge on Mandubracius or the Trinobantes, and then withdrew his army back to the sea.
Thus far out of Cæsar’s Commentaries concerning this history, which happened in the year before Christ’s nativity 54. In all which process there is for this purpose to be noted, that Cæsar nameth the city of Trinobantes, which hath a resemblance with Troynova, or Trinobantum, having no greater difference in the orthography than changing b into v, and yet maketh an error whereof I will not argue; only this I will note, that divers learned men do not think “civitas Trinobantum” to be well and truly translated, “the city of the Trinobantes;” but it should rather be the state, commonalty, or seigniory of the Trinobantes; for that Cæsar in his Commentaries useth the word civitas, only for a people living under one and the selfsame prince and law; but certain it is that the cities of the Britons were in those days neither artificially built with houses, nor strongly walled with stone, but were only thick and cumbersome woods, plashed within and trenched about. And the like in effect do other the Roman and Greek authors directly affirm, as Strabo, Pomponius Mela, and Dion a senator of Rome, which flourished in the several reigns of the Roman emperors, Tiberius, Claudius, Domitian, and Severus; to wit, that before the arrival of the Romans the Britons had no towns, but called that a town which had a thick entangled wood, defended, as I said, with a ditch and bank,[6] the like whereof, the Irishmen, our next neighbours, do at this day call Fastness.[4] But after that these hither parts of Britain were reduced into the form of a province by the Romans, who sowed the seeds of civility over all Europe; this city, whatsoever it was before, began to be renowned, and of fame. For Tacitus, who first of all authors nameth it Londinum, saith, that in the 62nd year after Christ, it was, albeit no colony of the Romans, yet most famous for the great multitude of merchants, provision, and intercourse. At which time, in that notable revolt of the Britons from Nero, in which 70,000 Romans and their confederates were slain, this city, with Verulam, near St. Albans, and Maldon in Essex, then all famous, were ransacked and spoiled. For Suetonius Paulinus, then lieutenant for the Romans in this isle, abandoned it, as not then fortified, and left it to the spoil.
So far from Cæsar’s Commentaries about this history, which took place in the year 54 BC. In all of this, it's worth noting that Cæsar mentions the city of Trinobantes, which resembles Troynova or Trinobantum, with no greater difference in spelling than changing the b to a v. However, he makes an error that I won't debate; I will only point out that several scholars believe that “civitas Trinobantum” isn’t accurately translated as “the city of the Trinobantes,” but should be interpreted more as the state, community, or authority of the Trinobantes. This is because Cæsar uses the term civitas only for a group of people living under the same prince and law. Yet it's certain that the cities of the Britons at that time weren’t built with houses or strongly walled with stone; they were just thick, tangled woods surrounded by ditches. Other Roman and Greek authors, like Strabo, Pomponius Mela, and Dion, a senator of Rome who lived during the various reigns of the Roman emperors Tiberius, Claudius, Domitian, and Severus, confirm this, stating that before the Romans arrived, the Britons had no towns but called a town anything that had a dense, tangled wood, protected by a ditch and bank, which the Irish, our nearby neighbors, still refer to today as Fastness.[6] But after the Romans transformed these parts of Britain into a province, spreading the seeds of civility across Europe, this city, whatever it was before, began to gain renown. Tacitus, who is the first author to mention it as Londinum, states that in 62 AD, although it was not a Roman colony, it was famous for a large number of merchants, goods, and trade. During the significant revolt of the Britons against Nero, in which 70,000 Romans and their allies were killed, this city, along with Verulam near St. Albans and Maldon in Essex, which were all well-known, were looted and destroyed. Suetonius Paulinus, who was the Roman lieutenant in this island at the time, abandoned it because it was not fortified and left it open to plunder.
Shortly after, Julius Agricola, the Roman lieutenant, in the time of Domitian, was the first that by adhorting the Britons publicly, and helping them privately, won them to build houses for themselves, temples for the gods, and courts for justice, to bring up the noblemen’s children in good letters and humanity, and to apparel themselves Roman-like, whereas before (for the most part) they went naked, painting their bodies, etc., as all the Roman writers have observed.
Shortly after, Julius Agricola, the Roman lieutenant during Domitian's reign, was the first to encourage the Britons publicly and support them privately. He got them to start building homes for themselves, temples for their gods, and courts for justice, to educate the noble children properly, and to dress in a Roman style. Before that, most of them went naked, painting their bodies, as noted by all the Roman writers.
True it is, I confess, that afterwards many cities and towns in Britain, under the government of the Romans, were walled with stone and baked bricks or tiles, as Richborrow or Ryptacester,[5] in the Isle of Thanet, until the channel altered his course, beside Sandwich in Kent; Verulamium,[6] beside St. Albans, in Hertfordshire; Cilcester[7] in Hampshire; Wroxcester[8] in Shropshire; Kencester[9] in Herefordshire, three miles from Hereford town; Ribcester,[10] seven miles above Preston, on the water of Rible;[7] Aldburgh,[11] a mile from Boroughbridge, or Watling Street, on Ure river, and others; and no doubt but this city of London was also walled with stone, in the time of the Roman government here, but yet very lately, for it seemeth not to have been walled in the year of our Lord 296, because in that year, when Alectus the tyrant was slain in the field, the Franks easily entered London and had sacked the same, had not God, of his great favour, at the very instant, brought along the river of Thames, certain bands of Roman soldiers, who slew those Franks in every street of the city.
It's true, I admit, that later on many cities and towns in Britain, under Roman rule, were surrounded by walls made of stone and baked bricks or tiles, like Richborough or Ryptacester,[5] on the Isle of Thanet, until the river changed its course near Sandwich in Kent; Verulamium,[6] near St. Albans in Hertfordshire; Cilcester[7] in Hampshire; Wroxeter[8] in Shropshire; Kencester[9] in Herefordshire, three miles from Hereford; Ribchester,[10] seven miles above Preston on the River Ribble;[7] Aldburgh,[11] a mile from Boroughbridge, or Watling Street, on the Ure River, among others. It’s also likely that the city of London was walled with stone during the Roman rule here, but not very long ago, as it appears not to have been walled in the year 296 AD, because in that year, when the tyrant Alectus was killed in battle, the Franks easily invaded London and would have looted it, if not for God, in His great mercy, sending certain bands of Roman soldiers along the River Thames at that very moment, who killed those Franks in every street of the city.
WALL ABOUT THE CITY OF LONDON
In a few years after, as Simeon of Durham, an ancient writer, reporteth, Helen, the mother of Constantine the Great, was the first that inwalled this city, about the year of Christ 306; but however those walls of stone might have been built by Helen, yet the Britons, I know, had no skill of building with stone, as it may appear by that which followeth, about the year of Christ 399, when Arcadius and Honorius, the sons of Theodosius Magnus, governed the empire, the one in the east, the other in the west; for Honorius having received Britain, the city of Rome was invaded and destroyed by the Goths, after which time the Romans left to rule in Britain, as being employed in defence of their territories nearer home, whereupon the Britons not able to defend themselves against the invasions of their enemies, were many years together under the oppression of two most cruel nations, the Scots and Picts, and at the length were forced to send their ambassadors with letters and lamentable supplications to Rome, requiring aid and succour from thence, upon promise of their continual fealty, so that the Romans would rescue them out of the hands of their enemies. Hereupon the Romans sent unto them a legion of armed soldiers, which coming into this island, and encountering with the enemies, overthrew a great number of them, and drove the rest out of the frontiers of the country; and so setting the Britons at liberty, counselled them to make a wall, extending all along between the two seas, which might be of force to keep out their evil neighbours, and then returned home with great triumph. The Britons wanting masons built that wall, not of stone as they were advised, but made it of turf, and that so slender, that it served little or nothing at all for their defence, and the enemy[8] perceiving that the Roman legion was returned home, forthwith arrived out of their boats, invaded the borders, overcame the country, and, as it were, bore down all that was before them.
A few years later, as Simeon of Durham, an ancient writer, reports, Helen, the mother of Constantine the Great, was the first to build walls around this city, around the year 306 AD. However, even if Helen built those stone walls, the Britons didn’t know how to construct with stone, which is clear from what happened around 399 AD when Arcadius and Honorius, the sons of Theodosius Magnus, ruled the empire; one in the east and the other in the west. When Honorius received Britain, the city of Rome was invaded and destroyed by the Goths. After that, the Romans stopped ruling in Britain, as they were busy defending their own territories closer to home. The Britons, unable to defend themselves against invasions from their enemies, were under the oppression of two cruel nations, the Scots and Picts, for many years. Eventually, they had to send ambassadors with letters and desperate pleas to Rome, asking for help and support, promising their loyalty if the Romans would rescue them from their enemies. In response, the Romans sent them a legion of soldiers, who came to the island, fought the enemies, defeated many of them, and chased the rest out of the country’s borders. They freed the Britons and advised them to build a wall stretching between the two seas to keep out their hostile neighbors, and then returned home in triumph. Lacking skilled masons, the Britons built that wall not from stone as advised, but from turf, and it was so thin that it provided little to no defense. As soon as the enemies saw that the Roman legion had gone home, they quickly came ashore from their boats, invaded the borders, conquered the land, and seemed to crush everything in their path.
Whereupon ambassadors were eftsoon dispatched to Rome, lamentably beseeching that they would not suffer their miserable country to be utterly destroyed: then again another legion was sent, which coming upon a sudden, made a great slaughter of the enemy, and chased him home, even to his own country. These Romans at their departure, told the Britons plainly, that it was not for their ease or leisure to take upon them any more such long and laborious journeys for their defence, and therefore bade them practice the use of armour and weapons, and learn to withstand their enemies, whom nothing else did make so strong as their faint heart and cowardice; and for so much as they thought that it would be no small help and encouragement unto their tributary friends whom they were now forced to forsake,[12] they built for them a wall of hard stone from the west sea to the east sea, right between those two cities, which were there made to keep out the enemy, in the selfsame place where Severus before had cast his trench. The Britons also putting to their helping hands as labourers.
Ambassadors were quickly sent to Rome, sadly pleading that they wouldn't let their miserable country be completely destroyed. Then another legion was dispatched, which, catching the enemy by surprise, inflicted heavy casualties and chased them back to their homeland. As they left, the Romans clearly told the Britons that it wasn't convenient for them to make any more long and tiring trips for their defense. Therefore, they advised the Britons to practice using armor and weapons and learn how to resist their enemies, since nothing made their foes stronger than their own fear and cowardice. Believing this would greatly help and encourage their tributary friends, whom they were now forced to abandon,[12] they built a strong stone wall from the west sea to the east sea, right between the two cities, to keep out the enemy, in the same place where Severus had previously dug his trench. The Britons also helped out as laborers.
This wall they built eight feet thick in breadth, and twelve feet in height, right, as it were by a line, from east to west, as the ruins thereof remaining in many places until this day do make to appear. Which work, thus perfected, they give the people strait charge to look well to themselves, they teach them to handle their weapons, and they instruct them in warlike feats. And lest by the sea-side southwards, where their ships lay at harbour, the enemy should come on land, they made up sundry bulwarks, each somewhat distant from the other, and so bid them farewell, as minding no more to return. This happened in the days of the Emperor Theodosius the younger, almost 500 years after the first arrival of the Romans here, about the year after Christ’s incarnation 434.
This wall they built was eight feet thick and twelve feet high, straight as an arrow, running from east to west, which the ruins still visible in many places today clearly show. Once this work was completed, they instructed the people to take good care of themselves, taught them how to use their weapons, and trained them in military skills. To prevent the enemy from landing on the southern seaside, where their ships were docked, they constructed several fortifications, each spaced apart from the others, and then bid them farewell, intending not to return. This occurred during the reign of Emperor Theodosius the Younger, nearly 500 years after the Romans first arrived here, around the year 434 AD.
The Britons after this, continuing a lingering and doubtful war with the Scots and Picts, made choice of Vortigern to be their king and leader, which man (as saith Malmesbury[13]) was neither valorous of courage, nor wise of counsel, but wholly given over to the unlawful lusts of his flesh; the people likewise, in short[9] time, being grown to some quietness, gave themselves to gluttony and drunkenness, pride, contention, envy, and such other vices, casting from them the yoke of Christ. In the mean season, a bitter plague fell among them, consuming in short time such a multitude that the quick were not sufficient to bury the dead; and yet the remnant remained so hardened in sin, that neither death of their friends, nor fear of their own danger, could cure the mortality of their souls, whereupon a greater stroke of vengeance ensued upon the whole sinful nation. For being now again infested with their old neighbours the Scots and Picts, they consult with their king Vortigern,[14] and send for the Saxons, who shortly after arrived here in Britain, where, saith Bede, they were received as friends; but as it proved, they minded to destroy the country as enemies; for after that they had driven out the Scots and Picts, they also drove the Britons, some over the seas, some into the waste mountains of Wales and Cornwall, and divided the country into divers kingdoms amongst themselves.
After this, the Britons, who were stuck in a prolonged and uncertain war with the Scots and Picts, chose Vortigern to be their king and leader. This man, as Malmesbury says, was neither brave nor wise, but was completely consumed by his sinful desires. The people, after a short time, settled into some peace, but fell into excess, drinking, pride, fighting, envy, and other vices, abandoning the teachings of Christ. Meanwhile, a deadly plague struck them, killing so many that the living couldn't bury the dead. Yet the survivors were so stubborn in their sins that neither the death of their friends nor the fear of their own peril could save their souls from destruction. Consequently, a greater act of punishment came upon the entire sinful nation. With their old enemies, the Scots and Picts, bothering them again, they consulted King Vortigern and called for the Saxons. Soon after, they arrived in Britain, where, as Bede says, they were welcomed as friends; but in reality, they intended to conquer the land as foes. After they drove out the Scots and Picts, they also expelled the Britons—some were forced over the seas, while others fled to the remote mountains of Wales and Cornwall—and divided the land into various kingdoms for themselves.
These Saxons were likewise ignorant of building with stone until the year 680; for then it is affirmed that Benet, abbot of Wirrall,[15] master to the reverend Bede, first brought artificers of stone houses and glass windows into this island amongst the Saxons, arts before that time unto them unknown, and therefore used they but wooden buildings. And to this accordeth Policronicon, who says, “that then had ye wooden churches, nay wooden chalices and golden priests, but since golden chalices and wooden priests.” And to knit up this argument, King Edgar in his charter to the abbey of Malmesbury, dated the year of Christ 974, hath words to this effect: “All the monasteries in my realm, to the outward sight, are nothing but worm-eaten and rotten timber and boards, and that worse is, within they are almost empty, and void of Divine service.”
These Saxons also didn’t know how to build with stone until the year 680; it's said that Benet, the abbot of Wirrall,[15] who was the master of the respected Bede, was the first to bring craftsmen who built stone houses and installed glass windows to this island among the Saxons, skills that were unknown to them before that time, which is why they only used wooden structures. This is supported by Policronicon, who states, “At that time, you had wooden churches, wooden chalices, and golden priests, but now you have golden chalices and wooden priests.” To conclude this point, King Edgar in his charter to the abbey of Malmesbury, dated in the year 974 AD, expressed it this way: “All the monasteries in my realm, at first glance, are nothing but worm-eaten and decayed timber and boards, and what’s worse, inside they are almost empty and lacking Divine service.”
Thus much be said for walling, not only in respect of this city, but generally also of the first within the realm. Now to return to our Trinobant (as Cæsar hath it), the same is since by Tacitus, Ptolemæus, and Antoninus, called Londinium, Longidinum; of Ammiamus, Lundinum, and Augusta, who calleth it an ancient city; of our Britons, Lundayne; of the old Saxons, Lundenceaster, Lundenbrig, Londennir; of strangers Londra and Londres; of the inhabitants, London; whereof you may read a more large and learned discourse, and how it took the name, in[10] that work of my loving friend, Master Camden, now Clarencieux, which is called Britannia.
Much can be said about the walls, not only in relation to this city but also generally regarding the first within the realm. Now, to return to our Trinobant (as Caesar referred to it), it is since known by Tacitus, Ptolemy, and Antoninus as Londinium, Longidinum; by Ammianus as Lundinum, and Augusta, who calls it an ancient city; by our Britons as Lundayne; by the old Saxons as Lundenceaster, Lundenbrig, Londennir; by outsiders as Londra and Londres; and by the locals as London. You can find a more detailed and scholarly discussion on this, along with how it got its name, in[10] the work of my dear friend, Master Camden, now Clarencieux, titled Britannia.
This city of London having been destroyed and burnt by the Danes and other Pagan enemies, about the year of Christ 839, was by Alfred, king of the West Saxons, in the year 886, repaired, honourably restored, and made again habitable. Who also committed the custody thereof unto his son-in-law, Ethelred, Earl of Mercia, unto whom before he had given his daughter Ethelfled.
This city of London, which was destroyed and burned by the Danes and other pagan enemies around the year 839 AD, was repaired, honorably restored, and made livable again by Alfred, king of the West Saxons, in the year 886. He also entrusted its care to his son-in-law, Ethelred, Earl of Mercia, to whom he had previously given his daughter Ethelfled.
And that this city was then strongly walled may appear by divers accidents, whereof William of Malmsbury hath, that about the year of Christ 994, the Londoners shut up their gates, and defended their king Ethelred within their walls against the Danes.
And that this city was well fortified at that time is evident from various events, as noted by William of Malmsbury, that around the year 994 AD, the people of London closed their gates and protected their king Ethelred within their walls from the Danes.
In the year 1016,[16] Edmund Ironsides reigning over the West Saxons, Canute the Dane bringing his navy into the west part of the bridge, cast a trench about the city of London, and then attempted to have won it by assault, but the citizens repulsed him, and drove them from their walls.
In 1016,[16] Edmund Ironsides was ruling over the West Saxons, while Canute the Dane brought his navy to the west side of the bridge. He dug a trench around the city of London and tried to capture it by attacking, but the citizens pushed him back and drove his forces away from their walls.
Also, in the year 1052, Earl Goodwin, with his navy, sailed up by the south end of the bridge, and so assailed the walls of this city.
Also, in the year 1052, Earl Goodwin, with his navy, sailed up by the south end of the bridge and attacked the walls of this city.
William Fitzstephen, in the reign of King Henry II., writing of the walls of this city, hath these words: “The wall is high and great, well towered on the north side, with due distances between the towers. On the south side also the city was walled and towered, but the fishful river of Thames, with his ebbing and flowing, hath long since subverted them.”
William Fitzstephen, during the reign of King Henry II, wrote about the walls of this city, saying: “The wall is tall and impressive, well-equipped with towers on the north side, spaced appropriately between them. The south side of the city was also fortified with walls and towers, but the bountiful River Thames, with its ebb and flow, has long since destroyed them.”
By the north side, he meaneth from the river of Thames in the east to the river of Thames in the west, for so stretched the wall in his time, and the city being far more in length from east to west than in breadth from south to north, and also narrower at both ends than in the midst, is therefore compassed with the wall on the land side, in form of a bow, except denting in betwixt Cripplegate and Aldersgate; but the wall on the south side, along by the river of Thames, was straight as the string of a bow, and all furnished with towers or bulwarks (as we now term them) in due distance every one from other, as witnesseth our author, and ourselves may behold from the land side. This may suffice for proof of a wall, and form thereof, about this city, and the same to have been of great antiquity as any other within this realm.
By the north side, he means from the River Thames in the east to the River Thames in the west, as the wall extended during his time. The city is much longer from east to west than it is wide from south to north, and it is also narrower at both ends than in the middle. Therefore, it is surrounded by the wall on the land side, shaped like a bow, except for the indent between Cripplegate and Aldersgate. However, the wall on the south side, along the River Thames, was straight like the string of a bow and equipped with towers or fortifications (as we call them now), spaced at regular intervals, as our author states and as we can see from the land side. This is sufficient to demonstrate the existence and shape of a wall around this city, which has existed as long as any other within this realm.
And now touching the maintenance and reparing the said wall. I read, that in the year 1215, the 16th of King John,[17] the barons, entering the city by Aldgate, first took assurance of the citizens, then brake into the Jews’ houses, searched their coffers to fill their own purses, and after with great diligence repaired the walls and gates of the city with stone taken from the Jews’ broken houses. In the year 1257, Henry III. caused the walls of this city, which were sore decayed and destitute of towers, to be repaired in more seemly wise than before, at the common charges of the city. Also in the year 1282,[18] King Edward I. having granted to Robert Kilwarby, archbishop of Canterbury, license for the enlarging of the Blackfriars’ church, to break and take down a part of the wall of the city, from Ludgate to the river of Thames; he also granted to Henry Wales, mayor, and the citizens of London, the favour to take, toward the making of the wall and enclosure of the city, certain customs or toll, as appeareth by his grant. This wall was then to be made from Ludgate west to Fleet bridge along behind the houses, and along by the water of the Fleet unto the river of Thames. Moreover, in the year 1310, Edward II. commanded the citizens to make up the wall already begun, and the tower at the end of the same wall, within the water of Thames near unto the Blackfriars, etc. 1328, the 2nd of Edward III., the walls of this city were repaired. It was also granted by King Richard II. in the tenth year of his reign, that a toll should be taken of the wares sold by land or by water for ten years, towards the repairing of the walls, and cleansing of the ditch about London. In the 17th of Edward IV. Ralph Joceline, mayor, caused part of the wall about the city of London to be repaired; to wit, betwixt Aldgate and Aldersgate. He also caused Moorfield to be searched for clay, and brick thereof to be made and burnt; he likewise caused chalk to be brought out of Kent, and to be burnt into lime in the same Moorfield, for more furtherance of the work. Then the Skinners to begin in the east made that part of the wall betwixt Aldgate and Bevis Marks, towards Bishopsgate, as may appear by their arms in three places fixed there: the mayor, with his company of the Drapers, made all that part betwixt Bishopsgate and Allhallows church, and from Allhallows towards the postern called Moorgate. A great part of the same wall was repaired by the executors of Sir John Crosby, late alderman, as may appear by his arms in two places there fixed: and other[12] companies repaired the rest of the wall to the postern of Cripplegate. The Goldsmiths repaired from Cripplegate towards Aldersgate, and there the work ceased. The circuit of the wall of London on the land side, to wit, from the Tower of London in the east unto Aldgate, in 82 perches; from Aldgate to Bishopsgate, 86 perches; from Bishopsgate in the north to the postern of Cripplegate, 162 perches; from Cripplegate to Aldersgate, 75 perches; from Aldersgate to Newgate, 66 perches; from Newgate in the west to Ludgate, 42 perches; in all, 513 perches of assize. From Ludgate to the Fleet-dike west, about 60 perches; from Fleetbridge south to the river Thames, about 70 perches; and so the total of these perches amounteth to 643, every perch consisting of five yards and a half, which do yield 3536 yards and a half, containing 10,608 feet, which make up two English miles and more by 608 feet.
And now regarding the maintenance and repair of the wall mentioned. I read that in the year 1215, during the 16th year of King John, the barons entered the city through Aldgate, first secured an assurance from the citizens, then broke into the houses of the Jews, searched their coffers to fill their own pockets, and afterward diligently repaired the city walls and gates using stone taken from the Jews' demolished houses. In 1257, Henry III ordered the walls of this city, which were badly decayed and lacking towers, to be repaired in a more proper manner than before, at the city's common expense. Also, in 1282, King Edward I granted Robert Kilwarby, the archbishop of Canterbury, permission to enlarge the Blackfriars’ church by breaking down part of the city wall from Ludgate to the River Thames; he also allowed Henry Wales, the mayor, and the citizens of London to take certain customs or tolls for the construction of the wall and city enclosure, as shown by his grant. This wall was to be built from Ludgate west to Fleet Bridge, running behind the houses and along the water of the Fleet to the River Thames. Moreover, in 1310, Edward II instructed the citizens to complete the wall already underway and the tower at the end of that wall, near the Thames by Blackfriars, etc. In 1328, during the 2nd year of Edward III's reign, the walls of this city were repaired. It was also granted by King Richard II in the tenth year of his reign that a toll be collected from the goods sold on land or water for ten years, to fund the repair of the walls and the cleanup of the ditch surrounding London. In the 17th year of Edward IV, Ralph Joceline, the mayor, oversaw repairs of part of the wall around the city of London, specifically between Aldgate and Aldersgate. He also had Moorfield searched for clay, which was made into bricks and burnt; additionally, he had chalk transported from Kent to be burnt into lime in Moorfield to aid the work. The Skinners began in the east and built that section of the wall between Aldgate and Bevis Marks, towards Bishopsgate, as shown by their coat of arms fixed in three places there. The mayor, along with his company of the Drapers, constructed all that part between Bishopsgate and Allhallows church, and from Allhallows towards the postern called Moorgate. A significant portion of the wall was also repaired by the executors of Sir John Crosby, a former alderman, as indicated by his arms fixed in two spots there; and other companies repaired the rest of the wall up to the postern of Cripplegate. The Goldsmiths repaired from Cripplegate towards Aldersgate, at which point the work stopped. The total length of the wall around London on the land side, from the Tower of London in the east to Aldgate, is 82 perches; from Aldgate to Bishopsgate, 86 perches; from Bishopsgate in the north to the postern of Cripplegate, 162 perches; from Cripplegate to Aldersgate, 75 perches; from Aldersgate to Newgate, 66 perches; from Newgate in the west to Ludgate, 42 perches; totaling 513 perches of standard measurement. From Ludgate to Fleet-dike to the west, about 60 perches; from Fleetbridge south to the River Thames, about 70 perches, making the total of these perches 643, each perch measuring five and a half yards, which adds up to 3536 and a half yards, equivalent to 10,608 feet, which totals over two English miles by 608 feet.
OF ANCIENT AND PRESENT RIVERS, BROOKS, BOURNS, POOLS, WELLS, AND CONDUITS OF FRESH WATER, SERVING THE CITY, AS ALSO OF THE DITCH COMPASSING THE WALL OF THE SAME FOR DEFENCE THEREOF.
Anciently, until the Conqueror’s time, and two hundred years after, the city of London was watered, besides the famous river of Thames on the south part, with the river of Wells, as it was then called, on the west; with the water called Walbrooke running through the midst of the city in the river of Thames, serving the heart thereof; and with a fourth water or bourn, which ran within the city through Langborne ward, watering that part in the east. In the west suburbs was also another great water, called Oldborne, which had its fall into the river of Wells; then were there three principal fountains, or wells, in the other suburbs; to wit, Holy well, Clement’s well, and Clarkes’ well. Near unto this last-named fountain were divers other wells, to wit, Skinners’ well, Fags’ well, Tode well, Loder’s well, and Radwell. All which said wells, having the fall of their overflowing in the aforesaid river, much increased the stream, and in that place gave it the name of Well. In West Smithfield there was a pool, in records called Horsepoole, and one other pool near unto the parish church of St. Giles without Cripplegate. Besides all which, they had in every street and lane of the city divers fair wells and fresh springs; and after this manner was this city then served with sweet and fresh waters, which being since decayed, other means have been sought to supply the want,[13] as shall be shown. But first of the aforenamed rivers and other waters is to be said, as following:
Long ago, until the time of the Conqueror and for two hundred years after, the city of London was fed by the famous River Thames on the south side, as well as the river known as Wells on the west. There was also the water called Walbrooke flowing through the heart of the city into the Thames, and a fourth stream that ran through Langborne ward, serving the eastern part. In the western suburbs, there was a significant body of water called Oldborne, which flowed into the river of Wells. Additionally, there were three main springs, or wells, in the other suburbs: Holy Well, Clement’s Well, and Clarke’s Well. Near the last fountain were several other wells, including Skinner’s Well, Fags’ Well, Tode Well, Loder’s Well, and Radwell. All these wells contributed to the flow into the aforementioned river, leading to its name, Well. In West Smithfield, there was a pond recorded as Horsepool, and another pond near the parish church of St. Giles without Cripplegate. Moreover, in every street and lane of the city, there were various beautiful wells and fresh springs, providing the city with sweet and fresh water at that time. However, as these sources diminished, other methods were sought to meet the demand, [13] as will be explained. But first, let's discuss the aforementioned rivers and other waters as follows:
Thames, the most famous river of this island, beginneth a little above a village called Winchcombe, in Oxfordshire; and still increasing, passeth first by the University of Oxford, and so with a marvellous quiet course to London, and thence breaketh into the French ocean by main tides, which twice in twenty-four hours’ space doth ebb and flow more than sixty miles in length, to the great commodity of travellers, by which all kind of merchandise be easily conveyed to London, the principal storehouse and staple of all commodities within this realm; so that, omitting to speak of great ships and other vessels of burthen, there pertaineth to the cities of London, Westminster, and borough of Southwark, above the number, as is supposed, of 2000 wherries and other small boats, whereby 3000 poor men, at the least, be set on work and maintained.
Thames, the most famous river on this island, starts just above a village called Winchcombe in Oxfordshire. As it flows, it first passes by the University of Oxford and then moves quietly towards London. From there, it empties into the English Channel with strong tides that ebb and flow, stretching over sixty miles every twenty-four hours. This is very beneficial for travelers, as all kinds of goods can be easily transported to London, which is the main hub for all commodities in this country. Not to mention the large ships and other bulky vessels, there are believed to be over 2000 wherries and other small boats associated with the cities of London, Westminster, and the borough of Southwark, providing work and support for at least 3000 poor men.
That the river of Wells, in the west part of the city, was of old so called of the wells, it may be proved thus:—William the Conqueror in his charter to the college of St. Marten le Grand, in London, hath these words: “I do give and grant to the same church all the land and the moor without the postern, which is called Cripplegate, on either part of the postern; that is to say, from the north corner of the wall, as the river of the Wells, there near running, departeth the same moor from the wall, unto the running water which entereth the city.”[19] This water hath long since been called the river of the Wels, which name of river continued; and it was so called in the reign of Edward I., as shall be shown, with also the decay of the said river. In a fair book of parliament records, now lately restored to the Tower, it appeareth[20] that a parliament being holden at Carlile in the year 1307, the 35th of Edward I., “Henry Lacy, earl of Lincoln, complained, that whereas in times past the course of water, running at London under Oldborne bridge and Fleete bridge into the Thames, had been of such breadth and depth, that ten or twelve ships navies at once, with merchandise, were wont to come to the foresaid bridge of Fleete, and some of them to Oldborne bridge: now the same course, by filth of the tanners and such others, was sore decayed; also by raising of wharfs; but especially, by a diversion of the water made by them of the new Temple,[14] for their mills standing without Baynardes Castle, in the first year of King John,[21] and divers other impediments, so as the said ships could not enter as they were wont, and as they ought: wherefore he desired that the mayor of London with the sheriffs and other discreet aldermen, might be appointed to view the course of the said water; and that by the oaths of good men, all the aforesaid hindrances might be removed, and it to be made as it was wont of old. Whereupon Roger le Brabason, the constable of the Tower, with the mayor and sheriffs, were assigned to take with them honest and discreet men, and to make diligent search and enquiry how the said river was in old time, and that they leave nothing that may hurt or stop it, but keep it in the same state that it was wont to be.” So far the record. Whereupon it followed that the said river was at that time cleansed, these mills removed, and other things done for the preservation of the course thereof, notwithstanding never brought to the old depth and breadth; whereupon the name of river ceased, and it was since called a brook, namely, Turnmill or Tremill brook, for that divers mills were erected upon it, as appeareth by a fair register-book, containing the foundation of the priory at Clarkenwell, and donation of the lands thereunto belonging, as also divers other records.
That the river of Wells, in the western part of the city, was historically named after the wells can be demonstrated as follows:—William the Conqueror, in his charter to the college of St. Marten le Grand in London, states: “I give and grant to the same church all the land and the moor outside the postern called Cripplegate, on either side of the postern; that is to say, from the northern corner of the wall, where the river of the Wells runs nearby, separating the moor from the wall, up to the flowing water that enters the city.”[19] This water has long been known as the river of the Wells, a name that persisted; it was still referred to that way during the reign of Edward I, as will be shown along with the decline of the river. In a well-kept book of parliamentary records, recently restored to the Tower, it appears[20] that at a Parliament held in Carlisle in the year 1307, the 35th year of Edward I, “Henry Lacy, Earl of Lincoln, complained that in the past, the waterway running under Oldborne Bridge and Fleet Bridge into the Thames was so broad and deep that ten or twelve ships, laden with merchandise, could come to the Fleet Bridge at once, with some reaching Oldborne Bridge: now the same waterway had greatly declined due to the filth of tanners and others, as well as the raising of wharfs; but especially, due to a diversion of the water caused by those at the new Temple,[14] for their mills located outside Baynardes Castle, in the first year of King John,[21] and various other obstacles, so that the ships could not enter as they used to and were supposed to: therefore, he requested that the mayor of London, along with the sheriffs and other knowledgeable aldermen, be appointed to investigate the condition of the waterway; and that by the oaths of reputable individuals, all these hindrances might be removed and restored to what it was in the past. In response, Roger le Brabason, the constable of the Tower, along with the mayor and sheriffs, were tasked to gather respectable and knowledgeable men to diligently examine how the river was in earlier times, and ensure nothing harmful obstructs it, maintaining it in the condition it was traditionally in.” Thus far the record. Consequently, the river was cleared at that time, the mills were removed, and other actions were taken to preserve its flow, although it never returned to its original depth and width; hence, the river's name faded and it came to be known as a brook, specifically Turnmill or Tremill brook, because various mills were built on it, as shown in a detailed register book outlining the foundation of the priory at Clarkenwell and the donation of the lands associated with it, along with several other records.
This brook hath been divers times since cleansed, namely, and last of all to any effect, in the year 1502, the 17th of Henry VII., the whole course of Fleete dike, then so called, was scowered, I say, down to the Thames, so that boats with fish and fuel were rowed to Fleete bridge, and to Oldborne bridge, as they of old time had been accustomed, which was a great commodity to all the inhabitants in that part of the city.
This brook has been cleaned out several times, most recently in 1502, during the reign of Henry VII. The entire stretch of Fleete Dike, as it was called, was cleared all the way down to the Thames, allowing boats carrying fish and fuel to travel to Fleete Bridge and Oldbourne Bridge, just like they used to in the past. This was a great benefit to all the residents in that part of the city.
In the year 1589 was granted a fifteenth, by a common council of the city, for the cleansing of this brook or dike; the money amounting to a thousand marks, was collected, and it was undertaken, that by drawing divers springs about Hampstead heath into one head and course, both the city should be served of fresh water in all places of want; and also, that by such a follower, as men call it, the channel of this brook should be scowered into the river of Thames; but much money being therein spent, the effect failed, so that the brook, by means of continual encroachments upon the banks getting over the water, and casting of soilage into the stream, is now become worse cloyed and choken than ever it was before.
In 1589, a common council of the city approved a budget of a fifteenth for the cleaning of this brook or ditch. The collected funds amounted to a thousand marks, and it was agreed to channel various springs around Hampstead Heath into one location so the city could have fresh water where it was needed. Additionally, a method was devised to clear the channel of this brook into the River Thames. However, after spending a lot of money on the project, the results were disappointing. The brook has now become even more clogged and obstructed than it was before due to ongoing encroachments on the banks, overflowing water, and the dumping of waste into the stream.
The running water, so called by William the Conqueror in his[15] said charter, which entereth the city, etc. (before there was any ditch) between Bishopsgate and the late made postern called Moorgate, entered the wall, and was truly of the wall called Walbrooke, not of Gualo, as some have far fetched: it ran through the city with divers windings from the north towards the south into the river of Thames, and had over the same divers bridges along the streets and lanes through which it passed. I have read in a book[22] entitled the Customs of London,[23] that the prior of the Holy Trinity within Aldgate ought to make over Walbrooke in the ward of Brod street, against the stone wall of the city, viz., the same bridge that is next the Church of All Saints, at the wall. Also that the prior of the new hospital, St. Mary Spittle without Bishopsgate, ought to make the middle part of one other bridge next to the said bridge towards the north: and that in the twenty-eight year of Edward I. it was by inquisition found before the mayor of London, that the parish of St. Stephen upon Walbrooke ought of right to scour the course of the said brook, and therefore the sheriffs were commanded to distrain the said parishioners so to do, in the year 1300. The keepers of those bridges at that time were William Jordan and John de Bever. This water-course, having divers bridges, was afterwards vaulted over with brick, and paved level with the streets and lanes where through it passed; and since that, also houses have been built thereon, so that the course of Walbrooke is now hidden underground, and thereby hardly known.
The running water, named by William the Conqueror in his[15] charter, flowed into the city, etc. (before there was any ditch) between Bishopsgate and the newly made postern called Moorgate. It entered the wall and was actually part of the wall known as Walbrooke, not Gualo, as some have claimed. It meandered through the city from the north to the south into the River Thames and had several bridges along the streets and lanes it crossed. I read in a book[22] called the Customs of London,[23] that the prior of the Holy Trinity within Aldgate should build over the Walbrooke in the ward of Broad Street, specifically the bridge next to the Church of All Saints at the wall. Also, the prior of the new hospital, St. Mary Spittle outside Bishopsgate, was supposed to construct the middle part of another bridge next to this one towards the north. In the twenty-eighth year of Edward I, it was found through an inquiry before the mayor of London that the parish of St. Stephen upon Walbrooke had the right to clear the flow of the brook, so the sheriffs were ordered to compel the parishioners to do so in 1300. The keepers of those bridges at that time were William Jordan and John de Bever. This watercourse, which had several bridges, was later covered with brick and paved to be level with the streets and lanes it passed through; since then, houses have been built on top of it, so the course of Walbrooke is now buried underground and hardly recognized.
Langborne water, so called of the length thereof, was a great stream breaking out of the ground in Fenchurch street, which ran down with a swift course, west, through that street, athwart Gra street, and down Lumbard street, to the west end of St. Mary Wolnothes church, and then turning the course down Shareborne lane, so termed of sharing or dividing, it brake into divers rills or rillets to the river of Thames: of this bourn that ward took the name, and is till this day called Langborne ward. This bourn also is long since stopped up at the head, and the rest of the course filled up and paved over, so that no sign thereof remaineth more than the names aforesaid.
Langborne water, named for its length, was a large stream that emerged from the ground on Fenchurch Street. It flowed quickly westward through that street, across Gracechurch Street, and down Lombard Street to the west side of St. Mary Woolnoth's church. From there, it turned down Sherborne Lane, which was named for sharing or dividing. The stream broke into several small channels before reaching the River Thames. This stream gave its name to the ward, which is still known as Langborne ward today. However, this stream has long been blocked at its source, and the rest of its path has been filled in and paved over, leaving no trace of it except for the names mentioned.
Oldborne, or Hilborne, was the like water, breaking out about the place where now the bars do stand, and it ran down the whole street till Oldborne bridge, and into the river of the Wells, or Turnemill brook. This bourn was likewise long since stopped up at the head, and in other places where the[16] same hath broken out, but yet till this day the said street is there called High Oldborne hill, and both the sides thereof, together with all the grounds adjoining, that lie betwixt it and the river of Thames, remain full of springs, so that water is there found at hand, and hard to be stopped in every house.
Oldborne, or Hilborne, was like water, flowing from where the bars currently stand, running down the entire street to Oldborne bridge, and into the river of the Wells, or Turnemill brook. This stream was also long ago blocked at its source and in other places where it has emerged, but even today, the street is still called High Oldborne Hill. Both sides of the street, along with all the surrounding land between it and the Thames River, are filled with springs, making water available nearby, and difficult to contain in every house.
There are (saith Fitzstephen) near London, on the north side, special wells in the suburbs, sweet, wholesome, and clear; amongst which Holy well, Clarkes’ well, and Clement’s well, are most famous, and frequented by scholars and youths of the city in summer evenings, when they walk forth to take the air.
There are, according to Fitzstephen, several notable wells in the suburbs on the north side of London that are sweet, clean, and refreshing. Among these, Holy Well, Clarke's Well, and Clement's Well are the most well-known and are commonly visited by students and young people from the city on summer evenings when they go out for a stroll.
The first, to wit, Holy well, is much decayed and marred with filthiness purposely hid there, for the heightening of the ground for garden-plots.
The first, namely, Holy well, is in poor condition and spoilt with dirt that has been purposely hidden there to raise the ground for garden plots.
The fountain called St. Clement’s well, north from the parish church of St. Clement’s and near unto an inn of Chancerie called Clement’s Inn, is fair curbed square with hard stone, kept clean for common use, and is always full.
The fountain known as St. Clement's well, located north of the St. Clement's parish church and close to an inn called Clement's Inn, is nicely bordered with solid stone, well-maintained for public use, and is always full.
The third is called Clarkes’ well, or Clarkenwell, and is curbed about square with hard stone, not far from the west end of Clarkenwell church, but close without the wall that incloseth it. The said church took the name of the well, and the well took the name of the parish clerks in London, who of old time were accustomed there yearly to assemble, and to play some large history of Holy Scripture.[24] And for example, of later time, to wit, in the year 1390, the 14th of Richard II., I read, the parish clerks of London, on the 18th of July, played interludes at Skinners’ well, near unto Clarkes’ well, which play continued three days together; the king, queen, and nobles being present. Also in the year 1409, the 10th of Henry IV., they played a play at the Skinners’ well, which lasted eight days, and was of matter from the creation of the world. There were to see the same the most part of the nobles and gentles in England, etc.
The third one is called Clarke's Well, or Clerkenwell, and it’s surrounded by a square stone wall, not far from the west end of Clerkenwell church, but just outside the wall that encloses it. The church got its name from the well, and the well got its name from the parish clerks in London, who used to gather there every year to perform a major history of Holy Scripture. For example, in more recent times, in the year 1390, during the 14th year of Richard II’s reign, I read that the parish clerks of London performed plays at Skinners’ Well, close to Clarke's Well, on July 18th, and the performance lasted for three days, with the king, queen, and nobles in attendance. Also, in the year 1409, during the 10th year of Henry IV’s reign, they did a play at Skinners’ Well that went on for eight days and was about the creation of the world. Most of the nobles and gentlemen of England came to watch it, etc.
Other smaller wells were many near unto Clarkes’ well, namely Skinners’ well, so called for that the skinners of London held there certain plays yearly, played of Holy Scripture, etc. In place whereof the wrestlings have of later years been kept, and is in part continued at Bartholomew tide.
Other smaller wells were numerous near Clarke's well, specifically Skinner's well, named because the skinners of London held certain plays there each year based on Holy Scripture, etc. In that place, wrestling events have been held in recent years, and it still partially continues during Bartholomew tide.
Then there was Fagges well, near unto Smithfield by the Charterhouse, now lately damned up, Todwell, Loder’s well,[17] and Radwell, all decayed, and so filled up, that their places are hardly now discerned.
Then there was Fagges well, near Smithfield by the Charterhouse, which has recently been filled in, along with Todwell, Loder’s well,[17] and Radwell, all of which have decayed and been filled in, making it hard to even see where they used to be.
Somewhat north from Holywell is one other well curved square with stone, and is called Dame Annis the clear, and not far from it, but somewhat west, is also one other clear water called Perillous pond, because divers youths, by swimming therein, have been drowned; and thus much be said for fountains and wells.
Somewhat north of Holywell is another well-shaped square made of stone, called Dame Annis the Clear. Not far from it, but a bit to the west, is another clear water source known as Perilous Pond, because several youths have drowned while swimming there. And that’s all that needs to be said about fountains and wells.
Horsepoole, in West Smithfield, was some time a great water; and because the inhabitants in that part of the city did there water their horses, the same was in old records called Horsepoole; it is now much decayed, the springs being stopped up, and the land water falling into the small bottom, remaining inclosed with brick, is called Smithfield pond.[25]
Horsepoole, in West Smithfield, used to be a large body of water. Since the locals in that area used it to water their horses, it was referred to in old records as Horsepoole. It's now largely dried up, with the springs blocked, and the remaining land that collects water in a small depression, surrounded by bricks, is called Smithfield pond.[25]
By St. Giles’ churchyard was a large water called a Pool. I read in the year 1244 that Anne of Lodburie was drowned therein; this pool is now for the most part stopped up, but the spring is preserved, and was coped about with stone by the executors of Richard Whittington.
By St. Giles’ churchyard, there was a large body of water called a Pool. I read that in 1244, Anne of Lodburie drowned there; this pool is mostly filled in now, but the spring is still maintained and was surrounded with stone by the executors of Richard Whittington.
The said river of the Wells, the running water of Walbrooke, the bourns aforenamed, and other the fresh waters that were in and about this city, being in process of time, by incroachment for buildings and heightenings of grounds, utterly decayed, and the number of citizens mightily increased, they were forced to seek sweet waters abroad; whereof some, at the request of King Henry III., in the twenty-first year of his reign,[26] were, for the profit of the city, and good of the whole realm, thither repairing, to wit, for the poor to drink, and the rich to dress their meat, granted to the citizens and their successors, by one Gilbert Sanforde, with liberty to convey water from the town of Teyborne by pipes of lead into their city.
The river of the Wells, the flowing water of Walbrooke, the previously mentioned streams, and other fresh waters in and around this city gradually disappeared over time due to building expansions and rising land levels. As the number of citizens greatly increased, they had to look for clean water from outside the city. At the request of King Henry III, in the twenty-first year of his reign,[26] water was brought in for the benefit of the city and the good of the entire realm, so that the poor could drink and the rich could cook. This was granted to the citizens and their successors by Gilbert Sanforde, along with the right to transport water from the town of Teyborne through lead pipes into their city.
The first cistern of lead, castellated with stone in the city of London, was called the great Conduit in West Cheape, which was begun to be built in the year 1285, Henry Wales being then mayor. The water-course from Paddington to James head hath 510 rods; from James head on the hill to the Mewsgate, 102 rods; from the Mewsgate to the Cross in Cheape, 484 rods.
The first lead cistern, surrounded by stone, in the city of London was called the great Conduit in West Cheape. It began construction in 1285 when Henry Wales was mayor. The waterway from Paddington to James Head is 510 rods long; from James Head on the hill to the Mewsgate, it's 102 rods; and from the Mewsgate to the Cross in Cheape, it's 484 rods.
The tun upon Cornhill was cisterned in the year 1401; John Shadworth then being mayor.
The tun on Cornhill was built in 1401 when John Shadworth was the mayor.
Bosses of water at Belinsgate, by Powle’s wharf, and by St. Giles’ church without Cripplegate, made about the year 1423.
Bosses of water at Belinsgate, near Powle’s wharf, and by St. Giles’ church outside Cripplegate, created around the year 1423.
Water conveyed to the gaols of Newgate and Ludgate, 1432.
Water brought to the jails of Newgate and Ludgate, 1432.
Water was first procured to the Standard in West Cheape about the year 1285, which Standard was again new built by the executors of John Welles, as shall be shown in another place. King Henry VI., in the year 1442, granted to John Hatherley, mayor, license to take up two hundred fodders of lead for the building of conduits, of a common garnery, and of a new cross in West Cheape, for the honour of the city.
Water was first supplied to the Standard in West Cheape around the year 1285, which was later rebuilt by the executors of John Welles, as will be explained elsewhere. King Henry VI, in 1442, gave John Hatherley, the mayor, permission to take two hundred loads of lead for the construction of conduits, a public granary, and a new cross in West Cheape, to honor the city.
The Conduit in West Cheape, by Powle’s gate, was built about the year 1442; one thousand marks were granted by common council for the building thereof, and repairing of the other conduits.
The Conduit in West Cheape, near Powle’s gate, was built around the year 1442; one thousand marks were allocated by the common council for its construction and the maintenance of the other conduits.
The Conduit in Aldermanbury, and the Standard in Fleet street, were made and finished by the executors of Sir William Eastfield in the year 1471; a cistern was added to the Standard in Fleete street, and a cistern was made at Fleetbridge, and one other without Cripplegate, in the year 1478.
The Conduit in Aldermanbury and the Standard in Fleet Street were created and completed by Sir William Eastfield's executors in 1471; a cistern was added to the Standard in Fleet Street, and another cistern was built at Fleet Bridge, along with one more outside Cripplegate, in 1478.
Conduit in Gra street, in the year 1491.
Conduit on Gra Street, in the year 1491.
Conduit at Oldbourne cross about 1498; again new made by William Lambe 1577.
Conduit at Oldbourne Cross around 1498; rebuilt by William Lambe in 1577.
Little conduit by the Stockes market, about 1500.
Little conduit by the Stocks market, around 1500.
Conduit at Bishopsgate, about 1513.
Conduit at Bishopsgate, circa 1513.
Conduit at London wall, about 1528.
Conduit at London Wall, around 1528.
Conduit at Aldgate without, about 1535.
Conduit at Aldgate outside, around 1535.
Conduit in Lothbury, and in Coleman street, 1546.
Conduit on Lothbury and Coleman Street, 1546.
Conduit of Thames water at Dowgate, 1568.
Conduit of Thames water at Dowgate, 1568.
Thames water, conveyed into men’s houses by pipes of lead from a most artificial forcier standing near unto London bridge, and made by Peter Moris, Dutchman, in the year 1582, for service of the city, on the east part thereof.
Thames water, delivered into people's homes through lead pipes from a pump located near London Bridge, created by Peter Moris, a Dutchman, in 1582, for the city's use on its eastern side.
Conduits of Thames water, by the parish churches of St. Mary Magdalen, and St. Nicolas Colde Abbey near unto old Fish street, in the year 1583.
Conduits of Thames water, by the parish churches of St. Mary Magdalen, and St. Nicolas Colde Abbey near old Fish Street, in the year 1583.
One other new forcier was made near to Broken wharfe, to convey Thames water into men’s houses of West Cheape, about Powle’s, Fleete street, etc., by an English gentleman named Bevis Bulmer, in the year 1594. Thus much for waters serving this city; first by rivers, brooks, bourns, fountains, pools, etc.; and since by conduits, partly made by good and charitable citizens, and otherwise by charges of the commonalty, as shall be shown in description of wards wherein they be placed. And now some benefactors to these conduits shall be remembered.
One more new water source was created near Broken Wharf to bring Thames water into the homes along West Cheapside, around St. Paul's, Fleet Street, and so on, by an English gentleman named Bevis Bulmer, in the year 1594. This is about the water supply for this city; first through rivers, streams, springs, ponds, etc.; and later through conduits, partly built by generous citizens and also through the expenses of the community, as will be detailed in the description of the wards where they are located. And now some of the benefactors of these conduits will be acknowledged.
In the year 1236 certain merchant strangers of cities beyond[19] the seas, to wit, Amiens, Corby, and Nele, for privileges which they enjoyed in this city, gave one hundred pounds towards the charges of conveying water from the town of Teyborne. Robert Large, mayor, 1439, gave to the new water conduits then in hand forty marks, and towards the vaulting over of Walbrooke near to the parish church of St. Margaret in Lothbery, two hundred marks.
In 1236, certain merchant foreigners from cities across the sea, specifically Amiens, Corby, and Nele, contributed one hundred pounds for the costs of bringing water from the town of Teyborne, due to the privileges they received in this city. Robert Large, the mayor in 1439, donated forty marks towards the new water conduits that were being constructed, and two hundred marks for the arching over of Walbrooke near the parish church of St. Margaret in Lothbury.
Sir William Eastfield, mayor, 1438, conveyed water from Teyborne to Fleete street, to Aldermanbury, and from Highbury to Cripplegate.
Sir William Eastfield, mayor in 1438, brought water from Teyborne to Fleet Street, to Aldermanbury, and from Highbury to Cripplegate.
William Combes, sheriff, 1441, gave to the work of the conduits ten pounds.
William Combes, sheriff in 1441, donated ten pounds to the construction of the water conduits.
Richard Rawson, one of the sheriffs, 1476, gave twenty pounds.
Richard Rawson, one of the sheriffs in 1476, donated twenty pounds.
Robert Revell, one of the sheriffs, 1490, gave ten pounds.
Robert Revell, one of the sheriffs, 1490, donated ten pounds.
John Mathew, mayor, 1490, gave twenty pounds.
John Mathew, mayor in 1490, donated twenty pounds.
William Bucke, tailor, in the year 1494, towards repairing of conduits, gave one hundred marks.
William Bucke, a tailor, in the year 1494, contributed one hundred marks towards the repair of conduits.
Dame Thomason, widow, late wife to John Percivall Taylor, mayor, in the year 1498 gave toward the conduit in Oldbourne twenty marks.
Dame Thomason, a widow and the late wife of John Percivall Taylor, who was mayor, contributed twenty marks to the conduit in Oldbourne in the year 1498.
Richard Shore, one of the sheriffs, 1505, gave to the conduit in Oldbourne ten pounds.
Richard Shore, one of the sheriffs, in 1505, donated ten pounds to the water supply in Oldbourne.
The Lady Ascue, widow of Sir Christopher Ascue, 1543, gave towards the conduits one hundred pounds.
The Lady Ascue, widow of Sir Christopher Ascue, 1543, donated one hundred pounds to the water supply.
David Wodrooffe, sheriff, 1554, gave towards the conduit at Bishopsgate twenty pounds.
David Wodrooffe, sheriff, 1554, contributed twenty pounds to the conduit at Bishopsgate.
Edward Jackman, one of the sheriffs, 1564, gave towards the conduits one hundred pounds.
Edward Jackman, one of the sheriffs in 1564, contributed one hundred pounds to the conduits.
Barnard Randulph, common sergeant of the city, 1583, gave to the water conduits nine hundred pounds.[27]
Barnard Randulph, a common sergeant of the city, 1583, donated nine hundred pounds to the water conduits.[27]
Thus much for the conduits of fresh water to this city.
Thus much for the sources of fresh water to this city.
THE TOWN DITCH WITHOUT THE WALL OF THE CITY
The ditch, which partly now remaineth, and compassed the wall of the city, was begun to be made by the Londoners in the year 1211,[28] and was finished in the year 1213, the 15th of King John. This ditch being then made of 200 feet broad, caused no small hindrance to the canons of the Holy Trinity, whose church stood near unto Aldgate; for that the said ditch passed[20] through their ground from the Tower of London unto Bishopsgate. This ditch, being originally made for the defence of the city, was also long together carefully cleansed and maintained, as need required; but now of late neglected and forced either to a very narrow, and the same a filthy channel, or altogether stopped up for gardens planted, and houses built thereon; even to the very wall, and in many places upon both ditch and wall houses to be built; to what danger of the city, I leave to wiser consideration, and can but wish that reformation might be had.
The ditch, which still partly remains and surrounded the city wall, was started by the people of London in 1211,[28] and was completed in 1213, during King John’s 15th year. This ditch, which was initially 200 feet wide, created quite a problem for the canons of the Holy Trinity, whose church was near Aldgate; because the ditch ran through their land from the Tower of London to Bishopsgate. Originally created for the city's defense, this ditch was carefully cleaned and maintained for a long time as needed; but lately, it has been neglected and has either shrunk to a narrow, filthy channel or has been completely filled in for gardens and houses built on top of it; even up to the city wall, and in many spots, houses have been constructed on both the ditch and wall. I leave it to wiser minds to consider the danger this poses to the city, and can only hope for some kind of reform.
In the year of Christ 1354, the 28th of Edward III., the ditch of this city flowing over the bank into the Tower ditch, the king commanded the said ditch of the city to be cleansed, and so ordered, that the overflowing thereof should not force any filth into the Tower ditch.
In the year 1354, during the reign of Edward III, the ditch of this city overflowed into the Tower ditch. The king ordered that the city ditch be cleaned to ensure that the overflow wouldn't carry any waste into the Tower ditch.
Anno 1379, John Philpot, mayor of London, caused this ditch to be cleansed, and every householder to pay five pence, which was for a day’s work towards the charges thereof. Richard II., in the 10th of his reign, granted a toll to be taken of wares sold by water or by land, for ten years, towards repairing of the wall and cleansing of the ditch.
In 1379, John Philpot, the mayor of London, had this ditch cleaned out and required each homeowner to pay five pence, which was for a day's work to cover the costs. Richard II, in the 10th year of his reign, approved a toll to be collected on goods sold by water or land for ten years to help with the repair of the wall and the cleaning of the ditch.
Thomas Falconer, mayor, 1414, caused the ditch to be cleansed.
Thomas Falconer, mayor, 1414, had the ditch cleaned out.
Ralph Joceline, mayor, 1477, caused the whole ditch to be cast and cleansed, and so from time to time it was cleansed, and otherwise reformed, namely, in 1519, the 10th of Henry VIII., for cleansing and scowering the common ditch between Aldgate and the postern next the Tower ditch. The chief ditcher had by the day seven pence, the second ditcher six pence, the other ditchers five pence. And every vagabond (for so were they termed) one penny the day, meat and drink, at charges of the city. £95 3s. 4d.
Ralph Joceline, the mayor in 1477, had the entire ditch dug and cleaned out, and it was regularly maintained over the years. For instance, in 1519, during the 10th year of Henry VIII's reign, the common ditch between Aldgate and the postern near the Tower ditch was cleaned and cleared. The lead ditch worker earned seven pence a day, the second worker got six pence, and the other ditch diggers received five pence each. Every wanderer, as they were called, earned one penny a day, along with food and drink, paid for by the city. £95 3s. 4d.
In my remembrance also the same was cleansed, namely the Moore ditch, when Sir William Hollies was mayor, in the year 1540, and not long before, from the Tower of London to Aldgate.
In my memory, the same was cleaned up, specifically the Moore ditch, when Sir William Hollies was mayor in the year 1540, and not long before that, from the Tower of London to Aldgate.
It was again cleansed in the year 1549, Henry Amcotes being mayor, at the charges of the companies. And again, 1569, the 11th of Queen Elizabeth, for cleansing the same ditch between Aldgate and the postern, and making a new sewer, and wharf of timber, from the head of the postern into the town ditch, £814 15s. 8d. Before the which time the said ditch lay open, without wall or pale, having therein great store of very good fish, of divers sorts, as many men yet living, who have taken and tasted them, can well witness; but now no such matter: the[21] charge of cleansing is spared, and great profit made by letting out the banks, with the spoil of the whole ditch.
It was cleaned again in 1549, when Henry Amcotes was mayor, with expenses covered by the companies. Then again in 1569, during the 11th year of Queen Elizabeth's reign, for cleaning the same ditch between Aldgate and the postern, and building a new sewer and timber wharf from the postern into the town ditch, a total of £814 15s. 8d. Before this, the ditch was open, without a wall or fence, containing a large quantity of very good fish of various kinds, as many people still alive can attest; but that’s no longer the case: the cost of cleaning has been avoided, and significant profit is made by leasing out the banks along with the debris from the entire ditch.
I am not ignorant of two fifteenths granted by a common council in the year 1595, for the reformation of this ditch, and that a small portion thereof, to wit, betwixt Bishopsgate and the postern called Mooregate, was cleansed, and made somewhat broader; but filling again very fast, by reason of overraising the ground near adjoining, therefore never the better: and I will so leave it, for I cannot help it.
I know about the two-fifteenths granted by a common council in 1595 for fixing this ditch, and that a small section, specifically between Bishopsgate and the postern known as Mooregate, was cleaned out and made a little wider. However, it quickly filled up again due to the raised ground nearby, so it didn’t really improve. I’ll leave it at that because there’s nothing more I can do.
BRIDGES OF THIS CITY
The original foundation of London bridge, by report of Bartholomew Linsted, alias Fowle, last prior of St. Mary Overies church in Southwark, was this: A ferry being kept in place where now the bridge is built, at length the ferryman and his wife deceasing, left the same ferry to their only daughter, a maiden named Mary, which with the goods left by her parents, and also with the profits arising of the said ferry, built a house of Sisters, in place where now standeth the east part of St. Mary Overies church, above the choir, where she was buried, unto which house she gave the oversight and profits of the ferry; but afterwards the said house of Sisters being converted into a college of priests, the priests built the bridge (of timber) as all the other great bridges of this land were, and from time to time kept the same in good reparations, till at length, considering the great charges of repairing the same, there was, by aid of the citizens of London, and others, a bridge built with arches of stone, as shall be shown.
The original foundation of London Bridge, according to Bartholomew Linsted, also known as Fowle, the last prior of St. Mary Overies church in Southwark, was this: There was a ferry operating where the bridge is now built. Eventually, the ferryman and his wife passed away, leaving the ferry to their only daughter, a maiden named Mary. With the possessions left by her parents and the profits from the ferry, she built a house for Sisters on the site where the east part of St. Mary Overies church now stands, above the choir, where she was buried. She entrusted the oversight and profits of the ferry to that house. Later, when the house of Sisters was turned into a college of priests, the priests constructed a wooden bridge, similar to all the other major bridges in the country. They maintained it over time until they ultimately decided that the costs of repairs were too high. With the help of the citizens of London and others, a stone arch bridge was built, as will be explained.
But first of the timber bridge, the antiquity thereof being great, but uncertain; I remember to have read,[29] that in the year of Christ 994, Sweyn, king of Denmark, besieging the city of London, both by water and by land, the citizens manfully defended themselves, and their king Ethelred, so as part of their enemies were slain in battle, and part of them were drowned in the river of Thames, because in their hasty rage they took no heed of the bridge.
But first about the timber bridge, its age is significant but uncertain; I remember reading,[29] that in the year 994 AD, Sweyn, the king of Denmark, laid siege to the city of London, attacking by both water and land. The citizens bravely defended themselves and their king Ethelred, resulting in some of their enemies being killed in battle and others drowned in the River Thames because, in their furious rush, they didn’t pay attention to the bridge.
Moreover, in the year 1016, Canute the Dane, with a great navy, came up to London, and on the south of the Thames caused a trench to be cast, through the which his ships were towed into the west side of the bridge, and then with a deep trench, and straight siege, he compassed the city round about.
Moreover, in the year 1016, Canute the Dane, with a large navy, arrived in London, and on the south side of the Thames, he had a trench dug so his ships could be pulled to the west side of the bridge. Then, with a deep trench and a direct siege, he surrounded the city.
Also, in the year 1052, Earl Goodwin, with the like navy, taking his course up the river of Thames, and finding none that offered to resist on the bridge, he sailed up the south side of the said river. Furthermore, about the year 1067, William the Conqueror, in his charter to the church of St. Peter at Westminster, confirmed to the monks serving God there, a gate in London, then called Buttolph’s gate, with a wharf which was at the head of London bridge.
Also, in the year 1052, Earl Goodwin, with a similar navy, navigated up the River Thames, and finding no one willing to resist him at the bridge, he sailed up the south side of the river. Additionally, around the year 1067, William the Conqueror, in his charter to the church of St. Peter at Westminster, confirmed to the monks serving God there a gate in London, then called Buttolph’s Gate, along with a wharf that was at the head of London Bridge.
We read likewise, that in the year 1114, the 14th of Henry I., the river of Thames was so dried up, and such want of water there, that between the Tower of London and the bridge, and under the bridge, not only with horse, but also a great number of men, women, and children, did wade over on foot.[30]
We also read that in the year 1114, during the 14th year of Henry I's reign, the River Thames was so dry and there was such a shortage of water that between the Tower of London and the bridge, and under the bridge, many men, women, and children were able to wade across on foot, along with horses. [30]
In the year 1122, the 22nd of Henry I., Thomas Arden gave the monks of Bermondsey the church of St. George, in Southward, and five shillings rent by the year, out of the land pertaining to London bridge.
In 1122, during the reign of Henry I, Thomas Arden donated the church of St. George in Southward to the monks of Bermondsey, along with an annual rent of five shillings from the land related to London Bridge.
I also have seen a charter under seal to the effect following:—“Henry king of England, to Ralfe B. of Chichester, and all the ministers of Sussex, sendeth greeting, know ye, etc. I command by my kingly authority, that the manor called Alcestone, which my father gave, with other lands, to the abbey of Battle, be free and quiet from shires and hundreds, and all other customs of earthly servitude, as my father held the same, most freely and quietly, and namely, from the work of London bridge, and the work of the castle at Pevensey: and this I command upon my forfeiture. Witness, William de Pontlearche, at Byrry.” The which charter, with the seal very fair, remaineth in the custody of Joseph Holland, gentleman.
I’ve also seen a charter under seal that states the following:—“Henry, king of England, to Ralfe B. of Chichester and all the ministers of Sussex, sends greetings, know that I command by my royal authority that the manor called Alcestone, which my father gave along with other lands to the abbey of Battle, be free and clear from shires and hundreds and all other customs of earthly servitude, just as my father held it, most freely and quietly, especially from the work of London Bridge and the work of the castle at Pevensey: and this I command upon my forfeiture. Witness, William de Pontlearche, at Byrry.” This charter, with a very nice seal, remains in the custody of Joseph Holland, gentleman.
In the year 1136, the 1st of king Stephen,[31] a fire began in the house of one Ailewarde, near unto London stone, which consumed east to Aldgate, and west to St. Erkenwald’s shrine, in Powle’s church; the bridge of timber over the river of Thames was also burnt, etc., but afterwards again repaired. For Fitzstephen writes, that in the reign of King Stephen and of Henry II., when pastimes were showed on the river of Thames, men stood in great number on the bridge, wharfs, and houses, to behold.
In the year 1136, during King Stephen's reign, a fire broke out in the house of a man named Ailewarde, near London Stone. The fire spread east to Aldgate and west to St. Erkenwald's shrine in St. Paul's Church. The wooden bridge over the River Thames was also burned down but was later repaired. Fitzstephen notes that during the reign of King Stephen and Henry II, when entertainment took place on the River Thames, crowds gathered on the bridge, wharves, and houses to watch.
Now in the year 1163, the same bridge was not only repaired, but newly made of timber as before, by Peter of Cole church, priest and chaplain.
Now in the year 1163, the same bridge was not only repaired, but rebuilt with timber like before, by Peter of Cole church, priest and chaplain.
Thus much for the old timber bridge, maintained partly by[23] the proper lands thereof, partly by the liberality of divers persons, and partly by taxations in divers shires, have I proved for the space of 215 years before the bridge of stone was built.
Thus much for the old wooden bridge, which was maintained partly by[23] the surrounding land, partly by the generosity of several individuals, and partly through taxes in various counties, I have demonstrated for the period of 215 years before the stone bridge was constructed.
Now touching the foundation of the stone bridge, it followeth:—About the year 1176, the stone bridge over the river of Thames, at London, was begun to be founded by the aforesaid Peter of Cole church, near unto the bridge of timber, but somewhat more towards the west, for I read, that Buttolfe wharf was, in the Conqueror’s time, at the head of London bridge.[32] The king assisted this work: a cardinal then being legate here; and Richard, archbishop of Canterbury, gave one thousand marks towards the foundation; the course of the river, for the time, was turned another way about, by a trench cast for that purpose, beginning, as is supposed, east about Radriffe, and ending in the west about Patricksey, now termed Batersey. This work; to wit, the arches, chapel and stone bridge, over the river of Thames at London, having been thirty-three years in building, was in the year 1209 finished by the worthy merchants of London, Serle Mercer, William Almaine, and Benedict Botewrite, principal masters of that work, for Peter of Cole church deceased four years before, and was buried in the chapel on the bridge, in the year 1205.[33]
Now addressing the foundation of the stone bridge, it goes like this: Around the year 1176, the construction of the stone bridge over the River Thames in London was started by the aforementioned Peter of Cole Church, located near the wooden bridge, but a bit more to the west. I read that Buttolfe Wharf was, during the time of the Conqueror, at the top of London Bridge.[32] The king supported this project: a cardinal was then a legate here; and Richard, the archbishop of Canterbury, contributed one thousand marks towards the foundation. At that time, the river's course was redirected by a trench dug for that purpose, starting, as is believed, east around Radriffe, and ending in the west at what is now called Battersea. This project, which included the arches, chapel, and stone bridge over the River Thames in London, took thirty-three years to complete and was finished in 1209 by the respected merchants of London, Serle Mercer, William Almaine, and Benedict Botewrite, the main overseers of the work, since Peter of Cole Church passed away four years earlier and was buried in the chapel on the bridge in 1205.[33]
King John gave certain void places in London to build upon the profits thereof to remain towards the charges of building and repairing the same bridge: a mason being master workman of the bridge, builded from the foundation the large chapel on that bridge of his own charges, which chapel was then endowed for two priests, four clerks, etc., besides chantries since founded for John Hatfield and other.[34] After the finishing of this chapel, which was the first building upon those arches, sundry houses at times were erected, and many charitable men gave lands, tenements, or sums of money, towards maintenance thereof, all which was sometimes noted and in a table fair written for posterity remaining in the chapel, until the same chapel was turned into a dwelling-house, and then removed to the bridge house, the effect of which table I was willing to have published in this book, if I could have obtained the sight thereof. But making the shorter work, I find by the account of William[24] Mariner and Christopher Eliot, wardens of London bridge from Michaelmas, in the 22nd of Henry VII., unto Michaelmas next ensuing, by one whole year, that all the payments and allowances came to £815 17s. 2¼d., as there is shown by particulars, by which account then made, may be partly guessed the great charges and discharges of that bridge at this day, when things be stretched to so great a price. And now to actions on this bridge.
King John gave some empty spaces in London to be built on, with the profits used to cover the costs of constructing and maintaining the bridge. A mason, who was the master builder of the bridge, built a large chapel on it at his own expense, which was later endowed to support two priests, four clerks, and more chantries that were established for John Hatfield and others.[34] After the chapel was completed, which was the first structure on those arches, various houses were built over time, and many generous individuals donated lands, properties, or money for its upkeep. All of this was once documented in a beautifully written table for future reference in the chapel, until the chapel was converted into a house, and the records were moved to the bridge house. I wanted to include the contents of that table in this book but was unable to access it. However, to keep it brief, I found an account by William[24] Mariner and Christopher Eliot, wardens of London Bridge from Michaelmas in the 22nd year of Henry VII to the following Michaelmas, which covered a full year. According to this account, the total payments and allowances amounted to £815 17s. 2¼d., as detailed in the specifics. This account gives an idea of the significant expenses and financial dealings of the bridge today when costs are so high. And now, moving on to activities on this bridge.
The first action to be noted was lamentable; for within four[35] years after the finishing thereof, to wit, in the year 1212, on the l0th of July, at night,[36] the borough of Southwark, upon the south side the river of Thames, as also the church of our Lady of the Canons there, being on fire, and an exceeding great multitude of people passing the bridge, either to extinguish and quench it, or else to gaze at and behold it, suddenly the north part, by blowing of the south wind was also set on fire, and the people which were even now passing the bridge, perceiving the same, would have returned, but were stopped by fire; and it came to pass, that as they stayed or protracted time, the other end of the bridge also, namely, the south end, was fired, so that the people thronging themselves between the two fires, did nothing else but expect present death; then came there to aid them many ships and vessels, into the which the multitude so unadvisedly rushed, that the ships being drowned, they all perished.[37] It was said, that through the fire and shipwreck there were destroyed about three thousand persons, whose bodies were found in part, or half burnt, besides those that were wholly burnt to ashes, and could not be found.
The first event worth mentioning was tragic; for within four[35] years after it was completed, specifically in the year 1212, on the 10th of July at night,[36] the borough of Southwark, on the south side of the River Thames, along with the church of our Lady of the Canons there, caught fire. A huge crowd was crossing the bridge, either to help put it out or just to watch it burn, when suddenly the north side caught fire too, fueled by the south wind. The people on the bridge, realizing this, would have turned back, but they were blocked by flames. As they delayed or hesitated, the other end of the bridge, the southern end, also ignited, trapping the crowd between the two fires, leading them to fear for their lives. Then many ships came to help, but the crowd rushed onto the vessels in a panic, causing them to capsize, resulting in everyone drowning. [37] It was reported that around three thousand people were lost due to the fire and the shipwreck, with some bodies partially found, burned, and others completely turned to ash, unidentifiable.
About the year 1282, through a great frost and deep snow, five arches of London bridge were borne down and carried away.
About the year 1282, due to a severe frost and heavy snow, five arches of London Bridge collapsed and were swept away.
In the year 1289, the bridge was so sore decayed for want of reparations that men were afraid to pass thereon, and a subsidy was granted towards the amendment thereof,[38] Sir John Britain being custos of London. 1381, a great collection or gathering was made of all archbishops, bishops, and other ecclesiastical persons, for the reparations of London bridge. 1381, Wat Tyler, and other rebels of Kent, by this bridge entered the city, as ye may read in my Summary and Annals.
In 1289, the bridge was so badly decayed from lack of repairs that people were afraid to cross it, and funding was approved to fix it,[38] with Sir John Britain serving as the guardian of London. In 1381, a large assembly of all archbishops, bishops, and other church officials was held to address the repairs of London Bridge. In 1381, Wat Tyler and other rebels from Kent entered the city via this bridge, as you can read in my Summary and Annals.
In the year 1395, on St. George’s day, was a great justing on[25] London bridge, betwixt David Earl of Crawford of Scotland, and the Lord Wells of England; in the which the Lord Wells was at the third course borne out of the saddle: which history proveth, that at that time the bridge being coped on either side, was not replenished with houses built thereupon, as it hath since been, and now is. The next year, on the 13th of November, the young Queen Isabell, commonly called the little, for she was but eight years old, was conveyed from Kenington besides Lamhith, through Southwarke to the Tower of London, and such a multitude of people went out to see her, that on London bridge nine persons were crowded to death, of whom the prior of Tiptre, a place in Essex, was one, and a matron on Cornhill was another.
In 1395, on St. George’s Day, there was a grand tournament on[25]London Bridge, between David, Earl of Crawford from Scotland, and Lord Wells from England; during which Lord Wells was unseated from his saddle in the third round. This incident shows that at that time, the bridge was lined with parapets on either side and wasn’t filled with houses like it is now. The following year, on November 13th, the young Queen Isabella, often called the little one because she was only eight years old, was brought from Kensington near Lambeth through Southwark to the Tower of London. So many people came out to see her that nine individuals were crushed to death on London Bridge, including the Prior of Tiptre from Essex and a woman from Cornhill.
The Tower on London bridge at the north end of the draw-bridge (for that bridge was then readily to be drawn up, as well to give passage for ships to Queenhithe, as for the resistance of any foreign force), was begun to be built in the year 1426, John Rainwell being mayor.
The Tower on London Bridge at the north end of the drawbridge (since that bridge could easily be raised to allow ships to pass to Queenhithe or to defend against any foreign threat) started construction in 1426, when John Rainwell was mayor.
Another tower there is on the said bridge over the gate at the south end towards Southwarke, whereof in another place shall be spoken.
Another tower exists on the mentioned bridge over the gate at the south end towards Southwark, which will be discussed in another section.
In the year 1450, Jack Cade, and other rebels of Kent, by this bridge entered the city: he struck his sword on London Stone, and said himself then to be lord of the city, but were by the citizens overcome on the same bridge, and put to flight, as in my Annals.
In 1450, Jack Cade and other rebels from Kent entered the city via this bridge. He struck his sword on London Stone and declared himself the lord of the city, but the citizens defeated him on the same bridge and drove him away, as mentioned in my Annals.
In the year 1471, Thomas, the bastard Fawconbridge, besieged this bridge, burnt the gate, and all the houses to the draw-bridge, that time thirteen in number.
In 1471, Thomas, the illegitimate son of Fawconbridge, attacked this bridge, setting fire to the gate and all the houses leading to the drawbridge, which numbered thirteen at that time.
In the year 1481, a house called the common siege on London bridge fell down into the Thames; through the fall whereof five men were drowned.
In 1481, a structure known as the common siege on London Bridge collapsed into the Thames, resulting in the drowning of five men.
In the year 1553, the 3rd of February, Sir Thomas Wyat, and the Kentish men, marched from Depeford towards London; after knowledge whereof, forthwith the draw-bridge was cut down, and the bridge gates shut. Wyat and his people entered Southwarke, where they lay till the 6th of February, but could get no entry of the city by the bridge, the same was then so well defended by the citizens, the Lord William Howard assisting, wherefore he removed towards Kingstone, etc., as in my Annals.
In the year 1553, on February 3rd, Sir Thomas Wyat and the men from Kent marched from Depford towards London. After learning this, the drawbridge was immediately cut and the bridge gates were shut. Wyat and his followers entered Southwark, where they stayed until February 6th, but were unable to get into the city via the bridge, as it was well defended by the citizens, with Lord William Howard helping. Therefore, he moved on towards Kingston, etc., as mentioned in my Annals.
To conclude of this bridge over the said river of Thames, I affirm, as in other my descriptions, that it is a work very rare, having with the draw-bridge twenty arches made of squared stone, of height sixty feet, and in breadth thirty feet, distant[26] one from another twenty feet, compact and joined together with vaults and cellars; upon both sides be houses built, so that it seemeth rather a continual street than a bridge; for the fortifying whereof against the incessant assaults of the river, it hath overseers and officers, viz., wardens, as aforesaid, and others.
To wrap up about this bridge over the Thames River, I can say, like in my other descriptions, that it’s a truly rare structure. It features a drawbridge and twenty arches made of squared stone, standing sixty feet high and thirty feet wide, spaced twenty feet apart. The arches are solid and connected by vaults and cellars. There are houses on both sides, making it look more like a continuous street than just a bridge. To protect it from the constant attacks of the river, it has supervisors and officials, including wardens, as mentioned before.
Fleete bridge in the west without Ludgate, a bridge of stone, fair coped on either side with iron pikes; on the which, towards the south, be also certain lanthorns of stone, for lights to be placed in the winter evenings, for commodity of travellers. Under the bridge runneth a water, sometimes called, as I have said, the river of the Wels, since Turnemill brooke, now Fleete dike, because it runneth by the Fleete, and sometimes about the Fleete, so under Fleete bridge into the river of Thames. This bridge hath been far greater in times past, but lessened, as the water course hath been narrowed. It seemeth this last bridge to be made or repaired at the charges of John Wels, mayor, in the year 1431, for on the coping is engraven Wels embraced by angels, like as on the standard in Cheape, which he also built. Thus much of the bridge: for of the water course, and decay thereof, I have spoken in another place.
Fleete Bridge in the west, just outside Ludgate, is a stone bridge, nicely finished on both sides with iron spikes. On the south side, there are also some stone lanterns for lights to be placed in the winter evenings, making it easier for travelers. Under the bridge flows a body of water, sometimes referred to as the River of the Wels, since Turnemill Brook, now called Fleete Dike, runs by the Fleete and sometimes around it, flowing under Fleete Bridge into the River Thames. This bridge used to be much larger in the past but has been reduced in size as the waterway has been narrowed. It appears that this current bridge was built or repaired at the expense of John Wels, the mayor, in the year 1431, because his name is engraved on the coping with angels embracing it, similar to the standard in Cheapside that he also constructed. That's all about the bridge; I've discussed the waterway and its deterioration elsewhere.
Oldbourne bridge, over the said river of the Wels more towards the north, was so called, of a bourn that sometimes ran down Oldbourne hill into the said river. This bridge of stone, like as Fleet bridge from Ludgate west, serveth for passengers with carriage or otherwise, from Newgate toward the west and by north.
Oldbourne bridge, over the Wels river further north, was named after a stream that occasionally flowed down Oldbourne hill into the river. This stone bridge, similar to Fleet bridge from Ludgate west, serves for passengers with or without vehicles, heading from Newgate towards the west and north.
Cowbridge, more north, over the same water by Cowbridge street or Cowlane: this bridge being lately decayed, another of timber is made somewhat more north, by Chick lane, etc.
Cowbridge, further north, crosses the same water by Cowbridge Street or Cowlane: this bridge has recently fallen into disrepair, so a new wooden bridge has been built a bit further north, near Chick Lane, etc.
Bridges over the town ditch there are divers; to wit, without Aldgate, without Bishopsgate, the postern called Moorgate, the postern of Criplegate without Aldersgate, the postern of Christ’s hospital, Newgate, and Ludgate; all these be over paved likewise, with stone level with the streets. But one other there is of timber over the river of Wels, or Fleet dike, between the precinct of the Black Friers, and the house of Bridewell.
Bridges over the town ditch include several: outside Aldgate, outside Bishopsgate, the gate called Moorgate, the gate of Criplegate outside Aldersgate, the gate of Christ's hospital, Newgate, and Ludgate; all of these are paved with stone level with the streets. There is also one more made of timber over the river of Wels, or Fleet ditch, between the area of Black Friars and the house of Bridewell.
There have been of old time also, divers bridges in sundry places over the course of Walbrooke, as before I have partly noted, besides Horseshew bridge, by the church of St. John Baptist, now called St. John’s upon Walbrooke. I read, that of old time every person having lands on either side of the said brook, should cleanse[39] the same, and repair the bridges so far[27] as their lands extended. More, in the 11th of Edward III. the inhabitants upon the course of this brook were forced to pile and wall the sides thereof. Also, that in the 3rd of Henry V. this water-course had many bridges, since vaulted over with bricks, and the streets where through it passed so paved, that the same water-course is now hardly discerned. For order was taken in the 2nd of Edward IV., that such as had ground on either side of Walbrooke, should vault and pave it over, so far as his ground extended. And thus much for bridges in this city may suffice.
In the past, there were various bridges in different locations over the course of Walbrooke, as I have mentioned before, in addition to Horseshew Bridge, near the church of St. John Baptist, now known as St. John’s upon Walbrooke. I read that long ago, everyone owning land on either side of the brook was responsible for cleaning[39] it and maintaining the bridges up to the extent of their land. Furthermore, in the 11th year of Edward III, the residents along this brook were required to build piles and walls along its sides. Also, in the 3rd year of Henry V, this watercourse had many bridges that were later vaulted over with bricks, and the streets it passed through were so paved that the watercourse is now barely visible. In the 2nd year of Edward IV, it was ordered that those who had land on either side of Walbrooke should vault and pave it over as far as their land extended. That should suffice for now regarding the bridges in this city.
GATES IN THE WALL OF THIS CITY
Gates in the wall of this city of old time were four; to wit, Aeldgate for the east, Aldersgate for the north, Ludgate for the west, and the Bridgegate over the river of Thames for the south; but of later times, for the ease of citizens and passengers, divers other gates and posterns have been made, as shall be shown.
Gates in the walls of this ancient city were four: Aeldgate to the east, Aldersgate to the north, Ludgate to the west, and Bridgegate over the River Thames to the south; however, in more recent times, for the convenience of residents and travelers, several other gates and small entrances have been created, as will be explained.
In the reign of Henry II. (saith Fitzstephen) there were seven double gates in the wall of this city, but he nameth them not. It may therefore be supposed, he meant for the first, the gate next the Tower of London,[40] now commonly called the Postern, the next be Aeldgate, the third Bishopsgate, the fourth Ealdersgate, the fifth Newgate, the sixth Ludgate, the seventh Bridgegate. Since the which time hath been builded the postern called Moorgate, a postern from Christ’s hospital towards St. Bartholomew’s hospital in Smithfield, etc. Now of every of these gates and posterns in the wall, and also of certain water-gates on the river of Thames, severally somewhat may, and shall be noted, as I find authority, or reasonable conjecture to warrant me.
During the reign of Henry II, Fitzstephen mentions that there were seven double gates in the wall of this city, but he doesn't name them. Therefore, it can be assumed that he referred to the first gate, which is near the Tower of London, now commonly known as the Postern. The second is Aldgate, the third is Bishopsgate, the fourth is Aldersgate, the fifth is Newgate, the sixth is Ludgate, and the seventh is Bridgegate. Since that time, Moorgate has been built, which is a postern leading from Christ’s Hospital toward St. Bartholomew’s Hospital in Smithfield, etc. Now, about each of these gates and posterns in the wall, as well as certain water-gates on the River Thames, I will note something about each one, as I find credible sources or reasonable conjectures to support me.
For the first, now called the postern by the Tower of London, it showeth by that part which yet remaineth, to have been a fair and strong arched gate, partly built of hard stone of Kent, and partly of stone brought from Caen in Normandy, since the Conquest, and foundation of the high tower, and served for passengers on foot out of the east, from thence through the city[28] to Ludgate in the west. The ruin and overthrow of this gate and postern began in the year 1190, the 2nd of Richard I., when William Longshampe, bishop of Ely, chancellor of England, caused a part of the city wall, to wit, from the said gate towards the river of Thames to the white tower, to be broken down, for the enlarging of the said tower, which he then compassed far wide about with a wall embattled, and is now the outer wall. He also caused a broad and deep ditch to be made without the same wall, intending to have derived the river of Thames with her tides to have flowed about it, which would not be. But the southside of this gate, being then by undermining at the foundation loosened, and greatly weakened; at length, to wit, after two hundred years and odd, the same fell down in the year 1440, the 18th of Henry VI., and was never since by the citizens re-edified.[41] Such was their negligence then, and hath bred some trouble to their successors, since they suffered a weak and wooden building to be there made, inhabited by persons of lewd life, oft times by inquest of Portsoken ward presented, but not reformed; whereas of former times the said postern was accounted of as other gates of the city, and was appointed to men of good credit. Amongst other, I have read, that in the 49th of Edward III., John Cobbe was admitted custos of the said postern, and all the habitation thereof, for term of his life, by William Walworth, then mayor of London, etc. More, that John Credy, Esq., in the 21st of Richard II., was admitted custos of the said postern and appurtenances by Richard Whittington, mayor, the aldermen, and commonalty, etc.
For the first, now known as the postern by the Tower of London, it shows from the part that still exists that it used to be a beautiful and strong arched gate, partly made of hard stone from Kent and partly of stone brought from Caen in Normandy since the Conquest and the foundation of the high tower. It served as a passage for foot traffic coming from the east through the city to Ludgate in the west.[28] The destruction of this gate and postern began in 1190, during the 2nd year of Richard I, when William Longshampe, the bishop of Ely and chancellor of England, ordered a section of the city wall, from the said gate toward the River Thames to the white tower, to be torn down to enlarge the tower, which he surrounded with a battlemented wall that still exists as the outer wall. He also had a wide and deep ditch dug outside that wall, intending to redirect the River Thames and its tides to flow around it, which did not happen. However, the south side of this gate was undermined at its foundation, making it loose and greatly weakened; eventually, after over two hundred years, it collapsed in 1440, during the 18th year of Henry VI, and the citizens never rebuilt it.[41] Such was their negligence at the time, which has caused some issues for their successors, as they allowed a weak wooden structure to be built there, housing disreputable individuals, often reported by the inquest of Portsoken ward but not corrected; whereas in earlier times, this postern was regarded as other gates of the city and was assigned to reputable individuals. Among other records, I have read that in the 49th year of Edward III, John Cobbe was appointed custodian of the postern and all its inhabitants for life by William Walworth, who was then mayor of London, etc. Furthermore, John Credy, Esq., in the 21st year of Richard II, was also appointed custodian of the postern and its appurtenances by Richard Whittington, the mayor, the aldermen, and the commonalty, etc.
AELDGATE
The next gate in the east is called Aeldgate, of the antiquity or age thereof. This is one and the first of the four principal gates, and also one of the seven double gates, mentioned by Fitzstephen. It hath had two pair of gates, though now but one; the hooks remaineth yet. Also there hath been two portcloses; the one of them remaineth, the other wanteth, but the place of letting down is manifest. For antiquity of the gate: it appeareth by a charter of King Edgar to the knights of Knighten Guild, that in his days the said port was called Aeldgate, as ye may read in the ward of Portsoken. Also Matilda[29] the queen, wife to Henry I., having founded the priory of the Holy Trinity within Aeldgate, gave unto the same church, to Norman the first prior, and the canons that devoutly serve God therein,[42] the port of Aeldgate, and the soke or franchises thereunto belonging, with all customs as free as she held the same; in the which charter she nameth the house Christ’s church, and reporteth Aeldgate to be of his domain.
The next gate to the east is called Aeldgate, due to its age. This is the first of the four main gates and also one of the seven double gates mentioned by Fitzstephen. It originally had two pairs of gates, but now there’s only one; the hooks still remain. There were also two portcullises; one is still there, the other is missing, but the place for lowering it is clear. Regarding the gate's history: a charter from King Edgar to the knights of Knighten Guild shows that in his time, this port was called Aeldgate, as noted in the ward of Portsoken. Also, Matilda, the queen and wife of Henry I, who founded the priory of the Holy Trinity within Aeldgate, granted the same church to Norman, the first prior, and the canons who faithfully serve God there, the port of Aeldgate and the rights or privileges associated with it, along with all customs as freely as she held the same; in this charter, she refers to the house as Christ’s church and claims Aeldgate as part of his domain.
More, I read[43] in the year 1215, that in the civil wars between King John and his barons, the Londoners assisting the barons’ faction, who then besieged Northampton, and after came to Bedford castle, where they were well received by William Beauchampe, and captain of the same; having then also secret intelligence that they might enter the city of London if they would, they removed their camp to Ware, from thence in the night coming to London, they entered Aeldgate, and placing guardians or keepers of the gates, they disposed of all things in the city at their pleasure. They spoiled the friars’ houses, and searched their coffers;[44] which being done, Robert Fitzwalter, Geffry Magnavile Earl of Essex, and the Earl of Glocester, chief leaders of the army, applied all diligence to repair the gates and walls of this city with the stones taken from the Jews’ broken houses, namely, Aeldgate being then most ruinous (which had given them an easy entry), they repaired, or rather newly built, after the manner of the Normans, strongly arched with bulwarks of stone from Caen in Normandy, and small brick, called Flanders tile, was brought from thence, such as hath been here used since the Conquest, and not before.
I read in 1215 that during the civil wars between King John and his barons, the people of London supported the barons' side. They besieged Northampton and then moved on to Bedford Castle, where William Beauchampe welcomed them as their captain. They also learned that they could enter the city of London if they wanted to, so they moved their camp to Ware. Later that night, they came to London, entered through Aldgate, and set up guards at the gates, taking charge of everything in the city. They looted the friars' houses and searched their treasure chests. After that, Robert Fitzwalter, Geoffrey Magnaville, the Earl of Essex, and the Earl of Gloucester, the main leaders of the army, worked hard to repair the gates and walls of the city using stones taken from the Jews' damaged homes. Aldgate was in the worst condition, which had made it easy for them to get in. They fixed it up, or rather built it anew, in the Norman style, strongly arched with stone from Caen in Normandy, and they brought back small bricks known as Flanders tiles, which have been used here since the Conquest, but not before.
In the year 1471,[45] the 11th of Edward IV., Thomas, the bastard Fawconbridge, having assembled a riotous company of shipmen and other in Essex and Kent, came to London with a great navy of ships, near to the Tower; whereupon the mayor and aldermen, by consent of a common council, fortified all along the Thames side, from Baynard’s castle to the Tower, with armed men, guns, and other instruments of war, to resist the invasion of the mariners, whereby the Thames side was safely preserved and kept by the aldermen and other citizens that assembled thither in great numbers. Whereupon the rebels, being denied passage through the city that way, set upon Aeldgate, Bishopsgate, Cripplegate, Aeldersgate, London bridge, and along the river of Thames, shooting arrows and guns into the city, fired the suburbs, and burnt more than threescore[30] houses. And further, on Sunday the eleventh of May, five thousand of them assaulting Aeldgate, won the bulwarks, and entered the city; but the portclose being let down, such as had entered were slain, and Robert Basset, alderman of Aeldgate ward, with the recorder, commanded in the name of God to draw up the portclose; which being done, they issued out, and with sharp shot, and fierce fight, put their enemies back so far as St. Bottolph’s church, by which time the Earl Rivers, and lieutenant of the Tower, was come with a fresh company, which joining together, discomfited the rebels, and put them to flight, whom the said Robert Basset, with the other citizens, chased to the Mile’s End, and from thence, some to Popular, some to Stratford, slew many, and took many of them prisoners. In which space the Bastard having assayed other places upon the water side, and little prevailed, fled toward his ships. Thus much for Aeldgate.
In the year 1471,[45] on the 11th of Edward IV, Thomas, the bastard Fawconbridge, gathered a rowdy group of sailors and others in Essex and Kent and came to London with a large fleet of ships, close to the Tower. In response, the mayor and aldermen, with the agreement of a common council, fortified the entire Thames side, from Baynard’s Castle to the Tower, with armed men, cannons, and other weapons to defend against the invasion of the sailors, ensuring the Thames side was safely protected by the aldermen and other citizens who gathered there in great numbers. When the rebels were denied passage through the city, they attacked Aldgate, Bishopsgate, Cripplegate, Aldersgate, London Bridge, and along the River Thames, shooting arrows and guns into the city, setting fire to the suburbs, and burning more than sixty[30] houses. On Sunday, May 11th, five thousand of them assaulted Aldgate, captured the fortifications, and entered the city; however, when the portcullis was lowered, those who had entered were killed. Robert Basset, the alderman of Aldgate ward, along with the recorder, commanded in the name of God that the portcullis be raised; once it was done, they charged out and, with sharp fire and fierce fighting, pushed their enemies back as far as St. Bottolph’s Church. By this time, the Earl Rivers, the lieutenant of the Tower, had arrived with a fresh group, who joined forces to defeat the rebels and send them fleeing, while Robert Basset and the other citizens chased them to Mile’s End, and from there, some to Poplar and some to Stratford, killing many and capturing several of them. During this time, the Bastard, having tried other locations along the riverside with little success, fled back to his ships. Thus ends the account of Aldgate.
BISHOPSGATE
The third, and next toward the north, is called Bishopsgate, for that, as it may be supposed, the same was first built by some Bishop of London, though now unknown when, or by whom; but true it is, that the first gate was first built for ease of passengers toward the east, and by north, as into Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, etc.; the travellers into which parts, before the building of this gate, were forced, passing out at Aeldgate, to go east till they came to the Mile’s end, and then turning on the left hand to Blethenhall green[46] to Cambridge heath, and so north, or east, and by north, as their journey lay. If they took not this way, by the east out at Aeldgate, they must take their way by the north out at Aeldersgate, through Aeldersgate street and Goswel street towards Iseldon, and by a cross of stone on their right hand, set up for a mark by the north end of Golding lane, to turn eastward through a long street, until this day called Alder street, to another cross standing, where now a smith’s forge is placed by Sewer’s-ditch church, and then to turn again north towards Totenham, Endfield, Waltham, Ware, etc. The eldest note that I read of this Bishopsgate, is that William Blund, one of the sheriffs of London,[47] in the year 1210, sold to Serle Mercer, and William Almaine, procurators or wardens of London bridge, all his land, with the garden, in the[31] parish of St. Buttolph without Bishopsgate, between the land of Richard Casiarin, towards the north, and the land of Robert Crispie towards the south, and the highway called Berewards lane on the east, etc.
The third gate, further north, is called Bishopsgate. It’s believed that it was first built by some Bishop of London, though we don’t know when or who exactly did it. What we do know is that the original gate was constructed for the convenience of travelers heading east and slightly north towards places like Norfolk, Suffolk, and Cambridgeshire. Before Bishopsgate was built, those traveling to these areas had to exit through Aeldgate, go east until they reached Mile's End, then turn left onto Blethenhall Green to Cambridge Heath, and continue north or northeast depending on their destination. If they didn’t take this route from Aeldgate, they had to head north through Aeldersgate, along Aeldersgate Street and Goswell Street towards Iseldon, and at a stone cross on their right, a marker near the north end of Golding Lane, they would then turn east along a long street that is still called Alder Street today, to another cross where there’s now a smith’s forge near Sewer’s-Ditch Church, and then turn north again towards Tottenham, Enfield, Waltham, Ware, and so on. The earliest record I found about Bishopsgate is that in 1210, William Blund, one of the sheriffs of London, sold to Serle Mercer and William Almaine, who were wardens of London Bridge, all his land, including the garden, located in the parish of St. Buttolph without Bishopsgate, between Richard Casiarin's land to the north and Robert Crispie’s land to the south, and the highway called Berewards Lane on the east, etc.
Next I read in a charter, dated the year 1235, that Walter Brune, citizen of London, and Rosia his wife, having founded the priory or new hospital of our blessed Lady, since called St. Mary Spittle without Bishopsgate, confirmed the same to the honour of God and our blessed Lady, for canons regular.
Next, I read in a charter from the year 1235 that Walter Brune, a citizen of London, and his wife Rosia, after founding the priory or new hospital of our blessed Lady, now called St. Mary Spittle outside Bishopsgate, confirmed it in honor of God and our blessed Lady, for regular canons.
Also in the year 1247, Simon Fitzmarie, one of the sheriffs of London, the 29th of Henry III., founded the hospital of St. Mary, called Bethlem without Bishopsgate. Thus much for the antiquity of this gate.[48]
Also in the year 1247, Simon Fitzmarie, one of the sheriffs of London during the 29th year of Henry III's reign, established the hospital of St. Mary, known as Bethlem, located just outside Bishopsgate. This highlights the historical significance of this gate.[48]
And now for repairing the same, I find that Henry III. confirmed to the merchants of the Haunce, that had a house in the city called Guildhalla Theutonicorum, certain liberties and privileges. Edward I. also confirmed the same; in the tenth year of whose reign it was found that the said merchants ought of right to repair the said gate called Bishopsgate; whereupon Gerard Marbod, alderman of the Haunce and other, then remaining in the city of London, for themselves, and all other merchants of the said Haunce, granted two hundred and ten marks sterling to the mayor and citizens; and covenanted that they and their successors should from time to time repair the same gate. This gate was again beautifully built in the year 1479, in the reign of Edward IV., by the said Haunce merchants.
And now for the repair of the same, I find that Henry III confirmed to the merchants of the Hanse, who had a house in the city called Guildhall of the Teutonic Merchants, certain rights and privileges. Edward I also confirmed this; in the tenth year of his reign, it was determined that these merchants had the right to repair the gate called Bishopsgate. Consequently, Gerard Marbod, alderman of the Hanse, along with others then in London, for themselves and all other merchants of the Hanse, offered two hundred and ten marks and covenanted that they and their successors would periodically repair the gate. This gate was rebuilt beautifully in 1479, during the reign of Edward IV, by the Hanse merchants.
Moreover, about the year 1551, these Haunce merchants, having prepared stone for that purpose, caused a new gate to be framed, there to have been set up, but then their liberties, through suit of our English merchants, were seized into the king’s hand; and so that work was stayed, and the old gate yet remaineth.
Moreover, around the year 1551, these Haunce merchants, having gathered stone for the purpose, had a new gate constructed to be put up, but then their rights were taken into the king's hands due to a lawsuit from our English merchants; so that project was halted, and the old gate still stands.
POSTERN OF MOREGATE
Touching the next postern, called Moregate, I find that Thomas Falconer, mayor, about the year 1415, the third of Henry V., caused the wall of the city to be broken near unto Coleman street, and there built a postern, now called Moregate, upon the moor side where was never gate before. This gate he made for ease of the citizens, that way to pass upon causeys into the field for their recreation: for the same field was at that[32] time a parish. This postern was re-edified by William Hampton, fishmonger, mayor, in the year 1472. In the year also, 1511, the third of Henry VIII., Roger Acheley, mayor, caused dikes and bridges to be made, and the ground to be levelled, and made more commodious for passage, since which time the same hath been heightened. So much that the ditches and bridges are covered, and seemeth to me that if it be made level with the battlements of the city wall, yet will it be little the drier, such is the moorish nature of that ground.
Touching the next postern, called Moregate, I find that Thomas Falconer, mayor, around the year 1415, the third of Henry V, had the city wall broken near Coleman Street and built a postern, now known as Moregate, on the moor side where there was never a gate before. He created this gate for the convenience of the citizens, allowing them to pass on causeways into the fields for their recreation, as that field was at that time a parish. This postern was rebuilt by William Hampton, fishmonger and mayor, in the year 1472. Also, in 1511, the third of Henry VIII, Roger Acheley, mayor, had dikes and bridges made, leveled the ground, and made it easier for passage, since which time it has been raised. So much so that the ditches and bridges are covered, and it seems to me that if it were leveled with the battlements of the city wall, it would still be little drier, given the boggy nature of that ground.
POSTERN OF CRIPPLEGATE
The next is the postern of Cripplegate, so called long before the Conquest. For I read in the history of Edmond,[49] king of the East Angles, written by Abbo Floriacensis, and by Burchard, sometime secretary to Offa, king of Marcia, but since by John Lidgate, monk of Bury, that in the year 1010, the Danes spoiling the kingdom of the East Angles, Alwyne, bishop of Helmeham, caused the body of King Edmond the Martyr to be brought from Bedrisworth (now called Bury St. Edmondes), through the kingdom of the East Saxons, and so to London in at Cripplegate; a place, saith mine author, so called of cripples begging there: at which gate, it was said, the body entering, miracles were wrought, as some of the lame to go upright, praising God. The body of King Edmond rested for the space of three years in the parish church of St. Gregorie, near unto the cathedral church of St. Paul. Moreover, the charter of William the Conqueror, confirming the foundation of the college in London, called St. Martin the Great, hath these words:[50] “I do give and grant to the same church and canons, serving God therein, all the land and the moore without the postern, which is called Cripplegate, on either side the postern.” More I read, that Alfune built the parish church of St. Giles, nigh a gate of the city, called Porta Contractorum, or Cripplesgate, about the year 1099.
The next is the postern of Cripplegate, a name used long before the Conquest. I read in the history of Edmond,[49] king of the East Angles, written by Abbo Floriacensis, and by Burchard, who was once secretary to Offa, king of Mercia, but later by John Lidgate, a monk from Bury, that in the year 1010, the Danes were raiding the kingdom of the East Angles. Alwyne, bishop of Helmeham, had the body of King Edmond the Martyr brought from Bedrisworth (now called Bury St. Edmunds) through the East Saxons and into London at Cripplegate; a place, according to my source, named for the cripples begging there: at that gate, it was said, when the body entered, miracles occurred, causing some of the lame to walk upright, praising God. The body of King Edmond rested for three years in the parish church of St. Gregory, near the cathedral church of St. Paul. Furthermore, the charter of William the Conqueror, confirming the foundation of the college in London called St. Martin the Great, contains these words:[50] “I grant to the same church and canons serving God there, all the land and the moor outside the postern, which is called Cripplegate, on both sides of the postern.” I also read that Alfune built the parish church of St. Giles near a city gate called Porta Contractorum, or Cripplegate, around the year 1099.
This postern was sometime a prison, whereunto such citizens and others, as were arrested for debt or common trespasses, were committed, as they be now, to the compters, which thing appeareth by a writ of Edward I. in these words: “Rex vic. London. salutem: ex graui querela B. capt. & detent. in prisona nostra de Criples gate pro x. l. quas coram Radulpho de Sandwico tunc custod. ciuitatis nostræ London. & I. de Blackwell ciuis recognit. debit. etc.” This gate was new built by the brewers of[33] London in the year 1244, as saith Fabian’s manuscript. Edmond Shaw, goldsmith, mayor in the year 1483, at his decease appointed by his testament his executors, with the cost of four hundred marks, and the stuff of the old gate, called Cripplesgate, to build the same gate of new, which was performed and done in the year 1491.
This postern used to be a prison, where citizens and others who were arrested for debt or minor offenses were sent, just as they are now to the compters. This is confirmed by a writ from Edward I that reads: “King of the City of London, greetings: due to the serious complaint of B. captured and held in our prison of Cripplesgate for £10, admitted before Radulph de Sandwico, then the custodian of our City of London, and J. de Blackwell, a citizen, for a recognized debt, etc.” This gate was newly built by the brewers of[33] London in the year 1244, according to Fabian’s manuscript. Edmond Shaw, a goldsmith and mayor in 1483, upon his death, instructed his executors to spend four hundred marks and the materials from the old gate, called Cripplesgate, to rebuild it, which was carried out in 1491.
ALDERSGATE
The next is Ældresgate, or Aldersgate,[51] so called not of Aldrich or of Elders, that is to say, ancient men, builders thereof; not of Eldarne trees, growing there more abundantly than in other places, as some have fabled,[51] but for the very antiquity of the gate itself, as being one of the first four gates of the city, and serving for the northern parts, as Aldegate for the east; which two gates, being both old gates, are for difference sake called, the one Ealdegate, and the other Aldersgate. This is the fourth principal gate, and hath at sundry times been increased with buildings, namely, on the south, or inner side, a great frame of timber hath been added and set up, containing divers large rooms and lodgings; also on the east side is the addition of one great building of timber, with one large floor, paved with stone or tile, and a well therein curbed with stone, of a great depth, and rising into the said room, two stories high from the ground; which well is the only peculiar note belonging to that gate, for I have not seen the like in all this city to be raised so high. John Day, stationer, a late famous printer of many good books, in our time dwelt in this gate, and built much upon the wall of the city towards the parish church of St. Anne.
The next is Aldersgate, so named not after Aldrich or old men, but rather for the very age of the gate itself, being one of the first four gates of the city, serving the northern parts, just as Aldegate serves the east. These two old gates are distinguished by their names, one being Ealdegate and the other Aldersgate. This is the fourth main gate, and over time, it has been expanded with buildings. On the south, or inner side, a large timber structure has been added with various spacious rooms and accommodations. Additionally, on the east side, there’s a major timber building that has a large floor, paved with stone or tile, and features a well surrounded by stone, which is very deep and rises into the room, two stories high from the ground. This well is a unique feature of that gate, as I haven't seen anything like it in the entire city. John Day, a well-known printer of many good books, lived at this gate in our time and made significant renovations to the city wall near St. Anne's parish church.
POSTERN OUT OF CHRIST’S HOSPITAL
Then is there also a postern gate, made out of the wall on the north side of the late dissolved cloister of Friers minors, commonly of their habit called Grey friars, now Christ’s church and hospital. This postern was made in the first year of Edward VI. to pass from the said hospital of Christ’s church unto the hospital of St. Bartlemew in Smithfield.
Then there is also a small gate built into the wall on the north side of the recently dissolved cloister of the Friars Minors, commonly known as the Grey Friars, now Christ’s Church and Hospital. This small gate was created in the first year of Edward VI's reign to allow passage from the hospital of Christ’s Church to the hospital of St. Bartholomew in Smithfield.
NEWGATE
The next gate on the west, and by north, is termed Newgate, as latelier built than the rest, and is the fifth principal gate. This gate was first erected about the reign of Henry I. or of[34] King Stephen, upon this occasion.[52] The cathedral church of St. Paul, being burnt about the year 1086, in the reign of William the Conqueror, Mauritius, then bishop of London, repaired not the old church, as some have supposed, but began the foundation of a new work, such as men then judged would never have been performed; it was to them so wonderful for height, length, and breadth, as also in respect it was raised upon arches or vaults, a kind of workmanship brought in by the Normans, and never known to the artificers of this land before that time, etc. After Mauritius, Richard Beamore did wonderfully advance the work of the said church, purchasing the large streets and lanes round about, wherein were wont to dwell many lay people, which grounds he began to compass about with a strong wall of stone and gates. By means of this increase of the church territory, but more by inclosing of ground for so large a cemetery or churchyard, the high and large street stretching from Aldegate in the east until Ludgate in the west, was in this place so crossed and stopped up, that the carriage through the city westward was forced to pass without the said churchyard wall on the north side, through Pater noster row; and then south, down Ave Mary lane, and again west, through Bowyer row to Ludgate; or else out of Cheepe, or Watheling street, to turn south, through the old Exchange; then west through Carter lane, again north by Creede lane, and then west to Ludgate: which passage, by reason of so often turning, was very cumbersome and dangerous both for horse and man; for remedy whereof a new gate was made, and so called, by which men and cattle, with all manner of carriages, might pass more directly (as afore) from Aldegate, through West Cheape by Paules, on the north side; through St. Nicholas shambles and Newgate market to Newgate, and from thence to any part westward over Oldborne bridge, or turning without the gate into Smithfielde, and through Iseldon to any part north and by west. This gate hath of long time been a gaol, or prison for felons and trespassers, as appeareth by records[53] in the reign of King John, and of other kings; amongst the which I find one testifying, that in the year 1218, the 3rd of King Henry III., the king writeth unto the sheriffs of London, commanding them to repair the gaol of Newgate for the safe keeping of his prisoners, promising that the charges laid out should be allowed unto them upon their account in the Exchequer.
The next gate to the west, approaching from the north, is called Newgate, built later than the others, and is the fifth main gate. This gate was first constructed during the reign of Henry I or King Stephen, for this reason. The cathedral church of St. Paul was burned down around 1086 during the reign of William the Conqueror. Maurice, then the bishop of London, did not restore the old church, as some believe, but began a new construction that many thought would never be completed. It was astonishing to them in its height, length, and width, and it was built on arches or vaults, a type of craftsmanship brought in by the Normans that had not been known to the craftsmen in this land before. After Maurice, Richard Beamore greatly advanced the church’s construction by purchasing the large streets and lanes around it, where many laypeople used to live. He started to enclose this area with a strong stone wall and gates. Because of this expansion of the church territory, and especially by enclosing land for such a large cemetery or churchyard, the wide street stretching from Aldgate in the east to Ludgate in the west was so obstructed in this area that transport heading west through the city had to go around the churchyard wall on the north side, through Paternoster Row, then south down Ave Mary Lane, and again west through Bowyer Row to Ludgate; or from Cheepe or Watheling Street, turning south through the Old Exchange, then west through Carter Lane, again north via Creede Lane, and then west to Ludgate. This route, with its many turns, was very cumbersome and dangerous for both horse and rider. To remedy this, a new gate was created, which was named accordingly, allowing people and animals, along with all types of vehicles, to pass more directly from Aldgate, through West Cheape by St. Paul’s on the north side, through St. Nicholas Shambles and Newgate Market to Newgate, and from there to any part westward over Oldbourne Bridge, or turning outside the gate into Smithfield, and through Iseldon to any northern and western part. This gate has long served as a jail for criminals and offenders, as records show from the reign of King John and other kings; among which I find one stating that in the year 1218, the 3rd year of King Henry III, the king wrote to the sheriffs of London, ordering them to repair the Newgate jail for the safe keeping of his prisoners, promising that the expenses incurred would be reimbursed on their account in the Exchequer.
Moreover, in the year 1241, the Jews of Norwich were hanged for circumcising a Christian child; their house called the Thor was pulled down and destroyed; Aron, the son of Abraham, a Jew, at London, and the other Jews, were constrained to pay twenty thousand marks at two terms in the year, or else to be kept perpetual prisoners in Newgate of London, and in other prisons. In 1255, King Henry III. lodging in the tower of London, upon displeasure conceived towards the city of London, for the escape of John Offrem, a prisoner, being a clerk convict, out of Newgate, which had killed a prior that was of alliance to the king, as cousin to the queen: he sent for the mayor and sheriffs to come before him to answer the matter; the mayor laid the fault from him to the sheriffs, forasmuch as to them belonged the keeping of all prisoners within the city; and so the mayor returned home, but the sheriffs remained there prisoners by the space of a month and more; and yet they excused themselves, in that the fault chiefly rested in the bishop’s officers; for whereas the prisoner was under custody, they at his request had granted license to imprison the offender within the gaol of Newgate, but so as the bishop’s officers were charged to see him safely kept. The king, notwithstanding all this, demanded of the city three thousand marks for a fine.
Moreover, in 1241, the Jews of Norwich were hanged for circumcising a Christian child; their house, called the Thor, was demolished and destroyed. Aron, the son of Abraham, a Jew in London, and the other Jews were forced to pay twenty thousand marks twice a year, or be kept as permanent prisoners in Newgate of London and other prisons. In 1255, King Henry III, staying in the Tower of London, became angry with the city of London for the escape of John Offrem, a convict clerk who had killed a prior related to the king and cousin to the queen. He summoned the mayor and sheriffs to come before him to explain the situation. The mayor shifted the blame to the sheriffs since they were responsible for keeping all prisoners in the city. The mayor then went home, but the sheriffs remained there as prisoners for over a month. They defended themselves by arguing that the fault mainly lay with the bishop’s officers; for when the prisoner was in custody, they had, at his request, allowed him to be placed in Newgate, but only on the condition that the bishop’s officers were responsible for his safe keeping. Despite all this, the king demanded three thousand marks from the city as a fine.
In the year 1326, Robert Baldoke, the king’s chancellor, was put in Newgate, the 3rd of Edward III. In the year 1337, Sir John Poultney gave four marks by the year to the relief of prisoners in Newgate. In the year 1385, William Walworth gave somewhat to relieve the prisoners in Newgate, so have many others since. In the year 1414, the gaolers of Newgate and Ludgate died, and prisoners in Newgate to the number of sixty-four. In the year 1418, the parson of Wrotham, in Kent, was imprisoned in Newgate. In the year 1422, the first of Henry VI., license was granted to John Coventre, Jenken Carpenter, and William Grove, executors to Richard Whittington, to re-edify the gaol of Newgate, which they did with his goods.
In 1326, Robert Baldoke, the king’s chancellor, was imprisoned in Newgate during the reign of Edward III. In 1337, Sir John Poultney donated four marks a year to support prisoners in Newgate. In 1385, William Walworth contributed something to help relieve the prisoners in Newgate, as have many others since then. In 1414, the jailers of Newgate and Ludgate died, leaving sixty-four prisoners in Newgate. In 1418, the parson of Wrotham in Kent was locked up in Newgate. In 1422, in the first year of Henry VI., a license was granted to John Coventre, Jenken Carpenter, and William Grove, the executors to Richard Whittington, to rebuild the gaol of Newgate, which they did using his funds.
Thomas Knowles, grocer, sometime mayor of London, by license of Reynold, prior of St. Bartholomew’s in Smithfield, and also of John Wakering, master of the hospital of St. Bartholomew, and his brethren, conveyed the waste of water at the cistern near to the common fountain and chapel of St. Nicholas (situate by the said hospital) to the gaols of Newgate, and Ludgate, for the relief of the prisoners. Tuesday next after Palm Sunday 1431, all the prisoners of Ludgate were removed into Newgate by Walter Chartesey, and Robert Large, sheriffs of[36] London; and on the 13th of April the same sheriffs (through the false suggestion of John Kingesell, jailor of Newgate) set from thence eighteen persons free men, and these were let to the compters, pinioned as if they had been felons; but on the sixteenth of June, Ludgate was again appointed for free men, prisoners for debt; and the same day the said free men entered by ordinance of the mayor, aldermen, and commons, and by them Henry Deane, tailor, was made keeper of Ludgate prison. In the year 1457, a great fray was in the north country between Sir Thomas Percie, Lord Egremond, and the Earl of Salisbury’s sons, whereby many were maimed and slain; but, in the end, the Lord Egremond being taken, was by the king’s counsel found in great default, and therefore condemned in great sums of money, to be paid to the Earl of Salisbury, and in the meantime committed to Newgate. Not long after, Sir Thomas Percie, Lord Egremond, and Sir Richard Percie his brother, being in Newgate, broke out of prison by night, and went to the king; the other prisoners took the leads of the gate, and defended it a long while against the sheriffs and all their officers, insomuch that they were forced to call more aid of the citizens, whereby they lastly subdued them, and laid them in irons: and this may suffice for Newgate.
Thomas Knowles, a grocer and former mayor of London, with permission from Reynold, the prior of St. Bartholomew’s in Smithfield, and John Wakering, the master of the St. Bartholomew hospital, and his associates, directed the flow of water from the cistern near the common fountain and chapel of St. Nicholas (located by the hospital) to the prisons of Newgate and Ludgate for the benefit of the prisoners. On the Tuesday after Palm Sunday in 1431, all the prisoners from Ludgate were transferred to Newgate by Walter Chartesey and Robert Large, the sheriffs of London; and on April 13th, the same sheriffs, misled by John Kingesell, the jailer of Newgate, released eighteen free men from there, chaining them as if they were felons. However, on June 16th, Ludgate was again designated for free men who were debtors; and on that same day, through an order from the mayor, aldermen, and commons, Henry Deane, a tailor, was appointed the keeper of Ludgate prison. In 1457, a major fight broke out in the north country between Sir Thomas Percie, Lord Egremond, and the sons of the Earl of Salisbury, resulting in many injuries and deaths. Ultimately, Lord Egremond was captured and, upon the king’s counsel, found to be greatly at fault, thus condemned to pay large sums of money to the Earl of Salisbury, while also being sent to Newgate. Soon after, Sir Thomas Percie, Lord Egremond, and his brother Sir Richard Percie escaped from Newgate prison at night and went to the king; the other prisoners defended the gate with the leads for a long time against the sheriffs and their officers, forcing them to call for more help from the citizens, who eventually subdued them and put them in chains. This may suffice for Newgate.
LUDGATE
In the west is the next, and sixth principal gate, and is called Ludgate, as first built (saith Geoffrey Monmouth) by King Lud, a Briton, about the year before Christ’s nativity, 66. Of which building, and also of the name, as Ludsgate, or Fludsgate, hath been of late some question among the learned; wherefore I overpass it, as not to my purpose, only referring the reader to that I have before written out of Cæsar’s Commentaries, and other Roman writers, concerning a town or city amongst the Britons. This gate I suppose to be one of the most ancient; and as Aldgate was built for the east, so was this Ludsgate for the west. I read,[54] as I told you, that in the year 1215, the 17th of King John, the barons of the realm, being in arms against the king, entered this city, and spoiled the Jews’ houses; which being done, Robert Fitzwater and Geffrey de Magnavilla, Earl of Essex, and the Earl of Gloucester, chief leaders of the army, applied all diligence to repair the gates and walls of this city, with the stones of the Jews’ broken houses, especially (as it seemeth) they then repaired, or rather new built Ludgate.[37] For in the year 1586, when the same gate was taken down to be newly built, there was found couched within the wall thereof a stone taken from one of the Jews’ houses, wherein was graven in Hebrew characters these words following: Hæc est statio Rabbi Mosis, filii insignis Rabbi Isaac: which is to say, this is the station or ward of Rabbi Moyses, the son of the honourable Rabbi Isaac, and had been fixed upon the front of one of the Jews’ houses, as a note or sign that such a one dwelt there. In the year 1260, this Ludgate was repaired, and beautified with images of Lud, and other kings, as appeareth by letters patent of license given to the citizens of London, to take up stone for that purpose, dated the 25th of Henry III. These images of kings in the reign of Edward VI. had their heads smitten off, and were otherwise defaced by[55] such as judged every image to be an idol; and in the reign of Queen Mary were repaired, as by setting new heads on their old bodies, etc. All which so remained until the year 1586, the 28th of Queen Elizabeth, when the same gate being sore decayed, was clean taken down; the prisoners in the meantime remaining in the large south-east quadrant to the same gate adjoining; and the same year the whole gate was newly and beautifully built, with the images of Lud and others, as afore, on the east side, and the picture of her majesty Queen Elizabeth on the west side: all which was done at the common charges of the citizens, amounting to fifteen hundred pounds or more.
In the west is the next and sixth main gate, called Ludgate, which was originally built (according to Geoffrey Monmouth) by King Lud, a Briton, around 66 years before Christ’s birth. There has been some debate among scholars about this building and also the name, which has appeared as Ludsgate or Fludsgate; however, I’ll skip over that as it’s not relevant to my point, just directing readers to what I’ve previously written from Caesar’s Commentaries and other Roman writers about a town or city among the Britons. I believe this gate to be one of the oldest; just as Aldgate was built for the east, Ludgate was built for the west. I read, as I told you, that in 1215, during the 17th year of King John’s reign, the barons of the realm, armed against the king, entered this city and looted the Jews’ houses; afterward, Robert Fitzwater and Geoffrey de Magnavilla, the Earl of Essex, and the Earl of Gloucester, leaders of the army, worked diligently to repair the city’s gates and walls using stones from the Jews’ demolished houses, especially (it seems) they focused on repairing or rather rebuilding Ludgate. In 1586, when this gate was taken down to be rebuilt, a stone was found within its wall from one of the Jews’ houses, inscribed in Hebrew characters with the following words: Hæc est statio Rabbi Mosis, filii insignis Rabbi Isaac: which translates to, this is the station or ward of Rabbi Moyses, the son of the honorable Rabbi Isaac, and had been attached to the front of one of the Jewish houses as a marker that someone lived there. In 1260, this Ludgate was repaired and adorned with images of Lud and other kings, as shown by the patents granted to the citizens of London to gather stone for that purpose, dated the 25th year of Henry III. These images of kings in the reign of Edward VI had their heads knocked off and were otherwise damaged by those who considered every image to be an idol; and in the reign of Queen Mary, they were restored by putting new heads on their old bodies, etc. All this remained until 1586, the 28th year of Queen Elizabeth, when the gate, being severely deteriorated, was completely taken down; prisoners meanwhile were kept in the large southeast section next to the gate; and that same year the entire gate was newly and beautifully constructed, featuring images of Lud and others as before on the east side, and a picture of Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth on the west side: all of this was done at the common expense of the citizens, amounting to fifteen hundred pounds or more.
This gate was made a free prison in the year 1378, the 1st of Richard II., Nicholas Brembar being mayor.[56] The same was confirmed in the year 1382, John Northampton being mayor, by a common council in the Guildhall; by which it was ordained that all freemen of this city should, for debt, trespasses, accounts, and contempts, be imprisoned in Ludgate, and for treasons, felonies, and other criminal offences, committed to Newgate, etc. In the year 1431, the 10th of King Henry VI., John Wells being mayor, a court of common council established ordinances (as William Standon and Robert Chicheley, late mayors, before had done), touching the guard and government of Ludgate and other prisons.
This gate was turned into a free prison in 1378, during the first year of Richard II’s reign, with Nicholas Brembar as mayor.[56] It was confirmed in 1382, when John Northampton was mayor, by a common council at the Guildhall. It was decided that all freemen of this city could be imprisoned in Ludgate for debts, offenses, accounts, and contempt, while those guilty of treason, felonies, and other criminal offenses would be sent to Newgate, etc. In 1431, during the 10th year of King Henry VI’s reign, with John Wells as mayor, a common council established rules (as had been done previously by mayors William Standon and Robert Chicheley) regarding the management and oversight of Ludgate and other prisons.
Also in the year 1463, the third of Edward IV., Mathew Philip, being mayor, in a common council, at the request of the well-disposed, blessed, and devout woman, Dame Agnes Forster, widow, late wife to Stephen Forster, fishmonger, sometime mayor, for the comfort and relief of all the poor prisoners, certain[38] articles were established. Imprimis, that the new works then late edified by the same Dame Agnes, for the enlarging of the prison of Ludgate, from thenceforth should be had and taken as a part and parcel of the said prison of Ludgate; so that both the old and new work of Ludgate aforesaid be one prison, gaol keeping, and charge for evermore.
Also, in the year 1463, during the third year of Edward IV, Mathew Philip, who was the mayor, held a common council at the request of the kind, blessed, and devoted woman, Dame Agnes Forster, widow of Stephen Forster, a fishmonger and former mayor. To provide comfort and support for all the poor prisoners, certain[38] articles were established. First, the new structures recently built by Dame Agnes to expand the prison of Ludgate were to be considered as part of the Ludgate prison. This way, both the old and new sections of Ludgate would be treated as one single prison, managed and maintained together forever.
The said quadrant, strongly built of stone by the beforenamed Stephen Forster, and Agnes his wife, containeth a large walking-place by ground of thirty-eight feet and a half in length, besides the thickness of the walls, which are at the least six foot, makes altogether forty-four feet and a half; the breadth within the walls is twenty-nine feet and a half, so that the thickness of the walls maketh it thirty five feet and a half in breadth. The like room it hath over it for lodgings, and over it again fair leads to walk upon, well embattled, all for fresh air and ease of prisoners, to the end they should have lodging and water free without charge, as by certain verses graven in copper, and fixed on the said quadrant, I have read in form following:—
The mentioned quadrant, solidly constructed of stone by the previously mentioned Stephen Forster and his wife Agnes, includes a large walkway measuring thirty-eight and a half feet long. When you add the thickness of the walls, which are at least six feet thick, it totals forty-four and a half feet. The width inside the walls is twenty-nine and a half feet, so including the wall thickness, it measures thirty-five and a half feet wide. There is a similar space above it for living quarters, and above that, a pleasant walkway that is well-embattled, all designed for fresh air and the comfort of the prisoners, ensuring they have lodging and water free of charge, as I have read in certain verses engraved in copper and affixed to the quadrant, which are as follows:—
For Stephen Forster, the former mayor, we sincerely pray; And Lady Agnes, his wife, dedicated to God, This house of compassion was created for Londoners in Ludgate.
So that prisoners here pay nothing for lodging and water, "All their guardians will be held accountable on a terrifying judgment day."
This place and one other of his arms, three broad arrow-heads, taken down with the old gate, I caused to be fixed over the entry of the said quadrant; but the verses being unhappily turned inward to the wall, procured the like in effect to be graven outward in prose, declaring him to be a fishmonger, because some upon a light occasion (as a maiden’s head in a glass window) had fabled him to be a mercer, and to have begged there at Ludgate, etc. Thus much for Ludgate.
This place and another of his arms, three wide arrowheads, taken down with the old gate, I had put up over the entrance of that quadrant; but since the verses were unfortunately facing the wall, I had them engraved on the outside in prose, stating that he was a fishmonger, because some had jokingly claimed (like a girl’s head in a glass window) that he was a merchant and had begged there at Ludgate, etc. That's all about Ludgate.
Next this is there a breach in the wall of the city, and a bridge of timber over the Fleet dike, betwixt Fleetebridge and Thames, directly over against the house of Bridewel. Thus much for gates in the wall.
Next, there is a breach in the city wall and a wooden bridge over the Fleet Dike, between Fleetbridge and the Thames, directly opposite the Bridewell house. This covers the gates in the wall.
Water-gates on the banks of the river Thames have been many, which being purchased by private men, are also put to private use, and the old names of them forgotten; but of such as remain, from the west towards the east, may be said as followeth:—
Water-gates along the banks of the River Thames have been numerous, and since they've been bought by private individuals, they're now used privately, causing their old names to be forgotten. However, of those that still exist, moving from west to east, the following can be said:—
The Blacke-friers stairs, a free landing-place.
The Blackfriars stairs, a free landing spot.
Then a water-gate at Puddle wharf, of one Puddle that kept[39] a wharf on the west side thereof, and now of Puddle water, by means of many horses watered there.
Then a water gate at Puddle Wharf, owned by a guy named Puddle who managed[39] a wharf on the west side, and now it serves as a spot where many horses are watered.
Then Powle’s wharf, also a free landing-place with stairs, etc.
Then Powle’s wharf, which is also a free landing area with steps and so on.
Then Broken wharf, and other such like.
Then Broken Wharf and other similar places.
But, Ripa Regina, the Queene’s bank, or Queene hithe may well be accounted the very chief and principal water-gate of this city, being a common strand or landing-place, yet equal with, and of old time far exceeding, Belins gate, as shall be shown in the ward of Queene hithe.
But, Ripa Regina, the Queen's bank, or Queen hithe can rightly be considered the main water-gate of this city. It serves as a common dock or landing spot, yet it matches, and in the past far surpassed, Belins gate, as will be explained in the ward of Queen hithe.
The next is Downe gate, so called of the sudden descending or down-going of that way from St. John’s church upon Walbrooke unto the river of Thames, whereby the water in the channel there hath such a swift course, that in the year 1574, on the fourth of September, after a strong shower of rain, a lad, of the age of eighteen years, minding to have leapt over the channel, was taken by the feet, and borne down with the violence of that narrow stream, and carried toward the Thames with such a violent swiftness, as no man could rescue or stay him, till he came against a cart-wheel that stood in the water-gate, before which time he was drowned and stark dead.
The next place is Downe Gate, named for the sudden drop of the path from St. John’s church to Walbrooke and then to the River Thames. The water here flows so quickly that, on September 4, 1574, after a heavy rain, an eighteen-year-old boy tried to jump over the channel. He was swept away by the force of the fast-moving water, and no one could rescue him until he hit a cart wheel in the water gate. By then, he had drowned and was dead.
This was sometimes a large water-gate, frequented of ships and other vessels, like as the Queene hithe, and was a part thereof, as doth appear by an inquisition made in the 28th year of Henry III., wherein was found, that as well corn as fish, and all other things coming to the port of Downegate, were to be ordered after the customs of the Queene’s hithe, for the king’s use; as also that the corn arriving between the gate of the Guild hall of the merchants of Cullen (the Styleyard), which is east from Downegate, and the house then pertaining to the Archbishop of Canterbury, west from Baynarde’s Castle, was to be measured by the measure, and measurer of the Queene’s soke, or Queene hithe. I read also, in the 19th of Edward III., that customs were then to be paid for ships and other vessels resting at Downegate, as if they rode at Queene hithe, and as they now do at Belingsgate. And thus much for Downegate may suffice.
This used to be a large water gate, visited by ships and other vessels, similar to Queenhithe, and was part of it, as shown by an inquiry conducted in the 28th year of Henry III. It was found that both corn and fish, along with any other goods arriving at the port of Downegate, were to be regulated according to the customs of Queen's Hith for the king’s benefit. Additionally, any corn that arrived between the Guildhall gate of the merchants of Cologne (the Styleyard), which is east of Downegate, and the house that then belonged to the Archbishop of Canterbury, west of Baynard’s Castle, was to be measured using the standards set by Queen's soke or Queenhithe. I also read, in the 19th year of Edward III, that customs were to be paid for ships and other vessels docked at Downegate, just as if they were at Queenhithe, and as they currently do at Billingsgate. That should cover everything about Downegate.
The next was called Wolfes gate,[57] in the ropery in the parish of Allhallowes the Lesse, of later time called Wolfes lane, but now out of use; for the lower part was built on by the Earle of Shrewsburie, and the other part was stopped up and built on by the chamberlain of London.
The next place was called Wolfes Gate,[57] in the ropery in the parish of Allhallows the Lesser, which was later known as Wolfes Lane, but is no longer in use; the lower part was constructed over by the Earl of Shrewsbury, and the other part was blocked off and built over by the chamberlain of London.
The next is Ebgate,[58] a water-gate, so called of old time, as[40] appeareth by divers records of tenements near unto the same adjoining. It standeth near unto the church of St. Laurence Pountney, but is within the parish of St. Marten Ordegare. In place of this gate is now a narrow passage to the Thames, and is called Ebgate lane, but more commonly the Old Swan.
The next one is Ebgate,[58], a water gate, named that way in ancient times, as[40] shown by various records of properties nearby. It is located close to the church of St. Laurence Pountney, but it falls under the parish of St. Marten Ordegare. Instead of this gate, there is now a narrow pathway to the Thames, known as Ebgate Lane, but more commonly called the Old Swan.
Then is there a water-gate at the bridge foot, called Oyster gate, of oysters that were there of old time, commonly to be sold, and was the chiefest market for them and for other shell-fishes. There standeth now an engine or forcier, for the winding up of water to serve the city, whereof I have already spoken.
Then there's a water gate at the foot of the bridge, called Oyster Gate, named after the oysters that used to be sold there, which was the main market for them and other shellfish. Now, there’s a machine or device for pumping water to supply the city, which I've already mentioned.
BRIDGE GATE
The next is the Bridge gate, so called of London Bridge, whereon it standeth. This was one of the four first and principal gates of the city, long before the Conquest, when there stood a bridge of timber, and is the seventh and last principal gate mentioned by W. Fitzstephen; which gate being new[59] made, when the bridge was built was built of stone, hath been oftentimes since repaired. This gate, with the tower upon it, in the year 1436 fell down, and two of the farthest arches southwards also fell therewith, and no man perished or was hurt therewith. To the repairing whereof, divers wealthy citizens gave large sums of money; namely, Robert Large, sometime mayor, one hundred marks; Stephen Forster, twenty pounds; Sir John Crosbye, alderman, one hundred pounds, etc. But in the year 1471,[60] the Kentish mariners, under the conduct of bastard Fauconbridge, burned the said gate and thirteen houses on the bridge, besides the Beer houses at St. Katherine’s, and many others in the suburbs.
The next is the Bridge gate, named after London Bridge, where it stands. This was one of the four main gates of the city long before the Conquest, when there was a wooden bridge, and it is the seventh and last main gate mentioned by W. Fitzstephen. This gate, which was newly constructed when the bridge was built, was made of stone and has been repaired many times since. In 1436, this gate, along with the tower above it, collapsed, taking down two of the outer arches to the south, but miraculously, no one was killed or injured. To help with the repairs, several wealthy citizens donated large sums of money; for example, Robert Large, who was once mayor, gave one hundred marks; Stephen Forster contributed twenty pounds; Sir John Crosbye, an alderman, donated one hundred pounds, and so on. However, in 1471, the Kentish mariners, led by bastard Fauconbridge, burned down this gate and thirteen houses on the bridge, along with the beer houses at St. Katherine’s and many others in the suburbs.
The next is Buttolphe’s gate, so called of the parish church of St. Buttolph, near adjoining. This gate was sometimes given or confirmed by William Conqueror to the monks of Westminster in these words: “W. rex Angliæ, etc., William, king of England, sendeth greeting to the sheriffes, and all his ministers, as also to all his loving subjects, French and English, of London: Know ye that I have granted to God and St. Peter of Westminster, and to the abbot Vitalis, the gift which Almundus of the port of S. Buttolph gave them, when he was there made monke: that is to say, his Lords court with the houses, and one wharf, which is at the head of London bridge, and all other his lands which he had in the same city, in such sort as King Edward more beneficially and amply granted the same; and I will and command[41] that they shall enjoy the same well and quietly and honourably, with sake and soke, etc.”
The next is Buttolphe’s Gate, named after the nearby parish church of St. Buttolph. This gate was sometimes granted or confirmed by William the Conqueror to the monks of Westminster in these words: “W. Rex Angliæ, etc., William, king of England, sends greetings to the sheriffs and all his officials, as well as to all his loyal subjects, both French and English, of London: Know that I have granted to God and St. Peter of Westminster, and to Abbot Vitalis, the gift that Almundus of the port of St. Buttolph gave them when he became a monk there: that is to say, his lord's court with the houses, and one wharf, which is at the foot of London Bridge, and all his other lands that he had in the same city, just as King Edward had granted them more generously and fully; and I will and command[41] that they shall enjoy the same well, peacefully, and honorably, with sake and soke, etc.”
The next is Bellinsgate, used as an especial port, or harbour, for small ships and boats coming thereto, and is now[61] most frequented, the Queen’s hithe being almost forsaken. How this gate took that name, or of what antiquity the same is, I must leave uncertain, as not having any ancient record thereof, more than that Geoffrey Monmouth writeth, that Belin, a king of the Britons, about four hundred years before Christ’s nativity, built this gate, and named it Belin’s gate, after his own calling; and that when he was dead, his body being burnt, the ashes, in a vessel of brass, were set upon a high pinnacle of stone over the same gate. But Cæsar and other Roman writers affirm, of cities, walls, and gates, as ye have before heard; and therefore it seemeth to me not to be so ancient, but rather to have taken that name of some later owner of the place, happily named Beling, or Biling, as Somar’s key, Smart’s key, Frosh wharf, and others, thereby took their names of their owners. Of this gate more shall be said when we come to Belin’s gate ward.
The next is Bellinsgate, which is specifically used as a port or harbor for small ships and boats coming in, and is now[61] the most frequented, while the Queen’s hithe has almost been abandoned. How this gate got its name, or how old it is, remains uncertain, as there are no ancient records about it, except that Geoffrey Monmouth wrote that Belin, a king of the Britons, built this gate about four hundred years before Christ was born and named it Belin’s gate after himself. After he died, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed in a brass vessel on a high stone pinnacle over the gate. However, Cæsar and other Roman writers have commented on cities, walls, and gates, as you’ve heard before; therefore, it seems to me that it’s not as ancient and probably got its name from a later owner of the location, perhaps named Beling or Biling, similar to how Somar’s key, Smart’s key, Frosh wharf, and others took their names from their owners. More will be said about this gate when we discuss Belin’s gate ward.
Then have you a water-gate, on the west side of Wool wharf, or Customers’ key,[62] which is commonly called the water-gate, at the south end of Water lane.
Then do you have a water gate on the west side of Wool wharf, or Customers' key,[62] which is usually referred to as the water gate, at the south end of Water lane.
One other water-gate there is by the bulwark of the Tower, and this is the last and farthest water-gate eastward, on the river of Thames, so far as the city of London extendeth within the walls; both which last named water-gates be within the Tower ward.
One more water gate is by the wall of the Tower, and this is the last and farthest water gate to the east on the River Thames, as far as the city of London reaches within the walls; both of these last-mentioned water gates are within the Tower ward.
Besides these common water-gates, were divers private wharfs and keys, all along from the east to the west of this city, on the bank of the river of Thames; merchants of all nations had landing-places, warehouses, cellars, and stowage of their goods and merchandises, as partly shall be touched in the wards adjoining to the said river. Now, for the ordering and keeping these gates of this city in the night time, it was appointed in the year of Christ 1258, by Henry III., the 42nd of his reign,[63] that the ports of England should be strongly kept, and that the gates of London should be new repaired, and diligently kept in the night, for fear of French deceits, whereof one writeth these verses:
Besides these common water gates, there were various private docks and quays stretching from the east to the west of this city along the banks of the River Thames; merchants from all nations had landing spots, warehouses, cellars, and storage for their goods and merchandise, as will be partially discussed in the wards adjacent to the river. To manage and maintain these city gates at night, it was established in the year 1258, during the reign of Henry III, that the ports of England should be well-protected, and that the gates of London should be newly repaired and carefully maintained at night, to guard against French schemes, as noted in these lines:
OF TOWERS AND CASTLES
“The city of London (saith Fitzstephen) hath in the east a very great and a most strong palatine Tower, whose turrets and walls do rise from a deep foundation, the mortar thereof being tempered with the blood of beasts. In the west part are two most strong castles, etc.” To begin therefore with the most famous Tower of London, situate in the east, near unto the river of Thames: it hath been the common opinion, and some have written (but of none assured ground), that Julius Cæsar, the first conqueror of the Britons, was the original author and founder, as well thereof as also of many other towers, castles, and great buildings within this realm; but (as I have already before noted) Cæsar remained not here so long, nor had he in his head any such matter, but only to dispatch a conquest of this barbarous country, and to proceed to greater matters. Neither do the Roman writers make mention of any such buildings created by him here; and therefore leaving this, and proceeding to more grounded authority, I find in a fair register-book, containing the acts of the Bishops of Rochester, set down by Edmond de Hadenham, that William I., surnamed Conqueror, built the Tower of London; to wit, the great white and square tower there, about the year of Christ 1078, appointing Gundulph, then Bishop of Rochester, to be principal surveyor and overseer of that work, who was for that time lodged in the house of Edmere, a burgess of London; the very words of which mine author are these: “Gundulphus Episcopus mandato Willielmi Regis magni præfuit operi magnæ Turris London. quo tempore hospitatus est apud quendam Edmerum Burgensem London. qui dedit unum were Ecclesiæ Rofen.”
“The city of London (says Fitzstephen) has a very large and strong palace tower in the east, with turrets and walls rising from a deep foundation, its mortar mixed with the blood of beasts. In the west part are two strong castles, etc.” To start with the most famous Tower of London, located in the east near the River Thames: it's commonly believed, and some have written (though there’s no solid evidence), that Julius Caesar, the first conqueror of the Britons, was the original creator and founder, as well as of many other towers, castles, and significant buildings in this realm; however (as I've noted before), Caesar didn’t stay here long enough, nor did he have such plans, only a desire to conquer this barbarous land and move on to greater endeavors. Moreover, Roman writers don’t mention any such buildings he created here; therefore, moving on to more reliable sources, I find in a beautiful record book detailing the acts of the Bishops of Rochester, compiled by Edmond de Hadenham, that William I, known as the Conqueror, built the Tower of London; specifically, the large white and square tower there, around the year 1078, appointing Gundulph, then Bishop of Rochester, to be the main surveyor and overseer of that work, who was at that time staying in the house of Edmere, a citizen of London; the exact words of my source are: “Gundulphus Episcopus mandato Willielmi Regis magni præfuit operi magnæ Turris London. quo tempore hospitatus est apud quendam Edmerum Burgensem London. qui dedit unum were Ecclesiæ Rofen.”
Ye have before heard that the wall of this city was all round about furnished with towers and bulwarks, in due distance every one from other; and also that the river Thames, with his ebbing and flowing, on the south side, had subverted the said wall and towers there. Wherefore King William, for defence of this city, in place most dangerous, and open to the enemy, having taken down the second bulwark in the east part of the wall from the Thames, built this tower, which was the great square tower, now called the White Tower, and hath been since at divers times enlarged with other buildings adjoining, as shall be shown. This tower was by tempest of wind[64] sore shaken in[43] the year 1090, the 4th of William Rufus, and was again by the said Rufus and Henry I. repaired. They also caused a castle to be built under the said tower, namely, on the south side towards the Thames, and also incastellated the same round about.
You have already heard that the wall of this city was surrounded by towers and fortifications, spaced at equal distances from each other; and also that the River Thames, with its tides, had eroded the wall and towers on the south side. Therefore, King William, to protect this city in a place that was very vulnerable and exposed to the enemy, demolished the second bastion in the eastern part of the wall facing the Thames and built this tower, which is the great square tower now known as the White Tower. It has since been enlarged at various times with additional buildings, as will be detailed later. This tower was severely shaken by a storm in the year 1090, during the 4th year of William Rufus's reign, and was repaired again by Rufus and Henry I. They also commissioned the construction of a castle beneath the tower, specifically on the south side toward the Thames, and fortified it all around.
Henry Huntingdon, libro sexto, hath these words: “William Rufus challenged the investure of prelates; he pilled and shaved the people with tribute, especially to spend about the Tower of London, and the great hall at Westminster.”
Henry Huntingdon, book six, has these words: “William Rufus demanded the authority to appoint bishops; he taxed the people heavily, especially to fund the Tower of London and the great hall at Westminster.”
Othowerus, Acolinillus, Otto, and Geffrey Magnaville, Earl of Essex, were four the first constables of this Tower of London, by succession; all which held by force a portion of land (that pertained to the priory of the Holy Trinitie within Aldgate); that is to say, East Smithfield, near unto the Tower, making thereof a vineyard,[65] and would not depart from it till the 2nd year of King Stephen, when the same was abridged and restored to the church. This said Geffrey Magnaville was Earl of Essex, constable of the Tower, sheriff of London, Middlesex, Essex, and Hertfordshire, as appeareth by a charter of Maud the empress, dated 1141. He also fortified the Tower of London against King Stephen; but the king took him in his court at St. Albones, and would not deliver him till he had rendered the Tower of London, with the castles of Walden and Plashey in Essex. In the year 1153 the Tower of London and the castle of Windsor were by the king delivered to Richard de Lucie, to be safely kept. In the year 1155, Thomas Becket being chancellor to Henry II., caused the Flemings to be banished out of England,[66] their castles lately built to be pulled down, and the Tower of London to be repaired.
Othowerus, Acolinillus, Otto, and Geffrey Magnaville, Earl of Essex, were the first four constables of the Tower of London, in succession. They forcibly took a piece of land that belonged to the priory of the Holy Trinity near Aldgate; specifically, East Smithfield, close to the Tower, and turned it into a vineyard,[65] not leaving until the second year of King Stephen's reign, when it was taken back and returned to the church. Geffrey Magnaville was the Earl of Essex, the constable of the Tower, and the sheriff of London, Middlesex, Essex, and Hertfordshire, as shown by a charter from Empress Maud, dated 1141. He also fortified the Tower of London against King Stephen, but the king captured him at his court in St. Albans and refused to release him until he surrendered the Tower of London along with the castles of Walden and Plashey in Essex. In 1153, King Stephen handed over the Tower of London and Windsor Castle to Richard de Lucie for safekeeping. In 1155, Thomas Becket, serving as Chancellor to Henry II, had the Flemings expelled from England,[66] ordered the demolition of their recently built castles, and arranged for repairs to the Tower of London.
About the year 1190, the 2nd of Richard I., William Longshampe, Bishop of Elie, Chancellor of England, for cause of dissension betwixt him and Earl John, the king’s brother that was rebel, inclosed the tower and castle of London, with an outward wall of stone embattled, and also caused a deep ditch to be cast about the same, thinking (as I have said before) to have environed it with the river of Thames. By the making of this inclosure and ditch in East Smithfield, the church of the Holy Trinitie in London lost half a mark rent by the year, and the mill was removed that belonged to the poor brethren of the hospital of St. Katherine,[67] and to the church of the Holy Trinitie[44] aforesaid, which was no small loss and discommodity to either part; and the garden which the king had hired of the brethren for six marks the year, for the most part was wasted and marred by the ditch. Recompense was often promised, but never performed, until King Edward coming after, gave to the brethren five marks and a half for that part which the ditch had devoured, and the other part thereof without he yielded to them again, which they hold: and of the said rent of five marks and a half, they have a deed, by virtue whereof they are well paid to this day.
Around the year 1190, during the reign of Richard I, William Longshampe, Bishop of Elie and Chancellor of England, due to a dispute with Earl John, the king's rebellious brother, enclosed the Tower of London and the castle with an outer stone wall with battlements. He also had a deep ditch dug around it, hoping to surround it with the River Thames. Because of this enclosure and the ditch in East Smithfield, the Church of the Holy Trinity in London lost half a mark in annual rent, and the mill that served the poor brothers of the Hospital of St. Katherine and the Church of the Holy Trinity also had to be moved, which was a significant loss for both parties. The garden that the king had rented from the brothers for six marks a year was mostly ruined by the ditch. Compensation was frequently promised but never delivered until King Edward came along and gave the brothers five and a half marks for the part the ditch had consumed, while he returned the other part to them, which they still possess. From this five and a half mark rent, they have a document proving they are compensated to this day.
It is also to be noted, and cannot be denied, but that the said inclosure and ditch took the like or greater quantity of ground from the city within the wall; namely, one of that part called the Tower Hill, besides breaking down of the city wall, from the White Tower to the first gate of the city, called the Postern; yet have I not read of any quarrel made by the citizens, or recompense demanded by them for that matter, because all was done for good of the city’s defence thereof, and to their good likings. But Matthew Paris writeth, that in the year 1239, King Henry III. fortified the Tower of London to another end; wherefore the citizens, fearing lest that were done to their detriment, complained, and the king answered, that he had not done it to their hurt, but (saith he) I will from henceforth do as my brother doth, in building and fortifying castles, who beareth the name to be wiser than I am. It followed in the next year, saith mine author, the said noble buildings of the stone gate and bulwark, which the king had caused to be made by the Tower of London, on the west side thereof, were shaken as it had been with an earthquake, and fell down, which the king again commanded to be built in better sort than before, which was done; and yet again, in the year 1247, the said wall and bulwarks that were newly built, wherein the king had bestowed more than twelve thousand marks, were irrecoverably thrown down, as afore; for the which chance the citizens of London were nothing sorry, for they were threatened that the said wall and bulwarks were built, to the end that if any of them would contend for the liberties of the city, they might be imprisoned; and that many might be laid in divers prisons, many lodgings were made that no one should speak with another: thus much Matthew Paris for this building. More of Henry III., his dealings against the citizens of London, we may read in the said author, in 1245, 1248, 1249, 1253, 1255, 1256, etc. But, concerning the said wall and bulwark, the same was finished,[45] though not in his time; for I read that Edward I., in the second of his reign, commanded the treasurer and chamberlain of the Exchequer to deliver out of his treasury unto Miles of Andwarp two hundred marks, of the fines taken out of divers merchants or usurers of London, for so be the words of the record, towards the work of the ditch then new made, about the said bulwark, now called the Lion Tower. I find also recorded, that Henry III., in the 46th of his reign, wrote to Edward of Westminster, commanding him that he should buy certain perie plants, and set the same in the place without his Tower of London, within the wall of the said city, which of late he had caused to be inclosed with a mud wall, as may appear by this that followeth: the mayor and commonalty of London were fined for throwing down the said earthen wall against the Tower of London, the 9th of Edward II. Edward IV. in place thereof built a wall of brick. But now for the Lion Tower and lions in England, the original, as I have read, was thus.
It should also be noted, and it cannot be denied, that the mentioned enclosure and ditch took the same or even a larger amount of land from the city within the walls; specifically, a part known as Tower Hill, in addition to breaking down the city wall from the White Tower to the first city gate, called the Postern. Yet, I have not found any record of complaints from the citizens or any compensation demanded from them regarding this, because everything was done for the purpose of the city's defense, and they were generally supportive of it. However, Matthew Paris writes that in the year 1239, King Henry III fortified the Tower of London for another reason; for this, the citizens, fearing it would harm them, complained. The king responded that he hadn't done it to their detriment, but instead said that he would from now on act like his brother, who was known for being wiser than him, in building and fortifying castles. The following year, my source states, the noble structures of the stone gate and bulwark that the king had ordered built on the west side of the Tower of London were shaken as if by an earthquake and fell down. The king then commanded that they be rebuilt even better than before, which was done. Yet again, in the year 1247, the newly built wall and bulwarks, where the king had spent over twelve thousand marks, were irreparably destroyed, as before. For this event, the citizens of London felt no sorrow, as they were threatened that those walls and bulwarks were constructed to imprison anyone who contested the city's liberties; many might be placed in different prisons, and several accommodations were made so that no one could speak to another. This is what Matthew Paris has recorded about this building. We can read more about Henry III's dealings with the citizens of London in the same source, in the years 1245, 1248, 1249, 1253, 1255, 1256, etc. Regarding the wall and bulwark, it was finished, [45] although not during his reign; for I read that Edward I, in the second year of his reign, commanded the treasurer and chamberlain of the Exchequer to disburse from his treasury two hundred marks to Miles of Andwarp, as recorded, from the fines taken from various merchants or moneylenders of London, towards the work on the newly made ditch around the bulwark, now called the Lion Tower. I also find recorded that Henry III, in the 46th year of his reign, wrote to Edward of Westminster, instructing him to buy certain pear trees and plant them outside his Tower of London, within the walls of the city, which he had recently enclosed with a mud wall, as can be seen by the following: the mayor and common council of London were fined for tearing down the earthen wall against the Tower of London in the 9th year of Edward II. Edward IV built a brick wall in its place. But now regarding the Lion Tower and lions in England, the original, as I have read, was as follows.
Henry I. built his manor of Wodstock, with a park, which he walled about with stone, seven miles in compass, destroying for the same divers villages, churches, and chapels; and this was the first park in England. He placed therein, besides great store of deer, divers strange beasts to be kept and nourished, such as were brought to him from far countries, as lions, leopards, linces, porpentines,[68] and such other. More I read, that in the year 1235, Frederick the emperor sent to Henry III. three leopards, in token of his regal shield of arms, wherein three leopards were pictured; since the which time those lions and others have been kept in a part of this bulwark, now called the Lion Tower, and their keepers there lodged. King Edward II., in the 12th of his reign, commanded the sheriffs of London to pay to the keepers of the king’s leopard in the Tower of London sixpence the day for the sustenance of the leopard, and three-halfpence a day for diet for the said keeper, out of the fee farm of the said city. More, in the 16th of Edward III., one lion, one lioness, one leopard, and two cat lions, in the said Tower, were committed to the custody of Robert, the son of John Bowre.
Henry I built his manor at Woodstock, which included a walled park spanning seven miles, destroying various villages, churches, and chapels to create it; this was the first park in England. He stocked it with plenty of deer and several exotic animals that were brought to him from distant lands, such as lions, leopards, lynxes, porcupines, and others. Additionally, I read that in 1235, Emperor Frederick sent three leopards to Henry III as a representation of his royal coat of arms, which featured three leopards. Since then, those lions and others have been housed in a part of this stronghold now known as the Lion Tower, where their keepers also resided. King Edward II, during his 12th year of reign, ordered the sheriffs of London to pay the keepers of the king's leopard in the Tower of London sixpence a day for the leopard's food, and three-and-a-half pence a day for the keeper's sustenance, drawn from the city's fee farm. Furthermore, in the 16th year of Edward III's reign, one lion, one lioness, one leopard, and two lion cubs in the Tower were placed under the care of Robert, the son of John Bowre.
Edward IV. fortified the Tower of London, and inclosed with brick, as is aforesaid, a certain piece of ground, taken out of the Tower Hill, west from the Lion Tower, now called the bulwark. His officers also, in the 5th of his reign, set upon the said hill both scaffold and gallows, for the execution of offenders; whereupon[46] the mayor and his brethren complained to the king, and were answered that the same was not done in derogation of the city’s liberties, and thereof caused proclamation to be made, etc., as shall be shown in Tower street.
Edward IV strengthened the Tower of London and surrounded a certain area, which was taken from Tower Hill, west of the Lion Tower, with bricks, now referred to as the bulwark. In the 5th year of his reign, his officials also set up both a scaffold and gallows on that hill for the execution of offenders. In response, the mayor and his council filed a complaint with the king, who replied that this action did not undermine the city's rights, and they ordered a proclamation to be made, as will be detailed in Tower Street.
Richard III., repaired and built in this tower somewhat. Henry VIII., in 1532, repaired the White Tower, and other parts thereof. In the year 1548, the 2nd of Edward VI., on the 22nd of November, in the night, a Frenchman lodged in the round bulwark, betwixt the west gate and the postern, or drawbridge, called the warders’ gate, by setting fire on a barrel of gunpowder, blew up the said bulwark, burnt himself, and no more persons. This bulwark, was forthwith again new built.
Richard III. made some repairs and additions to this tower. Henry VIII, in 1532, renovated the White Tower and other sections of it. In 1548, during the reign of Edward VI, on the night of November 22, a Frenchman staying in the round bulwark between the west gate and the postern, or drawbridge, known as the warders’ gate, set fire to a barrel of gunpowder, blowing up the bulwark, killing himself and no one else. This bulwark was promptly rebuilt.
And here, because I have by occasion spoken of the west gate of this tower the same, as the most principal, is used for the receipt and delivery of all kinds of carriages, without the which gate divers bulwarks and gates, towards the north, etc. Then near within this west gate, opening to the south, is a strong postern for passengers by the ward-house, over a drawbridge let down for that purpose. Next on the same south side, toward the east, is a large water-gate, for receipt of boats and small vessels, partly under a stone bridge from the river of Thames. Beyond it is a small postern, with a drawbridge, seldom let down but for the receipt of some great persons, prisoners. Then towards the east is a great and strong gate, commonly called the Iron gate, but not usually opened. And thus much for the foundation, building, and repairing of this tower, with the gates and posterns, may suffice. And now somewhat of accidents in the same shall be shown.
And here, since I've mentioned the west gate of this tower as the main one, it's used for the arrival and departure of all kinds of vehicles. Without this gate, various walls and gates lead to the north, etc. Just inside this west gate, there’s a secure side entrance to the south, with a drawbridge lowered for that purpose. Continuing along the same southern side, toward the east, is a large water gate for receiving boats and small vessels, partly under a stone bridge from the River Thames. Beyond that is a small side entrance with a drawbridge, rarely lowered except for the arrival of some important individuals or prisoners. Then, to the east, there’s a large and sturdy gate, commonly known as the Iron Gate, which is not generally opened. This should be enough information about the foundation, construction, and maintenance of this tower, including its gates and side entrances. Now, I will share some incidents related to it.
In the year 1196, William Fitzosbert, a citizen of London, seditiously moving the common people to seek liberty, and not to be subject to the rich and more mighty, at length was taken and brought before the Archbishop of Canterbury in the Tower, where he was by the judges condemned, and by the heels drawn thence to the Elms in Smithfield, and there hanged.
In 1196, William Fitzosbert, a citizen of London, stirred up the common people to fight for their freedom and resist the wealthy and powerful. Eventually, he was captured and brought before the Archbishop of Canterbury in the Tower, where the judges sentenced him to death. He was then dragged by his heels to the Elms in Smithfield and hanged there.
In 1214, King John[69] wrote to Geffrey Magnaville to deliver the Tower of London, with the prisoners, armour, and all other things found therein belonging to the king, to William, archdeacon of Huntingdon. In the year 1216, the 1st of Henry III., the said Tower was delivered to Lewis of France and the barons of England.[70]
In 1214, King John[69] wrote to Geffrey Magnaville to hand over the Tower of London, along with the prisoners, armor, and everything else inside that belonged to the king, to William, the archdeacon of Huntingdon. In 1216, during the reign of Henry III, the Tower was delivered to Lewis of France and the barons of England.[70]
In the year 1206 pleas of the crown were pleaded in the Tower; likewise in the year 1220, and likewise in the year 1224, and[47] again in the year 1243, before William of Yorke, Richard Passelew, Henry Brahe, Jerome of Saxton, justices.
In 1206, royal pleas were presented in the Tower; the same happened in 1220, again in 1224, and[47] once more in 1243, before William of York, Richard Passelew, Henry Brahe, and Jerome of Saxton, who were justices.
In the year 1222, the citizens of London having made a tumult against the abbot of Westminster, Hubert of Burge, chief justice of England, came to the Tower of London, called before him the mayor and aldermen, of whom he inquired for the principal authors of that sedition; amongst whom one, named Constantine Fitz Aelulfe, avowed that he was the man, and had done much less than he ought to have done: whereupon the justice sent him with two other to Falks de Brent, who with armed men brought them to the gallows, where they were hanged.
In 1222, the people of London erupted in a riot against the abbot of Westminster. Hubert de Burgh, the chief justice of England, summoned the mayor and aldermen to the Tower of London and asked them to identify the main instigators of the unrest. Among them, a man named Constantine Fitz Aelulfe admitted his involvement and claimed he had done much less than he should have. As a result, the justice sent him and two others to Falks de Brent, who, along with armed men, brought them to the gallows where they were hanged.
In the year 1244, Griffith, the eldest son of Leoline, Prince of Wales, being kept prisoner in the Tower, devised means of escape, and having in the night made of the hangings, sheets, etc., a long line, he put himself down from the top of the Tower, but in the sliding, the weight of his body, being a very big and a fat man, brake the rope, and he fell and brake his neck withall.
In 1244, Griffith, the oldest son of Leoline, Prince of Wales, who was being held captive in the Tower, came up with a plan to escape. One night, he used the hangings, sheets, and other materials to create a long rope. He lowered himself down from the top of the Tower, but while sliding down, the weight of his body, as he was quite big and heavy, broke the rope, and he fell, breaking his neck in the process.
In the year 1253, King Henry III. imprisoned the sheriffs of London in the Tower more than a month, for the escape of a prisoner out of Newgate, as you may read in the chapter of Gates.
In 1253, King Henry III imprisoned the sheriffs of London in the Tower for over a month because a prisoner escaped from Newgate, as you can read in the chapter on Gates.
In the year 1260, King Henry, with his queen (for fear of the barons), were lodged in the Tower. The next year he sent for his lords, and held his parliament there.
In 1260, King Henry and his queen (worried about the barons) were staying in the Tower. The following year, he called his lords and held his parliament there.
In the year 1263, when the queen would have removed from the Tower by water towards Windsor, sundry Londoners got them together to the bridge, under the which she was to pass, and not only cried out upon her with reproachful words, but also threw mire and stones at her, by which she was constrained to return for the time; but in the year 1265, the said citizens were fain to submit themselves to the king for it, and the mayor, aldermen, and sheriffs were sent to divers prisons, and a custos also was set over the city; to wit, Othon, constable of the Tower, etc.
In 1263, when the queen was about to travel by water from the Tower to Windsor, a group of Londoners gathered at the bridge she was supposed to pass under. They not only yelled at her with hurtful words but also threw mud and stones, forcing her to turn back for the time being. However, in 1265, those same citizens were compelled to submit to the king, and the mayor, aldermen, and sheriffs were sent to various prisons. A custodian was also appointed over the city—specifically, Othon, the constable of the Tower, among others.
In the year 1282, Leoline, prince of Wales, being taken at Bewlth castle, Roger Lestrange cut off his head, which Sir Roger Mortimer caused to be crowned with ivy, and set it upon the Tower of London.
In 1282, Leoline, the prince of Wales, was captured at Bewlth Castle. Roger Lestrange beheaded him, and Sir Roger Mortimer had his head crowned with ivy and displayed it on the Tower of London.
In the year 1290, divers justices, as well of the bench as of the assizes, were sent prisoners to the Tower, which with great sums of money redeemed their liberty. Edward II., the 14th of his reign, appointed for prisoners in the Tower, a knight twopence the day, an esquire one penny the day, to serve for their diet.
In 1290, various judges, both from the bench and from the assizes, were imprisoned in the Tower, where they redeemed their freedom with large amounts of money. In the 14th year of his reign, Edward II set the daily allowance for prisoners in the Tower at two pence for a knight and one penny for an esquire, to cover their food.
In the year 1320, the king’s justices sat in the Tower, for trial of matters; whereupon John Gifors, late mayor of London, and many others, fled the city, for fear to be charged of things they had presumptuously done.
In 1320, the king’s justices gathered in the Tower to hear cases; because of this, John Gifors, the former mayor of London, and many others, fled the city for fear of being accused of things they had done presumptively.
In the year 1321, the Mortimers yielding themselves to the king, he sent them prisoners to the Tower, where they remained long, and were adjudged to be drawn and hanged. But at length Roger Mortimer, of Wigmore, by giving to his keepers a sleepy drink, escaped out of the Tower, and his uncle Roger, being still kept there, died about five years after.
In 1321, the Mortimers surrendered to the king, who sent them as prisoners to the Tower, where they stayed for a long time and were sentenced to be drawn and hanged. Eventually, Roger Mortimer of Wigmore managed to escape from the Tower by giving his guards a sedative. His uncle Roger remained there and died about five years later.
In the year 1326, the citizens of London won the Tower, wresting the keys out of the constable’s hands, delivered all the prisoners, and kept both city and Tower to the use of Isabel the queen, and Edward her son.
In 1326, the people of London took control of the Tower, snatching the keys from the constable, freeing all the prisoners, and maintaining both the city and the Tower for Queen Isabel and her son Edward.
In the year 1330, Roger Mortimer, Earl of March, was taken and brought to the Tower, from whence he was brought to the Elms, and there hanged.
In 1330, Roger Mortimer, Earl of March, was captured and taken to the Tower, from where he was transferred to the Elms, and there hanged.
In the year 1344, King Edward III., in the 18th of his reign, commanded florences of gold to be made and coined in the Tower; that is to say, a penny piece of the value of five shillings and eight pence, the halfpenny piece of the value of three shillings and four pence, and a farthing piece worth twenty pence; Percevall de Port of Lake being then master of the coin. And this is the first coining of gold in the Tower, whereof I have read, and also the first coinage of gold in England. I find also recorded, that the said king in the same year ordained his exchange of money to be kept in Serne’s Tower, a part of the king’s house in Bucklesbury. And here to digress a little (by occasion offered), I find that, in times before passed, all great sums were paid by weight of gold or silver, as so many pounds or marks of silver, or so many pounds or marks of gold, cut into blanks, and not stamped, as I could prove by many good authorities which I overpass. The smaller sums also were paid in starlings, which were pence so called, for other coins they had none. The antiquity of this starling penny usual in this realm is from the reign of Henry II., notwithstanding the Saxon coins before the Conquest were pence of fine silver the full weight, and somewhat better than the latter starlings, as I have tried by conference of the pence of Burghrede, king of Mercia, Aelfred, Edward, and Edelred, kings of the West Saxons, Plegmond, Archbishop of Canterbury, and others. William the Conqueror’s penny also was fine silver of the weight of the easterling, and had on the one side stamped an armed head, with a beardless[49] face,—for the Normans wore no beards,—with a sceptre in his hand. The inscription in the circumference was this: “Le Rei Wilam;”[71] on the other side, a cross double to the ring, between four rowals of six points.
In 1344, King Edward III, in the 18th year of his reign, ordered gold florins to be made and minted in the Tower. This included a penny worth five shillings and eight pence, a halfpenny worth three shillings and four pence, and a farthing worth twenty pence; Percevall de Port of Lake was the master of the coin at that time. This was the first time gold was coined in the Tower, as far as I've read, and also the first gold coinage in England. I also found records that the king established his money exchange to be held in Serne’s Tower, which is part of the king’s residence in Bucklesbury. To digress a bit, I discovered that in earlier times, all large payments were made by weight of gold or silver, like so many pounds or marks of silver or gold, cut into blanks and not stamped, as I could demonstrate with many solid references that I won’t detail here. Smaller sums were paid in starlings, which were pennies by that name, as they had no other coins. The origin of this starling penny common in this realm dates back to the reign of Henry II, though the Saxon coins before the Conquest were pennies of fine silver at full weight and somewhat better than the later starlings, as I verified by comparing the pennies of Burghrede, king of Mercia, Aelfred, Edward, and Edelred, kings of the West Saxons, Plegmond, Archbishop of Canterbury, and others. William the Conqueror's penny was also made of fine silver, weighing that of the easterling, and featured an armed head with a beardless face on one side—since the Normans did not wear beards—and a scepter in his hand. The inscription around the edge read: “Le Rei Wilam;” on the other side, a double cross within a ring, surrounded by four rows of six dots.
King Henry I. his penny was of the like weight, fineness, form of face, cross, etc.
King Henry I's penny was the same weight, quality, shape, and design, including the face and cross, etc.
This Henry, in the 8th year of his reign, ordained the penny, which was round, so to be quartered by the cross, that they might easily be broken into halfpence and farthings.[72] In the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, and 5th of King Richard I. his reign, and afterwards, I find commonly easterling money mentioned, and yet ofttimes the same is called argent, as afore, and not otherwise.
This Henry, in the 8th year of his reign, established the penny, which was round and designed to be quartered by the cross, so they could be easily split into halfpence and farthings.[72] In the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, and 5th years of King Richard I’s reign, and afterwards, I frequently see easterling money mentioned, and sometimes it is also referred to as argent, as before, and no other way.
The first great sum that I read of to be paid in easterlings was in the reign of Richard I., when Robert, Earl of Leicester, being prisoner in France, proffered for his ransom a thousand marks easterlings, notwithstanding the easterling pence were long before. The weight of the easterling penny may appear by divers statutes, namely, of weights and measures, made in the 51st of Henry III. in these words: “Thirty-two graines of wheat, drie and round, taken in the middest of the eare, shoulde be the weight of a starling penie, 20 of those pence should waye one ounce, 12 ounces a pound Troy.” It followeth in the statute eight pound to make a gallon of wine, and eight gallons a bushel of London measure, etc. Notwithstanding which statute, I find, in the 8th of Edward I., Gregorie Rokesley, mayor of London, being chief master or minister of the Kinge’s Exchange, or mintes, a new coin being then appointed, the pound of easterling money should contain as afore twelve ounces; to wit, fine silver, such as was then made into foil, and was commonly called silver of Guthurons lane,[73] eleven ounces, two easterlings, and one ferling or farthing, and the other seventeen pence ob. q.[74] to be alloy. Also, the pound of money ought to weigh twenty shillings and three pence by account; so that no pound ought to be over twenty shillings and three pence, nor less than twenty shillings and two pence by account; the ounce to weigh twenty pence, the penny weight twenty-four grains (which twenty-four by weight then appointed were as much as the former thirty-two grains of wheat), a penny force twenty-[50]five grains and a half, the penny deble or feeble twenty-two grains and a half, etc.[75]
The first significant payment I read about in easterlings was during the reign of Richard I, when Robert, Earl of Leicester, who was a prisoner in France, offered a thousand marks for his ransom, even though easterling pennies had been around for quite some time. The weight of the easterling penny can be seen in various statutes, specifically those regarding weights and measures, established in the 51st year of Henry III, which state: “Thirty-two grains of dry, round wheat taken from the middle of the ear should be the weight of a starling penny; 20 of those pennies should weigh one ounce, and 12 ounces make one pound Troy.” The statute continues, stating that eight pounds are needed to make a gallon of wine, and eight gallons equal a bushel in London measure, etc. Despite this statute, I find in the 8th of Edward I that Gregorie Rokesley, the mayor of London, who was the chief master of the King’s Exchange or mints, confirmed that the newly appointed pound of easterling money should still contain twelve ounces; namely, fine silver, which was then made into foil and commonly referred to as silver from Guthurons lane, with eleven ounces, two easterlings, and one farthing, while the other seventeen pence should be alloy. Additionally, the pound of money should weigh twenty shillings and three pence by calculation, ensuring no pound exceeds twenty shillings and three pence or falls below twenty shillings and two pence by account; the ounce should weigh twenty pence, each penny weighs twenty-four grains (which corresponds to the previously established thirty-two grains of wheat), a forced penny weighs twenty-five and a half grains, and a weakened penny weighs twenty-two and a half grains, etc.
Now for the penny easterling, how it took that name I think good briefly to touch. It hath been said, that Numa Pompilius, the second king of the Romans, commanded money first to be made, of whose name they were called nummi; and when copper pence, silver pence, and gold pence, were made, because every silver penny was worth ten copper pence, and every gold penny worth ten silver pence, the pence therefore were called in Latin, denarii, and oftentimes the pence are named of the matter and stuff of gold or silver. But the money of England was called of the workers and makers thereof; as the florin of gold is called of the Florentines, that were the workers thereof, and so the easterling pence took their name of the Easterlings which did first make this money in England, in the reign of Henry II.
Now, regarding the penny easterling, I think it’s worth briefly explaining how it got its name. It’s been said that Numa Pompilius, the second king of the Romans, was the first to command the production of money, which led to the coins being called nummi. When copper pennies, silver pennies, and gold pennies were created, every silver penny was equivalent to ten copper pennies, and every gold penny was worth ten silver pennies. Consequently, the pennies were referred to as denarii in Latin, and often the names of the pennies were derived from the material they were made of, whether gold or silver. However, in England, the money was named after the workers and makers of it; for example, the gold florin is named after the Florentines who produced it. Thus, the easterling pennies got their name from the Easterlings, who were the first to mint this currency in England during the reign of Henry II.
Thus have I set down according to my reading in antiquity of money matters, omitting the imaginations of late writers, of whom some have said easterling money to take that name of a star, stamped in the border or ring of the penny; other some of a bird called a star or starling stamped in the circumference; and other (more unlikely) of being coined at Strivelin or Starling, a town in Scotland, etc.
Thus, I have recorded what I've learned from ancient texts about money, ignoring the ideas of more recent writers. Some have claimed that easterling money got its name from a star stamped on the edge or ring of the penny; others have said it's named after a bird called a star or starling stamped on the coin’s border; and some (less likely) have suggested it was minted in Strivelin or Starlings, a town in Scotland, etc.
Now concerning halfpence and farthings, the account of which is more subtle than the pence, I need not speak of them more than that they were only made in the Exchange at London, and nowhere else: first appointed to be made by Edward I. in the 8th of his reign; and also at the same time the said king coined some few groats of silver, but they were not usual. The king’s Exchange as London was near unto the cathedral church of St. Paul, and is to this day commonly called the Old Change, but in evidences the Old Exchange.
Now, about halfpennies and farthings, which are trickier than pence: I don’t need to go into detail about them, except to say that they were only produced at the Exchange in London and nowhere else. They were first ordered to be made by Edward I in the 8th year of his reign. At the same time, the king also minted a few silver groats, but they weren't common. The king’s Exchange in London was close to St. Paul’s Cathedral and is still known today as the Old Change, although in documents it is referred to as the Old Exchange.
The king’s exchanger in this place was to deliver out to every other exchanger throughout England, or other the king’s dominions, their coining irons, that is to say, one standard or staple, and two trussels or puncheons; and when the same was spent and worn, to receive them with an account what sum had been coined, and also their pix or bore of assay, and deliver other irons new graven, etc. I find that in the 9th of King John, there was besides the mint at London, other mints at Winchester, Excester, Chichester, Canterburie, Rochester, Ipswich, Norwich,[51] Linne, Lincolne, York, Carleil, Northampton, Oxford, St. Edmondsbury, and Durham. The exchanger, examiner, and trier, buyeth the silver for coinage, answering for every hundred pounds of silver bought in bullion or otherwise, ninety-eight pounds fifteen shillings, for he taketh twenty-five shillings for coinage.
The king’s exchanger in this area was responsible for distributing coining irons to all other exchangers across England and the king’s other territories. This included one standard or staple and two trussels or puncheons. When these were used up and worn out, they were to be returned along with a report of the amount that had been coined, as well as their pix or assay results, and in exchange, new, engraved irons would be handed out. I found that in the 9th year of King John, besides the mint in London, there were additional mints in Winchester, Exeter, Chichester, Canterbury, Rochester, Ipswich, Norwich,[51] Lynn, Lincoln, York, Carlisle, Northampton, Oxford, St. Edmundsbury, and Durham. The exchanger, examiner, and trier buys silver for coinage, paying for every hundred pounds of silver purchased in bullion or otherwise, ninety-eight pounds fifteen shillings, since he charges twenty-five shillings for coinage.
King Edward I., in the 27th of his reign, held a parliament at Stebenheth, in the house of Henry Waleis, mayor of London, wherein amongst other things there handled, the transporting of sterling money was forbidden.
King Edward I, in the 27th year of his reign, held a parliament at Stebenheth, in the house of Henry Waleis, mayor of London, where among other things discussed, the transport of sterling money was banned.
In the year 1351, William Edington, bishop of Winchester, and treasurer of England, a wise man, but loving the king’s commodity more than the wealth of the whole realm, and common people (saith mine author[76]) caused a new coin, called a groat, and a half-groat, to be coined and stamped, the groat to be taken for four pence, and the half-groat for two pence, not containing in weight according to the pence called easterlings, but much less, to wit, by five shillings in the pound; by reason whereof, victuals and merchandises became the dearer through the whole realm. About the same time also, the old coin of gold was changed into a new; but the old florin or noble, then so called, was worth much above the taxed rate of the new, and therefore the merchants engrossed up the old, and conveyed them out of the realm, to the great loss of the kingdom. Wherefore a remedy was provided by changing of the stamp.
In 1351, William Edington, the bishop of Winchester and treasurer of England, a wise man but more focused on the king's interests than the wealth of the entire kingdom and its common people (as my source mentions[76]), ordered the minting of a new coin, called a groat, and a half-groat. The groat was valued at four pence, and the half-groat at two pence, but they weighed significantly less than the standard pence known as easterlings, specifically five shillings less per pound. As a result, food and goods became more expensive throughout the kingdom. Around the same time, the old gold coins were replaced with new ones; however, the old florin or noble was worth considerably more than the new coins' taxed value. This led merchants to hoard the old coins and smuggle them out of the kingdom, causing significant losses to the nation. Consequently, a solution was implemented by changing the coin's design.
In the year 1411, King Henry IV. caused a new coin of nobles to be made, of less value than the old by four pence in the noble, so that fifty nobles should be a pound troy weight.
In 1411, King Henry IV had a new noble coin created, which was worth four pence less than the old one, so that fifty nobles would equal a pound troy weight.
In the year 1421 was granted to Henry V. a fifteenth, to be paid at Candlemas and at Martinmas, of such money as was then current, gold or silver, not overmuch clipped or washed; to wit, that if the noble were worth five shillings and eight pence, then the king should take it for a full noble of six shillings and eight pence, and if it were less of value than five shillings and eight pence, then the person paying that gold to make it good to the value of five shillings and eight pence, the king always receiving it for a whole noble of six shillings and eight pence. And if the noble so paid be better than five shillings and eight pence, the king to pay again the surplusage that it was better than five shillings and eight pence. Also this year was such scarcity of white money, that though a noble were[52] so good of gold and weight as six shillings and eight pence, men might get no white money for them.
In 1421, Henry V was granted a tax of one-fifteenth, to be paid at Candlemas and Martinmas, in whatever currency was current at the time, whether gold or silver, as long as it wasn't heavily clipped or washed. Specifically, if a noble was worth five shillings and eight pence, the king would accept it as a full noble valued at six shillings and eight pence. If it was worth less than five shillings and eight pence, the person paying the gold would need to make up the difference so that it equaled five shillings and eight pence, with the king always taking it as a whole noble valued at six shillings and eight pence. If the noble was worth more than five shillings and eight pence, the king would also pay back the excess amount. Moreover, during this year, there was such a shortage of silver coins that even if a noble was worth six shillings and eight pence in gold and weight, people couldn't exchange it for silver coins.
In the year 1465, King Edward IV. caused a new coin both of gold and silver to be made, whereby he gained much; for he made of an old noble a royal, which he commanded to go for ten shillings. Nevertheless, to the same royal was put eight pence of alloy, and so weighed the more, being smitten with a new stamp, to wit, a rose. He likewise made half-angels of five shillings, and farthings of two shillings and six pence, angelets of six shillings and eight pence, and half-angels of three shillings and four pence. He made silver money of three pence, a groat, and so of other coins after that rate, to the great harm of the commons. W. Lord Hastings, the king’s chamberlain, being master of the king’s mints, undertook to make the monies under form following, to wit,—of gold, a piece of eight shillings and four pence sterling, which should be called a noble of gold, of the which there should be fifty such pieces in the pound weight of the Tower; another piece of gold of four shillings and two pence sterling, and to be of them an hundred such pieces in the pound; and a third piece of gold, of two shillings and one penny sterling, two hundred such pieces in the pound; every pound weight of the Tower to be worth twenty pounds, sixteen shillings, and eight pence, the which should be twenty-three carats, three grains and a half fine, etc., and for silver thirty-seven shillings and six pence; the piece of four pence to be one hundred and twelve groats and two pence in the pound weight.
In 1465, King Edward IV had a new coin made in both gold and silver, which was very profitable for him; he turned an old noble coin into a royal coin, ordering it to be worth ten shillings. However, that royal coin contained eight pence of alloy, making it heavier, and it was given a new design featuring a rose. He also created half-angels worth five shillings, farthings worth two shillings and six pence, angelets worth six shillings and eight pence, and half-angels worth three shillings and four pence. He produced silver coins worth three pence, a groat, and other coins at similar rates, which greatly harmed the common people. W. Lord Hastings, the king’s chamberlain and master of the king’s mints, took on the task of producing the coins in the following way: a gold piece worth eight shillings and four pence sterling, known as a noble of gold, with fifty such pieces per pound weight of the Tower; another gold piece worth four shillings and two pence sterling, with a hundred such pieces per pound; and a third gold piece worth two shillings and one penny sterling, with two hundred such pieces per pound; every pound weight of the Tower valued at twenty pounds, sixteen shillings, and eight pence, made up of twenty-three carats, three grains, and a half fine, and for silver, thirty-seven shillings and six pence; the four pence piece to consist of one hundred and twelve groats and two pence per pound weight.
In the year 1504, King Henry VII. appointed a new coin, to wit, a groat, and half-groat, which bare but half faces; the same time also was coined a groat, which was in value twelve pence, but of those but a few, after the rate of forty pence the ounce.
In 1504, King Henry VII appointed a new coin, specifically a groat and a half-groat, which featured only half faces. At the same time, a groat was minted that was worth twelve pence, but only a few of those were made, at a rate of forty pence per ounce.
In the year 1526, the 18th of Henry VIII., the angel noble being then the sixth part of an ounce troy, so that six angels were just an ounce, which was forty shillings sterling, and the angel was also worth two ounces of silver, so that six angels were worth twelve ounces of silver, which was forty shillings. A proclamation was made on the sixth of September, that the angel should go for seven shillings and four pence, the royal for eleven shillings, and the crown for four shillings and four-pence. And on the fifth of November following, again by proclamation, the angel was enhanced to seven shillings and sixpence, and so every ounce of gold to be forty-five shillings,[53] and the ounce of silver at three shillings and nine pence in value.
In the year 1526, during the 18th of Henry VIII, the angel noble was the sixth part of a troy ounce, meaning six angels made up one ounce, which was equivalent to forty shillings sterling. The angel was also valued at two ounces of silver, so six angels were worth twelve ounces of silver, totaling forty shillings. A proclamation was issued on September 6th stating that the angel would be priced at seven shillings and four pence, the royal at eleven shillings, and the crown at four shillings and four pence. On November 5th, another proclamation raised the value of the angel to seven shillings and sixpence, setting each ounce of gold at forty-five shillings, and the ounce of silver at three shillings and nine pence in value.[53]
In the year 1544, the 35th of Henry VIII., on the 16th of May, proclamation was made for the enhancing of gold to forty-eight shillings, and silver to four shillings the ounce. Also the king caused to be coined base moneys, to wit, pieces of twelve pence, six pence, four pence, two pence, and a penny, in weight as the late sterling, in show good silver, but inwardly copper. These pieces had whole, or broad faces, and continued current after that rate till the 5th of Edward VI., when they were on the 9th of July called down, the shilling to nine pence, the groat to three pence, etc., and on the 17th of August from nine pence to six pence, etc. And on the 30th of October was published new coins of silver and gold to be made, a piece of silver five shillings sterling, a piece of two shillings and five pence, of twelve pence, of six pence, a penny with a double rose, half-penny a single rose, and a farthing with a portclose. Coins of fine gold: a whole sovereign of thirty shillings, an angel of ten shillings, an angelet of five shillings. Of crown gold: a sovereign twenty shillings, half-sovereign ten shillings, five shillings, two shillings and six pence, and base moneys to pass as before, which continued till the 2nd of Queen Elizabeth, then called to a lower rate, taken to the mint, and refined, the silver whereof being coined with a new stamp of her majesty, the dross was carried to foul highways, to heighten them. This base money, for the time, caused the old sterling moneys to be hoarded up, so that I have seen twenty-one shillings current given for one old angel to gild withal. Also rents of lands and tenements, with prices of victuals, were raised far beyond the former rates, hardly since to be brought down. Thus much for base moneys coined and current in England have I known. But for leather moneys, as many people have fondly talked, I find no such matter. I read,[77] that King John of France, being taken prisoner by Edward the Black Prince at the battle of Poictiers, paid a ransom of three millions of florences, whereby he brought the realm into such poverty, that many years after they used leather money, with a little stud or nail of silver in the middle thereof. Thus much for mint and coinage, by occasion of this Tower (under correction of others more skilful) may suffice. And now to other accidents there.
In 1544, during the 35th year of Henry VIII's reign, on May 16, a proclamation was issued to raise the value of gold to forty-eight shillings and silver to four shillings per ounce. The king also ordered the minting of base coins, which included pieces worth twelve pence, six pence, four pence, two pence, and a penny. These coins were made to weigh the same as the old sterling and looked like good silver, but were actually made of copper. They had broad faces and remained in circulation at that rate until July 5 of Edward VI's reign, when on July 9, the shilling was downgraded to nine pence, the groat to three pence, and so on. On August 17, the value was further reduced from nine pence to six pence, and so forth. On October 30, new coins of silver and gold were announced, including a five-shilling silver piece, two shillings and five pence, twelve pence, six pence, a penny with a double rose, half-penny with a single rose, and a farthing with a portclose. For gold coins: a full sovereign worth thirty shillings, an angel worth ten shillings, and an angelet worth five shillings. For crown gold, there was a sovereign worth twenty shillings, half-sovereign worth ten shillings, five shillings, two shillings and six pence, along with base coins that would continue to be accepted. This lasted until the second year of Queen Elizabeth, when the coins were again devalued, taken to the mint, and refined, with the silver being minted with a new stamp of her majesty, and the excess metal being used to make roads better. This base money led to old sterling coins being hoarded, so much so that I have seen twenty-one shillings in circulation exchanged for one old angel to coat in gold. Additionally, rents for land and the prices of goods rose far above previous rates, making it difficult to lower them again. This is what I have observed regarding the base money coined and circulated in England. As for the so-called leather money that some people have whimsically claimed existed, I have found no evidence of it. I read that King John of France, who was captured by Edward the Black Prince at the Battle of Poitiers, paid a ransom of three million florences, causing such poverty in the realm that many years later they resorted to using leather money, with a small silver stud or nail in the middle of it. This is what I have learned about minting and coinage, concerning this tower (with due respect to those more knowledgeable), and now I will move on to other matters.
In the year 1360, the peace between England and France being confirmed, King Edward came over into England, and[54] straight to the Tower, to see the French king then prisoner there, whose ransom he assessed at three millions of florences, and so delivered him from prison, and brought him with honour to the sea.
In 1360, after the peace between England and France was confirmed, King Edward returned to England and[54]went straight to the Tower to see the French king, who was a prisoner there. He set the ransom at three million florences and then released him from prison, bringing him honorably to the sea.
In the year 1381, the rebels of Kent drew out of the Tower (where the king was then lodged) Simon Sudberie, archbishop of Canterbury, lord chancellor, Robert Hales, prior of St. John’s, and treasurer of England, William Appleton, friar, the king’s confessor, and John Legg, a sergeant of the king’s, and beheaded them on the Tower hill, etc.
In 1381, the rebels from Kent pulled Simon Sudberie, the Archbishop of Canterbury and Lord Chancellor, out of the Tower (where the king was staying), along with Robert Hales, Prior of St. John’s and Treasurer of England, William Appleton, a friar and the king's confessor, and John Legg, a sergeant for the king, and beheaded them on Tower Hill, etc.
In the year 1387, King Richard held his feast of Christmas in the Tower. And in the year 1399, the same king was sent prisoner to the Tower.
In 1387, King Richard celebrated Christmas in the Tower. Then in 1399, the same king was taken prisoner to the Tower.
In the year 1414, Sir John Oldcastell brake out of the Tower. And the same year, a parliament being holden at Leycester, a porter of the Tower was drawn, hanged, and headed, whose head was sent up, and set over the Tower gate, for consenting to one Whitlooke, that brake out of the Tower.
In 1414, Sir John Oldcastle escaped from the Tower. That same year, during a parliament held in Leicester, a porter of the Tower was drawn, hanged, and beheaded. His head was sent up and placed over the Tower gate for his involvement with a man named Whitlooke, who also escaped from the Tower.
In the year 1419, Friar Randulph was sent to the Tower, and was there slain by the parson of St. Peter’s in the Tower.
In 1419, Friar Randulph was sent to the Tower, where he was killed by the priest of St. Peter's in the Tower.
In the year 1428, there came to London, a lewd fellow, feigning himself to be sent from the Emperor to the young King Henry VI., calling himself Baron of Blakamoore, and that he should be the principal physician in this kingdom; but his subtlety being known, he was apprehended, condemned, drawn, hanged, headed, and quartered, his head set on the Tower of London, and his quarters on four gates of the city.
In 1428, a dishonest man arrived in London, pretending to be sent by the Emperor to the young King Henry VI. He called himself Baron of Blakamoore and claimed to be the chief physician of the kingdom. However, once his deception was discovered, he was caught, tried, sentenced, hanged, decapitated, and quartered, with his head displayed on the Tower of London and his body parts placed on four city gates.
In the year 1458, in Whitsun week, the Duke of Somerset, with Anthonie Rivers, and other four, kept jousts before the queen in the Tower of London, against three esquires of the queen’s, and others.
In 1458, during Whitsun week, the Duke of Somerset, along with Anthonie Rivers and four others, held jousts in front of the queen at the Tower of London, competing against three of the queen’s esquires and others.
In the year 1465, King Henry VI. was brought prisoner to the Tower, where he remained long.
In 1465, King Henry VI was taken prisoner to the Tower, where he stayed for a long time.
In the year 1470, the Tower was yielded to Sir Richard Lee, mayor of London, and his brethren the aldermen, who forthwith entered the same, delivered King Henry of his imprisonment, and lodged him in the king’s lodging there; but the next year he was again sent thither prisoner, and there murdered.
In 1470, the Tower was surrendered to Sir Richard Lee, the mayor of London, and his fellow aldermen, who immediately took possession, freed King Henry from his imprisonment, and housed him in the king’s quarters there; however, the following year he was imprisoned there again and murdered.
In the year 1478, George Duke of Clarence was drowned with malmsey in the Tower; and within five years after King Edward V., with his brother, were said to be murdered there.
In 1478, George, Duke of Clarence, was drowned in malmsey wine at the Tower; and within five years after that, King Edward V. and his brother were reported to have been murdered there.
In the year 1485, John Earl of Oxford was made constable of the Tower, and had custody of the lions granted him.[78]
In 1485, John, the Earl of Oxford, was appointed constable of the Tower and was given custody of the lions.[78]
In the year 1501, in the month of May, was a royal tourney of lords and knights in the Tower of London before the king.
In May 1501, there was a royal tournament of lords and knights at the Tower of London in front of the king.
In the year 1502, Queen Elizabeth, wife to Henry VII., died of childbirth in the Tower.
In 1502, Queen Elizabeth, wife of Henry VII, died during childbirth in the Tower.
In the year 1512, the chapel in the high White Tower was burnt. In the year 1536 Queen Anne Bullein was beheaded in the Tower. 1541, Lady Katherine Howard, wife to King Henry VIII., was also beheaded there.
In 1512, the chapel in the high White Tower was burned down. In 1536, Queen Anne Boleyn was beheaded in the Tower. In 1541, Lady Katherine Howard, wife of King Henry VIII, was also beheaded there.
In the year 1546, the 27th of April, being Tuesday in Easter week, William Foxley, potmaker for the Mint in the Tower of London, fell asleep, and so continued sleeping, and could not be wakened with pricking, cramping, or otherwise, burning whatsoever, until the first day of the term, which was full fourteen days and fifteen nights, or more, for that Easter term beginneth not before seventeen days after Easter. The cause of his thus sleeping could not be known, though the same was diligently searched after by the king’s physicians, and other learned men; yea, the king himself examining the said William Foxley, who was in all points found at his awakening to be as if he had slept but one night. And he lived more than forty years after in the said Tower, to wit, until the year of Christ 1587, and then deceased on Wednesday in Easter week.
On April 27, 1546, which was a Tuesday during Easter week, William Foxley, a potmaker for the Mint in the Tower of London, fell asleep and didn’t wake up, no matter how much he was poked, cramped, or burned, until the first day of the term, which was a total of fourteen days and fifteen nights, or more, since the Easter term doesn’t start until seventeen days after Easter. The reason for his long sleep remained a mystery, even after thorough investigation by the king’s doctors and other scholars; even the king himself questioned William Foxley, who, upon waking, seemed as if he had only slept for one night. He lived for more than forty years after that in the Tower, until he passed away in 1587 on Wednesday during Easter week.
Thus much for these accidents: and now to conclude thereof in summary. This Tower is a citadel to defend or command the city; a royal palace for assemblies or treaties; a prison of state for the most dangerous offenders; the only place of coinage for all England at this time; the armoury for warlike provision; the treasury of the ornaments and jewels of the crown; and general conserver of the most records of the king’s courts of justice at Westminster.
So much for these events; now to summarize. This Tower is a fortress to protect or oversee the city; a royal palace for gatherings or agreements; a high-security prison for the most serious offenders; the sole mint for all of England at this moment; the armory for military supplies; the treasury for the crown's jewels and decorations; and the main repository for most records of the king’s courts of justice at Westminster.
TOWER ON LONDON BRIDGE
The next tower on the river of Thames is on London bridge, at the north end of the drawbridge. This tower was newly begun to be built in the year 1426. John Reynwell, mayor of London, laid one of the first corner stones in the foundation of this work, the other three were laid by the sheriffs and bridge masters; upon every of these four stones was engraven in fair roman letters the name of “Ihesus.” And these stones I have[56] seen laid in the bridge storehouse since they were taken up, when that tower was of late newly made of timber. This gate and tower was at the first strongly built up of stone, and so continued until the year 1577, in the month of April, when the same stone arched gate and tower being decayed, was begun to be taken down, and then were the heads of the traitors removed thence, and set on the tower over the gate at the bridge-foot towards Southwark. This said tower being taken down, a new foundation was drawn, and Sir John Langley, lord mayor, laid the first stone in the presence of the sheriffs and bridge masters, on the 28th of August; and in the month of September, in the year 1579, the same tower was finished—a beautiful and chargeable piece of work, all above the bridge being of timber.
The next tower on the River Thames is located on London Bridge, at the north end of the drawbridge. This tower began construction in 1426. John Reynwell, the mayor of London, laid one of the first cornerstone in the foundation of this project, while the other three were laid by the sheriffs and bridge masters; each of these four stones had the name “Ihesus” engraved on it in beautiful Roman letters. I have seen these stones in the bridge storehouse since they were removed when the tower was recently rebuilt with timber. This gate and tower were originally built strong with stone and remained that way until April 1577, when the decayed stone arched gate and tower were taken down. At that time, the heads of the traitors were removed from there and displayed on the tower over the gate at the bridge-foot towards Southwark. After that tower was torn down, a new foundation was established, and Sir John Langley, the lord mayor, laid the first stone in front of the sheriffs and bridge masters on August 28th; by September 1579, the new tower was completed—a beautiful and expensive piece of construction, with all above the bridge made of timber.
TOWER ON THE SOUTH OF LONDON BRIDGE
Another tower there is on London bridge, to wit, over the gate at the south end of the same bridge towards Southwark. This gate, with the tower thereupon, and two arches of the bridge, fell down, and no man perished by the fall thereof, in the year 1436;[79] towards the new building whereof divers charitable citizens gave large sums of money; which gate, being then again newly built, was, with seventeen houses more on the bridge, in the year 1471, burnt by the mariners and sailors of Kent, Bastard Fauconbridge being their captain.
Another tower stands on London Bridge, over the gate at the south end of the bridge facing Southwark. This gate, along with the tower above it and two arches of the bridge, collapsed, but thankfully no one was killed in the fall, in the year 1436;[79] for the new construction, which many generous citizens contributed large sums of money towards; this gate, after being rebuilt, was burned down along with seventeen other houses on the bridge in the year 1471 by the mariners and sailors of Kent, led by their captain, Bastard Fauconbridge.
BAYNARD’S CASTLE
In the west of this city (saith Fitzstephen) are two most strong castles, etc. Also Gervasius Tilbury,[80] in the reign of Henry II., writing of these castles, hath to this effect:—“Two castels,” saith he, “are built with walles and rampires, whereof one is, in right of possession, Baynardes; the other the Barons of Mountfichet.” The first of these castles, banking on the river Thames, was called Baynard’s Castle, of Baynard a nobleman, that came in with the Conqueror, and then built it, and deceased in the reign of William Rufus; after whose decease Geffrey Baynard succeeded, and then William Baynard, in the year 1111, who by forfeiture for felony, lost his barony of Little Dunmow, and King Henry gave it wholly to Robert, the son of Richard, the son of Gilbard of Clare, and to his heirs, together with the honour of Baynard’s Castle. This Robert married[57] Maude de Sent Licio, lady of Bradham, and deceased 1134; was buried at St. Needes by Gilbert of Clare, his father. Walter his son succeeded him; he took to wife Matilde de Bocham, and after her decease, Matilde, the daughter and co-heir of Richard de Lucy, on whom he begat Robert and other: he deceased in the year 1198, and was buried at Dunmow; after whom succeeded Robert Fitzwater, a valiant knight.
In the west of this city, Fitzstephen mentions that there are two very strong castles. Gervasius Tilbury, during the reign of Henry II, also wrote about these castles, stating: “There are two castles built with walls and ramparts. One is Baynard's, and the other belongs to the Barons of Mountfichet.” The first of these castles, situated by the River Thames, was called Baynard’s Castle, named after Baynard, a nobleman who arrived with the Conqueror and built it. He passed away during the reign of William Rufus. After his death, Geffrey Baynard took over, followed by William Baynard in 1111. William lost his barony of Little Dunmow due to felony forfeiture, and King Henry granted it entirely to Robert, the son of Richard, the son of Gilbard of Clare, and his heirs, along with the honor of Baynard’s Castle. Robert married Maude de Sent Licio, the lady of Bradham, and died in 1134, being buried at St. Needes near his father Gilbert of Clare. His son Walter succeeded him, marrying Matilde de Bocham. After she passed, he married Matilde, the daughter and co-heir of Richard de Lucy, and they had Robert and others. He died in 1198 and was buried at Dunmow, followed by Robert Fitzwater, a brave knight.
About the year 1213 there arose a great discord between King John and his barons, because Matilda, surnamed the Fair, daughter to the said Robert Fitzwater, whom the king unlawfully loved, but could not obtain her, nor her father would consent thereunto, whereupon, and for other like causes, ensued war through the whole realm. The barons were received into London, where they greatly endamaged the king; but in the end the king did not only therefore banish the said Fitzwater, amongst other, out of the realm, but also caused his castle called Baynard, and other his houses, to be spoiled; which thing being done, a messenger being sent unto Matilda the Fair about the king’s suit, whereunto she would not consent, she was poisoned;[81] Robert Fitzwater, and other, being then passed into France, and some into Scotland, etc.[82]
Around the year 1213, a major conflict broke out between King John and his barons because Matilda, known as the Fair, the daughter of Robert Fitzwater, whom the king loved unlawfully but could not have, and her father would not agree to it. This, along with other similar issues, led to war throughout the kingdom. The barons were welcomed into London, where they caused significant harm to the king. In the end, the king not only banished Fitzwater and others from the kingdom but also had his castle, known as Baynard, and other properties destroyed. After this happened, a messenger was sent to Matilda the Fair regarding the king's pursuit, which she refused to agree to, and as a result, she was poisoned; Robert Fitzwater and others had then gone to France and some to Scotland, etc.
It happened in the year 1214, King John being then in France with a great army, that a truce was taken betwixt the two kings of England and France for the term of five years; and a river, or arm of the sea, being then between either host, there was a knight in the English host, that cried to them of the other side, willing some one of their knights to come and joust a course or twain with him; whereupon, without stay, Robert Fitzwater, being on the French part, made himself ready, ferried over, and got on horseback, without any man to help him, and showed himself ready to the face of his challenger, whom at the first course he struck so hard with his great spear, that horse and man fell to the ground; and when his spear was broken he went back to the King of France; which when the king had seen, “By God’s tooth,” quoth he (after his usual oath), “he were a king indeed that had such a knight.” The friends of Robert, hearing these words, kneeled down, and said:—“O king, he is your knight; it is Robert Fitzwater.” And thereupon, the next day he was sent for, and restored to the king’s favour; by which means peace was concluded, and he received his livings,[58] and had license to repair his castle of Baynard, and other castles.
It happened in the year 1214, when King John was in France with a large army, that a truce was established between the kings of England and France for five years. Since there was a river or an arm of the sea separating the two armies, a knight from the English side called out, challenging one of the French knights to come and joust with him. Without hesitation, Robert Fitzwater, from the French side, got ready, crossed over, and mounted his horse all by himself, ready to face his challenger. In the first charge, he struck his opponent so hard with his lance that both horse and rider crashed to the ground. When his spear broke, he returned to the King of France. Upon seeing this, the king exclaimed, “By God’s tooth,” (his usual oath), “he would truly be a king who had such a knight.” Hearing this, Robert's friends knelt down and said, “O king, he is your knight; it is Robert Fitzwater.” The next day, Robert was summoned and restored to the king’s favor; this led to the conclusion of peace, and he received his lands, along with permission to repair his castle of Baynard and other castles.[58]
The year 1216, the 1st of Henry III., the castle of Hartford being delivered to Lewis the French prince, and the barons of England, Robert Fitzwater requiring to have the same, because the keeping thereof did by ancient right and title pertain to him, was answered by Lewis, “that Englishmen were not worthy to have such holds in keeping, because they did betray their own lord,” etc. This Robert deceased in the year 1234, and was buried at Dunmow, and Walter his son that succeeded him. 1258, his barony of Baynard, was in the ward of King Henry, in the nonage of Robert Fitzwater. This Robert took to his second wife, Ælianor, daughter and heir to the Earl of Ferrars, in the year 1289; and in the year 1303, on the 12th of March, before John Blondon, mayor of London, he acknowledged his service to the same city, and sware upon the Evangelists, that he would be true to the liberties thereof, and maintain the same to his power, and the counsel of the same to keep, etc.
The year 1216, the 1st of Henry III, the castle of Hartford was handed over to Lewis, the French prince, and the barons of England. Robert Fitzwater requested to take possession of it, arguing that it had traditionally belonged to him by ancient right and title. Lewis responded, “Englishmen are not worthy to hold such strongholds, as they betray their own lord,” etc. Robert died in 1234 and was buried at Dunmow, and his son Walter succeeded him. In 1258, his barony of Baynard was under the control of King Henry due to Robert Fitzwater's minority. Robert married Ælianor, the daughter and heir of the Earl of Ferrars, in 1289; and on March 12, 1303, before John Blondon, the mayor of London, he recognized his duty to the city, swearing upon the Evangelists that he would be loyal to its liberties and uphold them to the best of his ability, as well as advise in their defense, etc.
THE RIGHTS THAT BELONGED TO ROBERT FITZWALTER CHASTALIAN OF LONDON, LORD OF WODEHAM, WERE THESE:—
The said Robert, and his heirs, ought to be, and are chief bannerers of London, in fee of the chastilarie, which he and his ancestors had by Castle Baynard, in the said city. In time of war the said Robert, and his heirs, ought to serve the city in manner as followeth: that is, The said Robert ought to come, he being the twentieth man of arms on horseback, covered with cloth, or armour, unto the great west door of St. Paul, with his banner displayed before him of his arms; and when he is come to the said door, mounted and apparelled, as before is said, the mayor with his aldermen and sheriffs armed in their arms, shall come out of the said church of St. Paul, unto the said door, with a banner in his hand, all on foot, which banner shall be gules, with the image of St. Paul, gold, the face, hands, feet, and sword, of silver; and as soon as the said Robert shall see the mayor, aldermen, and sheriffs, come on foot out of the church, armed with such a banner, he shall alight from his horse, and salute the mayor, and say to him,—“Sir mayor, I am come to do my service, which I owe to the city.” And the mayor and aldermen shall answer,—“We give to you, as our bannerer of fee in this city, this banner of this city to bear, and govern to the honour and profit of the city to our power.” And the said Robert and his heirs shall receive the banner in[59] his hands, and shall go on foot out of the gate with the banner in his hands; and the mayor, aldermen, and sheriffs, shall follow to the door, and shall bring a horse to the said Robert worth twenty pounds, which horse shall be saddled with a saddle of the arms of the said Robert, and shall be covered with sandals of the said arms. Also they shall present to him twenty pounds sterling money, and deliver it to the chamberlain of the said Robert for his expenses that day. Then the said Robert shall mount upon the horse which the mayor presented to him, with the banner in his hand, and as soon as he is up, he shall say to the mayor, that he cause a marshal to be chosen for the host, one of the city; which marshal being chosen, the said Robert shall command the mayor and burgesses of the city to warn the commoners to assemble together, and they shall all go under the banner of St. Paul, and the said Robert shall bear it himself unto Aldgate, and there the said Robert and mayor shall deliver the said banner of St. Paul from thence, to whom they shall assent or think good. And if they must make any issue forth of the city, then the said Robert ought to choose two forth of every ward, the most sage personages, to foresee to the safe keeping of the city after they be gone forth. And this counsel shall be taken in the priory of the Trinity near unto Aldgate. And before every town or castle which the host of London besiege, if the siege continue a whole year, the said Robert shall have for every siege of the commonalty of London an hundred shillings for his travail, and no more. These be the rights that the said Robert hath in the time of war.—Rights belonging to Robert Fitzwalter, and to his heirs in the city of London, in the time of peace, are these: that is to say, the said Robert hath a soken or ward in the city, that is, a wall of the canonry of St. Paul, as a man goeth down the street before the brewhouse of St. Paul unto the Thames, and so to the side of the mill, which is in the water that cometh down from the Fleet bridge, and goeth so by London walls, betwixt the Friers preachers and Ludgate, and so returneth back by the house of the said Friars unto the said wall of the said canonry of St. Paul, that is, all the parish of St. Andrew, which is in the gift of his ancestors by the said seigniority. And so the said Robert hath appendant unto the said soken all these things under-written,—that he ought to have a soke man, and to place what sokeman he will, so he be of the sokemanry, or the same ward; and if any of the sokemanry be impleaded in the Guildhall, of any thing that toucheth not the body of the mayor that for[60] the time is, or that toucheth the body of no sheriff, it is not lawful for the sokeman of the sokemanry of the said Robert Fitzwalter to demand a court of the said Robert, and the mayor, and his citizens of London, ought to grant him to have a court, and in his court he ought to bring his judgments, as it is assented and agreed upon in this Guildhall, that shall be given them. If any, therefore, be taken in his sokenly, he ought to have his stocks and imprisonment in his soken; and he shall be brought from thence to the Guildhall before the mayor, and there they shall provide him his judgment that ought to be given of him; but his judgment shall not be published till he come into the court of the said Robert, and in his liberty. And the judgment shall be such, that if he have deserved death by treason, he to be tied to a post in the Thames at a good wharf where boats are fastened, two ebbings and two flowings of the water. And if he be condemned for a common thief, he ought to be led to the Elms, and there suffer his judgment as other thieves. And so the said Robert and his heirs hath honour that he holdeth a great franchise within the city, that the mayor of the city and citizens are bound to do him of right, that is to say, that when the mayor will hold a great council, he ought to call the said Robert, and his heirs, to be with him in council of the city, and the said Robert ought to be sworn to be of council with the city against all people, saving the king and his heirs. And when the said Robert cometh to the hustings in the Guildhall of the city, the mayor, or his lieutenant, ought to rise against him, and set him down near unto him; and so long as he is in the Guildhall, all the judgment ought to be given by his mouth, according to the record of the recorders of the said Guildhall; and so many waifes as come so long as he is there, he ought to give them to the bailiffs of the town, or to whom he will, by the counsel of the mayor of the city. These be the franchises that belonged to Robert Fitzwalter in London, in time of peace; which for the antiquity thereof I have noted out of an old record.
The said Robert and his heirs are the primary banner bearers of London, in fee of the chancellorship, which he and his ancestors had by Castle Baynard in the city. During times of war, Robert and his heirs must serve the city in the following manner: Robert is to arrive as the twentieth man-at-arms on horseback, clothed in cloth or armor, at the great west door of St. Paul’s, with his banner displayed before him. When he reaches the door, mounted and dressed as stated, the mayor, along with his aldermen and sheriffs, all dressed in their armor, will come out of St. Paul’s to the door, carrying a banner of gules, featuring the image of St. Paul in gold, with silver for the face, hands, feet, and sword. As soon as Robert sees the mayor, aldermen, and sheriffs approaching with the banner, he will dismount from his horse, greet the mayor, and say, “Sir mayor, I have come to fulfill my service to the city.” The mayor and aldermen will respond, “We appoint you, as our banner bearer, this city’s banner to carry and uphold for the honor and benefit of the city to the best of our ability.” Robert and his heirs will receive the banner in his hands and walk out of the gate with it. The mayor, aldermen, and sheriffs will follow him, bringing a horse worth twenty pounds, saddled with a saddle displaying Robert’s arms and covered with sandals bearing his insignia. They will also present him with twenty pounds in sterling money, which will be given to the chamberlain for his expenses that day. Robert will then mount the horse given by the mayor, holding the banner, and once he is mounted, he will request the mayor to select a marshal from the city for the host. After the marshal is chosen, Robert will instruct the mayor and burgesses to alert the commoners to gather, all of whom will assemble under the banner of St. Paul, which Robert will carry to Aldgate. There, Robert and the mayor will deliver the banner of St. Paul to whoever they deem appropriate. If they need to send anyone out of the city, Robert must choose two representatives from each ward, the wisest individuals, to oversee the city’s safety during their absence. This council will convene at the priory of the Trinity near Aldgate. Before any town or castle besieged by the London host, if the siege lasts a full year, Robert will receive one hundred shillings from the commonalty of London for his efforts, and no more. These are Robert's rights during wartime. The rights belonging to Robert Fitzwalter and his heirs in the city of London during peacetime are as follows: Robert possesses a soken or ward in the city, which includes a wall of the canonry of St. Paul, running from the street in front of the brewhouse of St. Paul to the Thames, along the mill that drains from the Fleet bridge, and continuing along the London walls, between the Friars Preachers and Ludgate, then returning past the Friars’ house to the wall of the canonry of St. Paul, encompassing the parish of St. Andrew, which has been in the gift of his ancestors through the aforementioned lordship. Consequently, Robert has attached to the soken all the following rights: he is entitled to a soke man and can appoint any sokeman he wishes, provided he is from the sokemanry or the same ward. If any sokeman is summoned to the Guildhall for matters that do not concern the mayor or the sheriff at that time, it is not lawful for the sokeman of Robert Fitzwalter’s sokemanry to request a court from him; rather, the mayor and the citizens of London must grant him a court, where he can present his judgments as agreed upon by the Guildhall. Therefore, if anyone is detained within his soken, he shall have the right to stocks and imprisonment there. They will then be brought before the mayor in the Guildhall, where their judgment will be determined; however, the judgment will not be disclosed until they appear in Robert's court and within his jurisdiction. The judgment will be such that if the individual has committed treason, they will be tied to a post in the Thames at an appropriate wharf where boats are docked for two tidal cycles. If condemned as a common thief, they will be taken to the Elms and face punishment just like other thieves. Thus, Robert and his heirs hold the honor of maintaining a significant franchise within the city, which the mayor and citizens are obligated to respect. When the mayor convenes a grand council, he must invite Robert and his heirs to join him. Robert must take an oath to be part of the city council against all others, aside from the king and his heirs. When Robert attends the hustings in the Guildhall, the mayor or his deputy must rise to acknowledge him and seat him nearby. While he is in the Guildhall, all judgments should be delivered through him, according to the records maintained by the recorders of said Guildhall. Any waifs arriving while he is present should be handed over to the bailiffs of the town, or to whom he chooses, upon the mayor's advice. These are the franchises belonging to Robert Fitzwalter in London during peacetime; I have noted these based on an old record due to their historical significance.
This Robert deceased in the year 1305, leaving issue Walter Fitzrobert, who had issue Robert Fitzwalter, unto whom, in the year 1320, the citizens of London acknowledged the right which they ought to him and his heirs for the Castle Baynard; he deceased 1325; unto whom succeeded Robert Fitzrobert, Fitzwalter, etc. More of the Lord Fitzwalter may ye read in my Annals in 51st of Edward III. But how this honour of Baynard’s castle, with the appurtenances, fell from the pos[61]session of the Fitzwalters, I have not read; only I find, that in the year 1428, the 7th of Henry VI., a great fire was at Baynard’s castle, and that same Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester, built it of new. By his death and attainder, in the year 1446, it came to the hands of Henry VI., and from him to Richard, Duke of York, of whom we read, that in the year 1457 he lodged there, as in his own house. In the year 1460, the 28th of February, the Earls of March and of Warwick, with a great power of men, but few of name, entered the city of London, where they were of the citizens joyously received; and upon the 3rd of March, being Sunday, the said earl caused to be mustered his people in St. John’s field; whereunto that host was showed and proclaimed certain articles and points wherein King Henry, as they said, had offended; and thereupon, it was demanded of the said people, whether the said Henry was worthy to reign as king any longer or not: whereunto the people cried Nay. Then it was asked of them, whether they would have the Earl of March for their king; and they cried, Yea, Yea. Whereupon, certain captains were appointed to bear report thereof unto the said Earl of March, then being lodged at his castle of Baynard. Whereof when the earl was by them advertised, he thanked God, and them for their election; notwithstanding he showed some countenance of insufficiency in him to occupy so great a charge, till by exhortation of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Excester, and certain noblemen, he granted to their petition; and on the next morrow at Paul’s he went on procession, offered, and had Te Deum sung. Then was he with great royalty conveyed to Westminster, and there, in the great hall, set in the king’s seat, with St. Edward’s sceptre in his hand.
This Robert passed away in 1305, leaving behind Walter Fitzrobert, who had a son named Robert Fitzwalter. In 1320, the citizens of London recognized his rights and those of his heirs to Baynard's Castle. He died in 1325, and Robert Fitzrobert succeeded him. You can read more about Lord Fitzwalter in my Annals in the 51st year of Edward III. However, I haven't found details on how the honor of Baynard’s Castle and its appurtenances left the Fitzwalters' possession. I do find that in 1428, during the 7th year of Henry VI, there was a significant fire at Baynard’s Castle, which Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester, rebuilt. After his death and the subsequent attainder in 1446, it came into the possession of Henry VI, then to Richard, Duke of York, who we know lodged there in 1457, as if it were his own home. On February 28, 1460, the Earls of March and Warwick, along with a large force but few notable figures, entered London, where they were joyfully received by the citizens. On March 3rd, a Sunday, the Earl mustered his troops in St. John’s Field, where several articles were proclaimed regarding King Henry's alleged offenses. They asked the crowd whether Henry deserved to continue as king, and the people shouted "No." They then asked if they wanted the Earl of March to be their king, and they shouted "Yes, yes." Certain captains were then tasked with reporting this to the Earl of March, who was staying at Baynard's Castle. When he was informed, he thanked God and the people for their choice, though he expressed some doubts about his ability to take on such a significant role, until the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Exeter, and some noblemen encouraged him to accept their request. The next day, he participated in a procession at Paul’s, made an offering, and had a Te Deum sung. He was then grandly taken to Westminster, where he was placed in the king’s seat in the great hall, holding St. Edward’s scepter.
Edward IV. being dead, leaving his eldest son Edward, and his second son Richard, both infants, Richard, Duke of Glocester,[83] being elected by the nobles and commons in the Guildhall of London, took on him the title of the realm and kingdom, as imposed upon him in this Baynard’s castle, as ye may read penned by Sir Thomas More, and set down in my Annals.
Edward IV had died, leaving his oldest son Edward and his second son Richard, both still young. Richard, the Duke of Gloucester,[83] was chosen by the nobles and common people in the Guildhall of London, and he took on the title of the realm and kingdom as was designated to him in Baynard’s Castle, as you can read written by Sir Thomas More, and noted in my Annals.
Henry VII., about the year 1501, the 16th of his reign, repaired, or rather new built this house, not embattled, or so strongly fortified castle like, but far more beautiful and commodious for the entertainment of any prince or great estate.[62] In the 17th of his reign, he, with his queen were lodged there, and came from thence to Powles church, where they made their offering, dined in the bishop’s palace, and so returned. The 18th of his reign he was lodged there, and the ambassadors from the king of the Romans, where thither brought to his presence, and from thence the king came to Powles, and was there sworn to the king of the Romans, as the said king had sworn to him.
Henry VII, around the year 1501, in the 16th year of his reign, renovated, or rather rebuilt, this house. It wasn't a fortified castle like others, but it was much more beautiful and suitable for hosting any prince or high-ranking guest.[62] In the 17th year of his reign, he and his queen stayed there and then went to St. Paul’s church, where they made their offering, dined in the bishop’s palace, and returned. In the 18th year of his reign, he stayed there again, and the ambassadors from the King of the Romans were brought to see him. From there, the king went to St. Paul’s, where he swore allegiance to the King of the Romans, just as the king had sworn to him.
The 20th of the said king, he with his knights of the order, all in their habits of the Garter, rode from the Tower of London, through the city, unto the cathedral church of St. Paul’s, and there heard evensong, and from thence they rode to Baynard’s castle, where the king lodged; and on the next morrow, in the same habit they rode from thence again to the said church of St. Paul’s, went on procession, heard the divine service, offered, and returned. The same year the king of Castile was lodged there.
On the 20th of that king's reign, he and his knights of the order, all dressed in their Garter robes, rode from the Tower of London, through the city, to St. Paul’s Cathedral, where they attended evensong. After that, they rode to Baynard’s Castle, where the king stayed. The next morning, still in the same attire, they rode back to St. Paul’s Cathedral, participated in a procession, attended the divine service, made their offerings, and returned. That same year, the king of Castile was staying there.
In the year 1553, the 19th of July, the council, partly moved with the right of the Lady Mary’s cause, partly considering that the most of the realm were wholly bent on her side, changing their mind from Lady Jane, lately proclaimed queen, assembled themselves at this Baynard’s castle, where they communed with the Earl of Pembroke, and the Earl of Shrewsbury, and Sir John Mason, clerk of the council, sent for the lord mayor, and then riding into Cheap to the cross, where Garter King at Arms, trumpet being sounded, proclaimed the Lady Mary, daughter of King Henry VIII., and Queen Katherine, queen of England, etc.
In the year 1553, on July 19th, the council, partly motivated by the legitimacy of Lady Mary’s claim and partly recognizing that most of the realm was fully supportive of her, shifted their allegiance from Lady Jane, who had recently been declared queen. They gathered at Baynard’s Castle, where they discussed matters with the Earl of Pembroke, the Earl of Shrewsbury, and Sir John Mason, the clerk of the council. They then summoned the lord mayor and rode to Cheap, where, at the cross, Garter King at Arms sounded a trumpet and proclaimed Lady Mary, daughter of King Henry VIII and Queen Katherine, as queen of England, etc.
This castle now belongeth to the Earl of Pembroke.[84]
This castle now belongs to the Earl of Pembroke.[84]
Next adjoining to this castle was sometime a tower, the name whereof I have not read; but that the same was built by Edward II. is manifest by this that followeth. King Edward III., in the second year of his reign, gave unto William de Ros, of Hamolake, in Yorkshire, a tower upon the water of Thames, by the castle of Baynard in the city of London, which tower his father had built; he gave the said tower and appurtenances to the said William Hamolake, and his heirs, for a rose yearly, to be paid for all service due, etc. This tower, as seemeth to me, was since called Legat’s inn, the 7th of Edward IV.
Next to this castle used to be a tower, the name of which I haven’t come across; however, it’s clear that Edward II built it. King Edward III, in the second year of his reign, granted a tower on the River Thames, near Baynard’s Castle in London, to William de Ros of Hamolake in Yorkshire, which his father had constructed. He gave this tower and its related properties to William Hamolake and his heirs for a yearly payment of one rose, covering any services owed, etc. It seems to me that this tower was later referred to as Legat’s Inn in the 7th year of Edward IV’s reign.
TOWER OF MOUNTFIQUIT
The next tower or castle, banking also on the river of Thames, was, as is afore showed, called Mountfiquit’s castle, of a nobleman, Baron of Mountfiquit, the first builder thereof, who came in with William the Conqueror, and was since named Le Sir Mountfiquit. This castle he built in a place not far distant from Baynard’s, towards the west. The same William Mountfiquit lived in the reign of Henry I., and was witness to a charter then granted to the city for the sheriffs of London. Richard Mountfiquit lived in King John’s time; and in the year 1213, was by the same king banished the realm into France, when peradventure King John caused his castle of Mountfiquit, amongst other castles of the barons, to be overthrown; the which after his return, might be by him again re-edified; for the total destruction thereof was about the year 1276, when Robert Kilwarby, archbishop of Canterbury, began the foundation of the Fryers Preachers church there, commonly called the Blacke Fryers, as appeareth by a charter the 4th of Edward I., wherein is declared that Gregorie de Rocksley, mayor of London, and the barons of the same city, granted and gave unto the said Archbishop Robert, two lanes or ways next the street of Baynard’s castle, and the tower of Mountfiquit, to be applied for the enlargement of the said church and place.
The next tower or castle by the River Thames was, as previously mentioned, called Mountfiquit’s Castle, named after a nobleman, Baron of Mountfiquit, who built it first. He came in with William the Conqueror and was later known as Le Sir Mountfiquit. This castle was built in a location not far from Baynard’s, towards the west. William Mountfiquit lived during the reign of Henry I and witnessed a charter that was granted to the city for the sheriffs of London. Richard Mountfiquit lived in the time of King John, and in 1213, he was banished from the realm to France by the same king, who likely ordered the demolition of his castle, along with other baronial castles. After his return, he may have rebuilt it, as it was completely destroyed around the year 1276 when Robert Kilwarby, Archbishop of Canterbury, began the foundation of the Friars Preachers church there, commonly called the Black Friars. This is confirmed by a charter from the 4th year of Edward I, which states that Gregorie de Rocksley, mayor of London, and the city’s barons granted Archbishop Robert two lanes next to the street of Baynard’s Castle and Mountfiquit Tower for the expansion of the church and its grounds.
One other tower there was also situate on the river of Thames near unto the said Blacke Fryers church, on the west part thereof built at the citizens’ charges, but by license and commandment of Edward I. and of Edward II., as appeareth by their grants; which tower was then finished, and so stood for the space of three hundred years, and was at the last taken down by the commandment of John Shaw, mayor of London, in the year 1502.
One other tower was also located on the River Thames near Blackfriars Church, built at the citizens’ expense but with the permission and order of Edward I and Edward II, as shown by their grants. This tower was completed and stood for about three hundred years before it was finally taken down by John Shaw, the mayor of London, in 1502.
Another tower, or castle, also was there in the west part of the city pertaining to the king. For I read, that in the year 1087, the 20th of William I., the city of London, with the church of St. Paul, being burned, Mauritius, then bishop of London, afterward began the foundation of a new church, whereunto King William, saith mine author, gave the choice stones of this castle standing near to the bank of the river of Thames, at the west end of the city. After this Mauritius, Richard his successor purchased the streets about Paul’s church,[85] compassing[64] the same with a wall of stone and gates. King Henry I. gave to this Richard so much of the moat or wall of the castle, on the Thames side to the south, as should be needful to make the said wall of the churchyard, and so much more as should suffice to make a way without the wall on the north side, etc.
Another tower, or castle, was also located in the western part of the city belonging to the king. I read that in the year 1087, during the 20th year of William I’s reign, the city of London, along with St. Paul's church, was burned down. Mauritius, who was the bishop of London at that time, started the foundation of a new church. According to my source, King William provided the finest stones from this castle, which was situated near the bank of the River Thames at the west end of the city. Afterward, Mauritius’s successor, Richard, purchased the streets surrounding Paul’s church,[85] enclosing it with a stone wall and gates. King Henry I granted Richard enough of the moat or wall of the castle on the south side by the Thames to construct the wall of the churchyard, along with additional space needed to create a path outside the wall on the north side, etc.
This tower or castle thus destroyed, stood, as it may seem, where now standeth the house called Bridewell. For notwithstanding the destruction of the said castle or tower, the house remained large, so that the kings of this realm long after were lodged there, and kept their courts; for until the 9th year of Henry III. the courts of law and justice were kept in the king’s house, wheresoever he was lodged, and not elsewhere. And that the kings have been lodged, and kept their law courts in this place, I could show you many authors of record, but for plain proof this one may suffice. “Hæc est finalis concordia, facta in Curia Domini regis apud Sanct. Bridgid. London. a die Sancti Michaelis in 15 dies, Anno regni regis Johannis 7. coram G. Fil. Petri. Eustachio de Fauconberg, Johanne de Gestlinge, Osbart filio Hervey, Walter De Crisping Justiciar. et aliis baronibus Domini regis.”[86] More, as Matthew Paris hath, about the year 1210, King John, in the 12th of his reign, summoned a parliament at St. Bride’s in London, where he exacted of the clergy and religious persons the sum of one hundred thousand pounds; and besides all this, the white monks were compelled to cancel their privileges, and to pay forty thousand pounds to the king, etc. This house of St. Bride’s of latter time being left, and not used by the kings, fell to ruin, insomuch that the very platform thereof remained for great part waste, and, as it were, but a laystall of filth and rubbish; only a fair well remained there. A great part of this house, namely, on the west, as hath been said, was given to the Bishop of Salisbury; the other part towards the east remaining waste until King Henry VIII. built a stately and beautiful house thereupon, giving it to name Bridewell, of the parish and well there. This house he purposely built for the entertainment of the Emperor Charles V., who in the year 1522 came into this city, as I have showed in my Summary, Annals, and large Chronicles.
This tower or castle, now destroyed, stood where the house called Bridewell is located today. Despite the destruction of the castle or tower, the house remained large enough that the kings of this realm stayed there for a long time and held their courts. Until the 9th year of Henry III, the courts of law and justice were held in the king’s residence, no matter where he was, and not anywhere else. I could provide many records to show that the kings were lodged and held their law courts here, but one clear example will suffice: “Hæc est finalis concordia, facta in Curia Domini regis apud Sanct. Bridgid. London. a die Sancti Michaelis in 15 dies, Anno regni regis Johannis 7. coram G. Fil. Petri. Eustachio de Fauconberg, Johanne de Gestlinge, Osbart filio Hervey, Walter De Crisping Justiciar. et aliis baronibus Domini regis.”[86] Additionally, as Matthew Paris wrote around the year 1210, King John, in the 12th year of his reign, called for a parliament at St. Bride’s in London, where he demanded one hundred thousand pounds from the clergy and religious individuals. Moreover, the white monks were forced to cancel their privileges and pay forty thousand pounds to the king, among other things. In later years, this house of St. Bride’s was abandoned and fell into ruin, with much of it lying waste and becoming little more than a dump for filth and debris; only a fine well remained. A significant portion of this house, particularly on the west side, was granted to the Bishop of Salisbury, while the eastern part remained deserted until King Henry VIII constructed a grand and beautiful house on it, naming it Bridewell after the parish and the well. He specifically built this house to host Emperor Charles V, who visited the city in 1522, as I detailed in my Summary, Annals, and extensive Chronicles.
On the north-west side of the city, near unto Redcross street, there was a tower, commonly called Barbican, or Burhkenning; for that the same being placed on a high ground, and also built of some good height, was in old time as a watch-tower for the city, from whence a man might behold and view the whole[65] city towards the south, and also into Kent, Sussex, and Surrey, and likewise every other way, east, north, or west.
On the northwest side of the city, close to Redcross Street, there was a tower, commonly known as Barbican or Burhkenning. Built on high ground and at a notable height, it served as a watchtower for the city. From there, one could see the entire city to the south, as well as parts of Kent, Sussex, and Surrey, and also look in every other direction: east, north, or west.[65]
Some other Burhkennings, or watch-towers, there were of old time in and about the city, all which were repaired, yea, and others new built, by Gilbart de Clare, Earl of Glocester, in the reign of King Henry III., when the barons were in arms, and held the city against the king; but the barons being reconciled to his favour in the year 1267, he caused all their burhkennings, watch-towers, and bulwarks, made and repaired by the said earl, to be plucked down, and the ditches to be filled up, so that nought of them might be seen to remain; and then was this burhkenning, amongst the rest, overthrown and destroyed; and although the ditch near thereunto, called Hound’s ditch, was stopped up, yet the street of long time after was called Hound’s ditch; and of late time more commonly called Barbican. The plot or seat of this burhkenning, or watch-tower, King Edward III., in the year 1336, and the 10th of his reign, gave unto Robert Ufford, Earl of Suffolk, by the name of his manor of Base court, in the parish of St. Giles without Cripplegate, of London, commonly called the Barbican.
Some other watchtowers, or burhkennings, existed long ago in and around the city. All of these were repaired, and some even newly built, by Gilbart de Clare, the Earl of Gloucester, during the reign of King Henry III, when the barons were in arms and defended the city against the king. However, in 1267, after the barons were reconciled with the king, he ordered all their watchtowers and fortifications, built or repaired by the earl, to be taken down and the ditches filled in so that nothing would remain visible. This watchtower, among others, was also demolished. Although the ditch nearby, called Hound’s ditch, was filled in, the street continued to be known as Hound’s ditch for a long time and has more recently been referred to as Barbican. In 1336, in the 10th year of his reign, King Edward III granted the site of this watchtower to Robert Ufford, Earl of Suffolk, under the name of his manor of Base court, in the parish of St. Giles without Cripplegate, London, commonly referred to as the Barbican.
Tower Royal was of old time the king’s house. King Stephen was there lodged; but sithence called the Queen’s Wardrobe. The princess, mother to King Richard II. in the 4th of his reign was lodged there; being forced to fly from the Tower of London when the rebels possessed it. But on the 15th of June (saith Froissart), Wat Tyler being slain, the king went to this lady princess his mother, then lodged in the Tower Royal, called the Queen’s Wardrobe, where she had tarried two days and two nights; which tower (saith the record of Edward III., the 36th year[87]) was in the parish of St. Michel de Paternoster, etc. In the year 1386, King Richard, with Queen Anne his wife, kept their Christmas at Eltham, whither came to him Lion, king of Ermony,[88] under pretence to reform peace betwixt the kings of England and France; but what his coming profited he only understood; for besides innumerable gifts that he received of the king and his nobles, the king lying then in this Tower Royal, at the Queen’s Wardrobe in London, granted to him a charter[66] of a thousand pounds by year during his life. He was, as he affirmed, chased out of his kingdom by the Tartarians. More concerning this tower shall you read when you come to Vintry Ward, in which it standeth.
Tower Royal used to be the king’s residence. King Stephen stayed there; however, it’s now known as the Queen’s Wardrobe. The princess, who was the mother of King Richard II, stayed there during the fourth year of his reign after fleeing from the Tower of London when the rebels took control. On June 15th (according to Froissart), after Wat Tyler was killed, the king visited his mother, the princess, who was then at the Tower Royal, called the Queen’s Wardrobe, where she had stayed for two days and nights. This tower (as noted in the record from the 36th year of Edward III) was in the parish of St. Michel de Paternoster, etc. In 1386, King Richard and his wife, Queen Anne, celebrated Christmas at Eltham, where Lion, king of Ermony, came to him claiming he wanted to broker peace between the kings of England and France; but only he knew what his visit really achieved. Besides the countless gifts he received from the king and his nobles, while the king was at Tower Royal, in the Queen’s Wardrobe in London, he was granted a charter by the king for a thousand pounds a year for life. He claimed he had been chased out of his kingdom by the Tartars. You can read more about this tower when you get to Vintry Ward, where it is located.
Sernes tower in Bucklesberie, was sometime the king’s house. Edward III., in the 18th of his reign, appointed his exchange of moneys therein to be kept; and in the 32d, he gave the same tower to his free chapel of St. Stephen at Westminster.
Sernes Tower in Bucklesberie used to be the king's house. Edward III, in the 18th year of his reign, ordered that his currency exchange be kept there; and in the 32nd year, he gave the same tower to his free chapel of St. Stephen at Westminster.
OF SCHOOLS AND OTHER HOUSES OF LEARNING
“In the reign of King Stephen and of Henry II.,” saith Fitzstephen, “there were in London three principal churches, which had famous schools, either by privilege and ancient dignity, or by favour of some particular persons, as of doctors which were accounted notable and renowned for knowledge in philosophy. And there were other inferior schools also. Upon festival days the masters made solemn meetings in the churches, where their scholars disputed logically and demonstratively; some bringing enthimems, other perfect syllogisms; some disputed for shew, other to trace out the truth; cunning sophisters were thought brave scholars when they flowed with words; others used fallacies; rhetoricians spake aptly to persuade, observing the precepts of art, and omitting nothing that might serve their purpose: the boys of diverse schools did cap or pot verses, and contended of the principles of grammar; there were some which on the other side with epigrams and rymes, nipping and quipping their fellowes, and the faults of others, though suppressing their names, moved thereby much laughter among their auditors.” Hitherto Fitzstephen, for schools and scholars, and for their exercises in the city in his days; sithence the which time, as to me it seemeth, by the increase of colleges and students in the universities of Oxford and Cambridge, the frequenting of schools, and exercises of scholars in the city, as had been accustomed, hath much decreased.
“In the time of King Stephen and Henry II.,” Fitzstephen says, “there were in London three main churches with famous schools, either due to their long-standing privilege and status or because of the support of certain individuals, like doctors recognized for their knowledge in philosophy. There were also some lesser schools. On festival days, the masters held formal meetings in the churches, where their students debated logically and demonstratively; some presenting enthymemes, others perfect syllogisms; some argued just for show, while others sought to uncover the truth; clever sophists were seen as impressive scholars when they were eloquent; others relied on fallacies; rhetoricians spoke effectively to persuade, following the rules of their craft and including everything that could help their case: boys from different schools exchanged verses and argued about the principles of grammar; some did so with epigrams and rhymes, teasing and joking about their peers and their mistakes, avoiding names but bringing much laughter among their listeners.” Thus, Fitzstephen talks about schools and scholars and their activities in the city during his time; since then, as it seems to me, with the rise of colleges and students in the universities of Oxford and Cambridge, the attendance at schools and scholarly activities in the city has significantly declined.
The three principal churches which had these famous schools by privileges, must needs be the cathedral church of St. Paul for one; seeing that by a general council, holden in the year of Christ 1176, at Rome, in the patriarchy of Laterane, it was decreed, that every cathedral church should have his schoolmaster to teach poor scholars, and others as had been accustomed, and that no man should take any reward for license to[67] teach. The second, as most ancient, may seem to have been the monastery of St. Peter’s at Westminster, whereof Ingulphus, Abbot of Crowland, in the reign of William the Conqueror, writeth thus:—“I, Ingulphus, an humble servant of God, born of English parents, in the most beautiful city of London, for to attain to learning, was first put to Westminster, and after to study of Oxford,” etc. And writing in praise of Queen Edgitha, wife to Edward the Confessor: “I have seen her,” saith he, “often when being a boy, I came to see my father dwelling in the king’s court, and often coming from school, when I met her, she would oppose me, touching my learning and lesson; and falling from grammar to logic, wherein she had some knowledge, she would subtilly conclude an argument with me, and by her handmaiden give me three or four pieces of money, and send me unto the palace where I should receive some victuals, and then be dismissed.”
The three main churches that ran these famous schools by privilege must be the cathedral church of St. Paul for one. A general council held in the year 1176 in Rome at the Lateran declared that every cathedral church should have a schoolmaster to teach poor students and others as it had been customary, and that no one should accept any payment for the right to teach. The second, likely the oldest, appears to be the monastery of St. Peter’s at Westminster. Ingulphus, Abbot of Crowland, wrote during the reign of William the Conqueror: “I, Ingulphus, a humble servant of God, born of English parents in the beautiful city of London, was first sent to Westminster to learn and later to study at Oxford,” etc. He also praised Queen Edgitha, the wife of Edward the Confessor, saying, “I saw her often when I was a boy visiting my father at the king's court. After school, when I met her, she would ask me about my studies. Shifting from grammar to logic, which she had some knowledge of, she would cleverly conclude an argument with me and, through her maid, give me three or four coins to send me to the palace where I would get some food and then be dismissed.”
The third school seemeth to have been in the monastery of St. Saviour, at Bermondsey in Southwark; for other priories, as of St. John by Smithfield, St. Bartholomew in Smithfield, St. Mary Overie in Southwark, and that of the Holy Trinity by Aldgate, were all of later foundation, and the friaries, colleges, and hospitals, in this city, were raised since them in the reigns of Henry III., Edward I., II., and III., etc. All which houses had their schools, though not so famous as these first named.
The third school seems to have been in the monastery of St. Saviour at Bermondsey in Southwark; because other priories like St. John by Smithfield, St. Bartholomew in Smithfield, St. Mary Overie in Southwark, and the Holy Trinity by Aldgate were all founded later. The friaries, colleges, and hospitals in this city were established after these during the reigns of Henry III, Edward I, II, and III, etc. All of these institutions had their own schools, though they weren't as well-known as the ones mentioned earlier.
But touching schools more lately advanced in this city, I read, that King Henry V., having suppressed the priories aliens, whereof some were about London; namely, one hospital, called Our Lady of Rouncivall, by Charing Cross; one other hospital in Oldborne; one other without Cripplegate; and the fourth without Aldersgate; besides other that are now worn out of memory, and whereof there is no monument remaining more than Rouncivall, converted to a brotherhood, which continued till the reign of Henry VIII. or Edward VI. This, I say, and other their schools being broken up and ceased, King Henry VI., in the 24th of his reign, by patent, appointed, that there should be in London grammar schools, besides St. Paul’s, at St. Martin’s le Grand, St. Mary le Bow in Cheap, St. Dunstan’s in the west, and St. Anthony’s. And in the next year, to wit, 1447, the said king ordained by parliament that four other grammar schools should be erected, to wit, in the parishes of St. Andrew in Oldborne, Allhallowes the Great in Thames street, St. Peter’s upon Cornhill, and in the hospital of St. Thomas of Acons in West Cheap; since the which time as divers schools, by sup[68]pressing of religious houses, whereof they were members, in the reign of Henry VIII., have been decayed, so again have some others been newly erected, and founded for them; as namely Paul’s school, in place of an old ruined house, was built in most ample manner, and largely endowed, in the year 1512, by John Collet, Doctor of Divinity, Dean of Paul’s, for one hundred and fifty-three poor men’s children, for which there was ordained a master, surmaster, or usher, and a chaplain. Again, in the year 1553, after the erection of Christ’s hospital, in the late dissolved house of the Gray Friars, a great number of poor children being taken in, a school was also ordained there at the citizen’s charges. Also, in the year 1561, the Merchant Taylors of London founded one notable free grammar school, in the parish of St. Laurence Poultney by Candleweeke street, Richard Hils, late master of that company, having given five hundred pounds towards the purchase of a house, called the Mannor of the Rose, sometime the Duke of Buckingham’s, wherein the school is kept. As for the meeting of the schoolmasters on festival days, at festival churches, and the disputing of their scholars logically, etc., whereof I have before spoken, the same was long since discontinued; but the arguing of the schoolboys about the principles of grammar hath been continued even till our time; for I myself, in my youth, have yearly seen, on the eve of St. Bartholomew the Apostle, the scholars of divers grammar schools repair unto the churchyard of St. Bartholomew, the priory in Smithfield, where upon a bank boarded about under a tree, some one scholar hath stepped up, and there hath opposed and answered, till he were by some better scholar overcome and put down; and then the overcomer taking the place, did like as the first; and in the end the best opposers and answerers had rewards, which I observed not but it made both good schoolmasters, and also good scholars, diligently against such times to prepare themselves for the obtaining of this garland. I remember there repaired to these exercises, amongst others, the masters and scholars of the free schools of St. Paul’s in London, of St. Peter’s at Westminster, of St. Thomas Acon’s hospital, and of St. Anthonie’s hospital; whereof the last-named commonly presented the best scholars, and had the prize in those days.
But regarding the schools that have more recently developed in this city, I read that King Henry V, after shutting down the foreign priories, some of which were around London—specifically, a hospital called Our Lady of Rouncivall by Charing Cross; another hospital in Oldborne; one more outside Cripplegate; and a fourth outside Aldersgate—along with others that have now faded from memory, with Rouncivall being the only one remaining, which became a brotherhood that lasted until the reign of Henry VIII or Edward VI. I mention this because, after various schools had been dissolved and ceased to function, King Henry VI, in the 24th year of his reign, by patent, established that there should be grammar schools in London in addition to St. Paul’s, at St. Martin’s le Grand, St. Mary le Bow in Cheap, St. Dunstan’s in the West, and St. Anthony’s. The following year, in 1447, the king decreed by parliament that four more grammar schools should be created in the parishes of St. Andrew in Oldborne, Allhallowes the Great in Thames Street, St. Peter’s on Cornhill, and in the hospital of St. Thomas of Acons in West Cheap; since then, as various schools have declined due to the suppression of religious houses they were connected to during Henry VIII's reign, others have been newly established. For example, Paul’s School was built on the site of an old ruined house, generously endowed in 1512 by John Collet, Doctor of Divinity and Dean of Paul’s, for the education of one hundred and fifty-three poor children, for which a master, surmaster or usher, and a chaplain were appointed. Again, in 1553, after the establishment of Christ’s Hospital in the recently dissolved Gray Friars' house, a significant number of poor children were admitted, and a school was also set up there at the citizens' expense. Additionally, in 1561, the Merchant Taylors of London founded a prominent free grammar school in the parish of St. Laurence Poultney by Candleweeke Street, with Richard Hils, the former master of that company, donating five hundred pounds towards purchasing a property known as the Manor of the Rose, which used to belong to the Duke of Buckingham, where the school is held. As for the gatherings of schoolmasters on festival days at church and the logical debates among their students that I mentioned earlier, those practices were long ago discontinued; however, the debates among schoolboys about grammar principles have persisted to this day. In my youth, I would annually witness, on the eve of St. Bartholomew the Apostle, scholars from various grammar schools gathering in the churchyard of St. Bartholomew's priory in Smithfield, where one scholar would step up on a raised platform beneath a tree, arguing and answering questions until a more skilled scholar would defeat him. Then the victor would take his place and do the same. Ultimately, the best debaters were rewarded, and I noticed that it encouraged both good teachers and dedicated students to prepare diligently for these occasions to earn this recognition. I remember that among those attending these events were the masters and students from the free schools of St. Paul’s in London, St. Peter’s at Westminster, St. Thomas Acon’s hospital, and St. Anthony’s hospital; of these, the last commonly presented the best students and won the prizes during that time.
This priory of St. Bartholomew being surrendered to Henry VIII., those disputations of scholars in that place surceased; and was again, only for a year or twain, in the reign of Edward VI., revived in the cloister of Christ’s hospital, where the best[69] scholars, then still of St. Anthonie’s school,[89] were rewarded with bows and arrows of silver, given to them by Sir Martin Bowes, goldsmith. Nevertheless, however the encouragement failed, the scholars of Paul’s, meeting with them of St. Anthonie’s, would call them Anthonie pigs, and they again would call the other pigeons of Paul’s, because many pigeons were bred in St. Paul’s church, and St. Anthonie was always figured with a pig following him; and mindful of the former usage, did for a long season disorderly in the open street provoke one another with, Salve tu quoque, placet tibi mecum disputare? Placet. And so proceeding from this to questions in grammar, they usually fell from words to blows with their satchels full of books, many times in great heaps, that they troubled the streets and passengers; so that finally they were restrained with the decay of St. Anthonie’s school. Out of this school have sprung divers famous persons, whereof although time hath buried the names of many, yet in mine own remembrance may be numbered these following:—Sir Thomas More, knight, lord chancellor of England, Dr. Nicholas Heath, sometime Bishop of Rochester, after of Worcester, and lastly Archbishop of York and Lord Chancellor of England; Doctor John Whitgift, Bishop of Worcester, and after Archbishop of Canterbury, etc.
This priory of St. Bartholomew was surrendered to Henry VIII, and the debates among scholars there came to an end. It briefly revived during the reign of Edward VI in the cloisters of Christ's Hospital, where the top scholars, still associated with St. Anthony's School, were rewarded with silver bows and arrows given to them by Sir Martin Bowes, a goldsmith. However, despite the encouragement, the scholars from St. Paul's would mock those from St. Anthony's, calling them "Anthony pigs," while the latter referred to the former as "Paul's pigeons," since many pigeons were raised in St. Paul's Church, and St. Anthony was often depicted with a pig by his side. Remembering the old rivalry, they would often provoke each other in the streets with "Salve tu quoque, placet tibi mecum disputare? Placet." Soon, this led to arguments over grammar that escalated into physical fights with their satchels full of books, creating chaos in the streets and bothering passersby. Eventually, this all came to an end with the decline of St. Anthony's School. Many notable figures emerged from this school; although time has forgotten the names of many, I can still recall a few: Sir Thomas More, knight and Lord Chancellor of England; Dr. Nicholas Heath, once Bishop of Rochester, then of Worcester, and finally Archbishop of York and Lord Chancellor of England; and Dr. John Whitgift, Bishop of Worcester and later Archbishop of Canterbury, among others.
Of later time, in the year of Christ 1582, there was founded a public lecture in chirurgerie, to be read in the College of Physicians in Knight riders street, to begin in the year 1584, on the sixth of May, and so to be continued for ever, twice every week, on Wednesday and Friday, by the honourable Baron, John Lord Lombley, and the learned Richard Caldwell, doctor in physic, the reader whereof to be Richard Forster, doctor of physic, during his life.
Of late, in the year 1582, a public lecture on surgery was established to be held at the College of Physicians on Knightriders Street, starting in 1584, on the sixth of May, and to continue indefinitely, twice a week, on Wednesdays and Fridays, by the honorable Baron, John Lord Lombley, and the knowledgeable Richard Caldwell, a doctor of medicine, with Richard Forster, a doctor of medicine, serving as the lecturer for his lifetime.
Furthermore, about the same time there was also begun a mathematical lecture, to be read in a fair old chapel, built by Simon Eayre, within the Leaden hall; whereof a learned citizen born, named Thomas Hood, was the first reader. But this chapel, and other parts of that hall, being employed for stowage of goods taken out of a great Spanish caracke, the said lecture ceased any more to be read, and was then in the year 1588 read in the house of master Thomas Smith in Grasse street, etc.
Furthermore, around the same time, a mathematical lecture was started, to be held in a nice old chapel built by Simon Eayre, located in Leadenhall. The first person to lead the lecture was a learned citizen named Thomas Hood. However, since this chapel and other areas of the hall were used to store goods taken from a large Spanish galleon, the lecture was no longer held there. In 1588, it was then conducted at the home of Master Thomas Smith on Grasse Street, etc.
Last of all, Sir Thomas Gresham, knight, agent to the queen’s highness, by his last will and testament made in the year 1579,[70] gave the Royal Exchange, and all the buildings thereunto appertaining; that is to say, the one moiety to the mayor and commonalty of London and their successors, upon trust that they perform as shall be declared; and the other moiety to the mercers in like confidence. The mayor and commonalty are to find four to read lectures of divinity, astronomy, music, and geometry, within his dwelling-house in Bishopsgate street, and to bestow the sum of two hundred pounds; to wit, fifty pounds the piece, etc. The mercers likewise are to find three readers, that is, in civil law, physic, and rhetoric, within the same dwelling-house, the sum of one hundred and fifty pounds; to every reader, fifty pounds, etc.: which gift hath been since that time confirmed by parliament, to take effect and begin after the decease of the Lady Anne Gresham, which happened in the year 1596, and so to continue for ever. Whereupon the lecturers were accordingly chosen and appointed to have begun their readings in the month of June, 1597; whose names were, Anthony Wootton, for divinity; Doctor Mathew Guin, for physic; Doctor Henry Mountlow, for the civil law; Doctor John Bull, for music; Beerewood, for astronomy; Henry Brigges, for geometry; and Caleb Willis, for rhetoric. These lectures are read daily, Sundays excepted, in the term times, by every one upon his day, in the morning betwixt nine and ten, in Latin; in the afternoon, betwixt two and three, in English; save that Dr. Bull is dispensed with to read the music lecture in English only upon two several days, Thursday and Saturday, in the afternoons, betwixt three and four of the clock.
Last of all, Sir Thomas Gresham, knight and agent to the queen, in his last will and testament made in 1579,[70] gave the Royal Exchange and all buildings related to it; specifically, half to the mayor and commonalty of London and their successors, with the expectation that they will fulfill certain duties; and the other half to the mercers under similar trust. The mayor and commonalty are to appoint four people to teach lectures on divinity, astronomy, music, and geometry in his house on Bishopsgate Street, and to allocate the sum of two hundred pounds; specifically, fifty pounds each, etc. The mercers are also to appoint three lecturers, focusing on civil law, medicine, and rhetoric, in the same house, with a budget of one hundred and fifty pounds; fifty pounds for each lecturer, etc.: this gift was later confirmed by parliament, set to take effect after the passing of Lady Anne Gresham, who died in 1596, and continues forever. As a result, the lecturers were chosen to begin their readings in June 1597; their names were Anthony Wootton for divinity, Dr. Mathew Guin for medicine, Dr. Henry Mountlow for civil law, Dr. John Bull for music, Beerewood for astronomy, Henry Brigges for geometry, and Caleb Willis for rhetoric. These lectures are held daily, except Sundays, during term time, with each lecturer presenting on their assigned day. In the morning, readings are in Latin from nine to ten, and in the afternoon, in English from two to three; Dr. Bull is allowed to read the music lecture in English only on two days, Thursday and Saturday, in the afternoons from three to four o'clock.
HOUSES OF STUDENTS IN THE COMMON LAW
But besides all this, there is in and about this city a whole university, as it were, of students, practicers or pleaders, and judges of the laws of this realm, not living of common stipends, as in other universities it is for the most part done, but of their own private maintenance, as being altogether fed either by their places or practice, or otherwise by their proper revenue, or exhibition of parents and friends; for that the younger sort are either gentlemen or the sons of gentlemen, or of other most wealthy persons. Of these houses there be at this day fourteen in all; whereof nine do stand within the liberties of this city, and five in the suburbs thereof; to wit:
But aside from all this, there’s a whole community in and around this city—like a university—made up of students, practitioners, and judges of the laws of this realm. They don’t rely on common salaries like in most other universities; instead, they support themselves through their own resources, either from their positions or practices, or through personal income, or support from parents and friends. This is because the younger members are either gentlemen or the sons of gentlemen, or from other very wealthy families. Currently, there are fourteen houses in total; nine of them are located within the city’s boundaries, and five are in the surrounding suburbs; namely:
Within the liberties
Serjeants’ inn in Fleet Street, Serjeants’ inn in Chancery lane; for judges and sergeants only.
Serjeants’ Inn on Fleet Street, Serjeants’ Inn on Chancery Lane; for judges and sergeants only.
The Inner temple, the Middle temple, in Fleet street; houses of court.
The Inner Temple and the Middle Temple on Fleet Street; legal institutions.
Clifford’s inn in Fleet street, Thavies inn in Oldborne, Furnival’s inn in Oldborne, Barnard’s inn in Oldborne, Staple inn in Oldborne; houses of Chancery.
Clifford's Inn on Fleet Street, Thavies Inn in Holborn, Furnival's Inn in Holborn, Barnard's Inn in Holborn, Staple Inn in Holborn; houses of Chancery.
Without the liberties
Gray’s inn in Oldborne, Lincoln’s inn in Chancery lane by the old Temple;[90] houses of court.
Gray's Inn in Holborn, Lincoln's Inn on Chancery Lane by the old Temple;[90] barristers' chambers.
Clement’s inn, New inn, Lion’s inn; houses of Chancery, without Temple bar, in the liberty of Westminster.
Clement's inn, New inn, Lion's inn; legal offices, just outside Temple Bar, in the area of Westminster.
There was sometime an inn of sergeants in Oldborne, as you may read of Scrop’s inn over against St. Andrew’s church.
There was once an inn for sergeants in Oldborne, as you can read about Scrop’s inn across from St. Andrew’s church.
There was also one other inn of Chancery, called Chester’s inn, for the nearness of the Bishop of Chester’s house, but more commonly termed Strand inn, for that it stood in Strand street, and near unto Strand bridge without Temple bar, in the liberty of the duchy of Lancaster. This inn of Chancery, with other houses near adjoining, were pulled down in the reign of Edward VI. by Edward Duke of Sommerset, who in place thereof raised that large and beautiful house, but yet unfinished, called Sommerset house.
There was also another inn of Chancery, called Chester’s Inn, named for its proximity to the Bishop of Chester’s residence, but more commonly known as Strand Inn, because it was located on Strand Street, close to Strand Bridge outside Temple Bar, within the jurisdiction of the Duchy of Lancaster. This inn of Chancery, along with other nearby buildings, was demolished during the reign of Edward VI by Edward, Duke of Somerset, who then built the large and impressive structure, although still incomplete, known as Somerset House.
There was moreover, in the reign of King Henry I., a tenth house of Chancery, mentioned by Justice Fortescue in his book of the laws of England, but where it stood, or when it was abandoned, I cannot find, and therefore I will leave it, and return to the rest.
There was, in the reign of King Henry I, a tenth house of Chancery mentioned by Justice Fortescue in his book on the laws of England, but I can't find out where it was located or when it was abandoned, so I'll leave it at that and move on to the rest.
The houses of court be replenished partly with young students, and partly with graduates and practisers of the law; but the inns of Chancery, being, as it were, provinces, severally subjected to the inns of court, be chiefly furnished with officers, attorneys, solicitors, and clerks, that follow the courts of the King’s Bench or Common Pleas; and yet there want not some other being young students, that come thither sometimes from one of the Universities, and sometimes immediately from grammar schools; and these having spent some time in studying upon the first elements and grounds of the law, and having[72] performed the exercise of their own houses (called Boltas Mootes,[91] and putting of cases), they proceed to be admitted, and become students in some of these four houses or inns of court, where continuing by the space of seven years or thereabouts, they frequent readings, meetings, boltings, and other learned exercises, whereby growing ripe in the knowledge of the laws, and approved withal to be of honest conversation, they are either, by the general consent of the benchers or readers, being of the most ancient, grave, and judicial men of every inn of the court, or by the special privilege of the present reader there, selected and called to the degree of utter barristers, and so enabled to be common counsellors, and to practice the law, both in their chambers and at the bars.
The courts are filled partly with young students and partly with graduates and practicing lawyers. The inns of Chancery, which are like regions that fall under the inns of court, are mainly staffed with officers, attorneys, solicitors, and clerks who work with the King’s Bench or Common Pleas. However, there are also some younger students who come from the Universities or directly from grammar schools. After spending some time studying the basics and principles of law and completing their exercises in their own houses (called Boltas Mootes,[91] and case discussions), they get admitted and become students in one of the four inns of court. They stay there for around seven years, attending readings, meetings, moot courts, and other scholarly activities. As they deepen their understanding of the law and prove themselves to be of good character, they are either accepted by the general agreement of the senior members (the benchers or readers), who are the most experienced and respected figures in each inn, or specifically chosen by the current reader there, to achieve the rank of utter barristers. This allows them to serve as common counselors and practice law in their chambers and at the court’s bars.
Of these, after that they be called to a further step of preferment, called the Bench, there are twain every year chosen among the benchers of every inn of court to be readers there, who do make their readings at two times in the year also; that is, one in Lent, and the other at the beginning of August.
Of these, once they are promoted to the next level of advancement, known as the Bench, two are chosen each year from the benchers of every inn of court to be readers there. They hold their readings twice a year: once during Lent and again at the beginning of August.
And for the help of young students in every of the inns of Chancery, they do likewise choose out of every one inn of court a reader, being no bencher, but an utter barrister there, of ten or twelve years’ continuance, and of good profit in study. Now, from these of the said degree of counsellors, or utter barristers, having continued therein the space of fourteen or fifteen years at the least, the chiefest and best learned are by the benchers elected to increase the number, as I said, of the bench amongst them; and so in their time do become first single, and then double, readers to the students of those houses of court; after which last reading they be named apprentices at the law, and, in default of a sufficient number of sergeants at law, these are, at the pleasure of the prince, to be advanced to the places of sergeants; out of which number of sergeants also the void places of judges are likewise ordinarily filled; albeit, now and then some be advanced, by the special favour of the prince, to the estate, dignity, and place, both of sergeant and judge, as it were in one instant. But from thenceforth they hold not any room in those inns of court, being translated to one of the said two inns, called Sergeante’s inns, where none but the sergeants and judges do converse.
And to support young students in each of the inns of Chancery, they also select a reader from each inn of court, who is not a bencher but a practicing barrister with ten to twelve years of experience and a strong dedication to studying. Now, among those who have been counselors or barristers for at least fourteen or fifteen years, the best and most knowledgeable are chosen by the benchers to increase their number, as I mentioned, among the bench. They eventually become first single, and then double, readers for the students at those inns of court. After their final reading, they are referred to as apprentices of the law, and if there aren’t enough sergeants at law, the prince may promote them to sergeant positions. From this group of sergeants, the vacant judgeships are usually filled as well, although occasionally, some are specially promoted by the prince to hold both the status of sergeant and judge simultaneously. However, from that point on, they do not retain any position in those inns of court, as they move to one of the two inns known as Serjeants’ inns, where only sergeants and judges interact.
OF ORDERS AND CUSTOMS
Of orders and customs in this city of old time, Fitzstephen saith as followeth: “Men of all trades, sellers of all sorts of wares, labourers in every work, every morning are in their distinct and several places: furthermore, in London, upon the river side, between the wine in ships and the wine to be sold in taverns, is a common cookery, or cooks’ row; there daily, for the season of the year, men might have meat, roast, sod, or fried; fish, flesh, fowls, fit for rich and poor. If any come suddenly to any citizen from afar, weary, and not willing to tarry till the meat be bought and dressed, while the servant bringeth water for his master’s hands, and fetcheth bread, he shall have immediately from the river’s side all viands whatsoever he desireth: what multitude soever, either of soldiers or strangers, do come to the city, whatsoever hour, day or night, according to their pleasures may refresh themselves; and they which delight in delicateness may be satisfied with as delicate dishes there as may be found elsewhere. And this Cooke’s row is very necessary to the city; and, according to Plato in Gorgius, next to physic, is the office of cooks, as part of a city.
Of the orders and customs in this old city, Fitzstephen says: “People of all trades, selling all kinds of goods, workers in every job, every morning are in their specific places. Furthermore, in London, along the riverside, between the wine in ships and the wine sold in taverns, there's a common cooking area, or cooks’ row; there daily, depending on the season, people can have meat, roasted, boiled, or fried; fish, meat, poultry, suitable for both the rich and the poor. If someone arrives unexpectedly from afar, tired and not wanting to wait for the food to be bought and prepared, while the servant brings water for his master’s hands and fetches bread, he can immediately get all the food he desires from the riverside: no matter how many either soldiers or visitors come to the city, at any hour, day or night, they can refresh themselves as they please; and those who enjoy finer dishes will find as elegant meals there as can be found anywhere else. This cooks’ row is very necessary for the city; and, according to Plato in Gorgias, next to medicine, the work of cooks is essential to a city.”
“Without one of the gates is a plain field, both in name and deed, where every Friday, unless it be a solemn bidden holy day, is a notable show of horses to be sold; earls, barons, knights, and citizens repair thither to see or to buy; there may you of pleasure see amblers pacing it delicately; there may you see trotters fit for men of arms, sitting more hardly; there may you have notable young horses, not yet broken; there may you have strong steeds, well limbed geldings, whom the buyers do specially regard for pace and swiftness; the boys which ride these horses, sometimes two, sometimes three, do run races for wagers, with a desire of praise, or hope of victory. In another part of that field are to be sold all implements of husbandry, as also fat swine, milch kine, sheep, and oxen; there stand also mares and horses fit for ploughs and teams, with their young colts by them. At this city, merchant strangers of all nations had their keys and wharfs; the Arabians sent gold; the Sabians spice and frankincense; the Scythian armour, Babylon oil, Indian purple garments, Egypt precious stones, Norway and Russia ambergreece and sables, and the Frenchmen wine. According to the truth of Chronicles, this city is ancienter than Rome, built of the ancient Troyans and of Brute, before that was built by Romulus[74] and Rhemus; and therefore useth the ancient customs of Rome. This city, even as Rome, is divided into wards; it hath yearly sheriffs instead of consuls; it hath the dignity of senators in aldermen. It hath under officers, common sewers, and conduits in streets; according to the quality of causes, it hath general courts and assembles upon appointed days. I do not think that there is any city wherein are better customs, in frequenting the churches, in serving God, in keeping holy days, in giving alms, in entertaining strangers, in solemnising marriages, in furnishing banquets, celebrating funerals, and burying dead bodies.
“Without one of the gates is a flat field, both in name and deed, where every Friday, unless it’s a religious holy day, there’s a notable showcase of horses for sale; earls, barons, knights, and citizens come to check them out or buy. You can see amblers prancing elegantly; you can see trotters that are suitable for armored men, sitting more firmly; there are also notable young horses that haven’t been broken yet; and there are strong steeds, well-built geldings, which buyers especially look for in terms of speed and quickness. The boys riding these horses, sometimes two, sometimes three, race for bets, eager for praise or hoping for victory. In another part of that field, all farming tools are sold, along with fat pigs, dairy cows, sheep, and oxen; there are also mares and horses suitable for plowing and teams, with their young foals beside them. In this city, foreign merchants from all nations had their keys and docks; the Arabians sent gold; the Sabians brought spices and frankincense; the Scythians supplied armor, Babylon sent oil, Indians provided purple garments, Egyptians brought precious stones, and Norwegians and Russians contributed ambergris and sables, while the French provided wine. According to historical records, this city is older than Rome, built by the ancient Trojans and Brutus, even before Romulus and Remus built Rome. Thus, it practices the ancient customs of Rome. This city, like Rome, is divided into wards; it has yearly sheriffs instead of consuls; it has the dignity of senators in aldermen. It has subordinate officials, public sewers, and water systems in the streets; depending on the issues at hand, it holds general courts and gatherings on designated days. I don’t think there’s any city with better customs regarding church attendance, serving God, observing holy days, giving to charity, hosting strangers, celebrating marriages, organizing feasts, holding funerals, and burying the dead.”
“The only plagues of London are immoderate quaffing among the foolish sort, and often casualties by fire. Most part of the bishops, abbots, and great lords of the land have houses there, whereunto they resort, and bestow much when they are called to parliament by the king, or to council by their metropolitan, or otherwise by their private business.”
“The only problems in London are excessive drinking among the foolish and frequent incidents of fire. Most of the bishops, abbots, and high-ranking nobles have houses there, where they go and spend a lot when they’re called to parliament by the king, to council by their metropolitan, or for their personal matters.”
Thus far Fitzstephen, of the estate of things in his time, whereunto may be added the present, by conference whereof the alteration will easily appear.
Thus far, Fitzstephen has described the state of affairs in his time, to which we can add the present, and by comparing them, the changes will become clear.
Men of trades and sellers of wares in this city have oftentimes since changed their places, as they have found their best advantage. For whereas mercers and haberdashers used to keep their shops in West Cheape,[92] of later time they held them on London Bridge, where partly they yet remain. The goldsmiths of Gutheron’s lane and Old Exchange are now for the most part removed into the south side of West Cheape, the peperers and grocers of Soper’s lane are now in Bucklesberrie, and other places dispersed. The drapers of Lombard street and of Cornehill are seated in Candlewick street and Watheling street; the skinners from St. Marie Pellipers, or at the Axe, into Budge row and Walbrooke; the stock fishmongers in Thames street; wet fishmongers in Knightriders street and Bridge street; the ironmongers, of Ironmongers’ lane and Old Jurie, into Thames street; the vintners from the Vinetree into divers places. But the brewers for the more part remain near to the friendly water of Thames; the butchers in Eastcheape, St. Nicholas shambles, and the Stockes market; the hosiers of old time in Hosier lane,[75] near unto Smithfield, are since removed into Cordwayner street, the upper part thereof by Bow church, and last of all into Birchoveris lane by Cornehill; the shoe-makers and curriers of Cordwayner street removed the one to St. Martin’s le Grand, the other to London wall near unto Mooregate; the founders remain by themselves in Lothberie; cooks,[93] or pastelars, for the more part in Thames street, the other dispersed into divers parts; poulters of late removed out of the Poultrie, betwixt the Stockes and the great Conduit in Cheape, into Grasse street and St. Nicholas shambles; bowyers, from Bowyers’ row by Ludgate into divers places, and almost worn out with the fletchers; pater noster makers of old time, or bead-makers, and text-writers, are gone out of Pater noster row, and are called stationers of Paule’s churchyard;[94] patten-makers, of St. Margaret, Pattens’ lane, clean worn out; labourers every work-day are to be found in Cheape, about Soper’s land end; horse-coursers and sellers of oxen, sheep, swine, and such like, remain in their old market of Smithfield, etc.
Tradespeople and vendors in this city have often moved around over time in search of better opportunities. For example, while mercers and haberdashers used to have their shops on West Cheape,[92] nowadays they are mostly found on London Bridge, where some still remain. The goldsmiths from Gutheron’s Lane and the Old Exchange have largely relocated to the south side of West Cheape, while pepper sellers and grocers from Soper’s Lane are now in Bucklesberrie and other scattered locations. Drapers from Lombard Street and Cornhill have settled in Candlewick Street and Watheling Street. Skinners moved from St. Marie Pellipers, or the Axe, to Budge Row and Walbrooke; stock fishmongers are now in Thames Street; wet fishmongers are in Knightriders Street and Bridge Street; ironmongers from Ironmongers’ Lane and Old Jurie have shifted to Thames Street; and vintners from the Vinetree have spread out to various places. However, most brewers still stay close to the friendly waters of the Thames; butchers are found in Eastcheape, St. Nicholas Shambles, and Stockes Market. The hosiers who were once in Hosier Lane,[75] near Smithfield, have since moved to Cordwayner Street, the upper part near Bow Church, and finally to Birchoveris Lane by Cornhill. Shoemakers and curriers from Cordwayner Street have relocated—one to St. Martin’s le Grand and the other to London Wall near Moorgate. Founders remain in Lothberie; cooks,[93] or pastry makers are mostly in Thames Street, with others scattered in different areas. Poulters have recently moved out of the Poultrie, between the Stockes and the great Conduit in Cheape, to Grasse Street and St. Nicholas Shambles. Bowyers have moved from Bowyers’ Row by Ludgate to various places, and many have nearly disappeared alongside the fletchers. Paternoster makers, bead-makers, and text-writers have left Paternoster Row and are now referred to as stationers in Paul’s Churchyard;[94] patten-makers from St. Margaret and Pattens’ Lane are nearly extinct; laborers can be found every workday in Cheape, around the end of Soper’s Land; while horse traders and sellers of oxen, sheep, swine, and similar livestock remain in their traditional market of Smithfield, etc.
That merchants of all nations had their keys and wharfs at this city, whereunto they brought their merchandises before and in the reign of Henry II., mine author wrote of his own knowledge to be true, though for the antiquity of the city he took the common opinion. Also that this city was in his time and afore divided into wards, had yearly sheriffs, aldermen, general courts, and assemblies, and such like notes by him set down, in commendation of the citizens; whereof there is no question, he wrote likewise of his own experience, as being born and brought up amongst them.
That merchants from all nations had their keys and docks in this city, where they brought their goods before and during the reign of Henry II, my author stated from his own knowledge to be true, although he relied on the common belief for the city’s ancient history. He also noted that this city was, in his time and before, divided into wards, had yearly sheriffs, aldermen, general courts, and assemblies, and similar points he made in praise of the citizens; of which there is no doubt, he wrote also from personal experience, having been born and raised among them.
And to confirm his opinion, concerning merchandises then hither transported, whereof happily may be some argument, Thomas Clifford[95] (before Fitzstephen’s time), writing of Edward the Confessor, saith to this effect: “King Edward, intending to make his sepulchre at Westminster; for that it was near to the famous city of London, and the river of Thames, that brought in all kind of merchandises from all parts of the world, etc.”[76] And William of Malmesbury, that lived in the reign of William I. and II., Henry I., and King Stephen, calleth this a noble city, full of wealthy citizens, frequented with the trade of merchandises from all parts of the world. Also I read, in divers records, that of old time no woad was stowed or harboured in this city, but all was presently sold in the ships, except by license purchased of the sheriffs, till of more later time; to wit, in the year 1236, Andrew Bokerell, being mayor, by assent of the principal citizens, the merchants of Amiens, Nele, and Corby, purchased letters insealed with the common seal of the city, that they when they come might harbour their woads, and therefore should give the mayor every year fifty marks sterling; and the same year they gave one hundred pounds towards the conveying of water from Tyborn to this city. Also the merchants of Normandie made fine for license to harbour their woads till it was otherwise provided, in the year 1263, Thomas Fitz Thomas being mayor, etc., which proveth that then as afore, they were here amongst other nations privileged.
And to support his view about the goods brought here, which might provide some evidence, Thomas Clifford[95] (before Fitzstephen's time), writing about Edward the Confessor, states: “King Edward, intending to build his tomb at Westminster because it was close to the famous city of London and the River Thames, which brought in all kinds of goods from all parts of the world, etc.”[76] And William of Malmesbury, who lived during the reigns of William I and II, Henry I, and King Stephen, calls this a noble city filled with wealthy citizens, bustling with trade from around the world. I also read in various records that in ancient times, no woad was stored or docked in this city; it was all sold immediately off the ships unless permission was obtained from the sheriffs, until more recently; specifically, in the year 1236, when Andrew Bokerell was mayor, with the agreement of the leading citizens, the merchants from Amiens, Nele, and Corby obtained letters sealed with the city’s common seal, allowing them to dock their woads and in return, they would pay the mayor fifty marks sterling each year. That same year, they contributed one hundred pounds toward bringing water from Tyburn to the city. Additionally, the merchants from Normandy paid a fee for permission to dock their woads until other arrangements were made in 1263, when Thomas Fitz Thomas was mayor, which shows that at that time, as before, they enjoyed privileges here among other nations.
It followeth in Fitzstephen, that the plagues of London in that time were immoderate quaffing among fools, and often casualties by fire. For the first—to wit, of quaffing—it continueth as afore, or rather is mightily increased, though greatly qualified among the poorer sort, not of any holy abstinence, but of mere necessity, ale and beer being small, and wines in price above their reach. As for prevention of casualties by fire, the houses in this city being then built all of timber, and covered with thatch of straw or reed, it was long since thought good policy in our forefathers wisely to provide, namely, in the year of Christ 1189, the first of Richard I., Henry Fitzalwine[96] being then mayor, that all men in this city should build their houses of stone up to a certain height, and to cover them with slate or baked tile; since which time, thanks be given to God, there hath not happened the like often consuming fires in this city as afore.
It says in Fitzstephen that the plagues of London at that time were excessive drinking among fools and frequent fires. Regarding the first issue—drinking—it remains as it was before, or has actually increased, although it's less common among the poorer crowd, not out of any holy restraint but simply out of necessity, since ale and beer are cheaper and wine is priced beyond their means. To prevent fires, buildings in the city were all made of timber and thatched with straw or reed, so it was considered wise policy by our ancestors to mandate, in the year 1189 during the reign of Richard I, with Henry Fitzalwine being mayor, that everyone in the city should construct their homes with stone up to a certain height and cover them with slate or baked tile. Since that time, thanks be to God, there have not been the same frequent destructive fires in the city as there were before.
But now in our time, instead of these enormities, others are come in place no less meet to be reformed; namely, purprestures, or encroachments on the highways, lanes, and common grounds, in and about this city; whereof a learned gentleman and grave citizen[97] hath not many years since written and exhibited a book to the mayor and commonalty; which book, whether the same have been by them read and diligently considered upon, I know[77] not, but sure I am nothing is reformed since concerning this matter.
But now in our time, instead of these major issues, there are others that also need reform; specifically, encroachments on the highways, streets, and common lands in and around this city. A knowledgeable and respected citizen[97] wrote and presented a book about this to the mayor and the community a few years ago. I don’t know if they have read it and really thought it over, but I am certain that nothing has changed regarding this issue since then.
Then the number of cars, drays, carts, and coaches, more than hath been accustomed, the streets and lanes being straitened, must needs be dangerous, as daily experience proveth.
Then the number of cars, wagons, carts, and coaches, more than usual, with the streets and lanes being narrow, must surely be dangerous, as daily experience shows.
The coachman rides behind the horse tails, lasheth them, and looketh not behind him; the drayman sitteth and sleepeth on his dray, and letteth his horse lead him home. I know that, by the good laws and customs of this city,[98] shodde carts[99] are forbidden to enter the same, except upon reasonable cause, as service of the prince, or such like, they be tolerated. Also that the fore horse of every carriage should be lead by hand; but these good orders are not observed. Of old time coaches were not known in this island, but chariots or whirlicotes, then so called, and they only used of princes or great estates, such as had their footmen about them; and for example to note, I read that Richard II., being threatened by the rebels of Kent, rode from the Tower of London to the Myles end, and with him his mother, because she was sick and weak, in a whirlicote, the Earls of Buckingham, Kent, Warwicke, and Oxford, Sir Thomas Percie, Sir Robert Knowles, the Mayor of London, Sir Aubery de Vere, that bare the king’s sword, with other knights and esquires attending on horseback. But in the next year, the said King Richard took to wife Anne, daughter to the King of Bohemia, that first brought hither the riding upon side-saddles; and so was the riding in wherlicoates and chariots forsaken, except at coronations and such like spectacles; but now of late years the use of coaches, brought out of Germany, is taken up, and made so common, as there is neither distinction of time nor difference of persons observed; for the world runs on wheels with many whose parents were glad to go on foot.
The coachman rides behind the horse's tails, lashes them, and doesn’t look back; the drayman sits and sleeps on his cart, letting his horse take him home. I know that, by the good laws and customs of this city,[98] shod carts[99] are not allowed to enter, except for a good reason, like serving the prince, or similar situations, where they are tolerated. Also, the lead horse of every carriage should be led by hand; but these good rules are not being followed. In the past, coaches were unknown on this island, only chariots or whirlicotes were used, and they were only by princes or high-ranking people who had their footmen around them. For instance, I read that Richard II, when threatened by the Kent rebels, rode from the Tower of London to Mile's End, with his mother in a whirlicote because she was ill and weak, along with the Earls of Buckingham, Kent, Warwick, and Oxford, Sir Thomas Percy, Sir Robert Knowles, the Mayor of London, Sir Aubrey de Vere, who carried the king's sword, and other knights and squires on horseback. But the next year, King Richard married Anne, the daughter of the King of Bohemia, who first brought side-saddle riding here; and riding in whirlicotes and chariots fell out of favor, except during coronations and similar events. However, in recent years, the use of coaches, imported from Germany, has become so common that there’s no distinction in time or among people; everyone seems to be on wheels, including many whose parents would have been happy to walk.
Last of all, mine author in this chapter hath these words:[100] “Most part of the bishops, abbots, and great lords of the land, as if they were citizens and freemen of London, had many fair houses to resort unto, and many rich and wealthy gentlemen spent their money there.” And in another place he hath these words: “Every Sunday in Lent a fresh company of young men comes into the fields on horseback, and the best horsemen conducteth the rest; then march forth the citizens’ sons, and other[78] young men, with disarmed lances and shields, and practise feats of war; many courtiers likewise and attendants of noblemen repair to this exercise, and whilst the hope of victory doth inflame their minds, they do show good proof how serviceable they would be in martial affairs, etc.” Again he saith: “This city, in the troublesome time of King Stephen, showed at a muster twenty thousand armed horsemen and forty thousand footmen, serviceable for the wars, etc.” All which sayings of the said author, well considered, do plainly prove that in those days the inhabitants and repairers to this city, of what estate soever, spiritual or temporal, having houses here, lived together in good amity with the citizens, every man observing the customs and orders of the city, and those to be contributary to charges here, rather than in any part of the land wheresoever. This city, being the heart of the realm, the king’s chamber and prince’s seat, whereunto they made repair, and showed their forces, both of horses and of men, which caused in troublesome time, as of King Stephen, the musters of this city to be so great in number.
Last of all, my author in this chapter has these words:[100] “Most of the bishops, abbots, and powerful lords of the land, as if they were citizens and free men of London, had many fine houses to go to, and many rich gentlemen spent their money there.” And in another place he says: “Every Sunday in Lent, a new group of young men rides into the fields on horseback, and the best horseman leads the rest; then come the sons of citizens and other young men, with unarmed lances and shields, practicing feats of war; many courtiers and attendants of noblemen also join in this activity, and as the hope of victory ignites their spirits, they demonstrate how capable they would be in military matters, etc.” Again he states: “This city, during the troubled times of King Stephen, showcased twenty thousand armed horsemen and forty thousand infantry, ready for war, etc.” All these statements from the author, when considered carefully, clearly show that back then, the residents and visitors of this city, regardless of their status, whether spiritual or secular, who had homes here, lived peacefully alongside the citizens, each observing the customs and orders of the city, contributing to the charges here rather than anywhere else in the land. This city, being the heart of the kingdom, the king's chamber, and the prince's seat, was where they gathered and displayed their forces, both of horses and men, which led to the musters of this city being so large during difficult times, such as in King Stephen's reign.
And here, to touch somewhat of greater families and households kept in former times by noblemen, and great estates of this realm, according to their honours or dignities,[101] I have seen an account made by H. Leicester, cofferer to Thomas Earl of Lancaster, for one whole year’s expenses in the Earl’s house, from the day next after Michaelmas, in the seventh year of Edward II., until Michaelmass in the eight year of the same king, amounting to the sum of £7957 13s. 4½d. as followeth:[102]
And here, to address somewhat larger families and households maintained in earlier times by noblemen and significant estates in this realm, according to their titles or positions,[101] I have reviewed a record created by H. Leicester, the treasurer to Thomas Earl of Lancaster, detailing one year’s expenses in the Earl’s residence, from the day after Michaelmas in the seventh year of Edward II., until Michaelmas in the eighth year of the same king, totaling £7957 13s. 4½d. as follows:[102]
To wit, in the pantry, buttery, and kitchen, £3405, etc.: for one hundred and eighty-four tons, one pipe of red or claret wine, and one ton of white wine bought for the house, £104 17s. 6d.
To clarify, in the pantry, buttery, and kitchen, £3405, etc.: for one hundred and eighty-four tons, one pipe of red or claret wine, and one ton of white wine bought for the house, £104 17s. 6d.
For grocery ware, £180 17s.
For groceries, £180 17s.
For six barrels of sturgeon, £19.
For six barrels of sturgeon, £19.
For six thousand eight hundred stock-fishes, so called for[79] dried fishes of all sorts, as lings, habardines, and other, £41 6s. 7d.
For six thousand eight hundred stock fish, named for[79] dried fish of all kinds, like lings, habardines, and others, £41 6s. 7d.
For one thousand seven hundred and fourteen pounds of waxe, with vermelion and turpentine to make red waxe, £314 7s. 4¼d.
For one thousand seven hundred and fourteen pounds of wax, along with vermilion and turpentine to create red wax, £314 7s. 4¼d.
For two thousand three hundred and nineteen pounds of tallow candles for the household, and one thousand eight hundred and seventy of lights for Paris candles, called perchers, £31 14s. 3d.
For two thousand three hundred and nineteen pounds of tallow candles for the household, and one thousand eight hundred and seventy of lights for Paris candles, called perchers, £31 14s. 3d.
Expenses on the earl’s great horses, and the keeper’s wages, £486 4s. 3¼d.
Expenses on the earl’s magnificent horses, and the keeper’s wages, £486 4s. 3¼d.
Linen cloth for the earl and his chaplains, and for the pantry, £43 17s.
Linen fabric for the earl and his chaplains, and for the pantry, £43 17s.
For one hundred and twenty-nine dozen of parchment, with ink, £4 8s. 3¼d.
For 1,548 sheets of parchment, with ink, £4 8s. 3¼d.
Sum, £5230 17s. 7¼d.
Total, £5230 17s. 7¼d.
Item, for two cloths of scarlet for the earl against Christmass, one cloth of russet for the Bishop of Angew, seventy cloths of blue for the knights (as they were then termed), fifteen cloths of medley for the lords’ clerks, twenty-eight cloths for the esquires, fifteen cloths for officers, nineteen cloths for grooms, five cloths for archers, four cloths for minstrels and carpenters, with the sharing and carriage for the earl’s liveries at Christmasse, £460 15s.
Item, for two red fabrics for the earl for Christmas, one fabric of russet for the Bishop of Angew, seventy blue fabrics for the knights (as they were called), fifteen mixed fabrics for the lords’ clerks, twenty-eight fabrics for the squires, fifteen fabrics for officers, nineteen fabrics for grooms, five fabrics for archers, four fabrics for musicians and carpenters, including the sharing and transport for the earl’s livery at Christmas, £460 15s.
Item, for seven furs of variable miniver (or powdered ermine), seven hoods of purple, three hundred and ninety-five furs of budge for the liveries of barons, knights, and clerks, one hundred and twenty-three furs of lamb for esquires, bought at Christmas, £147 17s. 8d.
Item, for seven furs of variable miniver (or powdered ermine), seven hoods of purple, three hundred and ninety-five furs of budge for the uniforms of barons, knights, and clerks, one hundred and twenty-three furs of lamb for esquires, bought at Christmas, £147 17s. 8d.
Item, sixty-five cloths, saffron colour, for the barons and knights in summer, twelve red cloths, mixed, for clerks, twenty-six cloths, ray, for esquires, one cloth, ray, for officers’ coats in summer, and four cloths, ray, for carpets in the hall, for £345 13s. 8d.
Item, sixty-five saffron-colored cloths for the barons and knights in summer, twelve mixed red cloths for clerks, twenty-six ray cloths for esquires, one ray cloth for officers’ summer coats, and four ray cloths for hall carpets, for £345 13s. 8d.
Item, one hundred pieces of green silk for the knights, fourteen budge furs for surcoats, thirteen hoods of budge for clerks, and seventy-five furs of lambs for the lord’s liveries in summer, with canvas and cords to truss them, £72 19s.
Item, one hundred pieces of green silk for the knights, fourteen budge furs for surcoats, thirteen hoods of budge for clerks, and seventy-five lamb furs for the lord’s summer outfits, along with canvas and cords to tie them up, £72 19s.
Item, saddles for the lord’s liveries in summer, £51 6s. 8d.
Item, saddles for the lord's summer uniforms, £51 6s. 8d.
Item, one saddle for the earl of the prince’s arms, 40s.
Item, one saddle for the earl of the prince’s arms, 40s.
Sum, £1079 18s. 3d.
Total: £1079.18.3
Item, for things bought, whereof cannot be read in my note, £241 14s. 1¼d.
Item, for things purchased, that I can't read in my note, £241 14s. 1¼d.
For horses lost in service of the earl, £8 6s. 8d.
For horses lost while serving the earl, £8 6s. 8d.
Fees paid to earls, barons, knights, and esquires, £623 15s. 5d.
Fees paid to earls, barons, knights, and esquires, £623 15s. 5d.
In gifts to knights of France, the Queen of England’s nurses, to the Countess of Warren, esquires, minstrels, messengers, and riders, £92 14s.
In gifts to the knights of France, the Queen of England’s nurses, to the Countess of Warren, squires, musicians, messengers, and riders, £92 14s.
Item, one hundred and sixty-eight yards of russet cloth,[103] and twenty-four coats for poor men, with money given to the poor on Maundy Thursday, £8 16s. 7d.
Item, one hundred and sixty-eight yards of brown cloth,[103] and twenty-four coats for needy men, along with money given to the poor on Maundy Thursday, £8 16s. 7d.
Item, twenty-four silver dishes, so many saucers and so many cups for the buttery, one pair of pater nosters, and one silver coffin, bought this year, £103 5s. 6d.
Item, twenty-four silver dishes, a certain number of saucers, and some cups for the buttery, one pair of pater nosters, and one silver coffin, bought this year, £103 5s. 6d.
To divers messengers about the earl’s business, £34 19s. 8d.
To various messengers regarding the earl's business, £34 19s. 8d.
In the earl’s chamber, £5.
In the earl's room, £5.
To divers men for the earl’s old debts, £88 16s. 0¾d.
To various people for the earl’s old debts, £88 16s. 0¾d.
Sum, £1207 7s. 11¾d.
Total: £1207 7s. 11¾d.
The expences of the countess at Pickering for the time of this account, as in the pantry, buttery, kitchen, and other places, concerning these offices, £285 13s. 0½d.
The expenses of the countess at Pickering during this account, including the pantry, buttery, kitchen, and other areas related to these duties, were £285 13s. 0½d.
In wine, wax, spices, cloths, furs, and other things for the countess’ wardrobe, £154 7s. 4½d.
In wine, wax, spices, fabrics, furs, and other items for the countess's wardrobe, £154 7s. 4½d.
Sum, £439 8s. 6¼d.
Total, £439 8s. 6¼d.
Sum total of the whole expenses, £7957 13s. 4½d.
Sum total of all expenses, £7957 13s. 4½d.
Thus much for this Earl of Lancaster.
Thus far regarding this Earl of Lancaster.
More I read, that in the 14th of the same Edward II., Hugh Spencer the elder (condemned by the commonalty) was banished the realm; at which time it was found by inquisition that the said Spencer had in sundry shires, fifty-nine manors: he had twenty-eight thousand sheep, one thousand oxen and steers, one thousand two hundred kine, with their calves, forty mares with their colts, one hundred and sixty drawing horses, two thousand hogs, three hundred bullocks, forty tuns of wine, six hundred bacons, eighty carcases of Martilmasse beef, six hundred muttons in larder, ten tuns of cider; his armour, plate, jewels, and ready money, better than £10,000, thirty-six sacks of wool, and a library of books. Thus much the record, which provision for household showeth a great family there to be kept.
The more I read, I found that in the 14th year of Edward II's reign, Hugh Spencer the elder (who was condemned by the common people) was banished from the realm. At that time, an investigation revealed that Spencer owned fifty-nine manors in various counties: he had twenty-eight thousand sheep, one thousand oxen and steers, one thousand two hundred cows with their calves, forty mares with their colts, one hundred sixty draft horses, two thousand pigs, three hundred bullocks, forty casks of wine, six hundred pieces of bacon, eighty carcasses of Martilmasse beef, six hundred sheep in storage, and ten casks of cider. His armor, silverware, jewels, and cash totaled more than £10,000, along with thirty-six sacks of wool and a library of books. This record shows that he had the means to maintain a large household.
Nearer to our time, I read,[104] in the 36th of Henry VI., that the greater estates of the realm being called up to London,
Nearer to our time, I read,[104] in the 36th of Henry VI., that the major estates of the realm were summoned to London,
The Earl of Salisbury came with five hundred men on horseback, and was lodged in the Herber.
The Earl of Salisbury arrived with five hundred mounted men and was accommodated in the Herber.
Richard, Duke of York, with four hundred men, lodged at Baynard’s castle.
Richard, Duke of York, stayed at Baynard's Castle with four hundred men.
The Dukes of Excester and Sommerset, with eight hundred men.
The Dukes of Exeter and Somerset, along with eight hundred men.
The Earl of Northumberland, the Lord Egremont, and the Lord Clifford, with fifteen hundred men.
The Earl of Northumberland, Lord Egremont, and Lord Clifford, along with fifteen hundred men.
Richard Nevill, Earl of Warwick, with six hundred men, all in red jackets, embroidered with ragged staves before and behind, and was lodged in Warwicke lane; in whose house there was oftentimes six oxen eaten at a breakfast, and every tavern was full of his meat; for he that had any acquaintance in that house, might have there so much of sodden and roast meat as he could prick and carry upon a long dagger.
Richard Nevill, Earl of Warwick, along with six hundred men, all dressed in red jackets decorated with frayed stripes front and back, was staying in Warwick Lane. In his house, they often went through six oxen at breakfast, and every tavern was stocked with his food; anyone who knew someone in that house could get as much boiled and roasted meat as they could poke with a long dagger.
Richard Redman, Bishop of Ely, 1500, the 17th of Henry VII.,[105] besides his great family, housekeeping, alms dish, and relief to the poor, wheresoever he was lodged. In his travelling, when at his coming or going to or from any town, the bells being rung, all the poor would come together, to whom he gave every one six pence at the least.
Richard Redman, Bishop of Ely, 1500, the 17th of Henry VII.,[105] besides his large family, managing his household, giving to the needy, and helping the poor wherever he stayed. When he traveled, upon arriving or leaving any town and hearing the bells ring, all the poor would gather, and he would give each of them at least six pence.
And now to note of our own time somewhat. Omitting in this place Thomas Wolsey, Archbishop of Yorke, and cardinal, I refer the reader to my Annals, where I have set down the order of his house and household, passing all other subjects of his time. His servants, daily attending in his house, were near about four hundred, omitting his servants’ servants, which were many.
And now let's talk about our own era a bit. Skipping over Thomas Wolsey, Archbishop of York and cardinal, I direct the reader to my Annals, where I have documented the structure of his household, leaving out other topics from his time. His household staff consisted of around four hundred people, not including all the additional servants that they had.
Nicholas West, Bishop of Ely, in the year 1532, kept continually in his house an hundred servants, giving to the one half of them 53s. 4d. the piece yearly; to the other half each 40s. the piece; to every one for his winter gown four yards of broad cloth, and for his summer coat three yards and a half: he daily gave at his gates, besides bread and drink, warm meat to two hundred poor people.
Nicholas West, Bishop of Ely, in 1532, always had a hundred servants living in his house. He paid half of them £53.4 each per year, while the other half received £40 each. Each servant got four yards of broad cloth for their winter gown and three and a half yards for their summer coat. Every day, he also provided warm meals, along with bread and drinks, to two hundred poor people at his gates.
The housekeeping of Edward, late Earl of Derby, is not to be forgotten, who had two hundred and twenty men in check roll: his feeding aged persons twice every day, sixty and odd, besides all comers, thrice a week, appointed for his dealing days, and every Good Friday two thousand seven hundred, with meat, drink, and money.
The housekeeping of Edward, the late Earl of Derby, is worth remembering; he had two hundred and twenty men on the register. He fed the elderly twice a day, around sixty people, in addition to all visitors three times a week on his designated days. Every Good Friday, he provided for two thousand seven hundred people with food, drinks, and money.
Thomas Audley, lord chancellor, his family of gentlemen before him, in coats garded with velvet, and chains of gold; his yeomen after him in the same livery, not garded.
Thomas Audley, the Lord Chancellor, had his family of gentlemen in front of him, dressed in velvet-trimmed coats and gold chains; his attendants followed him, wearing the same uniform but without the trim.
Thomas Lord Cromwell, Earl of Essex, kept the like or greater number in a livery of grey marble; the gentlemen garded with velvet, the yeomen with the same cloth, yet their skirts large enough for their friends to sit upon them.
Thomas Lord Cromwell, Earl of Essex, maintained a similar or even greater number dressed in gray marble livery; the gentlemen were adorned with velvet, while the yeomen wore the same fabric, yet their skirts were large enough for their friends to sit on.
Edward, Duke of Sommerset, was not inferior in keeping a number of tall and comely gentlemen and yeomen, though his house was then in building, and most of his men were lodged abroad.
Edward, Duke of Somerset, was not lacking in having a group of tall and handsome gentlemen and yeomen, even though his house was still under construction and most of his staff were staying elsewhere.
The late Earl of Oxford, father to him that now liveth, hath been noted within these forty years to have ridden into this city, and so to his house by London stone, with eighty gentlemen in a livery of Reading tawny, and chains of gold about their necks, before him, and one hundred tall yeomen, in the like livery, to follow him without chains, but all having his cognisance of the blue boar embroidered on their left shoulder.
The late Earl of Oxford, father of the current Earl, has been known over the past forty years to have ridden into this city, and to his house by London Stone, with eighty gentlemen dressed in Reading tawny uniforms and gold chains around their necks, in front of him, and one hundred tall yeomen, wearing similar uniforms, following him without chains, but all sporting his emblem of the blue boar embroidered on their left shoulder.
OF CHARITABLE ALMS IN OLD TIMES GIVEN
These, as all other of their times, gave great relief to the poor. I myself, in that declining time of charity, have oft seen at the Lord Cromwell’s gate in London more than two hundred persons served twice every day with bread, meat, and drink sufficient; for he observed that ancient and charitable custom, as all prelates, noblemen, or men of honour and worship, his predecessors, had done before him; whereof somewhat to note for example, Venerable Bede writeth, that prelates of his time having peradventure but wooden churches, had notwithstanding on their board at their meals one alms dish, into the which was carved some good portion of meat out of every other dish brought to their table; all which was given to the poor, besides the fragments left, in so much as in a hard time, a poor prelate wanting victuals, hath caused his alms dish, being silver, to be divided among the poor, therewith to shift as they could, till God should send them better store.
These, like all others in their time, provided great relief to the poor. I myself, during that declining period of charity, have often seen more than two hundred people being served twice a day with enough bread, meat, and drink at Lord Cromwell’s gate in London; he upheld that ancient and charitable tradition, just as all the prelates, noblemen, or men of honor and respect who came before him had done. For instance, the Venerable Bede wrote that prelates of his time, even if they had only wooden churches, still made sure to have one alms dish at their meals, into which they carved a good portion of meat from every other dish served at their table; all of this was given to the poor, in addition to the leftovers. In difficult times, a poor prelate, lacking food, even had his silver alms dish divided among the poor, allowing them to get by as best they could until God provided better supplies.
Such a prelate was Ethelwald, Bishop of Winchester, in the reign of King Edgar, about the year of Christ 963: he in a great famine sold away all the sacred vessels of his church for to relieve the almost starved people, saying that there was no reason that the senseless temples of God should abound in riches, and lively temples of the Holy Ghost to lack it.
Such a bishop was Ethelwald, Bishop of Winchester, during the reign of King Edgar, around the year 963 AD. During a severe famine, he sold all the sacred vessels of his church to help the nearly starving people, stating that there was no reason for the lifeless buildings of God to be rich while the living temples of the Holy Spirit suffered.
Walter de Suffilde, Bishop of Norwich, was of the like mind; about the year 1245, in a time of great dearth, he sold all his plate, and distributed it to the poor every pennyworth.
Walter de Suffilde, Bishop of Norwich, shared the same sentiment; around the year 1245, during a time of severe famine, he sold all his silverware and gave every single penny to the poor.
Robert Winchelsey, Archbishop of Canterbury, about the year 1293, besides the daily fragments of his house, gave every Friday and Sunday, unto every beggar that came to his gate, a loaf of bread sufficient for that day, and there more usually, every such alms day, in time of dearth, to the number of five thousand, and otherwise four thousand, at the least; more, he used every great festival day to give one hundred and fifty pence to so many poor people, to send daily meat, bread, and drink, to such as by age or sickness were not able to fetch his alms, and to send meat, money, and apparel to such as he thought needed it.
Robert Winchelsey, the Archbishop of Canterbury, around 1293, in addition to the daily scraps from his household, provided every Friday and Sunday to every beggar who came to his gate a loaf of bread sufficient for that day. Generally, on those days of charity, during times of scarcity, he distributed as many as five thousand loaves, and at least four thousand otherwise. Additionally, on major festival days, he would give one hundred and fifty pence to that many poor people, send daily meals, bread, and drinks to those who were unable to collect his donations due to age or illness, and provide food, money, and clothing to those he believed were in need.
I read,[107] in 1171, that Henry II., after his return into England, did penance for the slaughter of Thomas Becket, of whom (a sore dearth increasing) ten thousand persons, from the first of April, till new corn was inned, were daily fed and sustained.
I read,[107] in 1171, that Henry II, after coming back to England, did penance for the murder of Thomas Becket, who, during a severe shortage, had ten thousand people fed and taken care of daily from the first of April until the new corn was harvested.
More, I find recorded,[108] that in the year 1236, the 20th of Henry III., William de Haverhull, the king’s treasurer, was commanded, that upon the day of the Circumcision of our Lord, six thousand poor people should be fed at Westminster, for the state of the king, queen, and their children. The like commandment the said King Henry gave to Hugh Gifford and William Browne, that upon Friday next after the Epiphany, they should cause to be fed in the great hall at Windsore, at a good fire, all the poor and needy children that could be found, and the king’s children being weighed and measured, their weight and measure to be distributed for their good estates. These few examples for charity of kings may suffice.
More, I find recorded,[108] that in 1236, during the 20th year of Henry III's reign, William de Haverhull, the king’s treasurer, was instructed to feed six thousand poor people at Westminster on the day of the Lord's Circumcision, for the welfare of the king, queen, and their children. Similarly, King Henry ordered Hugh Gifford and William Browne to ensure that on the Friday after Epiphany, all the poor and needy children that could be found were fed in the great hall at Windsor, by a warm fire, and that the king's children were weighed and measured for their good influence. These few examples of royal charity may suffice.
I read, in the reign of Edward III., that Richard de Berie, Bishop of Durham, did weekly bestow for the relief of the poor eight quarters of wheat made into bread, besides his alms dish, fragments of his house, and great sums of money given to the poor when he journeyed. And that these alms dishes were as well used at the tables of noblemen as of the prelates, one note may suffice in this place.
I read, during Edward III's reign, that Richard de Berie, Bishop of Durham, regularly donated eight quarters of wheat turned into bread each week to help the poor, along with his alms dish, leftovers from his household, and large amounts of money given to those in need when he traveled. And to show that these alms dishes were used at the tables of both noblemen and clergy, one example will suffice here.
I read, in the year 1452, that Richard, Duke of York, then claiming the crown, the Lord Rivers should have passed the sea about the king’s business, but staying at Plimmoth till his money was spent, and then sending for more, the Duke of Sommerset sent him the image of St. George in silver and gold, to be sold,[84] with the alms dish of the Duke of Glocester, which was also of great price, for coin had they none.
I read that in 1452, Richard, Duke of York, who was then claiming the crown, was supposed to have crossed the sea on the king’s business, but he stayed in Plymouth until he ran out of money. After that, he asked for more funds, and the Duke of Somerset sent him a silver and gold image of St. George to sell, along with the charity dish of the Duke of Gloucester, which was also quite valuable, since they had no coins. [84]
To end of orders and customs in this city, also of great families kept by honourable persons thither repairing, and of charitable alms of old times given, I say, for conclusion, that all noble persons, and other of honour and worship, in former times lodging in this city, or liberties thereof, did without grudging bear their parts in charges with the citizens, according to their estimated estates, as I have before said, and could prove by examples; but let men call to mind Sir Thomas Cromwel, then lord privy seal and vicar-general, lying in the city of London; he bare his charges to the great muster there in A.D. 1539; he sent his men in great number to the Miles end, and after them their armour in cars, with their coats of white cloth, the arms of this city; to wit, a red cross, and a sword, on the breast and back; which armour and coats they ware amongst the citizens, without any difference, and marched through the city to Westminster.
To wrap up the discussion about orders and customs in this city, as well as the great families supported by honorable people visiting here, and the charitable donations given in the past, I want to conclude by saying that all noble individuals, along with others of respect and reputation, who previously stayed in this city or its surrounding areas, willingly contributed to the costs alongside the citizens, based on their estimated wealth, as I've mentioned before and can back up with examples. But let's remember Sir Thomas Cromwell, who was then the lord privy seal and vicar-general, residing in London; he covered his expenses for the large muster that took place in CE 1539. He sent a considerable number of his men to Mile End, along with their armor transported in carts, featuring their white cloth coats, which displayed the city's arms: a red cross and a sword on the front and back. These men wore their armor and coats among the citizens without distinction and marched through the city to Westminster.
SPORTS AND PASTIMES OF OLD TIME USED IN THIS CITY
“Let us now,” saith Fitzstephen, “come to the sports and pastimes, seeing it is fit that a city should not only be commodious and serious, but also merry and sportful; whereupon in the seals of the popes, until the time of Pope Leo, on the one side was St. Peter fishing, with a key over him, reached as it were by the hand of God out of heaven, and about it this verse:
“Now let us,” says Fitzstephen, “talk about the sports and pastimes, as it's important for a city to be not just convenient and serious, but also fun and entertaining; which is why, in the seals of the popes, until the time of Pope Leo, on one side was St. Peter fishing, with a key above him, seemingly placed there by God's hand from heaven, and around it this verse:
And on the other side was a city, and this inscription on it: ‘Aurea Roma.’ Likewise to the praise of Augustus Cæsar and the city, in respect of the shows and sports, was written:
And on the other side was a city, and this inscription on it: ‘Aurea Roma.’ Similarly, to honor Augustus Caesar and the city, regarding the performances and games, it was written:
“But London, for the shows upon theatres, and comical pastimes, hath holy plays, representations of miracles, which holy confessors have wrought, or representations of torments wherein the constancy of martyrs appeared. Every year also at Shrove Tuesday, that we may begin with children’s sports, seeing we all have been children, the school-boys do bring cocks of the game to their master, and all the forenoon they delight themselves in cock-fighting: after dinner, all the youths go into the fields to play at the ball.
“But London, with its theater shows and funny entertainment, offers holy plays and reenactments of miracles performed by saints, or depictions of the sufferings that showcase the bravery of martyrs. Every year on Shrove Tuesday, to start things off with children's games, since we've all been kids, the schoolboys bring gamecocks to their teacher, and they enjoy cockfighting all morning. After lunch, all the young people head to the fields to play ball.”
“The scholars of every school have their ball, or baston, in their hands; the ancient and wealthy men of the city come forth on horseback to see the sport of the young men, and to take part of the pleasure in beholding their agility. Every Friday in Lent a fresh company of young men comes into the field on horseback, and the best horseman conducteth the rest. Then march forth the citizens’ sons, and other young men, with disarmed lances and shields, and there they practice feats of war. Many courtiers likewise, when the king lieth near, and attendants of noblemen, do repair to these exercises; and while the hope of victory doth inflame their minds, do show good proof how serviceable they would be in martial affairs.
“The students from every school have their ball, or stick, in their hands; the older and wealthy men of the city ride out on horseback to watch the young men compete and enjoy their skill. Every Friday during Lent, a new group of young men enters the field on horseback, led by the best rider among them. Then the sons of citizens and other young men come out with their lances and shields, ready to practice their combat skills. Many courtiers as well, when the king is nearby, and the attendants of noblemen, also join in these activities; and as the prospect of winning fires up their spirits, they demonstrate how capable they would be in military matters.
“In Easter holidays they fight battles on the water; a shield is hung upon a pole, fixed in the midst of the stream, a boat is prepared without oars, to be carried by violence of the water, and in the fore part thereof standeth a young man, ready to give charge upon the shield with his lance; if so be he breaketh his lance against the shield, and doth not fall, he is thought to have performed a worthy deed; if so be, without breaking his lance, he runneth strongly against the shield, down he falleth into the water, for the boat is violently forced with the tide; but on each side of the shield ride two boats, furnished with young men, which recover him that falleth as soon as they may. Upon the bridge, wharfs, and houses, by the river’s side, stand great numbers to see and laugh thereat.
During the Easter holidays, they have battles on the water. A shield is hung on a pole fixed in the middle of the stream, and a boat without oars is prepared, carried by the force of the water. At the front of the boat stands a young man, ready to strike the shield with his lance. If he breaks his lance against the shield and doesn’t fall, he is considered to have accomplished something noteworthy. If he charges against the shield without breaking his lance, he will fall into the water, as the boat is pushed violently by the current. However, on each side of the shield, two boats with young men are ready to rescue whoever falls as quickly as they can. On the bridge, on the docks, and by the riverside, large crowds gather to watch and laugh.
“In the holidays all the summer the youths are exercised in leaping, dancing, shooting, wrestling, casting the stone, and practising their shields; the maidens trip in their timbrels, and dance as long as they can well see. In winter, every holiday before dinner, the boars prepared for brawn are set to fight, or else bulls and bears are baited.
“In the summer holidays, the young people practice leaping, dancing, shooting, wrestling, throwing stones, and training with their shields; the young women play their tambourines and dance until it gets too dark to see. In winter, on every holiday before dinner, the boars being prepared for the feast are set to fight, or else bulls and bears are baited.”
“When the great fen, or moor, which watereth the walls of the city on the north side, is frozen, many young men play upon the ice; some, striding as wide as they may, do slide swiftly; others make themselves seats of ice, as great as millstones; one sits down, many hand in hand do draw him, and one slipping on a sudden, all fall together; some tie bones to their feet and under their heels; and shoving themselves by a little picked staff, do slide as swiftly as a bird flieth in the air, or an arrow out of a cross-bow. Sometime two run together with poles, and hitting one the other, either one or both do fall, not without hurt; some break their arms, some their legs, but youth desirous of glory in this sort exerciseth itself against the time of war.[86] Many of the citizens do delight themselves in hawks and hounds; for they have liberty of hunting in Middlesex, Hartfordshire, all Chiltron, and in Kent to the water of Cray.” Thus far Fitzstephen of sports.
“When the great marsh, or moor, that waters the city walls on the north side freezes over, many young men play on the ice; some, stretching their legs as wide as they can, slide quickly; others make ice seats as big as millstones; one sits down, while many, holding hands, pull him along, and when one suddenly slips, they all fall together; some attach bones to their feet and under their heels; and using a little stick to push themselves, they slide as quickly as a bird flies in the air, or an arrow from a crossbow. Sometimes two run toward each other with poles, and when they collide, either one or both fall, often getting hurt; some break their arms, some their legs, but the youth, eager for glory, practices in this way for the time of war.[86] Many of the citizens enjoy hawks and hounds; they have the freedom to hunt in Middlesex, Hartfordshire, all Chiltron, and in Kent to the river Cray.” Thus far Fitzstephen of sports.
These, or the like exercises, have been continued till our time, namely, in stage plays, whereof ye may read in anno 1391, a play by the parish clerks of London at the Skinner’s well besides Smithfield, which continued three days together, the king, queen, and nobles of the realm being present. And of another, in the year 1409, which lasted eight days, and was of matter from the creation of the world, whereat was present most part of the nobility and gentry of England. Of late time, in place of those stage plays, hath been used comedies, tragedies, interludes, and histories, both true and feigned; for the acting whereof certain public places[109] have been erected. Also cocks of the game are yet cherished by divers men for their pleasures, much money being laid on their heads, when they fight in pits, whereof some be costly made for that purpose. The ball is used by noblemen and gentlemen in tennis courts, and by people of meaner sort in the open fields and streets.
These types of activities have continued into our times, particularly in stage plays. For example, in 1391, there was a play performed by the parish clerks of London at Skinner’s Well near Smithfield, which ran for three days with the king, queen, and nobles in attendance. Another play in 1409 lasted eight days and covered the story of creation, attended by most of the nobility and gentry of England. Recently, instead of those stage plays, comedies, tragedies, interludes, and both true and fictional stories have become popular. For these performances, certain public venues[109] have been built. Additionally, game cocks are still kept by many for enjoyment, with significant bets placed on their fights in specially constructed pits. Nobles and gentlemen play ball in tennis courts, while commoners enjoy it in fields and streets.
The marching forth of citizens’ sons, and other young men on horseback, with disarmed lances and shields, there to practise feats of war, man against man, hath long since been left off, but in their stead they have used on horseback to run at a dead mark, called a quinten; for note whereof I read,[110] that in the year of Christ 1253, the 38th of Henry III., the youthful citizens, for an exercise of their activity, set forth a game to run at the quinten; and whoever did best should have a peacock, which they had prepared as a prize. Certain of the king’s servants, because the court lay then at Westminster came, as it were, in spite of the citizens, to that game, and giving reproachful names to the Londoners, which for the dignity of the city, and ancient privilege which they ought to have enjoyed, were called barons, the said Londoners, not able to bear so to be misused, fell upon the king’s servants, and beat them shrewdly, so that upon complaint to the king he fined the citizens to pay a thousand marks. This exercise of running at the quinten was practised by the youthful citizens as well in summer as in winter, namely, in the feast of Christmas, I have seen a quinten set upon Cornehill, by the Leaden hall, where the attendants on the lords of merry disports have run, and made great pastime; for he[87] that hit not the broad end of the quinten was of all men laughed to scorn, and he that hit it full, if he rid not the faster, had a sound blow in his neck with a bag full of sand hung on the other end. I have also in the summer season seen some upon the river of Thames rowed in wherries, with staves in their hands, flat at the fore end, running one against another, and for the most part, one or both overthrown, and well ducked.
The sons of citizens and other young men on horseback, carrying disarmed lances and shields to practice combat skills, have long since stopped doing that. Instead, they now run at a stationary target called a quinten. I read that in the year 1253, during the reign of Henry III, the young citizens created a game to run at the quinten for exercise, with the best performer winning a peacock as a prize. Some of the king’s attendants, who were at court in Westminster, came to this game and insulted the Londoners, who were traditionally called barons due to the city’s importance and historic privileges. Unable to tolerate this disrespect, the Londoners attacked the king’s attendants and beat them badly, which led to a complaint to the king, resulting in a fine of a thousand marks for the citizens. This quinten running was practiced by the young citizens both in summer and winter; for example, during Christmas, I saw a quinten set up on Cornhill, near Leadenhall. Young men associated with the lords of festive activities participated and had a great time. Those who failed to hit the broad end of the quinten were laughed at, and if someone struck it perfectly but didn’t speed up, they ended up getting smacked in the neck by a bag of sand hanging on the other end. I’ve also seen people in summer on the River Thames, rowing in small boats, using flat-ended staves to compete against each other, often resulting in one or both getting knocked over and splashed in the water.
On the holy days in summer the youths of this city have in the field exercised themselves in leaping, dancing, shooting, wrestling, casting of the stone or ball, etc.
On the summer holidays, the young people of this city have spent their time in the fields practicing activities like jumping, dancing, shooting, wrestling, and throwing the stone or ball, etc.
And for defence and use of the weapon, there is a special profession of men that teach it. Ye may read in mine Annals how that in the year 1222 the citizens kept games of defence, and wrestlings, near unto the hospital of St. Giles in the field, where they challenged, and had the mastery of the men in the suburbs, and other commoners, etc. Also, in the year 1453, of a tumult made against the mayor at the wrestling besides Clearke’s well, etc. Which is sufficient to prove that of old time the exercising of wrestling, and such like, hath been much more used than of later years. The youths of this city also have used on holy days after evening prayer, at their masters’ doors, to exercise their wasters and bucklers; and the maidens, one of them playing on a timbrel, in sight of their masters and dames, to dance for garlands hung athwart the streets; which open pastimes in my youth being now suppressed, worse practices within doors are to be feared. As for the baiting of bulls and bears, they are to this day much frequented, namely, in Bear gardens,[111] on the Bank’s side, wherein be prepared scaffolds for beholders to stand upon. Sliding upon the ice is now but children’s play; but in hawking and hunting many grave citizens at this present have great delight, and do rather want leisure than goodwill to follow it.
And for the defense and use of weapons, there is a special profession of men who teach it. You can read in my Annals that in the year 1222, the citizens held defense games and wrestling matches near the hospital of St. Giles in the Fields, where they challenged and defeated the men from the suburbs and other commoners, etc. Also, in the year 1453, there was a disturbance against the mayor at the wrestling match near Clerke's Well, etc. This is enough to show that in the past, wrestling and similar activities were much more common than they are now. The young people of this city also used to practice their weapons and shields at their masters' doors on holy days after evening prayer. The maidens, with one of them playing a tambourine, would dance for garlands hung across the streets in front of their masters and ladies; these open pastimes from my youth are now suppressed, and we fear worse practices indoors. As for bull and bear baiting, it is still quite popular, especially in Bear Gardens,[111] on the Bank's side, where scaffolds are set up for spectators to stand on. Sliding on the ice is now just a children's activity; however, many serious citizens today greatly enjoy hawking and hunting, and they are more short on time than interest in pursuing it.
Of triumphant shows made by the citizens of London, ye may read,[112] in the year 1236, the 20th of Henry III., Andrew Bockwell then being mayor, how Helianor, daughter to Reymond, Earl of Provance, riding through the city towards Westminster, there to be crowned queen of England, the city was adorned with silks, and in the night with lamps, cressets, and other lights without number, besides many pageants and strange devices there presented; the citizens also rode to meet the king and queen, clothed in long garments embroidered about with gold,[88] and silks of divers colours, their horses gallantly trapped to the number of three hundred and sixty, every man bearing a cup of gold or silver in his hand, and the king’s trumpeters sounding before them. These citizens did minister wine, as bottelers, which is their service, at their coronation. More, in the year 1293, for victory obtained by Edward I. against the Scots, every citizen, according to their several trade, made their several show, but especially the fishmongers, which in a solemn procession passed through the city, having, amongst other pageants and shows, four sturgeons gilt, carried on four horses; then four salmons of silver on four horses; and after them six and forty armed knights riding on horses, made like luces of the sea; and then one representing St. Magnus, because it was upon St. Magnus’ day, with a thousand horsemen, etc.
Of the triumphant celebrations held by the citizens of London, you can read, [112] in the year 1236, during the 20th year of Henry III., when Andrew Bockwell was mayor. On this occasion, Helianor, daughter of Reymond, Earl of Provence, rode through the city on her way to Westminster to be crowned queen of England. The city was decorated with silks, and at night, it was lit up with countless lamps, cressets, and other lights, along with many elaborate displays and performances. The citizens also rode out to greet the king and queen, dressed in long garments embroidered with gold, [88] and silks in various colors. Their horses were beautifully adorned, numbering three hundred and sixty, with each person holding a cup of gold or silver in their hand, while the king's trumpeters played ahead of them. These citizens served wine, performing the duties of bottlers, which was their role at the coronation. Furthermore, in the year 1293, after Edward I. achieved victory over the Scots, every citizen, according to their trade, put on their respective displays, especially the fishmongers, who took part in a grand procession through the city, featuring, among other displays, four gilt sturgeons carried on four horses; then four silver salmons on four horses; followed by forty-six armed knights riding on horses made to look like sea pike; and then one representing St. Magnus, since it was St. Magnus' day, along with a thousand horsemen, etc.
One other show, in the year 1377, made by the citizens for disport of the young prince, Richard, son to the Black Prince, in the feast of Christmas, in this manner:—On the Sunday before Candlemas, in the night, one hundred and thirty citizens, disguised, and well horsed, in a mummery, with sound of trumpets, sackbuts, cornets, shalmes, and other minstrels, and innumerable torch lights of wax, rode from Newgate, through Cheape, over the bridge, through Southwarke, and so to Kennington beside Lambhith, where the young prince remained with his mother and the Duke of Lancaster his uncle, the Earls of Cambridge, Hertford, Warwicke, and Suffolke, with divers other lords. In the first rank did ride forty-eight in the likeness and habit of esquires, two and two together, clothed in red coats and gowns of say or sandal, with comely visors on their faces; after them came riding forty-eight knights in the same livery of colour and stuff; then followed one richly arrayed like an emperor; and after him some distance, one stately attired like a pope, whom followed twenty-four cardinals, and after them eight or ten with black visors, not amiable, as if they had been legates from some foreign princes. These maskers, after they had entered Kennington, alighted from their horses, and entered the hall on foot; which done, the prince, his mother, and the lords, came out of the chamber into the hall, whom the said mummers did salute, showing by a pair of dice upon the table their desire to play with the prince, which they so handled that the prince did always win when he cast them. Then the mummers set to the prince three jewels, one after another, which were a bowl of gold, a cup of gold, and a ring of gold, which the prince won at three casts. Then they set to the prince’s mother,[89] the duke, the earls, and other lords, to every one a ring of gold, which they did also win. After which they were feasted, and the music sounded, the prince and lords danced on the one part with the mummers, which did also dance; which jollity being ended, they were again made to drink, and then departed in order as they came.
One other event, in the year 1377, was organized by the citizens for the enjoyment of the young prince, Richard, son of the Black Prince, during the Christmas feast. On the Sunday before Candlemas, at night, one hundred and thirty citizens, dressed up in costumes and mounted on well-groomed horses, took part in a celebration featuring the sounds of trumpets, sackbuts, cornets, shalmes, and other musicians, along with countless wax torches. They rode from Newgate, through Cheapside, over the bridge, through Southwark, and on to Kennington near Lambeth, where the young prince was with his mother and his uncle, the Duke of Lancaster, as well as the Earls of Cambridge, Hertford, Warwick, and Suffolk, along with various other lords. In the front rank rode forty-eight men dressed like squires, paired together, wearing red coats and gowns of cloth, with attractive visors covering their faces. Following them were forty-eight knights in the same color and material. Then came one richly dressed like an emperor; a little behind him was someone elegantly dressed as a pope, followed by twenty-four cardinals and another eight or ten with black visors, looking uninviting, as if they were envoys from some foreign princes. Once the entertainers had entered Kennington, they dismounted and walked into the hall. Once inside, the prince, his mother, and the lords came out from a chamber into the hall, where the entertainers greeted them. They showed their wish to play a game with the prince using a pair of dice on the table, which they manipulated so that the prince always won when he rolled them. The entertainers then presented three jewels to the prince, one after the other: a gold bowl, a gold cup, and a gold ring, all of which the prince won in three rolls. After that, they offered the prince’s mother, the duke, the earls, and the other lords a gold ring each, which they also won. Following this, they were treated to a feast, and the music played as the prince and the lords danced with the entertainers, who also joined in the dancing. When the festivities concluded, they were invited to drink again, and then they left in the same order they had arrived.
The like was in Henry IV., in the 2nd of his reign, he then keeping his Christmas at Eltham, twelve aldermen of London and their sons rode in a mumming, and had great thanks.
The same happened in Henry IV's second year of reign, when he was celebrating Christmas at Eltham. Twelve aldermen from London and their sons participated in a masquerade and were greatly appreciated.
Thus much for sportful shows in triumphs may suffice. Now for sports and pastimes yearly used.
Thus much for entertaining displays in celebrations. Now, let's talk about the sports and activities we use every year.
First, in the feast of Christmas, there was in the king’s house, wheresoever he was lodged, a lord of misrule, or master of merry disports,[113] and the like had ye in the house of every nobleman of honour or good worship, were he spiritual or temporal. Amongst the which the mayor of London, and either of the sheriffs, had their several lords of misrule, ever contending, without quarrel or offence, who should make the rarest pastimes to delight the beholders. These lords beginning their rule on Alhollon eve, continued the same till the morrow after the Feast of the Purification, commonly called Candlemas day. In all which space there were fine and subtle disguisings, masks, and mummeries, with playing at cards for counters, nails, and points, in every house, more for pastime than for gain.
First, during the Christmas feast, in the king’s residence, wherever he was staying, there was a lord of misrule, or master of festivities, and similarly, every nobleman of honor or good reputation, whether religious or secular, had one as well. Among them, the mayor of London and each of the sheriffs had their own lords of misrule, always competing, without any disputes or offense, to create the most entertaining activities to amuse the spectators. These lords started their reign on All Hallows' Eve and continued until the day after the Feast of the Purification, commonly known as Candlemas. Throughout this time, there were elaborate and clever disguises, masks, and performances, along with card games for counters, nails, and points in every house, primarily for fun rather than profit.
Against the feast of Christmas every man’s house, as also the parish churches, were decked with holm, ivy, bays, and whatsoever the season of the year afforded to be green. The conduits and standards in the streets were likewise garnished; amongst the which I read, in the year 1444, that by tempest of thunder and lightning, on the 1st of February, at night, Powle’s steeple was fired, but with great labour quenched; and towards the morning of Candlemas day, at the Leaden hall in Cornhill, a standard of tree being set up in midst of the pavement, fast in the ground, nailed full of holm and ivy, for disport of Christmas to the people, was torn up, and cast down by the malignant spirit (as was thought), and the stones of the pavement all about were cast in the streets, and into divers houses, so that the people were sore aghast of the great tempests.
Before Christmas, every home and parish church was decorated with holly, ivy, bay leaves, and anything else that stayed green during the season. The fountains and poles in the streets were also adorned. I read that in 1444, during a storm with thunder and lightning on the night of February 1st, St. Paul's steeple caught fire but was extinguished after much effort. Then, on Candlemas morning, a tall tree was erected in the middle of Leadenhall in Cornhill, firmly planted and fully decorated with holly and ivy for the people to enjoy during Christmas. However, it was uprooted and thrown down, supposedly by a malevolent spirit, and the paving stones around it were scattered into the streets and into various houses, which left the people very shaken by the fierce storms.
In the week before Easter had ye great shows made for the[90] fetching in of a twisted tree, or with, as they termed it, out of the woods into the king’s house; and the like into every man’s house of honour or worship.
In the week before Easter, there were big celebrations for the[90]bringing in of a twisted tree, or, as they called it, out of the woods and into the king’s house; and similarly into every respectable person's home.
In the month of May, namely, on May-day in the morning, every man, except impediment, would walk into the sweet meadows and green woods, there to rejoice their spirits with the beauty and savour of sweet flowers, and with the harmony of birds, praising God in their kind; and for example hereof, Edward Hall hath noted, that King Henry VIII., as in the 3rd of his reign, and divers other years, so namely, in the 7th of his reign, on May-day in the morning, with Queen Katherine his wife, accompanied with many lords and ladies, rode a-maying from Greenwitch to the high ground of Shooter’s hill, where, as they passed by the way, they espied a company of tall yeomen, clothed all in green, with green hoods, and bows and arrows, to the number of two hundred; one being their chieftain, was called Robin Hoode, who required the king and his company to stay and see his men shoot; whereunto the king granting, Robin Hoode whistled, and all the two hundred archers shot off, loosing all at once; and when he whistled again they likewise shot again; their arrows whistled by craft of the head, so that the noise was strange and loud, which greatly delighted the king, queen, and their company. Moreover, this Robin Hoode desired the king and queen, with their retinue, to enter the green wood, where, in harbours made of boughs, and decked with flowers, they were set and served plentifully with venison and wine by Robin Hoode and his men, to their great contentment, and had other pageants and pastimes, as ye may read in my said author.
In May, specifically on May Day in the morning, everyone, except for those who couldn't, would walk into the lovely meadows and green woods to lift their spirits with the beauty and scent of sweet flowers and the sounds of birds singing praises to God. For instance, Edward Hall points out that King Henry VIII, in the 3rd year of his reign and in several other years, particularly in the 7th year of his reign, celebrated May Day morning by riding with his wife, Queen Katherine, along with many lords and ladies, from Greenwich to the high ground of Shooter’s Hill. As they journeyed, they saw a group of tall yeomen dressed in green, complete with green hoods and armed with bows and arrows, about two hundred of them. Their leader was called Robin Hood, who asked the king and his entourage to pause and watch his men shoot. The king agreed, and when Robin Hood whistled, all two hundred archers let their arrows fly at once. When he whistled again, they shot again, and the arrows whistled through the air, creating a strange and loud noise that greatly pleased the king, queen, and their group. Additionally, Robin Hood invited the king and queen, along with their company, to enter the green wood, where they were seated in shelters made of branches and decorated with flowers. They were generously served venison and wine by Robin Hood and his men, which brought them great satisfaction, along with other entertainment and amusements, as you can read in my aforementioned source.
I find also, that in the month of May, the citizens of London of all estates, lightly in every parish, or sometimes two or three parishes joining together, had their several mayings, and did fetch in May-poles, with divers warlike shows, with good archers, morris dancers, and other devices, for pastime all the day long; and toward the evening they had stage plays, and bonfires in the streets. Of these mayings we read, in the reign of Henry VI., that the aldermen and sheriffs of London, being on May-day at the Bishop of London’s wood, in the parish of Stebunheath,[114] and having there a worshipful dinner for themselves and other commoners, Lydgate the poet, that was a monk of Bury, sent to them, by a pursuivant, a joyful commendation of that season, containing sixteen staves of metre royal, beginning thus:—
I also find that in May, the citizens of London from all walks of life, often in every parish or sometimes two or three parishes joining together, celebrated their May festivities. They would bring in May-poles along with various lively performances, featuring skilled archers, morris dancers, and other entertainment throughout the day. In the evening, they would have stage plays and bonfires in the streets. We read about these May celebrations during the reign of Henry VI, when the aldermen and sheriffs of London, on May Day, were at the Bishop of London’s woods in the parish of Stebunheath,[114] where they enjoyed a grand dinner for themselves and other commoners. Lydgate, the poet and monk from Bury, sent them a cheerful message about the season through a herald, which included sixteen stanzas of royal meter, starting like this:—
Which has dressed the ground in lively green,
Made buds bloom with her sweet showers,
By the influence of sunlight.
To do what you intend completely cleanly,
To the States that are gathered here,
Has Ver sent down her own dear daughter.
Called by scholars the virtue vegetable,
To go beyond, most wholesome and most sweet,
Into the crops, this season is so pleasant,
The warm liquor is really commendable,
That it rejoices with its fresh moisture,
"Man, beast, bird, and every creature," etc.
These great Mayings and May-games, made by the governors and masters of this city, with the triumphant setting up of the great shaft (a principal May-pole in Cornehill, before the parish church of St. Andrew), therefore called Undershaft, by means of an insurrection of youths against aliens on May-day, 1517, the 9th of Henry VIII., have not been so freely used as afore, and therefore I leave them, and will somewhat touch of watches, as also of shows in the night.[115]
These grand May celebrations and May games, organized by the leaders and officials of this city, with the impressive raising of the large pole (a main May-pole in Cornhill, in front of St. Andrew's parish church), known as Undershaft, due to a rebellion of young people against outsiders on May Day in 1517, the 9th year of Henry VIII's reign, haven't been as freely enjoyed as before. So, I will leave that behind and briefly touch on watches and evening shows.[115]
OF WATCHES IN THIS CITY, AND OTHER MATTERS COMMANDED, AND THE CAUSE WHY
William Conqueror commanded that in every town and village, a bell should be nightly rung at eight o’clock, and that all people should then put out their fire and candle, and take their rest; which order was observed through this realm during his reign, and the reign of William Rufus. But Henry I., restoring to his subjects the use of fire and lights, as afore; it followeth, by reason of wars within the realm, that many men also gave themselves to robbery and murders in the night; for example whereof in this city Roger Hoveden writeth thus:—“In the year 1175, council was kept at Nottingham; in time of which council a brother of the Earl Ferrers being in the night privily slain at London, and thrown out of his inn into the dirty street, when the king understood thereof, he swore that he would be avenged on the citizens. For it was then (saith mine author) a common practice in the city, that a hundred or more in a company, young and old, would make nightly invasions[92] upon houses of the wealthy, to the intent to rob them; and if they found any man stirring in the city within the night that were not of their crew, they would presently murder him, insomuch that when night was come no man durst adventure to walk in the streets. When this had continued long, it fortuned that as a crew of young and wealthy citizens, assembling together in the night, assaulted a stone house of a certain rich man, and breaking through the wall, the good man of that house, having prepared himself with others in a corner, when he perceived one of the thieves named Andrew Bucquint to lead the way, with a burning brand in the one hand, and a pot of coals in the other, which he essayed to kindle with the brand, he flew upon him, and smote off his right hand, and then with a loud voice cried ‘Thieves!’ at the hearing whereof the thieves took their flight, all saving he that had lost his hand, whom the good man in the next morning delivered to Richard de Lucie, the king’s justice. This thief, upon warrant of his life, appeached his confederates, of whom many were taken, and many were fled. Among the rest that were apprehended, a certain citizen of great countenance, credit, and wealth, named John Senex,[116] who forasmuch as he could not acquit himself by the water dome, as that law was then, he offered to the king five hundred pounds of silver for his life; but forasmuch as he was condemned by judgment of the water, the king would not take the offer, but commanded him to be hanged on the gallows, which was done, and then the city became more quiet for a long time after.” But for a full remedy of enormities in the night I read, that in the year 1253, Henry III. commanded watches in the cities and borough towns to be kept, for the better observing of peace and quietness amongst his people.
William the Conqueror ordered that in every town and village, a bell should be rung every night at eight o’clock, and that everyone should then extinguish their fire and candle, and go to bed; this rule was followed throughout his reign and that of William Rufus. However, Henry I., restoring his subjects’ right to have fires and lights, caused issues because of wars in the realm, leading many to turn to robbery and murder at night. For example, in this city, Roger Hoveden writes: “In the year 1175, a council was held at Nottingham. During this council, a brother of the Earl Ferrers was secretly murdered at night in London and thrown out of his inn into the filthy street. When the king found out, he swore he would take revenge on the citizens. It was common then (as my author states) for a hundred or more people, both young and old, to make nightly raids on the homes of the wealthy to rob them. If they found anyone awake in the city at night who wasn’t part of their group, they would immediately kill him, so that no one dared to walk in the streets after dark. After this went on for a while, a group of young, wealthy citizens decided to band together one night to attack a stone house belonging to a certain rich man. They broke through the wall, and the homeowner, having prepared himself with others in a corner, noticed one of the thieves named Andrew Bucquint leading the way, holding a burning torch in one hand and a pot of coals in the other, which he tried to ignite with the torch. The homeowner jumped on him, cut off his right hand, and then shouted ‘Thieves!’ At the sound of his cry, the thieves fled, except for the one who had lost his hand, whom the homeowner delivered to Richard de Lucie, the king’s justice, the next morning. This thief, in exchange for his life, implicated his accomplices, many of whom were captured while others escaped. Among those apprehended was a notable and wealthy citizen named John Senex, who, since he could not clear himself by the water ordeal as was the law then, offered the king five hundred pounds of silver for his life. However, since he was condemned by the ordeal, the king refused the offer and ordered him to be hanged, which was carried out, and then the city enjoyed a period of peace thereafter.” For a more complete solution to the nighttime issues, I read that in the year 1253, Henry III. ordered watchmen to be set in the cities and borough towns to better maintain peace and quiet among his people.
And further, by the advice of them of Savoy, he ordained, that if any man chanced to be robbed, or by any means damnified by any thief or robber, he to whom the charge of keeping that country, city, or borough, chiefly appertained, where the robbery was done, should competently restore the loss. And this was after the use of Savoy, but yet thought more hard to be observed here than in those parts; and, therefore, leaving those laborious watches, I will speak of our pleasures and pastimes in watching by night.
And in addition, following the advice of people from Savoy, he established that if anyone happened to get robbed or harmed by a thief or robber, the person responsible for overseeing that area, city, or borough where the robbery took place should adequately compensate for the loss. This was based on the practices in Savoy, but it was considered harder to enforce here than in those regions. So, instead of discussing those challenging duties, I'll talk about our joys and leisure during our nighttime watch.
In the months of June and July, on the vigils of festival days,[93] and on the same festival days in the evenings after the sun setting, there were usually made bonfires in the streets, every man bestowing wood or labour towards them; the wealthier sort also, before their doors near to the said bonfires, would set out tables on the vigils, furnished with sweet bread and good drink, and on the festival days with meats and drinks plentifully, whereunto they would invite their neighbours and passengers also to sit and be merry with them in great familiarity, praising God for his benefits bestowed on them. These were called bonfires as well of good amity amongst neighbours that being before at controversy, were there, by the labour of others, reconciled, and made of bitter enemies loving friends; and also for the virtue that a great fire hath to purge the infection of the air. On the vigil of St. John the Baptist, and on St. Peter and Paul the apostles, every man’s door being shadowed with green birch, long fennel, St. John’s wort, orpin, white lilies, and such like, garnished upon with garlands of beautiful flowers, had also lamps of glass, with oil burning in them all the night; some hung out branches of iron curiously wrought, containing hundreds of lamps alight at once, which made a goodly show, namely in New Fish street, Thames street, etc. Then had ye besides the standing watches all in bright harness, in every ward and street of this city and suburbs, a marching watch, that passed through the principal streets thereof, to wit, from the little conduit by Paule’s gate to West Cheape, by the stocks through Cornhill, by Leaden hall to Aldgate, then back down Fenchurch street, by Grasse church, about Grasse church conduit, and up Grasse church street into Cornhill, and through it into West Cheape again. The whole way for this marching watch extendeth to three thousand two hundred tailor’s yards of assize; for the furniture whereof with lights, there were appointed seven hundred cressets, five hundred of them being found by the companies, the other two hundred by the chamber of London. Besides the which lights every constable in London, in number more than two hundred and forty,[117] had his cresset: the charge of every cresset was in light two shillings and four pence, and every cresset had two men, one to bear or hold it, another to bear a bag with light, and to serve it, so that the poor men pertaining to the cressets, taking wages, besides that every one had a straw hat, with a badge painted, and his breakfast[94] in the mornings amounted in number to almost two thousand. The marching watch contained in number about two thousand men, part of them being old soldiers of skill, to be captains, lieutenants, serjeants, corporals, etc., wiflers, drummers, and fifes, standard and ensign bearers, sword players, trumpeters on horseback, demilances on great horses, gunners with hand guns, or half hakes, archers in coats of white fustian, signed on the breast and back with the arms of the city, their bows bent in their hands, with sheaves of arrows by their sides, pike-men in bright corslets, burganets, etc., halberds, the like bill-men in almaine rivets, and apernes of mail in great number; there were also divers pageants, morris dancers, constables, the one-half, which was one hundred and twenty, on St. John’s eve, the other half on St. Peter’s eve, in bright harness, some overgilt, and every one a jornet[118] of scarlet thereupon, and a chain of gold, his henchman following him, his minstrels before him, and his cresset light passing by him, the waits of the city, the mayor’s officers for his guard before him, all in a livery of worsted, or say jackets party-coloured, the mayor himself well mounted on horseback, the swordbearer before him in fair armour well mounted also, the mayor’s footmen, and the like torch bearers about him, henchmen twain upon great stirring horses, following him. The sheriffs’ watches came one after the other in like order, but not so large in number as the mayor’s; for where the mayor had besides his giant three pageants, each of the sheriffs had besides their giants but two pageants, each their morris dance, and one henchman, their officers in jackets of worsted or say, party-coloured, differing from the mayor’s, and each from other, but having harnessed men a great many, etc.
In June and July, on the eve of festival days,[93] and on those festival evenings after sunset, bonfires were typically lit in the streets, with every man contributing wood or labor. The wealthier residents would set up tables outside their homes near these bonfires on the eve of the festival, providing sweet bread and good drinks, and on the festival days, they would offer abundant food and drink. They invited their neighbors and passersby to join them for a festive gathering, celebrating together and thanking God for His blessings. These gatherings were known as bonfires not only for the good will fostered among neighbors who had previously been in conflict but also for the purifying power of fire against air pollution. On the eve of St. John the Baptist and on the feast of St. Peter and St. Paul, every door was adorned with greenery like birch, long fennel, St. John's wort, orpin, white lilies, and other decorative plants, and was further decorated with garlands of beautiful flowers. They also displayed glass lamps filled with oil that burned throughout the night; some even hung elaborate iron branches filled with dozens of burning lamps, which created a stunning sight, especially in New Fish Street, Thames Street, and similar areas. Additionally, there were bright-armored guards stationed throughout the city and its suburbs, along with a marching watch that paraded through the main streets—from the small conduit by Paul's Gate to West Cheape, through the stocks and Cornhill to Leaden Hall, past Aldgate, returning down Fenchurch Street, around Grasse Church, along Grasse Church Conduit, and up Grasse Church Street back into Cornhill, finally making its way into West Cheape again. This route for the marching watch extended for three thousand two hundred tailor's yards. To supply lights along the way, seven hundred cressets were arranged—five hundred provided by the companies, with the remaining two hundred supplied by the city chamber. In addition to these, every constable in London, totaling over two hundred and forty,[117] had a cresset to take care of; the cost of lighting each cresset was two shillings and four pence, and each cresset was manned by two individuals: one to carry or hold it, and another to carry a bag of light to keep it lit. In total, nearly two thousand poor men working with the cressets received wages, and each was given a straw hat with a badge and breakfast.[94] The marching watch included around two thousand men, many of whom were experienced veterans in roles like captains, lieutenants, sergeants, corporals, and so on, alongside pipers, drummers, sword bearers, mounted trumpeters, strong horsemen, gunners with handheld weapons, archers in white fabric coats bearing the city arms on their front and back, armed with bows and quivers of arrows, pikemen in shining armor, bilmen in chainmail, and many others. There were also various pageants, morris dancers, and constables—half of them, meaning one hundred and twenty, on St. John's eve, and the other half on St. Peter's eve—dressed in shining armor, some even gilded, each wearing a scarlet tunic and a gold chain, accompanied by their attendants, musicians leading the way, and their cresset light following along. The city's waits and the mayor's guards were all dressed in uniform livery, with the mayor himself mounted on a fine horse, accompanied by the sword bearer, who was also well-armored and mounted, along with the mayor's footmen and other torch bearers around him, and two attendants on large horses following closely. The sheriffs’ watches followed one after the other in a similar fashion but were not as numerous as the mayor’s; while the mayor featured three pageants along with his giant, each sheriff had only two pageants, each also had their own morris dance and one attendant, with their officers in different colored jackets from the mayor’s but still accompanied by many armor-clad men.
This midsummer watch was thus accustomed yearly, time out of mind, until the year 1539, the 31st of Henry VIII., in which year, on the 8th of May, a great muster was made by the citizens at the Mile’s end, all in bright harness, with coats of white silk, or cloth and chains of gold, in three great battles, to the number of fifteen thousand, which passed through London to Westminster, and so through the Sanctuary, and round about the park of St. James, and returned home through Oldborne. King Henry, then considering the great charges of the citizens for the furniture of this unusual muster, forbad the marching watch provided for at Midsummer for that year, which being once laid down, was not raised again till the year[95] 1548, the 2nd of Edward VI., Sir John Gresham then being mayor, who caused the marching watch, both on the eve of St. John the Baptist and of St. Peter the Apostle, to be revived and set forth in as comely order as it hath been accustomed, which watch was also beautified by the number of more than three hundred demilances and light horsemen, prepared by the citizens to be sent into Scotland for the rescue of the town of Hadington, and others kept by the Englishmen. Since this mayor’s time, the like marching watch in this city hath not been used, though some attempts have been made thereunto; as in the year 1585, a book was drawn by a grave citizen,[119] and by him dedicated to Sir Thomas Pullison, then lord mayor, and his brethren the aldermen, containing the manner and order of a marching watch in the city upon the evens accustomed; in commendation whereof, namely, in times of peace to be used, he hath words to this effect: “The artificers of sundry sorts were thereby well set a-work, none but rich men charged, poor men helped, old soldiers, trumpeters, drummers, fifes, and ensign-bearers, with such like men, meet for princes’ service, kept in ure, wherein the safety and defence of every common weal consisteth. Armour and weapon being yearly occupied in this wise, the citizens had of their own readily prepared for any need; whereas by intermission hereof, armourers are out of work, soldiers out of pay, weapons overgrown with foulness, few or none good being provided,” etc.
This midsummer celebration had taken place every year for as long as anyone could remember, until the year 1539, during the reign of Henry VIII, when on May 8th, the citizens gathered at Mile's End, all decked out in shiny armor, wearing white silk or cloth and gold chains, divided into three large groups totaling fifteen thousand people. They marched through London to Westminster, passed through the Sanctuary, around St. James's Park, and returned home through Oldbourne. King Henry, noticing the hefty expenses incurred by the citizens for this unusual event, canceled the planned marching event for Midsummer that year. Once this tradition was halted, it wasn't revived until 1548, during Edward VI's reign, when Sir John Gresham was mayor. He reinstated the marching watch on the eve of St. John the Baptist and St. Peter the Apostle, organized as it had previously been, and enhanced by over three hundred men-at-arms and light cavalry, prepared by the citizens to be sent to Scotland for the rescue of Haddington and other towns held by the English. Since that mayor's time, a similar marching event hasn't taken place in the city, even though there have been some attempts; for instance, in 1585, a respected citizen created a book dedicated to Sir Thomas Pullison, the then lord mayor, and the aldermen, outlining how a city marching watch should be organized. He advocated for its use in peace times, stating: “The various artisans would be gainfully employed, only wealthy individuals would bear the costs, poorer citizens would benefit, and soldiers, trumpeters, drummers, fife players, and flag bearers—essentially those suited for royal duty—would be kept in practice, which contributes to the safety and defense of the community. With armor and weapons used annually in this manner, the citizens would have their own supplies readily available for any need; however, without this tradition, armories would be idle, soldiers unpaid, weapons neglected, and few or no good ones maintained,” etc.
In the month of August, about the feast of St. Bartholomew the Apostle, before the Lord Mayor, aldermen, and sheriffs of London, placed in a large tent near unto Clarkenwell, of old time, were divers days spent in the pastime of wrestling, where the officers of the city, namely, the sheriffs, sergeants, and yeomen, the porters of the king’s beam or weigh-house, now no such men, and other of the city, were challengers of all men in the suburbs, to wrestle for games appointed, and on other days, before the said mayor, aldermen, and sheriffs, in Fensburie field, to shoot the standard, broad arrow, and flight, for games; but now of late years the wrestling is only practised on Bartholomew’s day in the afternoon, and the shooting some three or four days after, in one afternoon, and no more. What should I speak of the ancient daily exercises in the long bow by citizens of this city, now almost clean left off and forsaken?—I overpass it; for by the mean of closing in the common grounds, our archers, for want of room to shoot abroad, creep into bowling[96] alleys, and ordinary dicing houses, nearer home, where they have room enough to hazard their money at unlawful games; and there I leave them to take their pleasures.
In August, around the feast of St. Bartholomew the Apostle, we held various days of wrestling in a large tent near Clerkenwell, attended by the Lord Mayor, aldermen, and sheriffs of London. The city officials, including sheriffs, sergeants, yeomen, and the porters of the king’s weigh-house—who no longer exist—challenged everyone in the suburbs to wrestle for prizes. On other days, the mayor, aldermen, and sheriffs gathered in Finsbury Field to shoot the standard, broad arrow, and flight for contests. However, in recent years, wrestling now only takes place on Bartholomew's Day in the afternoon, with shooting happening maybe three or four days later, but just for one afternoon. What can I say about the old daily practices of longbow archery by the citizens of this city, which have nearly disappeared?—I’ll skip it; because of the closing off of common grounds, our archers, lacking space to shoot outdoors, have taken to bowling alleys and regular gambling houses nearby, where they have plenty of room to risk their money at illegal games; and there I’ll leave them to enjoy themselves.
HONOUR OF CITIZENS, AND WORTHINESS OF MEN IN THE SAME
“This city,” saith Fitzstephen, “is glorious in manhood: furnished with munitions, populous with inhabitants; insomuch, that in the troublesome time of King Stephen, it hath showed at a muster twenty thousand armed horsemen, and threescore thousand footmen, serviceable for the wars. Moreover (saith he), the citizens of London, wheresoever they become, are notable before all other citizens in civility of manners, attire, table, and talk. The matrons of this city are the very modest Sabine ladies of Italy. The Londoners, sometime called Trinobantes, repelled Cæsar, which always made his passage by shedding blood; whereupon Lucan sung:
“This city,” says Fitzstephen, “is remarkable in its strength: well-armed, filled with people; so much so that during the troubled times of King Stephen, it displayed at a muster twenty thousand mounted soldiers and sixty thousand infantry, ready for battle. Furthermore (he states), the citizens of London, wherever they go, are distinguished above all others in their polite behavior, clothing, dining, and conversation. The women of this city are like the truly modest Sabine ladies of Italy. The Londoners, once known as the Trinobantes, successfully resisted Caesar, who always crossed by spilling blood; about which Lucan sang:
“The city of London hath bred some which have subdued many kingdoms, and also the Roman empire. It hath also brought forth many others, whom virtue and valour hath highly advanced; according to Apollo, in his Oracle to Brute, ‘Sub occasu solis,’ etc. In the time of Christianity, it brought forth that noble emperor, Constantine, which gave the city of Rome and all the imperial ensigns to God, St. Peter, and Pope Silvester; choosing rather to be called a defender of the church than an emperor; and, lest peace might be violated, and their eyes troubled by his presence, he retired from Rome, and built the city of Constantinople. London also in late time hath brought forth famous kings: Maude the empress, King Henry, son to Henry II., and Thomas the Archbishop,” etc.
“The city of London has produced those who have conquered many kingdoms, including the Roman Empire. It has also given rise to many others, who have been greatly honored for their virtue and bravery; as Apollo stated in his Oracle to Brutus, ‘Sub occasu solis,’ etc. During the time of Christianity, it produced the noble emperor, Constantine, who dedicated the city of Rome and all the imperial symbols to God, St. Peter, and Pope Sylvester; preferring to be known as a defender of the church rather than an emperor. To avoid disturbing the peace and to lessen any trouble his presence might cause, he withdrew from Rome and established the city of Constantinople. In more recent times, London has also given rise to famous kings: Empress Maud, King Henry, the son of Henry II, and Thomas the Archbishop,” etc.
This Thomas, surnamed Becket, born in London, brought up in the priory of Marton, student at Paris, became the sheriff’s clerk of London for a time, then parson of St. Mary hill, had a prebend at London, another at Lincoln, studied the law at Bononie, etc., was made Chancellor of England, and Archbishop of Canterbury, etc. Unto this might be added innumerable persons of honour, wisdom, and virtue, born in London; but of actions done by worthy citizens I will only note a few, and so to other matters.
This Thomas, known as Becket, was born in London, raised in the priory of Marton, and studied in Paris. He served as the sheriff’s clerk of London for a while, then became the parson of St. Mary Hill, held a prebend in London, another in Lincoln, studied law in Bologna, and so on. He was made Chancellor of England and Archbishop of Canterbury. Many other honorable, wise, and virtuous people were also born in London, but I will only mention a few actions taken by worthy citizens and move on to other matters.
The citizens of London, time out of mind, founded an hospital of St. James in the fields for leprous women of their city.
The citizens of London, for as long as anyone can remember, established a hospital of St. James in the fields for women with leprosy in their city.
In the year 1197, Walter Brune, a citizen of London, and Rosia, his wife, founded the hospital of our Lady, called Domus Dei, or St. Marie Spittle, without Bishopsgate of London; a house of such relief to the needy, that there was found standing at the surrender thereof nine score beds, well furnished for receipt of poor people.
In 1197, Walter Brune, a London citizen, and his wife Rosia established the hospital of Our Lady, known as Domus Dei or St. Marie Spittle, just outside Bishopsgate in London. It provided such excellent aid to those in need that at the time of its closure, there were 180 well-equipped beds available for the poor.
In the year 1216, the Londoners sending out a navy, took ninety-five ships of pirates and sea-robbers; besides innumerable others that they drowned, which had robbed on the river of Thames.
In 1216, the people of London sent out a navy and captured ninety-five ships of pirates and sea-robbers, as well as countless others that they sank after those ships had stolen from the River Thames.
In the year 1247, Simon Fitzmary, one of the sheriffs of London, founded the hospital of St. Mary called Bethlem, and without Bishopsgate.
In 1247, Simon Fitzmary, one of the sheriffs of London, established the hospital of St. Mary known as Bethlem, located outside Bishopsgate.
In the year 1283, Henry Wallice, then mayor, built the Tun upon Cornhill, to be a prison for night-walkers, and a market-house called the Stocks, both for fish and flesh, standing in the midst of the city. He also built divers houses on the west and north side of Paule’s churchyard; the profits of all which buildings are to the maintenance of London Bridge.
In 1283, Henry Wallice, who was the mayor at the time, constructed the Tun on Cornhill to serve as a prison for nighttime offenders, as well as a market house called the Stocks, designated for selling both fish and meat, located in the center of the city. He also built several houses on the west and north side of St. Paul's churchyard; the income from all these buildings is meant for the upkeep of London Bridge.
In the year 1332, William Elsing, mercer of London, founded Elsing Spittle within Cripplegate, for sustentation of an hundred poor blind men, and became himself the first prior of that hospital.
In 1332, William Elsing, a merchant from London, established Elsing Spittle in Cripplegate to support one hundred poor blind men, and he himself became the first prior of that hospital.
Sir John Poultney, draper, four times mayor, in 1337 built a fair chapel in Paule’s church, wherein he was buried. He founded a college in the parish church of St. Laurence, called Poultney: he built the parish church called Little Alhallowes, in Thames street; the Carmelite friars church in Coventry: he gave relief to prisoners in Newgate and in the Fleet, and ten shillings a-year to St. Giles’ hospital by Oldborne for ever, and other legacies long to rehearse.
Sir John Poultney, a draper and four-time mayor, built a beautiful chapel in St. Paul's church in 1337, where he was buried. He established a college in the parish church of St. Laurence, named Poultney. He constructed the parish church called Little Alhallowes on Thames Street and the Carmelite friars' church in Coventry. He provided assistance to prisoners in Newgate and the Fleet, donated ten shillings a year to St. Giles' Hospital in Oldbourne forever, and left many other legacies that would take too long to mention.
John Stodie, vintner, mayor 1358, gave to the vintners all the quadrant wherein the Vintners’ hall now standeth, with all the tenements round about, from Stadies lane, wherein is founded thirteen alms houses for so many poor people, etc.
John Stodie, a wine merchant and mayor in 1358, granted the wine sellers all the land where the Vintners’ hall currently stands, along with all the surrounding properties, from Stadies lane, where thirteen alms houses were established for as many poor people, etc.
Henry Picard, vintner, mayor 1357, in the year 1363, did in one day sumptuously feast Edward III., king of England, John, king of France, David, king of Scots, the king of Cyprus, then all in England, Edward, prince of Wales, with many other noblemen, and after kept his hall for all comers that were willing to play at dice and hazard. The Lady Margaret, his wife, kept her chamber to the same effect, etc.
Henry Picard, winemaker, mayor in 1357, in 1363, hosted an extravagant feast for Edward III, king of England, John, king of France, David, king of Scots, the king of Cyprus, and many other nobles, including Edward, prince of Wales. Afterward, he opened his hall for anyone who wanted to play dice and gamble. Lady Margaret, his wife, did the same in her chamber, etc.
John Lofken, fishmonger, four times mayor, 1367, built an[98] hospital called Magdalen’s, in Kingstone upon Thames; gave thereunto nine tenements, ten shops, one mill, one hundred and twenty-five acres of land, ten acres of meadow, one hundred and twenty acres of pasture, etc.; more, in London, he built the fair parish church of St. Michael in Crooked lane, and was there buried.
John Lofken, fishmonger and four-time mayor in 1367, built a[98] hospital called Magdalen’s in Kingstone upon Thames. He donated nine tenements, ten shops, one mill, one hundred and twenty-five acres of land, ten acres of meadow, one hundred and twenty acres of pasture, and more. In London, he also constructed the beautiful parish church of St. Michael in Crooked Lane, where he was later buried.
John Barnes, mayor 1371, gave a chest with three locks, and one thousand marks therein, to be lent to young men upon sufficient pawn, and for the use thereof, to say De profundis, or Pater noster, and no more: he also was a great builder of St. Thomas Apostle’s parish church, as appeareth by his arms there, both in stone and glass.
John Barnes, mayor in 1371, donated a chest with three locks and one thousand marks inside, to be lent to young men who could provide sufficient collateral. In return for the use of the money, they were to say De profundis or Pater noster, nothing more. He was also a significant builder of St. Thomas Apostle’s parish church, as shown by his coat of arms displayed there, both in stone and glass.
In the year 1378, John Filpot, sometime mayor, hired with his own money one thousand soldiers, and defended the realm from incursions of the enemy, so that in small time his hired men took John Mercer, a sea-rover, with all his ships, which he before had taken from Scarborrow, and fifteen Spanish ships, laden with great riches.
In 1378, John Filpot, a former mayor, used his own money to hire a thousand soldiers and defended the kingdom against enemy attacks. In a short time, his hired men captured John Mercer, a pirate, along with all his ships that he had previously taken from Scarborough, as well as fifteen Spanish ships filled with valuable treasures.
In the year 1380, Thomas of Woodstocke, Thomas Percie, Hugh Calverley, Robert Knoles, and others, being sent with a great power to aid the duke of Brytaine, the said John Filpot hired ships for them of his own charges, and released the armour, which the soldiers had pawned for their battles, more than a thousand in number. “This most noble citizen,” saith Thomas Walsingham, “that had travailed for the commodity of the whole realm, more than all other of his time, had often relieved the king by lending him great sums of money and otherwise, deceased in A.D. 1384, after that he had assured lands to the city for the relief of thirteen poor people for ever.”
In 1380, Thomas of Woodstock, Thomas Percy, Hugh Calverley, Robert Knoles, and others were sent with a large force to support the Duke of Brittany. John Filpot financed ships for them out of his own pocket and redeemed the armor that the soldiers had pawned for their battles, totaling over a thousand pieces. “This most noble citizen,” says Thomas Walsingham, “who worked for the benefit of the entire realm more than anyone else of his time, frequently helped the king by lending him large sums of money and in other ways, passed away in AD 1384, after securing lands for the city to support thirteen poor people forever.”
In the year 1381, William Walworth, then mayor, a most provident, valiant, and learned citizen, did by his arrest of Wat Tyler (a presumptuous rebel, upon whom no man durst lay hands), deliver the king and kingdom from the danger of most wicked traitors, and was for his service knighted in the field.
In 1381, William Walworth, who was the mayor at the time, a very wise, brave, and educated citizen, arrested Wat Tyler (a bold rebel whom no one dared to touch), saving the king and the kingdom from the threat of evil traitors, and he was knighted on the battlefield for his service.
Nicholas Brembar, John Filpot, Robert Laund, Nicholas Twiford, and Adam Francis, aldermen, were then for their service likewise knighted; and Sir Robert Knoles, for assisting of the mayor, was made free of this city.
Nicholas Brembar, John Filpot, Robert Laund, Nicholas Twiford, and Adam Francis, aldermen, were then knighted for their service; and Sir Robert Knoles, for helping the mayor, was granted freedom of this city.
This Sir Robert Knoles, thus worthily infranchised a citizen, founded a college with an hospital at Pontefract: he also built the great stone bridge at Rochester, over the river of Medway, etc.
This Sir Robert Knoles, having honorably earned his citizenship, established a college with a hospital at Pontefract; he also constructed the large stone bridge at Rochester, over the River Medway, etc.
John Churchman, grocer, one of the sheriffs, 1386, for the[99] quiet of merchants, built a certain house upon Wool wharf, in Tower ward, to serve for tronage or weighing of wools, and for the customer, comptroller, clerks, and other officers to sit, etc.
John Churchman, a grocer and one of the sheriffs in 1386, built a house on Wool Wharf in Tower Ward for the purpose of weighing wool and providing a place for the customer, comptroller, clerks, and other officials to meet, etc.
Adam Bamme, goldsmith, mayor 1391, in a great dearth, procured corn from parts beyond the seas, to be brought hither in such abundance as sufficed to serve the city, and the countries near adjoining; to the furtherance of which good work he took out of the orphans’ chest in the Guildhall two thousand marks to buy the said corn, and each alderman laid out twenty pounds to the like purpose.
Adam Bamme, a goldsmith and mayor in 1391, during a severe famine, arranged for grain to be imported from overseas to ensure there was enough to feed the city and the surrounding areas. To support this effort, he withdrew two thousand marks from the orphans' fund in the Guildhall to purchase the grain, and each alderman contributed twenty pounds for the same cause.
Thomas Knoles, grocer, mayor 1400, with his brethren the aldermen, began to new build the Guildhall in London, and instead of an old little cottage in Aldermanberie street, made a fair and goodly house, more near unto St. Laurence church in the Jurie: he re-edified St. Anthony’s church, and gave to the grocers his house near unto the same, for relief of the poor for ever. More, he caused sweet water to be conveyed to the gates of Newgate and Ludgate, for relief of the prisoners there.
Thomas Knoles, a grocer and mayor in 1400, along with his fellow aldermen, started to rebuild the Guildhall in London. Instead of a small old cottage on Aldermanbury Street, they created a beautiful and impressive house closer to St. Laurence Church in the Jury. He also restored St. Anthony’s Church and donated his house nearby to the grocers to support the poor forever. Additionally, he arranged for fresh water to be brought to the gates of Newgate and Ludgate to help the prisoners there.
John Hinde, draper, mayor 1405, newly built his parish church of St. Swithen by London stone: his monument is defaced, save only his arms in the glass windows.
John Hinde, a cloth merchant and mayor in 1405, recently constructed his parish church of St. Swithen near London Stone; his monument is damaged, with only his coat of arms remaining in the stained glass windows.
Thomas Falconar, mercer, mayor 1414, lent to King Henry VI., towards maintenance of his wars in France, ten thousand marks upon jewels. More, he made the postern called Mooregate, caused the ditches of the city to be cleansed, and did many other things for good of the same city.
Thomas Falconar, a merchant, who was mayor in 1414, lent King Henry VI. ten thousand marks worth of jewels to support his wars in France. Additionally, he built the postern known as Mooregate, had the city’s ditches cleaned, and did many other things for the benefit of the city.
William Sevenoke, grocer, mayor 1419, founded in the town of Sevenoke, in Kent, a free school for poor men’s children, and thirteen alms houses: his testament saith, twenty poor men and women.
William Sevenoke, a grocer and mayor in 1419, established a free school for the children of the poor in the town of Sevenoke, Kent, and built thirteen almshouses; his will states that twenty poor men and women should benefit.
Richard Whittington, mercer, three times mayor, in the year 1421 began the library of the grey friars in London, to the charge of four hundred pounds: his executors with his goods founded and built Whittington college, with alms houses for thirteen poor men, and divinity lectures to be read there for ever. They repaired St. Bartholomew’s hospital in Smithfield; they bare some charges to the glazing and paving of the Guildhall; they bare half the charges of building the library there, and they built the west gate of London, of old time called Newgate, etc.
Richard Whittington, a mercer and three-time mayor, started the library of the Grey Friars in London in 1421 at a cost of four hundred pounds. His executors, with his assets, established and constructed Whittington College, along with almshouses for thirteen poor men, and ensured that theology lectures would be held there forever. They fixed up St. Bartholomew’s Hospital in Smithfield, covered some expenses for the glazing and paving of the Guildhall, paid half the costs for building the library there, and constructed the west gate of London, formerly known as Newgate, etc.
John Carpenter, town-clerk of London, in the reign of Henry V., caused with great expense to be curiously painted upon board, about the north cloister of Paule’s, a monument of[100] Death leading all estates, with the speeches of Death, and answer of every state. This cloister was pulled down 1549. He also gave tenements to the city, for the finding and bringing up of four poor men’s children with meat, drink, apparel, learning at the schools in the universities, etc., until they be preferred, and then other in their places for ever.
John Carpenter, the town clerk of London during the reign of Henry V, had a costly mural painted on wood in the north cloister of St. Paul's. It depicted Death leading all classes of society, along with dialogues from Death and responses from each class. This cloister was demolished in 1549. He also donated properties to the city to support four poor children with food, drink, clothing, and education at universities until they secured positions, and then others would take their places forever.
Robert Chichley, grocer, mayor 1422, appointed by his testament, that on his minde day, a competent dinner should be ordained for two thousand four hundred poor men, householders of this city, and every man to have two pence in money. More, he gave one large plot of ground, thereupon to build the new parish church of St. Stephen, near unto Walbrooke, etc.
Robert Chichley, grocer and mayor in 1422, stated in his will that on the day of his burial, a proper dinner should be arranged for two thousand four hundred poor men, who are householders in this city, and each man should receive two pence in cash. Additionally, he donated a large piece of land for the construction of the new parish church of St. Stephen, close to Walbrooke, etc.
John Rainwell, fishmonger, mayor 1427, gave tenements to discharge certain wards of London of fifteenths and other payments.
John Rainwell, fishmonger and mayor in 1427, donated properties to relieve specific wards of London from fifteenths and other payments.
John Wells, grocer, mayor, 1433, a great builder of the chapel or college of the Guildhall, and was there buried. He caused fresh water to be conveyed from Tyborne to the standard in West Cheape for service of the city.
John Wells, grocer and mayor in 1433, was a significant builder of the chapel or college at the Guildhall, where he was buried. He arranged for fresh water to be brought from Tyborne to the fountain in West Cheape for the city's use.
William Eastfield, mercer, 1438, appointed his executors of his goods to convey sweet water from Tyborne, and to build a fair conduit by Aldermanberie church, which they performed, as also made a standard in Fleet street by Shew lane end; they also conveyed water to Cripples gate, etc.
William Eastfield, a merchant, in 1438, appointed his executors to transport fresh water from Tyborne and to build a nice water conduit near Aldermanbury church, which they accomplished, and they also created a water stand in Fleet Street at the end of Shew Lane; they also supplied water to Cripplegate, etc.
Stephen Browne, grocer, mayor 1439, sent into Prussia, causing corn to be brought from thence;[120] whereby he brought down the price of wheat from three shillings the bushel to less than half that money.
Stephen Browne, a grocer and mayor in 1439, sent for grain from Prussia, which led to a drop in the price of wheat from three shillings a bushel to under half that amount.[120]
Philip Malpas, one of the sheriffs 1440, gave by his testament one hundred and twenty-five pounds, to relieve poor prisoners, and every year for five years, four hundred shirts and smocks, forty pairs of sheets, and one hundred and fifty gowns of frieze, to the poor; to five hundred poor people in London six shillings and eight pence; to poor maids’ marriages one hundred marks; to highways one hundred marks; twenty marks the year to a graduate to preach; twenty pounds to preachers at the Spittle the three Easter holidays, etc.
Philip Malpas, one of the sheriffs in 1440, left in his will one hundred and twenty-five pounds to help poor prisoners, and each year for five years, he provided four hundred shirts and smocks, forty pairs of sheets, and one hundred and fifty gowns made of frieze for the poor; he gave six shillings and eight pence to five hundred poor people in London; one hundred marks for the marriages of poor maidens; one hundred marks for the upkeep of highways; twenty marks each year to a graduate to preach; and twenty pounds to preachers at Spittle during the three Easter holidays, etc.
Robert Large, mercer, mayor 1440, gave to his parish-church of St. Olave in Surry two hundred pounds; to St. Margaret’s in Lothberie twenty-five pounds; to the poor twenty pounds; to London bridge one hundred marks; towards the vaulting over the water-course of Walbrooke two hundred marks; to[101] poor maids’ marriages one hundred marks; to poor householders one hundred pounds, etc.
Robert Large, a merchant and mayor in 1440, donated two hundred pounds to his parish church of St. Olave in Surrey; twenty-five pounds to St. Margaret's in Lothbury; twenty pounds to the poor; one hundred marks to London Bridge; two hundred marks for the vaulting over the watercourse of Walbrooke; one hundred marks for the marriages of poor maids; one hundred pounds to help poor households, and so on.
Richard Rich, mercer, one of the sheriffs 1442, founded alms houses at Hodsdon in Hertfordshire.
Richard Rich, a merchant, one of the sheriffs in 1442, established charity houses in Hodsdon, Hertfordshire.
Simon Eyre, draper, mayor 1346, built the Leaden hall for a common garner of corn for the use of this city, and left five thousand marks to charitable uses.
Simon Eyre, a draper and mayor in 1346, constructed the Leaden Hall as a public granary for the city's use and bequeathed five thousand marks for charitable purposes.
Godfrey Bollein, mayor of London, 1458, by his testament, gave liberally to the prisons, hospitals, and lazar houses, besides a thousand pounds to poor householders in London, and two hundred pounds to poor householders in Norfolke.[121]
Godfrey Bollein, mayor of London, 1458, in his will, generously donated to the prisons, hospitals, and leper houses, as well as one thousand pounds to struggling families in London, and two hundred pounds to low-income families in Norfolk.[121]
Richard Rawson, one of the sheriffs 1477, gave by testament large legacies to the prisoners, hospitals, lazar houses, to other poor, to highways, to the water-conduits, besides to poor maids’ marriages three hundred and forty pounds, and his executors to build a large house in the churchyard of St. Marie Spittle, wherein the mayor and his brethren do use to sit and hear the sermons in the Easter holidays.
Richard Rawson, one of the sheriffs in 1477, left in his will significant legacies to prisoners, hospitals, leper houses, and other needy individuals, to improve roads, and for water supply, as well as three hundred and forty pounds for the marriages of poor maidens. He also instructed his executors to build a large house in the churchyard of St. Marie Spittle, where the mayor and his fellow officials gather to listen to sermons during the Easter holidays.
Thomas Ilam, one of the sheriffs 1480, newly built the great conduit in Cheape, of his own charges.
Thomas Ilam, one of the sheriffs in 1480, built the large conduit in Cheape at his own expense.
Edward Shaw, goldsmith, mayor 1483, caused the Cripplegate of London to be newly built of his goods, etc.
Edward Shaw, a goldsmith and the mayor in 1483, funded the rebuilding of Cripplegate in London with his own resources, among other contributions.
Thomas Hill, grocer, mayor 1485, caused of his goods the conduit of Grasse street to be built.
Thomas Hill, a grocer and mayor in 1485, used his resources to construct the conduit on Grasse Street.
Hugh Clopton, mercer, during his life a bachelor, mayor 1492, built the great stone-arched bridge at Stratford upon Avon in Warwickshire, and did many other things of great charity, as in my Summary.
Hugh Clopton, a merchant, who was a bachelor throughout his life and served as mayor in 1492, built the impressive stone-arched bridge in Stratford upon Avon in Warwickshire, and did many other charitable deeds, as mentioned in my Summary.
Robert Fabian, alderman, and one of the sheriffs, 1494, gathered out of divers good authors, as well Latin as French, a large Chronicle of England and of France, which he published in English, to his great charges, for the honour of this city, and common utility of the whole realm.
Robert Fabian, an alderman and one of the sheriffs in 1494, gathered information from various respected sources, both Latin and French, to create a comprehensive Chronicle of England and France. He published it in English at great expense, with the aim of honoring this city and serving the common good of the entire realm.
Sir John Percivall, merchant-taylor, mayor 1498, founded a grammar-school at Macklefield in Cheshire, where he was born; he endowed the same school with sufficient lands for the finding of a priest master there, to teach freely all children thither sent, without exception.
Sir John Percivall, a merchant-taylor and mayor in 1498, established a grammar school in Macklefield, Cheshire, where he was born. He provided the school with enough land to support a priest master who would teach all children sent there for free, without exception.
The Lady Thomasine his wife founded the like free school, together with fair lodgings for the schoolmasters, scholars, and[102] other, and added twenty pounds of yearly revenue for supporting the charges, at St. Mary Wike in Devonshire, where she was born.
The Lady Thomasine, his wife, established a similar free school, along with nice accommodations for the teachers, students, and [102] others. She also contributed twenty pounds a year to cover expenses in St. Mary Wike, Devonshire, where she was born.
Stephen Gennings, merchant-taylor, mayor 1509, founded a fair grammar-school at Ulfrimhampton[122] in Staffordshire, left good lands, and also built a great part of his parish church, called St. Andrew’s Undershaft, in London.
Stephen Gennings, a merchant tailor and mayor in 1509, established a fair grammar school in Ulfrimhampton[122] in Staffordshire. He donated valuable lands and also constructed a significant portion of his parish church, known as St. Andrew’s Undershaft, in London.
Henry Keble, grocer, mayor 1511, in his life a great benefactor to the new building of old Mary church, and by his testament gave a thousand pounds towards the finishing thereof; he gave to highways two hundred pounds; to poor maids’ marriages one hundred marks; to poor husbandmen in Oxford and Warwick shires one hundred and forty ploughshares, and one hundred and forty coulters of iron; and in London, to seven almsmen six pence the week for ever.
Henry Keble, a grocer and mayor in 1511, was a significant benefactor for the new construction of the old Mary church, and in his will, he left a thousand pounds to help complete it. He donated two hundred pounds for roads; one hundred marks for the marriages of poor maidens; one hundred and forty ploughshares and one hundred and forty iron coulters for struggling farmers in Oxford and Warwick shires; and in London, he provided six pence a week for life to seven almsmen.
John Collet, a citizen of London by birth and dignity, dean of Paule’s, doctor of divinity, erected and built one free school in Paule’s churchyard, 1512, for three hundred and fifty-three poor men’s children to be taught free in the same school, appointing a master, a surmaster, and a chaplain, with sufficient stipends to endure for ever, and committed the oversight thereof to the mercers in London, because himself was son to Henry Collet, mercer, mayor of London, and endowed the mercers with lands to the yearly value of one hundred and twenty pounds or better.
John Collet, a citizen of London by birth and rank, dean of Paul’s, and a doctor of divinity, established a free school in Paul’s churchyard in 1512 for three hundred and fifty-three poor children's education. He appointed a headmaster, a second master, and a chaplain, providing them with sufficient salaries to last forever, and placed the school's oversight under the mercers in London, as he was the son of Henry Collet, a mercer and former mayor of London. He also endowed the mercers with lands valued at one hundred and twenty pounds a year or more.
John Tate, brewer, then a mercer, mayor 1514, caused his brewhouse, called the Swan, near adjoining to the hospital of St. Anthonie in London, to be taken down for the enlarging of the said church, then newly built, a great part of his charge. This was a goodly foundation, with alms houses, free school, etc.
John Tate, who was a brewer and later a mercer, served as mayor in 1514. He had his brewhouse, known as the Swan, which was located next to St. Anthony’s Hospital in London, torn down to make way for the expansion of the newly built church, which was a significant part of his investment. This was a remarkable foundation, complete with almshouses, a free school, and more.
George Monox, draper, mayor 1515, re-edified the decayed parish church of Waltonstow, or Walthamstow, in Essex; he founded there a free school, and alms houses for thirteen alms people, made a causeway of timber over the marshes from Walthamstow to Lock bridge, etc.
George Monox, a draper and mayor in 1515, rebuilt the deteriorating parish church of Waltonstow, or Walthamstow, in Essex. He established a free school there and created almshouses for thirteen people in need. He also constructed a timber causeway over the marshes from Walthamstow to Lock bridge, among other things.
Sir John Milborne, draper, mayor 1522, built alms houses, fourteen in number, by the Crossed Friers church in London, there to be placed fourteen poor people; and left to the Drapers certain messuages, tenements, and garden plots, in the parish of St. Olave in Hart street, for the performance of stipends to the said alms people, and other uses. Look more in Ealdgate ward.
Sir John Milborne, a draper and the mayor in 1522, built fourteen almshouses near the Crossed Friars church in London to accommodate fourteen poor people. He also gave certain houses, properties, and garden plots in the parish of St. Olave on Hart Street to the Drapers to provide stipends for the almshouse residents and for other purposes. For more information, check Ealdgate ward.
Robert Thorne, merchant-taylor, deceased a bachelor in the[103] year 1532, gave by his testament to charitable actions more than four thousand four hundred and forty pounds, and legacies to his poor kindred more five thousand one hundred and forty-two pounds, besides his debts forgiven, etc.
Robert Thorne, a merchant tailor, passed away single in the[103] year 1532. In his will, he donated over four thousand four hundred and forty pounds to charity and left legacies totaling five thousand one hundred and forty-two pounds to his less fortunate relatives, in addition to forgiving his debts, etc.
Sir John Allen, mercer, mayor of London, and of council to King Henry VIII., deceased 1544, buried in St. Thomas of Acres in a fair chapel by him built. He gave to the city of London a rich collar of gold to be worn by the mayor, which was first worn by Sir W. Laxton. He gave five hundred marks to be a stock for sea-coal; his lands purchased of the king, the rent thereof to be distributed to the poor in the wards of London for ever. He gave besides to the prisons, hospitals, lazar houses, and all other poor in the city, or two miles without, very liberally, and long to be recited.
Sir John Allen, a merchant, mayor of London, and advisor to King Henry VIII, passed away in 1544 and was buried in St. Thomas of Acres in a beautiful chapel that he built. He gifted the city of London an ornate gold collar to be worn by the mayor, which was first worn by Sir W. Laxton. He donated five hundred marks to establish a fund for sea coal; the rents from his lands purchased from the king were to be distributed to the poor in the wards of London forever. He also generously contributed to prisons, hospitals, leprosy houses, and all other poor in the city or within two miles, with his donations being too numerous to list.
Sir William Laxton, grocer, mayor 1545, founded a fair free school at Owndale in Northamptonshire, with six alms houses for the poor.
Sir William Laxton, a grocer and mayor in 1545, established a free school at Owndale in Northamptonshire, along with six almshouses for the poor.
Sir John Gresham, mercer, mayor 1548, founded a free school at Holt, a market-town in Norfolk.
Sir John Gresham, a merchant, mayor in 1548, started a free school in Holt, a market town in Norfolk.
Sir Rowland Hill, mercer, mayor 1550, caused to be made divers causeways both for horse and man; he made four bridges, two of stone, containing eighteen arches in them both; he built one notable free school at Drayton in Shropshire; he gave to Christ’s hospital in London five hundred pounds, etc.
Sir Rowland Hill, a merchant and mayor in 1550, ordered the construction of several pathways for both horses and people. He built four bridges, two of which were made of stone and had eighteen arches combined. He established an important free school in Drayton, Shropshire, and donated five hundred pounds to Christ’s Hospital in London, among other contributions.
Sir Andrew Jud, skinner, mayor 1551, erected one notable free school at Tunbridge in Kent, and alms houses nigh St. Helen’s church in London, and left to the Skinners lands to the value of sixty pounds three shillings and eight pence the year; for the which they be bound to pay twenty pounds to the schoolmaster, eight pounds to the usher, yearly, for ever, and four-shillings the week to the six alms people, and twenty-five shillings and four pence the year in coals for ever.
Sir Andrew Jud, a skinner and mayor in 1551, established a notable free school in Tunbridge, Kent, and built alms houses near St. Helen’s church in London. He also gave the Skinners' lands valued at sixty pounds, three shillings, and eight pence a year; in return, they are required to pay twenty pounds to the schoolmaster, eight pounds to the usher each year forever, four shillings a week to the six alms people, and twenty-five shillings and four pence a year for coal forever.
Sir Thomas White, merchant-taylor, mayor 1554, founded St. John’s college, Oxford, and gave great sums of money to divers towns in England for relief of the poor, as in my Summary.
Sir Thomas White, a merchant tailor and mayor in 1554, established St. John’s College, Oxford, and donated large amounts of money to various towns in England to help the poor, as noted in my Summary.
Edward Hall, gentleman, of Gray’s inn, a citizen by birth and office, as common sergeant of London, and one of the judges in the Sheriffs’ court; he wrote and published a famous and eloquent chronicle, entitled, “The Uniting of the Two noble Families, Lancaster and Yorke.”
Edward Hall, a gentleman from Gray’s Inn, was a citizen by birth and also served as the common sergeant of London and one of the judges in the Sheriffs’ court. He wrote and published a well-known and eloquent chronicle called “The Uniting of the Two Noble Families, Lancaster and York.”
Richard Hils, merchant-taylor, 1560, gave five hundred pounds towards the purchase of a house called the manor of the Rose, wherein the merchant-taylors founded their free school[104] in London; he also gave to the said merchant-taylors one plot of ground, with certain small cottages on the Tower hill, where he built fair alms houses for fourteen sole women.
Richard Hils, a merchant-taylor, in 1560, donated five hundred pounds to buy a house known as the manor of the Rose, where the merchant-taylors established their free school[104] in London. He also gave the merchant-taylors a plot of land with a few small cottages on Tower Hill, where he built nice almshouses for fourteen single women.
About the same time William Lambert, Esq., born in London, a justice of the peace in Kent, founded a college for the poor which he named of Queen Elizabeth, in East Greenwich.
About the same time, William Lambert, Esq., who was born in London and served as a justice of the peace in Kent, established a college for the poor that he named after Queen Elizabeth, in East Greenwich.
William Harper, merchant-taylor, mayor 1562, founded a free school in the town of Bedford, where he was born, and also buried.
William Harper, a merchant tailor and mayor in 1562, established a free school in the town of Bedford, where he was born and also laid to rest.
Sir Thomas Gresham, mercer, 1566, built the Royal Exchange in London, and by his testament left his dwelling house in Bishopsgate street to be a place for readings, allowing large stipends to the readers, and certain alms houses for the poor.
Sir Thomas Gresham, a merchant, built the Royal Exchange in London in 1566, and in his will, he left his home on Bishopsgate Street to be used for readings, providing generous payments to the readers, along with some almshouses for the poor.
William Patten, gentleman, a citizen by birth, a customer of London outward, justice of peace in Middlesex, the parish church of Stokenewenton being ruinous, he repaired, or rather new built.
William Patten, a gentleman and born citizen, a customer of London outward, justice of the peace in Middlesex, took on the task of repairing or rather rebuilding the parish church of Stokenewenton, which was in ruins.
Sir Thomas Roo, merchant-taylor, mayor 1568, gave to the merchant-taylors lands or tenements, out of them to be given to ten poor men, cloth-workers, carpenters, tilers, plasterers, and armourers, forty pounds yearly, namely, four pounds to each, also one hundred pounds to be lent to eight poor men; besides he enclosed with a wall of brick nigh one acre of ground, pertaining to the hospital of Bethlem, to be a burial for the dead.
Sir Thomas Roo, a merchant-taylor and mayor in 1568, donated land or properties to the merchant-taylors to provide annual support of forty pounds to ten poor men, including cloth workers, carpenters, tilers, plasterers, and armorers, with each receiving four pounds. He also allocated one hundred pounds to be loaned to eight poor men. Additionally, he enclosed nearly an acre of land belonging to the Bethlem hospital with a brick wall to serve as a burial ground.
Ambrose Nicholas, salter, mayor 1576, founded twelve alms houses in Monke’s well street, near unto Creple’s gate, wherein he placed twelve poor people, having each of them seven pence the week, and once every year five sacks of coals, and one quarter of a hundred faggots, all of his gift for ever.
Ambrose Nicholas, a salt merchant and mayor in 1576, established twelve charity houses on Monke’s Well Street, close to Creple’s Gate, where he accommodated twelve poor individuals. Each received seven pence a week, and once a year, they received five sacks of coal and a quarter of a hundred bundles of firewood, all provided by him forever.
William Lambe, gentleman and clothworker, in the year 1577, built a water-conduit at Oldborne cross to his charges of fifteen hundred pounds, and did many other charitable acts, as in my Summary.
William Lambe, a gentleman and clothworker, built a water conduit at Oldborne Cross in 1577 at his expense of fifteen hundred pounds and performed many other charitable acts, as noted in my Summary.
Sir T. Offley, merchant-taylor, mayor, deceased 1580, appointed by his testament the one half of all his goods, and two hundred pounds deducted out of the other half given to his son Henry, to be given and bestowed in deeds of charity by his executors, according to his confidence and trust in them.
Sir T. Offley, merchant tailor, former mayor, passed away in 1580. In his will, he designated half of all his assets, and two hundred pounds deducted from the other half to be given to his son Henry, to be used for charitable deeds by his executors, based on their confidence and trust in them.
John Haydon, sheriff 1583, gave large legacies, more than three thousand pounds, for the relief of the poor, as in my Summary.
John Haydon, sheriff in 1583, left large legacies totaling over three thousand pounds for helping the poor, as mentioned in my Summary.
Barnard Randolph, common sergeant of London 1583, gave and delivered with his own hand, nine hundred pounds towards[105] the building of water-conduits, which was performed. More, by testament he gave one thousand pounds to be employed in charitable actions; but that money being in hold fast hands, I have not heard how it was bestowed, more than of other good men’s testaments—to be performed.
Barnard Randolph, a common sergeant of London in 1583, personally contributed nine hundred pounds towards[105] the construction of water conduits, which was completed. Additionally, through his will, he donated one thousand pounds to be used for charitable purposes; however, since that money is tied up, I haven't heard how it was allocated, apart from what happens with other good people's wills—to be fulfilled.
Sir Wolston Dixie, skinner, mayor 1586, founded a free school at Bosworth, and endowed it with twenty pounds land by year.
Sir Wolston Dixie, a skinner and mayor in 1586, established a free school in Bosworth and funded it with twenty pounds worth of land each year.
Richard May, merchant-taylor, gave three hundred pounds toward the new building of Blackwell hall in London, a market-place for woollen cloths.
Richard May, a merchant tailor, donated three hundred pounds for the construction of Blackwell hall in London, a marketplace for woolen fabrics.
John Fuller, Esq., one of the judges in the sheriffs’ court of London, by his testament, dated 1592, appointed his wife, her heirs and assigns, after his decease, to erect one alms house in the parish of Stikoneth,[123] for twelve poor single men, aged fifty years or upwards, and one other alms house in Shoreditch, for twelve poor aged widow women of like age, she to endow them with one hundred pounds the year, to wit, fifty pounds to each for ever, out of his lands in Lincolne shire, assured ever unto certain fiefs in trust, by a deed of feoffment. Item: more, he gave his messuages, lands, and tenements, lying in the parishes of St. Benet and St. Peter, by Powle’s wharf in London, to feoffees in trust, yearly for ever, to disburse all the issues and profits of the said lands and tenements, to the relieving and discharge of poor prisoners in the Hole, or two penny wards in the two compters in London, in equal portions to each compter, so that the prisoners exceed not the sum of twenty-six shillings and eight pence for every one prisoner at any one time.
John Fuller, Esq., one of the judges in the sheriffs’ court of London, in his will dated 1592, directed his wife, her heirs, and assigns, after his death, to build one almshouse in the parish of Stikoneth, [123] for twelve poor single men aged fifty or older, and another almshouse in Shoreditch for twelve poor aged widow women of the same age. He instructed her to fund them with one hundred pounds a year, namely, fifty pounds each for life, sourced from his lands in Lincolnshire, which were permanently assigned to certain beneficiaries in trust through a deed of feoffment. Additionally, he bequeathed his houses, lands, and properties located in the parishes of St. Benet and St. Peter by Paul’s Wharf in London to trustees, who were to distribute all the income and profits from these lands and properties annually forever, to help relieve and support poor prisoners in the Hole or the two-penny wards in the two Compters in London, in equal shares to each Compter, ensuring that no individual prisoner exceeded a sum of twenty-six shillings and eight pence at any one time.
Thus much for famous citizens have I noted their charitable actions, for the most part done by them in their lifetime. The residue left in trust to their executors, I have known some of them hardly (or never) performed; wherefore I wish men to make their own hands their executors, and their eyes their overseers, not forgetting the old proverb:—
Thus much for famous citizens I have noted their charitable actions, mostly done in their lifetime. The leftover contributions left in trust to their executors, I have seen some of them hardly (or never) fulfilled; therefore, I wish people to make their own hands their executors, and their eyes their overseers, not forgetting the old proverb:—
Executors are greedy and take whatever they come across.
If anyone asks where the belongings of the dead went, They answered, "By God, help me, and the holy dome, he died a poor man."
One worthy citizen merchant-taylor, having many years considered this proverb foregoing, hath therefore established to twelve poor aged men, merchant-taylors, six pounds two shillings to each yearly for ever. He hath also given them gowns of good[106] broad cloth, lined thoroughly with bays, and are to receive every three years’ end the like new gowns for ever.
One good citizen, a merchant-taylor, having thought about this saying for many years, has set up an annual donation of six pounds two shillings for each of twelve poor elderly men, who are also merchant-taylors, to receive forever. He has also provided them with quality broadcloth gowns, lined thoroughly with a soft fabric, and they will get new gowns every three years from now on.
And now of some women, citizens’ wives, deserving memory, for example to posterity shall be noted.
And now, let's remember some women, wives of citizens, who deserve to be remembered, so that future generations will know their contributions.
Dame Agnes Foster, widow, sometime wife to Stephen Foster, fishmonger, mayor 1455, having enlarged the prison of Ludgate in 1463, procured in a common council of this city, certain articles to be established for the ease, comfort, and relief of poor prisoners there, as in the chapter of gates I have set down.
Dame Agnes Foster, a widow who was once married to Stephen Foster, a fishmonger and the mayor in 1455, expanded the Ludgate prison in 1463. She arranged for a city council meeting where specific rules were established to ensure the comfort and relief of the poor prisoners there, as detailed in the chapter on gates.
Avise Gibson, wife unto Nicholas Gibson, grocer, one of the sheriffs 1539, by license of her husband, founded a free school at Radclyffe, near unto London, appointing to the same, for the instruction of sixty poor men’s children, a schoolmaster and usher with fifty pounds; she also built alms houses for fourteen poor aged persons, each of them to receive quarterly six shillings and eight pence the piece for ever; the government of which free school and alms houses she left in confidence to the Coopers in London. This virtuous gentlewoman was after joined in marriage with Sir Anthony Knevet, knight, and so called the Lady Knevet; a fair painted table of her picture was placed in the chapel which she had built there, but of late removed thence, by the like reason as the Grocer’s arms fixed on the outer wall of the schoolhouse are pulled down, and the Coopers set in place.[124]
Avise Gibson, wife of Nicholas Gibson, a grocer and one of the sheriffs in 1539, with her husband's permission, established a free school in Radclyffe, near London. She arranged for a schoolmaster and an assistant to educate sixty poor children's children with a fund of fifty pounds. Additionally, she built almshouses for fourteen elderly people, each of whom would receive six shillings and eight pence every quarter for life. She entrusted the management of the school and almshouses to the Coopers in London. This virtuous woman later married Sir Anthony Knevet, becoming known as Lady Knevet. A painted portrait of her was placed in the chapel she built, but it was recently removed, similar to how the Grocer's arms on the schoolhouse wall were taken down and replaced by the Coopers. [124]
Margaret Danne, widow to William Danne, ironmonger, one of the sheriffs of London, gave by her testament to the ironmongers, two thousand pounds, to be lent to young men of that company, paying after the rate of five pounds in the year for every hundred; which one hundred pounds so rising yearly, to be employed on charitable actions, as she then appointed, but not performed in more than thirty years after.
Margaret Danne, widow of William Danne, an ironmonger and one of the sheriffs of London, left in her will two thousand pounds to the ironmongers. This money was to be lent to young men in that company, charging an interest rate of five pounds a year for every hundred pounds. The interest earned each year was meant to be used for charitable purposes, as she specified, but those plans were not carried out for over thirty years.
Dame Mary Ramsey, wife to Sir Thomas Ramsey, mayor about the year 1577, being seised of lands in fee simple of her inheritance to the yearly value of two hundred and forty-three pounds, by his consent gave the same to Christ’s hospital in London towards the relief of poor children there, and other ways, as in my Summary and Abridgment I have long since expressed; which gift she in her widowhood confirmed and augmented, as is showed by monuments in Christ’s hospital erected.
Dame Mary Ramsey, wife of Sir Thomas Ramsey, who was the mayor around 1577, owned land that was worth two hundred and forty-three pounds a year due to her inheritance. With his consent, she donated this land to Christ’s Hospital in London to help poor children and for other purposes, as I explained in my Summary and Abridgment. After becoming a widow, she confirmed and increased her donation, as shown by the monuments erected at Christ’s Hospital.
Thus much for the worthiness of citizens in this city, touching[107] whom John Lidgate, a monk of Bury, in the reign of Henry VI., made (amongst other) these verses following:—
Thus much for the worthiness of citizens in this city, regarding[107] whom John Lidgate, a monk from Bury, wrote (among other things) the following verses during the reign of Henry VI.:—
Of genuine meaning and loyal observance; Of righteousness, truth, and fairness; Of stability always maintained in loyalty; And for the virtue you possess, In this land here, and in other lands as well,
"The king's customs chamber, that's what they're calling you."
Having thus in generality handled the original, the walls, gates, ditches, and fresh waters, the bridges, towers, and castles, the schools of learning and house of law, the orders and customs, sports and pastimes, watchings and martial exercises, and lastly the honour and worthiness of the citizens, I am now to set down the distribution of this city into parts; and more especially to declare the antiquities noteworthy in every of the same; and how both the whole and parts have been from time to time ruled and governed.
Having generally covered the layout of the original city, including the walls, gates, ditches, and fresh waters, as well as the bridges, towers, and castles, the schools, legal institutions, orders and customs, sports and pastimes, and the military activities and honor of the citizens, I will now detail the division of this city into sections. I will particularly highlight the notable antiquities in each part and explain how both the entire city and its sections have been governed over time.
THE CITY DIVIDED INTO PARTS
The ancient division of this city was into wards or aldermanries. And therefore I will begin at the east, and so proceed through the high and most principal street of the city to the west, after this manner.
The old layout of this city was divided into wards or neighborhoods. So, I will start in the east and then move through the main street of the city toward the west, like this.
First, through Aldgate street to the west corner of St. Andrewe’s church, called Undershaft, on the right hand, and Lyme street corner on the left; all which is of Aldgate ward; from thence through Cornhill street to the west corner of Leaden hall; all which is of Lyme street ward. From thence, leaving the street that leadeth to Bishopsgate on the right hand, and the way that leadeth into Grasse street on the left, still through Cornhill street, by the conduit to the west corner against the Stocks; all which is in Cornhill ward. Then by the said Stocks (a market-place both of fish and flesh standing in the midst of the city) through the Poultry (a street so called) to the great conduit in West Cheape, and so through Cheape to the standard, which is of Cheape ward, except on the south side from Bow-lane to the said standard, which is of Cordwayner street ward. Then by the standard to the great cross, which is in Cripplegate ward on the north side, and in Bred street ward on the south side. And to the little conduit by Paule’s gate, from whence of old time the said high street stretched straight to Ludgate, all in the ward of Faringdon within, then divided truly from east to west,[108] but since by means of the burning of Paule’s church, which was in the reign of William I., Mauricius, then bishop of London, laid the foundation of a new church, so far in largeness exceeding the old, that the way towards Ludgate was thereby greatly straitened, as before I have discoursed.
First, go through Aldgate Street to the west corner of St. Andrew’s church, known as Undershaft, on the right and Lyme Street corner on the left; all of this is part of Aldgate ward. From there, continue on Cornhill Street to the west corner by Leadenhall; all of this is within Lyme Street ward. Next, keeping the street leading to Bishopsgate on your right and the path leading into Grasse Street on your left, keep going along Cornhill Street, past the conduit to the west corner near the Stocks; all of this is in Cornhill ward. Then pass the Stocks (a marketplace for both fish and meat located in the center of the city) through Poultry (a street by that name) to the great conduit in West Cheape, and then through Cheape to the standard, which is in Cheape ward, except on the south side from Bow Lane to the standard, which is in Cordwayner Street ward. Then, from the standard to the great cross, which is in Cripplegate ward on the north side, and in Bred Street ward on the south side. And to the little conduit by Paul’s gate, from which the old high street ran straight to Ludgate, all within the Faringdon ward, then divided truly from east to west,[108] but since the burning of Paul’s church during the reign of William I, Mauricius, then bishop of London, laid the foundation of a new church, which was so much larger than the old one that the path toward Ludgate was significantly narrowed, as I have mentioned before.
Now from the north to the south this city was of old time divided, not by a large highway or street, as from east to west, but by a fair brook of sweet water, which came from out the north fields through the wall, and midst of the city, into the river of Thames; which division is till this day constantly and without change maintained. This water was called (as I have said) Walbrooke, not Galus brook of a Roman captain slain by Asclepiodatus, and thrown therein, as some have fabled, but of running through, and from the wall of this city; the course whereof, to prosecute it particularly, was and is from the said wall to St. Margaret’s church in Lothberrie; from thence beneath the lower part of the Grocers’ hall, about the east part of their kitchen, under St. Mildred’s church, somewhat west from the said Stockes’ market; from thence through Buckles berry, by one great house built of stone and timber called the Old Barge, because barges out of the river of Thames were rowed up so far into this brook, on the backside of the houses in Walbrooke street (which street taketh the name of the said brook) by the west end of St. John’s church upon Walbrooke, under Horseshew bridge, by the west side of Tallowchandler’s hall, and of the Skinner’s hall, and so behind the other houses to Elbow lane, and by a part thereof down Greenewitch lane, into the river of Thames.
Now from the north to the south, this city was historically divided, not by a big highway or street like from east to west, but by a beautiful stream of fresh water that came from the northern fields, through the wall, and through the city into the River Thames; this division has been maintained consistently and unchanged to this day. This water was called Walbrooke, not after Galus brook of a Roman captain who was killed by Asclepiodatus and thrown in, as some have claimed, but because it flows through and from the wall of this city; its path, to describe it specifically, was and is from the said wall to St. Margaret’s church in Lothberrie; from there beneath the lower part of the Grocers’ hall, around the east side of their kitchen, under St. Mildred’s church, somewhat west of the Stockes’ market; from there through Buckles berry, by a large stone and timber house called the Old Barge, because barges from the River Thames were rowed this far into the stream, behind the houses on Walbrooke street (which takes its name from the brook) by the west end of St. John’s church on Walbrooke, under Horseshew bridge, by the west side of Tallowchandler’s hall, and Skinner’s hall, and so behind the other houses to Elbow lane, and along part of it down Greenewitch lane, into the River Thames.
This is the course of Walbrooke, which was of old time bridged over in divers places, for passage of horses and men, as need required; but since, by means of encroachment on the banks thereof, the channel being greatly straitened, and other noyances done thereunto, at length the same by common consent was arched over with brick, and paved with stone, equal with the ground, where through it passed, and is now in most places built upon, that no man may by the eye discern it, and therefore the trace thereof is hardly known to the common people.
This is the course of Walbrooke, which in the past had several bridges for the passage of horses and people as needed. However, due to encroachment on its banks, the channel became significantly narrowed, and with other issues affecting it, it was eventually agreed upon to cover it with a brick arch and pave it with stone, making it level with the ground. Now, in most places, it is built over so that no one can see it, and as a result, the path is hardly recognized by ordinary people.
This city was divided from east to west, and from north to south. I am further to show how the same was of old time broken into divers parts called wards, whereof Fitzstephen, more than four hundred years since, writeth thus:—“This city, (saith he) even as Rome, is divided into wards; it hath yearly sheriffs instead of consuls. It hath the dignity of senators in[109] aldermen,” etc. The number of these wards in London was, both before and in the reign of Henry III., twenty-four in all; whereof thirteen lay on the east side of the said Walbrooke, and eleven on the west. Notwithstanding these eleven grew much more large than those of the east; and therefore in the year of Christ 1393, in the 17th of Richard II., Faringdon ward, which was then one entire ward, but mightily increased of buildings without the gates, was by act of parliament appointed to be divided into twain, and to have two aldermen, to wit, Faringdon within, and Faringdon without, which made up the number of twelve wards on the west side of Walbrooke, and so the whole number of twenty-five on both sides. Moreover, in the year 1550, the mayor, commonalty, and citizens of London, purchasing the liberties of the borough of Southwark, appointed the same to be a ward of London, and so became the number of thirteen wards on the east, twelve on the west, and one south of the river Thames, in the said borough of Southwark, in the county of Surrey, which in all arise to the number of twenty-six wards, and twenty-six aldermen of London.
This city was divided from east to west and from north to south. I will further explain how it was historically split into different parts called wards. Fitzstephen wrote about this over four hundred years ago: “This city, he said, just like Rome, is divided into wards; it has yearly sheriffs instead of consuls. It has the honor of senators in[109] aldermen,” and so on. The number of wards in London, both before and during the reign of Henry III, was twenty-four in total; thirteen were on the east side of Walbrooke, and eleven were on the west. However, these eleven were much larger than those on the east. Therefore, in the year 1393, during the 17th of Richard II, Faringdon ward, which was an entire ward at the time but had significantly expanded due to new buildings outside the gates, was decided by parliament to be split into two parts, each with its own alderman, called Faringdon within and Faringdon without. This increased the total number of wards on the west side of Walbrooke to twelve, bringing the overall total to twenty-five on both sides. Additionally, in 1550, the mayor, commonalty, and citizens of London purchased the liberties of the borough of Southwark and designated it as a ward of London, resulting in thirteen wards on the east, twelve on the west, and one south of the River Thames in the borough of Southwark, in Surrey. This brought the total to twenty-six wards and twenty-six aldermen of London.
Wards on the east part of Walbrooke are these:—
Wards on the eastern part of Walbrooke are these:—
1 Portsoken ward without the walls.
1 Portsoken ward without the walls.
2 Tower street ward.
2 Tower Street Ward.
3 Ealdegate ward.
3 Ealdegate area.
4 Lime street ward.
4 Lime Street Ward.
5 Bishopsgate ward, within the walls and without.
5 Bishopsgate ward, both inside and outside the walls.
6 Brod street ward.
6 Brod Street Ward.
7 Cornehil ward.
7 Cornhill ward.
8 Langbourne ward.
8 Langbourne Ward.
9 Billingsgate ward.
9 Billingsgate Ward.
10 Bridge ward within.
10 Bridge ward inside.
11 Candlewick street ward.
11 Candlewick Street Ward.
12 Walbrooke ward.
12 Walbrook Ward.
13 Downgate ward.
13 Downgate Ward.
Wards on the west side of Walbrooke are these:
Wards on the west side of Walbrooke are these:
14 Vintry ward.
14 Vintry Ward.
15 Cordwainer street ward.
15 Cordwainer Street Ward.
16 Cheape ward.
16 Cheap ward.
17 Colman street warde.
17 Colman Street Warde.
18 Basinghall warde.
18 Basinghall Ward.
19 Cripplegate ward, within and without.
19 Cripplegate ward, inside and out.
20 Aldersgate ward, within and without.
20 Aldersgate ward, inside and out.
21 Farringdon ward within.
21 Farringdon ward inside.
22 Bread street ward.
22 Bread Street Ward.
23 Queenhithe ward.
23 Queenhithe Ward.
24 Castle Baynard ward.
24 Castle Baynard district.
25 Farringdon ward without the walls.
25 Farringdon Ward Outside the Walls.
One ward south the river Thames, in the borough of Southwark, by the name of
One ward south of the River Thames, in the borough of Southwark, called
26 Bridge ward without.
26 Bridge ward outside.
OF PORTSOKEN WARD, THE FIRST IN THE EAST PART
Seeing that of every of these wards I have to say somewhat, I will begin with Portsoken ward without Aldgate.
Seeing that I need to say something about each of these wards, I'll start with Portsoken ward, which is outside Aldgate.
This Portsoken, which soundeth[125] the franchise at the gate, was sometime a guild, and had beginning in the days of King Edgar, more than six hundred years since.[126] There were thirteen knights or soldiers, well-beloved to the king and realm, for service by them done, which requested to have a certain portion of land on the east part of the city, left desolate and forsaken by the inhabitants, by reason of too much servitude. They besought the king to have this land, with the liberty of a guild for ever. The king granted to their request, with conditions following: that is, that each of them should victoriously accomplish three combats, one above the ground, one under ground, and the third in the water; and after this, at a certain day in East Smithfield, they should run with spears against all comers; all which was gloriously performed; and the same day the king named it Knighten Guild, and so bounded it, from Aldgate to the place where the bars now are, toward the east, on both the sides of the street, and extended it towards Bishopsgate in the north, unto the house then of William Presbiter, after of Giffrey Tanner, and then of the heirs of Colver, after that of John Easeby, but since of the Lord Bourchier, etc. And again towards the south unto the river of Thames, and so far into the water, as a horseman, entering the same, may ride at a low water, and throw his spear; so that all East Smithfield, with the right part of the street that goeth to Dodding pond into the Thames, and also the hospital of St. Katherin’s, with the mills that were founded in King Stephen’s days, and the outward stone wall, and the new ditch of the Tower, are of the said fee and liberty; for the said wall and ditch of the Tower were made in the time of King Richard, when he was in the Holy Land, by William Longshampe, Bishop of Ely, as before I have noted unto you.
This Portsoken, which relates to the franchise at the gate, was once a guild and began in the days of King Edgar, over six hundred years ago. There were thirteen knights or soldiers, well-loved by the king and the realm for their service, who asked to have a certain piece of land on the eastern part of the city, left desolate and abandoned by the inhabitants due to excessive servitude. They petitioned the king to grant them this land, along with the rights of a guild forever. The king accepted their request with the following conditions: each of them had to successfully complete three challenges—one above ground, one underground, and the third in water; and then, on a specific day in East Smithfield, they would joust with spears against all comers. All of this was accomplished splendidly, and on that same day, the king named it Knighten Guild, setting the boundaries from Aldgate to where the bars are now, toward the east, on both sides of the street, and extending north toward Bishopsgate, to the former house of William Presbiter, later owned by Giffrey Tanner, and then by the heirs of Colver, later John Easeby, but now of Lord Bourchier, etc. And again to the south, to the River Thames, extending into the water as far as a horseman can ride at low tide and throw his spear; so that all of East Smithfield, along with the right side of the street leading to Dodding Pond into the Thames, as well as St. Katherine’s Hospital, the mills established in King Stephen’s time, the outer stone wall, and the new ditch of the Tower, are part of this fee and liberty; for the said wall and ditch of the Tower were constructed during King Richard’s time, while he was in the Holy Land, by William Longshampe, Bishop of Ely, as I have noted before.
These knights had as then none other charter by all the days of Edgar, Ethelred, and Cnutus, until the time of Edward the Confessor, whom the heirs of those knights humbly besought to confirm their liberties; whereunto he graciously granting,[127] gave them a deed thereof, as appeareth in the book of the late house of the Holy Trinity. The said charter is fair written in the Saxon letter and tongue. After this, King William, the son of William the Conqueror, made a confirmation of the same liberties, unto the heirs of those knights, in these words: “William, king of England, to Maurice Bishop, and Godffrey de Magum, and Richard de Parre, and to his faithfull people of London, greeting: Know ye me to have granted to the men of Knighten Guilde, the guilde that belonged to them, and the land that belonged thereunto, with all customes, as they had the same in the time of King Edward, and my father. Witnesse, Hugh de Buche, at Rething.”
These knights had no other charter during the reigns of Edgar, Ethelred, and Cnut until the time of Edward the Confessor, whom the heirs of those knights humbly asked to confirm their liberties; to which he graciously agreed, granting them a deed for it, as shown in the records of the former House of the Holy Trinity. The charter is nicely written in Saxon letters and language. After this, King William, the son of William the Conqueror, confirmed the same liberties to the heirs of those knights, saying: “William, king of England, to Maurice Bishop, Godffrey de Magum, Richard de Parre, and to my loyal people of London, greetings: Know that I have granted to the men of Knighten Guilde, the guild that belonged to them, and the land associated with it, along with all customs, as they had during the time of King Edward and my father. Witness: Hugh de Buche, at Rething.”
After him, King Henry I. confirmed the same by his charter to the like effect, the recital whereof I pretermit for brevity. After which time, the church of the Holy Trinity, within Aldgate of London, being founded by Queen Matilda, wife to the said Henry, the multitude of brethren, praising God day and night therein, in short time so increased, that all the city was delighted in the beholding of them; insomuch, that in the year 1115, certain burgesses of London, of the progeny of those noble English knights; to wit, Radulphus Fitalgod, Wilmarde le Deucreshe, Orgar le Prude, Edward Hupcornehill, Blackstanus, and Alwine his kinsman, and Robert his brother, the sons of Leafstanus the goldsmith, Wiso his son, Hugh Fitzvulgar, Algare Secusme, coming together into the chapter-house of the said church of the Holy Trinity, gave to the same church and canons serving God therein, all the lands and soke called in English Knighten Guilde, which lieth to the wall of the city, without the same gate, and stretcheth to the river of Thames; they gave it, I say, taking upon them the brotherhood and participation of the benefits of that house, by the hands of Prior Norman. And the better to confirm this their grant, they offered upon the altar there the charter of Edward, together with the other charters which they had thereof; and afterward they did put the foresaid prior in seisine thereof, by the church of St. Buttolphe’s, which is built thereon, and is the head of that land. These things were thus done before Bernard, prior of Dunstable, John, prior of Derland, Geffrey Clinton, chamber[112]lain, and many other clerks and laymen, French and English. Orgar le Prude (one of their company) was sent to King Henry, beseeching him to confirm their gift, which the king gladly granted by his deed: “Henrie, king of England, to Richard Bishop of London, to the shireffes and provost, and to all his barons and faithfull people, French and English, of London and Middlesex, greeting: Know ye mee to have graunted and confirmed to the church and canons of the Holy Trinitie of London, the soke of the English Knighten Guilde, and the land which pertaineth thereunto, and the church of St. Buttolph, as the men of the same guilde have given and granted unto them: and I will and straightly commaund, that they may hold the same well and honourably and freely, with sacke and soke, toll and thea, infangthefe, and all customs belonging to it, as the men of the same Guild in best sort had the same in the time of K. Edward, and as King William, my father and brother, did grant it to them by their writs. Witnesse, A. the queene, Geffrey the chauncellor, Geoffrey of Clinton, and William of Clinton, at Woodstocke.” All these prescribed writings (saith my book), which sometime belonged to the priory of the Holy Trinity, are registered in the end of the Book of Remembrances, in the Guildhall of London, marked with the letter C, folio 134. The king sent also his sheriffs, to wit, Aubrey de Vere, and Roger, nephew to Hubert, which upon his behalf should invest this church with the possessions thereof, which the said sheriffs accomplished coming upon the ground; Andrew Buchevite, and the forenamed witnesses, and other, standing by; notwithstanding, Othowerus Acolivillus, Otto, and Geffrey, Earl of Essex, constables of the Tower by succession, withheld by force a portion of the said land, as I have before delivered.
After him, King Henry I confirmed this with his charter, which I’ll skip for brevity. Later, the church of the Holy Trinity in Aldgate, London, founded by Queen Matilda, wife to Henry, saw a rapidly growing number of worshippers praising God day and night, delighting the entire city. In 1115, certain citizens of London, descendants of noble English knights—namely Radulphus Fitalgod, Wilmarde le Deucreshe, Orgar le Prude, Edward Hupcornehill, Blackstanus, Alwine his relative, and Robert his brother, the sons of Leafstanus the goldsmith, Wiso his son, and Hugh Fitzvulgar, Algare Secusme—gathered in the chapter-house of the Holy Trinity church. They donated all the lands and rights known in English as Knighten Guilde, which lie by the city wall outside the gate and stretch to the River Thames; they made this donation in exchange for joining the brotherhood and sharing in the benefits of that house, through the hands of Prior Norman. To further confirm this grant, they offered the charter from Edward on the altar along with other charters they had, and afterward ensured that the prior was placed in possession of it by the church of St. Buttolphe’s, built on that land. This was done in front of Bernard, prior of Dunstable, John, prior of Derland, Geffrey Clinton, the chamberlain, and many other clerks and laypeople, both French and English. Orgar le Prude (one of their group) was sent to King Henry to ask him to confirm their gift, which the king happily granted with his deed: “Henry, king of England, to Richard Bishop of London, to the sheriffs and provost, and to all his barons and loyal subjects, both French and English, of London and Middlesex, greetings: Know that I have granted and confirmed to the church and canons of the Holy Trinity of London, the rights of the English Knighten Guilde, and the land associated with it, and the church of St. Buttolph, as the men of that guild have given and granted: and I command that they may hold all of it well, honorably, and freely, with all rights and customs pertaining to it, just as the men of that Guild held it during King Edward's time, and as King William, my father and brother, granted it to them through their documents. Witness A, the queen, Geffrey the chancellor, Geoffrey of Clinton, and William of Clinton, at Woodstock.” All these writings, which once belonged to the priory of the Holy Trinity, are recorded at the end of the Book of Remembrances in the Guildhall of London, marked with the letter C, folio 134. The king also sent his sheriffs, Aubrey de Vere and Roger, nephew of Hubert, to invest this church with its possessions; they did this on the ground while Andrew Buchevite and the aforementioned witnesses were present; however, Othowerus Acolivillus, Otto, and Geffrey, Earl of Essex, successive constables of the Tower, forcibly retained part of that land, as I mentioned earlier.
The prior and canons of the Holy Trinity, being thus seised of the said land and soke of Knighten Guilde, a part of the suburb without the wall (but within the liberties of the city), the same prior was, for him and his successors, admitted as one of the aldermen of London, to govern the same land and soke: according to the customs of the city, he did sit in court, and rode with the mayor and his brethren the aldermen, as one of them, in scarlet or other livery as they used, until the year 1531, at the which time the said priory, by the last prior there, was surrendered to King Henry VIII., in the 23rd of his reign, who gave this priory to Sir Thomas Audley, knight, lord chancellor of England, and he pulled down the church; since the which dissolution of that house, the said ward of Portsoken hath been[113] governed by a temporal man, one of the aldermen of London, elected by the citizens, as the aldermen of other wards. Thus much for the out-bounds of Knighten guilde, or Portsoken ward, and for the antiquity and government thereof.
The prior and canons of the Holy Trinity, having taken possession of the land and rights of Knighten Guilde, located in the suburb outside the wall (but within the city’s liberties), were recognized as one of the aldermen of London to manage this land and rights for themselves and their successors. Following the city’s customs, the prior participated in court, riding alongside the mayor and the other aldermen in their traditional scarlet or other livery until 1531. At that time, the last prior surrendered the priory to King Henry VIII during the 23rd year of his reign, who then granted the priory to Sir Thomas Audley, knight and lord chancellor of England, who demolished the church. Since that dissolution, the ward of Portsoken has been governed by a temporal man, one of the aldermen of London, elected by the citizens, similar to the aldermen of other wards. This summarizes the boundaries of Knighten Guilde or Portsoken ward, along with its history and governance.
Now, of the parts therein, this is specially to be noted. First, the east part of the Tower standeth there, then an hospital of St. Katherine’s, founded by Matilda the queen, wife to King Stephen, by license of the priory and convent of the Holy Trinity in London, on whose grounds he founded it. Helianor the queen, wife to King Edward I., a second foundress, appointed there to be a master, three brethren chaplains, and three sisters, ten poor women, and six poor clerks; she gave to them the manor of Carlton in Wiltshire, and Upchurch in Kent, etc. Queen Philippa, wife to King Edward III., 1351, founded a chantry there, and gave to that hospital ten pounds land by year; it was of late time called a free chapel, a college, and an hospital for poor sisters. The choir, which of late years was not much inferior to that of Paules, was dissolved by Dr. Wilson, a late master there, the brethren and sisters remaining: this house was valued at £315 14s. 2d., being now of late years inclosed about, or pestered with small tenements and homely cottages, having inhabitants, English and strangers, more in number than in some city in England. There lie buried in this church the countess of Huntingdon, countess of the March in her time, 1429; John Holland, Duke of Exeter and Earl of Huntingdon, 1447, and his two wives, in a fair tomb on the north side the choir; Thomas Walsingham, esquire, and Thomas Ballarde, esquire, by him, 1465; Thomas Flemming, knight, 1466, etc.[128]
Now, of the parts mentioned, this is particularly important to note. First, the east part of the Tower stands there, then a hospital for St. Katherine’s, founded by Matilda, the queen and wife of King Stephen, with permission from the priory and convent of the Holy Trinity in London, on whose land it was established. Helianor, the queen and wife of King Edward I, a second founder, appointed a master, three chaplain brothers, and three sisters, ten poor women, and six poor clerks; she gave them the manor of Carlton in Wiltshire, and Upchurch in Kent, etc. Queen Philippa, the wife of King Edward III, founded a chantry there in 1351 and donated ten pounds of land per year to that hospital; it was recently referred to as a free chapel, a college, and a hospital for poor sisters. The choir, which in recent years was almost as impressive as that of St. Paul's, was dissolved by Dr. Wilson, a recent master there, while the brethren and sisters remained: this house was valued at £315 14s. 2d., but in recent years has been surrounded or cluttered with small homes and modest cottages, having residents, both English and foreign, larger in number than in some cities in England. Buried in this church are the Countess of Huntingdon, countess of the March in her time, 1429; John Holland, Duke of Exeter and Earl of Huntingdon, 1447, along with his two wives, in a beautiful tomb on the north side of the choir; Thomas Walsingham, esquire, and Thomas Ballarde, esquire, nearby, 1465; Thomas Flemming, knight, 1466, etc.[128]
On the east and by north of the Tower, lieth East Smithfield and Tower hill, two plots of ground so called, without the wall of the city; and east from them both was sometime a monastery, called New Abbey, founded by King Edward III. in the year 1359, upon occasion as followeth:
On the east and slightly north of the Tower, there are East Smithfield and Tower Hill, two areas outside the city walls. East of both was once a monastery named New Abbey, established by King Edward III in 1359 for the following reason:
In the year 1348, the 23rd of Edward III., the first great pestilence in his time began, and increased so sore, that for want of room in churchyards to bury the dead of the city and of the suburbs, one John Corey, clerk, procured of Nicholas, prior of the Holy Trinity within Aldgate, one toft[129] of ground near[114] unto East Smithfield, for the burial of them that died, with condition that it might be called the churchyard of the Holy Trinity; which ground he caused, by the aid of divers devout citizens, to be inclosed with a wall of stone. Robert Elsing, son of William Elsing, gave five pounds thereunto; and the same was dedicated by Ralph Stratford, Bishop of London, where innumerable bodies of the dead were afterwards buried, and a chapel built in the same place to the honour of God: to the which King Edward setting his eye (having before, in a tempest on the sea, and peril of drowning, made a vow to build a monastery to the honour of God, and our lady of grace, if God would grant him grace to come safe to land), built there a monastery, placing an abbot, and monks of the Cistercian, or White order. The bounds of this plot of ground, together with a decree for tithes thereof, are expressed in the charter, the effect whereof I have set down in another place, and have to show. This house, at the late general suppression, was valued at £546 0s. 10d. yearly; it was surrendered in the year 1539, the 30th of Henry VIII.; since the which time, the said monastery being clean pulled down by Sir Arthur Darcie, knight, and others, of late time in place thereof is built a large storehouse for victuals; and convenient ovens are built there, for baking of biscuits to serve her majesty’s ships. The grounds adjoining, belonging to the said abbey, are employed in building of small tenements.
In the year 1348, during the reign of Edward III, the first major outbreak of plague occurred, spreading so significantly that there wasn't enough space in churchyards to bury the deceased from the city and nearby areas. A man named John Corey, who was a clerk, arranged with Nicholas, the prior of the Holy Trinity near Aldgate, to acquire a piece of land close to East Smithfield for burials. This land was to be called the churchyard of the Holy Trinity. With the help of several devoted citizens, he enclosed the area with a stone wall. Robert Elsing, the son of William Elsing, contributed five pounds for this purpose. The ground was dedicated by Ralph Stratford, the Bishop of London, and many deceased individuals were later buried there, along with the construction of a chapel in honor of God. King Edward, having previously made a vow during a sea storm to build a monastery dedicated to God and Our Lady of Grace if he survived, established a monastery on this site, appointing an abbot and monks from the Cistercian or White order. The boundaries of this land and the decree for tithes related to it are outlined in a charter, the details of which I’ve documented elsewhere. At the time of the general dissolution, this monastery was valued at £546 0s. 10d. annually; it was surrendered in 1539, during the reign of Henry VIII. Since then, the monastery has been completely demolished by Sir Arthur Darcie, knight, and others, and a large storage facility for provisions has been constructed in its place, along with ovens for baking biscuits to supply the Queen’s ships. The surrounding land, previously belonging to the abbey, is now being used for the construction of small homes.
For Tower hill, as the same is greatly diminished by building of tenements and garden-plots, etc. So it is of late, to wit, in the year of Christ 1593, on the north side thereof, and at the west end of Hog street, beautified by certain fair alms houses, strongly built of brick and timber, and covered with slate for the poor, by the merchant-tailors of London, in place of some small cottages given to them by Richard Hils, sometime a master of that company, one thousand loads of timber for that use, being also given by Anthonie Radcliffe, of the same society, alderman. In these alms houses, fourteen charitable brethren of the said merchant-tailors yet living, have placed fourteen poor sole women, which receive each of them of their founder sixteen pence, or better, weekly, besides £8 15s. yearly, paid out of the common treasury of the same corporation for fuel.
For Tower Hill, it has significantly decreased due to the construction of housing and gardens, etc. Recently, in the year 1593, on the north side and at the west end of Hog Street, it has been enhanced by some beautiful almshouses, built solidly from brick and timber and covered with slate for the poor, funded by the merchant tailors of London, in place of some small cottages given to them by Richard Hils, who was once a master of that company. Additionally, one thousand loads of timber for that purpose were provided by Anthonie Radcliffe, a fellow member of the same society and an alderman. In these almshouses, fourteen charitable brothers of the merchant tailors now living have placed fourteen poor single women, each of whom receives from their founder sixteen pence, or more, weekly, along with £8 15s. yearly paid from the common treasury of the corporation for fuel.
From the west part of this Tower hill, towards Aldgate, being a long continual street, amongst other smaller buildings in that row, there was sometime an abbey of nuns of the order of St. Clare, called the Minories, founded by Edmond, Earl of Lancaster,[115] Leycester, and Darbie, brother to King Edward III., in the year 1293; the length of which abbey contained fifteen perches and seven feet, near unto the king’s street or highway, etc., as appeareth by a deed, dated 1303.
From the west side of Tower Hill, heading towards Aldgate, there used to be a long, continuous street. Among the other smaller buildings in that row, there was once an abbey for nuns of the Order of St. Clare, known as the Minories. It was founded by Edmond, Earl of Lancaster, Leycester, and Darbie, who were brothers of King Edward III, in the year 1293. The abbey measured fifteen perches and seven feet in length, close to the king’s street or highway, as shown by a deed dated 1303.[115]
A plague of pestilence being in this city, in the year 1515, there died in this house of nuns professed to the number of twenty-seven, besides other lay people, servants in their house. This house was valued to dispend £418 8s. 5d. yearly, and was surrendered by Dame Elizabeth Salvage, the last abbess there, unto King Henry VIII. in the 30th of his reign, the year of Christ 1539.
A plague hitting this city in the year 1515 caused the deaths of twenty-seven nuns in this convent, along with other laypeople and servants living there. This convent was estimated to spend £418 8s. 5d. annually and was surrendered by Dame Elizabeth Salvage, the last abbess, to King Henry VIII in the 30th year of his reign, which was 1539.
In place of this house of nuns is now built divers fair and large storehouses for armour and habiliments of war, with divers workhouses, serving to the same purpose: there is a small parish church for inhabitants of the close, called St. Trinities.
In place of this convent, there are now various large and good-looking warehouses for armor and war equipment, along with various workshops serving the same purpose. There is a small parish church for the residents of the area, called St. Trinities.
Near adjoining to this abbey, on the south side thereof, was sometime a farm belonging to the said nunnery; at the which farm I myself in my youth have fetched many a halfpenny worth of milk, and never had less than three ale pints for a halfpenny in the summer, nor less than one ale quart for a halfpenny in the winter, always hot from the kine, as the same was milked and strained. One Trolop, and afterwards Goodman, were the farmers there, and had thirty or forty kine to the pail. Goodman’s son being heir to his father’s purchase, let out the ground first for grazing of horses, and then for garden-plots, and lived like a gentleman thereby.
Next to this abbey, on its south side, there used to be a farm that belonged to the nunnery. When I was young, I often bought milk from that farm, getting at least three pints of ale for a halfpenny in the summer, and no less than a quart in the winter, always fresh from the cows as it was milked and strained. A farmer named Trolop, and later another named Goodman, ran the place and had about thirty or forty cows for milking. Goodman's son, inheriting his father's farm, first rented out the land for horse grazing, and then for garden plots, and lived quite well as a result.
On the other side of that street lieth the ditch without the walls of the city, which of old time was used to be open, always from time to time cleansed from filth and mud, as need required; of great breadth, and so deep, that divers, watering horses where they thought it shallowest, were drowned, both horse and man. But now of later time the same ditch is inclosed, and the banks thereof let out for garden-plots, carpenters’ yards, bowling allies, and divers houses thereon built, whereby the city wall is hidden, the ditch filled up, a small channel left, and that very shallow.
On the other side of that street is the ditch outside the city walls, which used to be open and regularly cleaned of dirt and mud as needed. It was quite wide and so deep that people, thinking it was shallow, drowned while watering their horses. But recently, the ditch has been enclosed, and the banks have been turned into gardens, carpenters' yards, bowling alleys, and several houses built on them, so the city wall is now hidden, the ditch is filled in, and only a small, very shallow channel remains.
From Aldgate, east, lieth a large street and highway, sometime replenished with few, but fair and comely buildings; on the north side whereof, the first was the parish church of St. Buttolph, in a large cemetery or churchyard. This church hath been lately new built at the special charges of the priors of the Holy Trinity; patrons thereof, as it appeareth by the arms of that[116] house, engraven on the stone work. The parishioners of this parish being of late years mightily increased, the church is pestered with lofts and seats for them. Monuments in this church are few: Henry Jorden founded a chauntry there; John Romany Ollarie, and Agnes his wife, were buried there about 1408; Richard Chester, alderman, one of the sheriffs, 1484; Thomas Lord Darcie of the north, knight of the garter, beheaded 1537; Sir Nicholas Carew, of Bedington, in Surrey, knight of the garter, beheaded 1538; Sir Arthur Darcie, youngest son to Thomas Lord Darcie, deceased at the new abbey on the Tower hill, was buried there. East from this parish church, there were certain fair inns for receipt of travellers repairing to the city, up towards Hog lane end, somewhat within the bars, a mark showing how far the liberties of the city do extend.
From Aldgate, heading east, there’s a major street that used to be lined with a few, but nice and attractive buildings. On the north side, the first is the parish church of St. Buttolph, located in a large cemetery or churchyard. This church has recently been rebuilt at the significant expense of the priors of the Holy Trinity, as indicated by their coat of arms engraved on the stonework. The number of parishioners has greatly increased in recent years, causing the church to become crowded with galleries and seating for them. There are few monuments in this church: Henry Jorden established a chantry there; John Romany Ollarie and his wife Agnes were buried there around 1408; Richard Chester, an alderman and one of the sheriffs in 1484; Thomas Lord Darcie of the north, a knight of the garter, was beheaded in 1537; Sir Nicholas Carew from Bedington in Surrey, a knight of the garter, was beheaded in 1538; and Sir Arthur Darcie, the youngest son of Thomas Lord Darcie, who died at the new abbey on Tower Hill, was buried there. East of this parish church, there were some nice inns for travelers heading to the city, near the end of Hog Lane, just inside the bars, marking the extent of the city’s liberties.
This Hog lane stretcheth north toward St. Mary Spitle without Bishopsgate, and within these forty years[130] had on both sides fair hedge rows of elm trees, with bridges and easy stiles to pass over into the pleasant fields, very commodious for citizens therein to walk, shoot, and otherwise to recreate and refresh their dull spirits in the sweet and wholesome air, which is now within a few years made a continual building throughout, of garden-houses and small cottages; and the fields on either sides be turned into garden-plots, tenter yards, bowling alleys, and such like, from Houndes ditch in the west, as far as White Chappell, and further towards the east.
This Hog Lane stretches north toward St. Mary Spital just outside Bishopsgate, and in the last forty years[130] had nice rows of elm trees on both sides, with bridges and easy stiles for crossing into the lovely fields, which were perfect for city dwellers to take walks, practice shooting, and enjoy other forms of recreation to lift their spirits in the fresh, clean air. But now, in just a few years, it's become a continuous row of buildings filled with garden houses and small cottages; the fields on either side have been transformed into garden plots, tenting yards, bowling alleys, and similar places, stretching from Hound’s Ditch in the west all the way to Whitechapel and beyond to the east.
On the south side of the highway from Aldgate were some few tenements, thinly scattered here and there, with many void spaces between them, up to the Bars; but now that street is not only fully replenished with buildings outward, and also pestered with divers alleys, on either side to the bars, but to White Chappell and beyond. Among the which late buildings, one memorable for the commodity of that east part of this city is a fair water conduit, hard without the gate; at the building whereof in the year 1535, Sir John Allen being mayor, two-fifteens were granted by the citizens for the making and laying of pipes, to convey water from Hackney to that place; and so that work was finished.
On the south side of the highway from Aldgate, there used to be a few scattered buildings with a lot of empty space between them, extending up to the Bars; but now that street is filled with buildings everywhere, crowded with various alleys on either side of the bars, reaching to Whitechapel and beyond. Among the new buildings, one notable addition for the eastern part of this city is a nice water conduit, just outside the gate; during its construction in 1535, when Sir John Allen was mayor, the citizens approved a tax to fund the making and laying of pipes to bring water from Hackney to that location; and thus the project was completed.
From Aldgate, north-west to Bishopsgate, lieth the ditch of the city called Houndes ditch; for that in old time, when the same lay open, much filth (conveyed forth of the city), especially dead dogs, were there laid or cast; wherefore of latter time a mud wall was made, inclosing the ditch, to keep out the laying[117] of such filth as had been accustomed. Over against this mud wall, on the other side of the street, was a fair field, sometime belonging to the priory of the Trinity, and since by Sir Thomas Audley given to Magdalen college in Cambridge: this field (as all other about the city) was inclosed, reserving open passage thereinto, for such as were disposed. Towards the street were some small cottages, of two stories high, and little garden-plots backward, for poor bed-rid people, for in that street dwelt none other, built by some prior of the Holy Trinity, to whom that ground belonged.
From Aldgate, heading northwest to Bishopsgate, lies a ditch known as Houndes ditch. In the past, when it was open, a lot of waste (taken out of the city), especially dead dogs, was thrown there. Because of this, a mud wall was later built to enclose the ditch and keep such waste out. Across from this mud wall, on the other side of the street, was a lovely field that once belonged to the priory of the Trinity, which Sir Thomas Audley later gave to Magdalen College in Cambridge. This field, like all others around the city, was enclosed but had an open path for anyone wanting to enter. Toward the street were a few small two-story cottages with little garden plots at the back, meant for poor people who were bedridden, as no one else lived on that street. These cottages were built by a prior of the Holy Trinity, to whom the land belonged.
In my youth, I remember, devout people, as well men as women of this city, were accustomed oftentimes, especially on Fridays, weekly to walk that way purposely there to bestow their charitable alms; every poor man or woman lying in their bed within their window, which was towards the street, open so low that every man might see them, a clean linen cloth lying in their window, and a pair of beads, to show that there lay a bed-rid body, unable but to pray only. This street was first paved in the year 1503.
In my youth, I remember that devout people, both men and women from this city, would often walk that way, especially on Fridays, to give their charitable donations. Every poor man or woman lying in bed by their window, which faced the street and was low enough for anyone to see them, would have a clean linen cloth and a pair of beads to indicate that there was a bedridden person who could only pray. This street was first paved in 1503.
About the latter reign of Henry VIII., three brethren that were gunfounders, surnamed Owens, got ground there to build upon, and to inclose for casting of brass ordinance. These occupied a good part of the street on the field side, and in a short time divers others also built there, so that the poor bed-rid people were worn out, and, in place of their homely cottages, such houses built as do rather want room than rent; which houses be for the most part possessed by brokers, sellers of old apparel, and such like. The residue of the field was for the most part made into a garden by a gardener named Cawsway, one that served the markets with herbs and roots; and in the last year of King Edward VI. the same was parcelled into gardens wherein are now many fair houses of pleasure built.
About the later reign of Henry VIII, three brothers who were gunfounders, known as the Owens, got some land to build on, and to enclose for casting brass cannons. They took up a significant part of the street on the field side, and soon others started building there as well, which left the poor bedridden people exhausted, and instead of their humble cottages, there were now houses that were more about needing space than affordability; these houses were mostly occupied by brokers, sellers of used clothing, and others like that. Most of the rest of the field was turned into a garden by a gardener named Cawsway, who supplied the markets with herbs and roots; and in the last year of King Edward VI, it was divided into gardens where many beautiful houses for enjoyment have now been built.
On the ditch side of this street the mud wall is also by little and little all taken down, the bank of the ditch being raised, made level ground, and turned into garden-plots and carpenters’ yards, and many large houses are there built; the filth of which houses, as also the earth cast out of their vaults, is turned into the ditch, by which means the ditch is filled up, and both the ditch and wall so hidden that they cannot be seen of the passers by. This Portsoken ward hath an alderman and his deputy, common councillors six, constables four, scavengers four, for the wardemote inquest eighteen, and a beadle. To the fifteen it is cessed at four pounds ten shillings.
On the ditch side of this street, the mud wall has been gradually taken down, the bank of the ditch raised, creating level ground that has been turned into garden plots and carpenters' yards, with many large houses built there. The waste from these houses, along with the dirt excavated from their vaults, is dumped into the ditch, which causes it to fill up. As a result, both the ditch and the wall are now hidden from view for those passing by. This Portsoken ward has an alderman and his deputy, six common councillors, four constables, four scavengers, eighteen wardemote inquest members, and a beadle. The total assessment for the fifteen is four pounds ten shillings.
TOWER STREET WARD
The first ward in the east part of this city within the wall is called Tower street ward, and extendeth along the river of Thames from the said Tower in the east almost to Belinsgate in the west. One half of the Tower, the ditch on the west side, and bulwarks adjoining, do stand within that part where the wall of the city of old time went straight from the postern gate south to the river of Thames, before that the Tower was built. From and without the Tower ditch, west and by north, is the said Tower hill, sometime a large plot of ground, now greatly straitened by incroachments (unlawfully made and suffered) for gardens and houses; some on the bank of the Tower ditch, whereby the Tower ditch is marred, but more near unto the wall of the city from the postern north, till over against the principal fore-gate of the Lord Lumley’s house, etc.; but the Tower ward goeth no further that way.
The first ward in the eastern part of this city within the wall is called Tower Street Ward and runs along the River Thames from the Tower in the east almost to Billingsgate in the west. One half of the Tower, the ditch on the west side, and the nearby fortifications are within the area where the city wall used to go straight from the postern gate south to the River Thames, before the Tower was built. West and slightly north of the Tower ditch is Tower Hill, which used to be a large piece of land but is now significantly reduced due to encroachments (unlawfully made and allowed) for gardens and houses; some are on the bank of the Tower ditch, which damages the ditch, but more are closer to the city wall from the postern to just across from the main entrance of Lord Lumley’s house, etc.; however, the Tower Ward does not extend any further that way.
Upon this hill is always readily prepared, at the charges of the city, a large scaffold and gallows of timber, for the execution of such traitors or transgressors as are delivered out of the Tower, or otherwise, to the sheriffs of London by writ, there to be executed. I read, that in the fifth of King Edward IV.[131] a scaffold and gallows was there set up by other the king’s officers, and not of the city’s charges, whereupon the mayor and his brethren complained, but were answered by the king that the Tower hill was of the liberty of the city; and whatsoever was done in that point was not in derogation of the city’s liberties, and therefore commanded proclamation[132] to be made, as well within the city as in the suburbs, as followeth: “Forasmuch as, the seventh day of this present month of November, gallows were erect and set up besides our Tower of London, within the liberties and franchises of our city of London, in derogation and prejudice of the liberties and franchises of this city, the king our sovereign lord would it be certainly understood that the erection and setting up of the said gallows was not done by his commandment; wherefore the king our sovereign lord willeth that the erection and setting up the said gallows be not any precedent or example thereby hereafter to be taken, in hurt, prejudice, or derogation of the franchises, liberties, and privileges of the said city, which he at all times hath had, and hath in his benevolence, tender favour, and good grace, etc.[119] Apud Westminst. 9 die Novemb. anno regni nostri quinto.” On the north side of this hill is the said Lord Lumley’s house, and on the west side divers houses lately built, and other incroachments along south to Chick lane,[133] on the east of Barking church, at the end whereof you have Tower street stretching from the Tower hill, west to St. Margaret Patten’s church parsonage.
On this hill, there’s always a large scaffold and wooden gallows set up at the city's expense for the execution of traitors or wrongdoers who are brought from the Tower or otherwise to the sheriffs of London by writ, where they will be executed. I read that in the fifth year of King Edward IV.[131] a scaffold and gallows were set up there by other king’s officers, not funded by the city, which led the mayor and his colleagues to complain. The king responded that Tower Hill was part of the city’s jurisdiction, and what was done there did not infringe upon the city’s rights. He then ordered a proclamation[132] to be made, both in the city and in the suburbs, stating: “Since, on the seventh day of this month of November, gallows were erected next to our Tower of London, within the liberties and franchises of our city, which goes against the liberties and franchises of this city, the king our sovereign lord wants it to be clearly understood that the erection and setting up of the gallows was not ordered by him; therefore, the king our sovereign lord wishes that this act should not set a precedent or an example for the future that would harm, prejudice, or diminish the franchises, liberties, and privileges of this city, which he has always respected and cherishes, etc.[119] Apud Westminst. 9 die Novemb. anno regni nostri quinto.” On the north side of this hill is the house of Lord Lumley, and on the west side are various recently built houses and other encroachments stretching south to Chick Lane,[133] with Tower Street on the east side of Barking Church, extending from Tower Hill west to the parsonage of St. Margaret Patten’s Church.
Now therefore, to begin at the east end of the street, on the north side thereof, is the fair parish church called Allhallows Barking, which standeth in a large, but sometime far larger, cemetery or churchyard; on the north side whereof was sometime built a fair chapel, founded by King Richard I.; some have written that his heart was buried there under the high altar. This chapel was confirmed and augmented by King Edward I. Edward IV. gave license to his cousin John, Earl of Worcester, to found there a brotherhood for a master and brethren; and he gave to the custos of that fraternity, which was Sir John Scot, knight, Thomas Colte, John Tate, and John Croke, the priory of Totingbecke, and advowson of the parish church of Streatham, in the county of Surrey, with all the members and appurtenances, and a part of the priory of Okeborn in Wiltshire, both priors aliens, and appointed it to be called the king’s chapel or chantry, In capella Beatæ Mariæ de Barking. King Richard III. new built and founded therein a college of priests, etc. Hamond de Lega was buried in that chapel. Robert Tate, mayor of London, 1488,[134] and other, were there buried. This chapel and college were suppressed and pulled down in the year 1548, the 2nd of King Edward VI. The ground was employed as a garden-plot during the reigns of King Edward, Queen Mary, and part of Queen Elizabeth, till at length a large strong frame of timber and brick was set thereon, and employed as a store-house of merchants’ goods brought from the sea by Sir William Winter, etc.
Now, starting at the east end of the street, on the north side, is the beautiful parish church called Allhallows Barking, which stands in a large, although once much larger, cemetery or churchyard. On the north side of it was once a lovely chapel, founded by King Richard I.; some say his heart was buried there under the high altar. This chapel was confirmed and expanded by King Edward I. King Edward IV granted permission to his cousin John, Earl of Worcester, to establish a brotherhood with a master and brethren there; he also gave the custos of that fraternity, which included Sir John Scot, knight, Thomas Colte, John Tate, and John Croke, the priory of Totingbecke, and the advowson of the parish church of Streatham in Surrey, along with all its members and appurtenances, and a part of the priory of Okeborn in Wiltshire, both of which were alien priories. It was designated to be called the king’s chapel or chantry, In capella Beatæ Mariæ de Barking. King Richard III rebuilt and founded a college of priests there, etc. Hamond de Lega was buried in that chapel. Robert Tate, the mayor of London in 1488,[134] and others were buried there as well. This chapel and college were dissolved and demolished in the year 1548, during the 2nd year of King Edward VI. The ground was used as a garden during the reigns of King Edward, Queen Mary, and part of Queen Elizabeth, until eventually a large, strong structure made of timber and brick was built there, serving as a storehouse for merchants’ goods brought from the sea by Sir William Winter, etc.
Monuments in the parish church of Allhallows Barking, not defaced, are these:—Sir Thomas Studinham, of Norwich diocess, knight, 1469; Thomas Gilbart, draper and merchant of the staple, 1483; John Bolt, merchant of the staple, 1459; Sir John Stile, knight, draper, 1500. William Thinne, esq., one of the clerks of the Green cloth, and master of the household to King Henry VIII., 1546; Humfrey Monmouth, draper, one of the sheriffs, 1535; Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, beheaded 1546;[120] Sir Richard Devereux, son and heir to the Lord Ferrers of Chartley; Richard Browne, esq. 1546; Philip Dennis, esq. 1556; Andrew Evenger, salter; William Robinson, mercer, alderman, 1552; William Armorer, cloth-worker, esquire, governor of the pages of honour, or master of the heance men, servant to Henry VIII., Edward VI., and Queen Mary, buried 1560. Besides which there be divers tombs without inscription. John Crolys and Thomas Pike, citizens of London, founded a chantry there 1388.
Monuments in the parish church of Allhallows Barking that haven't been damaged include: Sir Thomas Studinham from the Norwich diocese, knight, 1469; Thomas Gilbart, draper and merchant of the staple, 1483; John Bolt, merchant of the staple, 1459; Sir John Stile, knight, draper, 1500. William Thinne, esq., one of the clerks of the Green Cloth and master of the household to King Henry VIII, 1546; Humfrey Monmouth, draper and one of the sheriffs, 1535; Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, executed in 1546;[120] Sir Richard Devereux, son and heir to the Lord Ferrers of Chartley; Richard Browne, esq., 1546; Philip Dennis, esq., 1556; Andrew Evenger, salter; William Robinson, mercer and alderman, 1552; William Armorer, cloth worker, esquire, governor of the pages of honor, or master of the heance men, servant to Henry VIII, Edward VI, and Queen Mary, buried in 1560. Additionally, there are several tombs without inscriptions. John Crolys and Thomas Pike, citizens of London, founded a chantry there in 1388.
By the west end of this parish church and chapel, lieth Sidon lane, now corruptly called Sything lane, from Tower street up north to Hart street. In this Sidon lane divers fair and large houses are built, namely, one by Sir John Allen, sometime mayor of London, and of council unto King Henry VIII.; Sir Francis Walsingham, knight, principal secretary to the queen’s majesty that now is, was lodged there, and so was the Earl of Essex, etc. At the north-west corner of this lane standeth a proper parish church of St. Olave, which church, together with some houses adjoining, as also others over against it in Hart street, are of the said Tower street ward. Monuments in this parish church of St. Olave be these:—Richard Cely and Robert Cely, fellmongers, principal builders and benefactors of this church; Dame Johan, wife to Sir John Zouch, 1439; John Clarenciaulx, king of arms, 1427; Thomas Sawle; Sir Richard Haddon, mercer, mayor 1512; Thomas Burnell, mercer, 1548; Thomas Morley, gentleman, 1566; Sir John Radcliffe, knight, 1568; and Dame Anne his wife, 1585; Chapone, a Florentine gentleman, 1582; Sir Hamond Vaughan, knight; George Stoddard, merchant; etc.
At the west end of this parish church and chapel lies Sidon Lane, now commonly known as Sything Lane, running from Tower Street up north to Hart Street. Along Sidon Lane, there are various impressive and spacious houses, including one built by Sir John Allen, who was once the mayor of London and served King Henry VIII.; Sir Francis Walsingham, knight and principal secretary to the current queen, lived there, as did the Earl of Essex, among others. At the north-west corner of this lane stands a well-maintained parish church of St. Olave, which, along with some adjacent houses and others across from it on Hart Street, is part of the Tower Street ward. The monuments in St. Olave's church include: Richard Cely and Robert Cely, fellmongers, key builders and benefactors of this church; Dame Johan, wife of Sir John Zouch, 1439; John Clarenciaulx, king of arms, 1427; Thomas Sawle; Sir Richard Haddon, mercer, mayor 1512; Thomas Burnell, mercer, 1548; Thomas Morley, gentleman, 1566; Sir John Radcliffe, knight, 1568; and Dame Anne his wife, 1585; Chapone, a Florentine gentleman, 1582; Sir Hamond Vaughan, knight; George Stoddard, merchant; etc.
Then have ye out of Tower street, also on the north side, one other lane, called Marte lane, which runneth up towards the north, and is for the most part of this Tower street ward; which lane is about the third quarter thereof divided from Aldgate ward, by a chain to be drawn athwart the said lane, above the west end of Hart street. Cokedon hall, sometime at the south-west end of Marte lane, I read of.[135]
Then from Tower Street, on the north side, there's another lane called Marte Lane, which runs northward and mostly belongs to this Tower Street ward. This lane is about three-quarters of the way divided from Aldgate ward by a chain drawn across the lane near the west end of Hart Street. I read about Cokedon Hall, which was once at the southwest end of Marte Lane.[135]
A third lane out of Tower street, on the north side, is called Mincheon lane, so called of tenements there sometime pertaining to the Minchuns or nuns of St. Helen’s in Bishopsgate street. This lane is all of the said ward, except the corner house towards Fenchurch street. In this lane of old time dwelt divers strangers[121] born of Genoa and those parts; these were commonly called galley men, as men that came up in the galleys brought up wines and other merchandises, which they landed in Thames street, at a place called Galley key; they had a certain coin of silver amongst themselves, which were halfpence of Genoa, and were called Galley halfpence; these halfpence were forbidden in the 13th of Henry IV., and again by parliament in the 4th of Henry V. It was, that if any person bring into this realm halfpence, suskinges, or dodkins, he should be punished as a thief; and he that taketh or payeth such money shall leese a hundred shillings, whereof the king shall have the one half, and he that will sue the other half. Notwithstanding, in my youth, I have seen them pass current, but with some difficulty, for that the English halfpence were then, though not so broad, somewhat thicker and stronger.
A third lane off Tower Street on the north side is called Mincheon Lane, named after the properties that used to belong to the Minchuns or nuns of St. Helen's in Bishopsgate Street. This lane is the only part of the ward except for the corner house toward Fenchurch Street. In ancient times, various strangers from Genoa and nearby areas lived in this lane; they were commonly known as galley men because they came on galleys bringing wines and other goods, which they unloaded in Thames Street at a spot called Galley Key. They had their own silver coin, which were halfpence from Genoa, referred to as Galley halfpence. These halfpence were banned in the 13th year of Henry IV and again by Parliament in the 4th year of Henry V. It was stated that anyone who brought into the realm halfpence, suskinges, or dodkins would be punished as a thief; and those who accepted or paid with such money would lose a hundred shillings, with half going to the king and the other half being claimable by the informer. However, in my youth, I saw them still being used, but it was a challenge since the English halfpence at that time, though not as wide, were a bit thicker and stronger.
The Clothworkers’ hall is in this lane. Then at the west end of Tower street have ye a little turning towards the north to a fair house sometime belonging to one named Griste, for he dwelt there in the year 1449. And Jack Cade, captain of the rebels in Kent, being by him in this his house feasted, when he had dined, like an unkind guest, robbed him of all that was there to be found worth the carriage. Next to this is one other fair house, sometime built by Angell Dune, grocer, alderman of London, since possessed by Sir John Champneis, alderman, and mayor of London. He built in this house a high tower of brick, the first that I ever heard of in any private man’s house, to overlook his neighbours in this city. But this delight of his eye was punished with blindness some years before his death. Since that time. Sir Percevall Hart, a jolly courtier, and knight-harbinger to the queen, was lodged there, etc. From this house, somewhat west, is the parish church of St. Margaret’s Pattens; to the which church and house, on the north side, and as far over against on the south, stretcheth the farthest west part of this ward.
The Clothworkers' hall is located on this lane. At the west end of Tower Street, there's a small turn to the north leading to a nice house that once belonged to a man named Griste, who lived there in 1449. Jack Cade, the leader of the rebels in Kent, was feasted by him in this house, and after dining, he behaved like a bad guest and took everything worth taking. Next to this is another nice house, once built by Angell Dune, a grocer and alderman of London, which was later owned by Sir John Champneis, another alderman and mayor of London. He constructed a tall brick tower in this house, the first of its kind I've heard of in a private residence, to look over his neighbors in the city. However, this pleasure turned to misfortune as he went blind a few years before he died. After that, Sir Percevall Hart, a cheerful courtier and knight-harbinger to the queen, stayed there, etc. From this house, a bit further west, is the parish church of St. Margaret’s Pattens; on the north side of this church and house and directly across on the south side stretches the farthest west part of this ward.
And, therefore, to begin again at the east end of Tower street, on the south side, have ye Beare lane, wherein are many fair houses, and runneth down to Thames street. The next is Sporiar lane, of old time so called, but since and of later time named Water lane, because it runneth down to the water gate by the Custom house in Thames street. Then is there Hart lane for Harpe lane, which likewise runneth down into Thames street. In this Hart lane is the Bakers’ hall, sometime the dwelling-house of John Chichley, chamberlain of London, who[122] was son to William Chichley, alderman of London, brother to William Chichley, archdeacon of Canterburie, nephew to Robert Chichley, mayor of London, and to Henry Chichley, archbishop of Canterburie. This John Chichley, saith John Leland, had twenty-four children. Sir Thomas Kirrioll, of Kent, after he had been long prisoner in France, married Elizabeth, one of the daughters of this Chichley, by whom he had this Chichley’s house. This Elizabeth was secondly married to Sir Ralfe Ashton, knight-marshal, and thirdly, to Sir John Burchier, uncle to the late Burchier, Earl of Essex, but she never had child. Edward Poynings made part with Burchier and Elizabeth, to have Ostenhanger in Kent, after their death, and entered into it, they living.
And so, to start again at the east end of Tower Street, on the south side, we have Bear Lane, which has many nice houses and runs down to Thames Street. Next is Sporiar Lane, which was called that in the past, but has more recently been named Water Lane because it leads down to the water gate by the Custom House on Thames Street. Then there is Hart Lane, formerly known as Harpe Lane, which also runs down into Thames Street. In this Hart Lane is the Bakers’ Hall, once the home of John Chichley, the chamberlain of London, who[122] was the son of William Chichley, an alderman of London, brother to William Chichley, archdeacon of Canterbury, and nephew to Robert Chichley, mayor of London, as well as to Henry Chichley, archbishop of Canterbury. John Chichley, as stated by John Leland, had twenty-four children. Sir Thomas Kirrioll from Kent, after being imprisoned in France for a long time, married Elizabeth, one of Chichley’s daughters, with whom he acquired Chichley’s house. Elizabeth later married Sir Ralfe Ashton, knight-marshal, and then Sir John Burchier, who was the uncle of the late Burchier, Earl of Essex, but she never had any children. Edward Poynings partnered with Burchier and Elizabeth to acquire Ostenhanger in Kent after their deaths, and he entered it while they were still alive.
In Tower street, between Hart lane and Church lane, was a quadrant called Galley row, because galley men dwelt there. Then have ye two lanes out of Tower street, both called Church lanes, because one runneth down by the east end of St. Dunstan’s church, and the other by the west end of the same; out of the west lane turneth another lane west towards St. Marie Hill, and is called Fowle lane, which is for the most part in Tower street ward.
In Tower Street, between Hart Lane and Church Lane, there was a section called Galley Row, named because sailors lived there. Then there are two lanes off Tower Street, both called Church Lanes, because one runs down by the east end of St. Dunstan’s Church, and the other by the west end of the same church. From the west lane, another lane runs west toward St. Marie Hill and is called Fowle Lane, which mainly falls within Tower Street ward.
This church of St. Dunstone is called, in the east, for difference from one other of the same name in the west; it is a fair and large church of an ancient building, and within a large churchyard; it hath a great parish of many rich merchants, and other occupiers of divers trades, namely salters and ironmongers.
This church of St. Dunstone is referred to as such in the east to distinguish it from another church with the same name in the west; it is a beautiful and large building with an extensive churchyard. It serves a significant parish housing many wealthy merchants and people working in various trades, including salt workers and ironmongers.
The monuments in that church be these:—In the choir, John Kenington, parson, there buried 1374; William Islip, parson, 1382; John Kryoll, esq., brother to Thomas Kryoll, 1400; Nicholas Bond, Thomas Barry, merchant, 1445; Robert Shelly, esq., 1420; Robert Pepper, grocer, 1445; John Norwich, grocer, 1390; Alice Brome, wife to John Coventry, sometime mayor of London, 1433; William Isaack, draper, alderman, 1508; Edward Skales, merchant, 1521; John Ricroft, esq., sergeant of the larder to Henry VII. and Henry VIII., 1532; Edwaters, esq., sergeant-at-arms, 1558; Sir Bartholomew James, draper, mayor 1479, buried under a fair monument with his lady; Ralfe Greenway, grocer, alderman, put under the stone of Robert Pepper, 1559; Thomas Bledlow, one of the sheriffs 1472; James Bacon, fishmonger, sheriff, 1573; Sir Richard Champion, draper, mayor 1568; Henry Herdson, skinner, alderman, 1555; Sir James Garnado, knight; William Hariot, draper, mayor 1481, buried in a fair chapel by him built,[123] 1517; John Tate, son to Sir John Tate, in the same chapel in the north wall; Sir Christopher Draper, ironmonger, mayor 1566, buried 1580. And many other worshipful personages besides, whose monuments are altogether defaced.
The monuments in that church are these:—In the choir, John Kenington, priest, buried in 1374; William Islip, priest, 1382; John Kryoll, esq., brother of Thomas Kryoll, 1400; Nicholas Bond, Thomas Barry, merchant, 1445; Robert Shelly, esq., 1420; Robert Pepper, grocer, 1445; John Norwich, grocer, 1390; Alice Brome, wife of John Coventry, former mayor of London, 1433; William Isaack, draper, alderman, 1508; Edward Skales, merchant, 1521; John Ricroft, esq., servant of the larder to Henry VII. and Henry VIII., 1532; Edwaters, esq., sergeant-at-arms, 1558; Sir Bartholomew James, draper, mayor in 1479, buried under an elegant monument with his wife; Ralfe Greenway, grocer, alderman, interred under the stone of Robert Pepper, 1559; Thomas Bledlow, one of the sheriffs in 1472; James Bacon, fishmonger, sheriff, 1573; Sir Richard Champion, draper, mayor in 1568; Henry Herdson, skinner, alderman, 1555; Sir James Garnado, knight; William Hariot, draper, mayor in 1481, buried in a beautiful chapel he built,[123] 1517; John Tate, son of Sir John Tate, in the same chapel on the north wall; Sir Christopher Draper, ironmonger, mayor in 1566, buried in 1580. And many other esteemed individuals as well, whose monuments have been completely destroyed.
Now for the two Church lanes, they meeting on the south side of this church and church yard, do join in one, and running down to the Thames street, the same is called St. Dunstan’s hill, at the lower end whereof the said Thames street towards the west on both sides almost to Belin’s gate, but towards the east up to the water gate, by the bulwark of the Tower, is all of Tower street ward. In this street, on the Thames side, are divers large landing-places called wharfs or keys, for craneage up of wares and merchandise, as also for shipping of wares from thence to be transported. These wharfs and keys commonly bear the names of their owners, and are therefore changeable. I read, in the 26th of Henry VI., that in the parish of St. Dunstone in the east, a tenement, called Passeke’s wharf, and another called Horner’s key, in Thames street, were granted to William Harindon, esq. I read also, that in the 6th of Richard II., John Churchman, grocer, for the quiet of merchants, did newly build a certain house upon the key, called Wool wharf, in the Tower street ward, in the parish of Allhallows Barking, betwixt the tenement of Paule Salisberrie on the east part, and the lane called the water gate on the west, to serve for tronage, or weighing of wools in the port of London; whereupon the king granted that during the life of the said John, the aforesaid tronage should be held and kept in the said house, with easements there for the balances and weights, and a counting place for the customer, controllers, clerks, and other officers of the said tronage, together with ingress and egress to and from the same, even as was had in other places, where the said tronage was wont to be kept, and that the king should pay yearly to the said John during his life forty shillings at the terms of St. Michael and Easter, by even portions, by the hands of his customer, without any other payment to the said John, as in the indenture thereof more at large appeareth.
Now for the two church lanes, they meet on the south side of this church and churchyard, joining together and running down to Thames Street, which is called St. Dunstan’s Hill. At the lower end, the Thames Street towards the west on both sides goes almost to Billingsgate, and towards the east up to the Water Gate, by the bulwark of the Tower, is all part of Tower Street ward. In this street, on the Thames side, there are various large landing areas called wharfs or keys, used for unloading goods and merchandise, as well as for shipping goods to be transported. These wharfs and keys usually bear the names of their owners, which is why they change. I read, in the 26th year of Henry VI, that in the parish of St. Dunstone in the east, a property called Passeke’s Wharf, and another called Horner’s Key, in Thames Street, were granted to William Harindon, Esq. I also read that in the 6th year of Richard II, John Churchman, a grocer, built a new house on the key called Wool Wharf, in the Tower Street ward, in the parish of Allhallows Barking, between the property of Paule Salisberrie on the east and the lane called the Water Gate on the west, to serve for tronage, or weighing of wools in the port of London. Consequently, the king granted that during John’s life, the aforementioned tronage should be held and maintained in that house, with necessary facilities for the balances and weights, and a counting area for the customer, controllers, clerks, and other officers of the tronage, along with access in and out of the same, just as was provided in other places where the tronage used to be. The king also agreed to pay John forty shillings yearly, during his life, at the feast of St. Michael and Easter, in equal portions, through his customer, without any other payment to John, as detailed in the indenture.
Near unto this Customer’s key towards the east, is the said water gate, and west from it Porter’s key, then Galley key, where the gallies were used to unlade and land their merchandises and wares; and that part of Thames street was therefore of some called Galley row, but more commonly Petty Wales.
Near this Customer's key to the east is the mentioned water gate, and to the west is Porter's key, then Galley key, where the galleys used to unload and land their goods and merchandise; and that part of Thames street was sometimes referred to as Galley row, but more commonly known as Petty Wales.
On the north side, as well as on the south of this Thames street, are many fair houses large for stowage, built for mer[124]chants; but towards the east end thereof, namely, over against Galley key, Wool key, and the Custom house, there have been of old time some large buildings of stone, the ruins whereof do yet remain, but the first builders and owners of them are worn out of memory, wherefore the common people affirm Julius Cæsar to be the builder thereof, as also of the Tower itself. But thereof I have spoken already. Some are of another opinion, and that a more likely, that this great stone building was sometime the lodging appointed for the princes of Wales, when they repaired to this city, and that, therefore, the street in that part is called Petty Wales, which name remaineth there most commonly until this day, even as where the kings of Scotland were used to be lodged betwixt Charing cross and White hall, it is likewise called Scotland, and where the earls of Britons were lodged without Aldersgate, the street is called Britain street, etc.
On the north side, as well as the south of this Thames street, there are many nice houses large enough for storage, built for merchants; but towards the east end, specifically across from Galley key, Wool key, and the Custom House, there have been some large stone buildings from old times, the ruins of which still remain. The original builders and owners have been forgotten, which is why the common people believe Julius Caesar built them, as well as the Tower itself. I've talked about that already. Some people have a different and more plausible opinion, that this large stone building was once meant for the princes of Wales when they visited this city, and that’s why this part of the street is called Petty Wales, a name that still exists today, just as the area where the kings of Scotland used to stay between Charing Cross and Whitehall is called Scotland, and where the earls of Britons stayed outside Aldersgate is called Britain Street, etc.
The said building might of old time pertain to the princes of Wales, as is aforesaid, but is since turned to other use.
The building may have once belonged to the princes of Wales, as mentioned before, but it has since been used for something else.
It is before noted of Galley key, that the galleys of Italie, and other parts, did there discharge their wines and merchandises brought to this city. It is like, therefore, that the merchants and owners procured the place to build upon for their lodgings and storehouses, as the merchants of the Haunce of Almaine were licensed to have a house, called Gilda Teutonicorum, the Guild hall of the Germans. Also the merchants of Burdeaux were licensed to build at the Vintry, strongly with stone, as may be yet seen, and seemeth old, though often repaired; much more cause have these buildings in Petty Wales, though as lately built, and partly of the like stone brought from Caen in Normandie, to seem old, which for many years, to wit, since the galleys left their course of landing there,[136] hath fallen to ruin, and been let out for stabling of horses, to tipplers of beer, and such like; amongst others, one Mother Mampudding (as they termed her) for many years kept this house, or a great part thereof, for victualling; and it seemeth that the builders of the hall of this house were shipwrights, and not house carpenters; for the frame thereof (being but low) is raised of certain principal posts of main timber, fixed deep in the ground, without any groundsell, boarded close round about on the inside, having none other wall from the ground to the roof, those boards not exceeding the length of a clap board, about an inch thick, every board ledging over other as in a ship or galley, nailed with ship nails called rough and clench, to wit, rough nails with broad[125] round heads, and clenched on the other side with square plates of iron. The roof of this hall is also wrought of the like board, and nailed with rough and clench, and seemeth as it were a galley, the keel turned upwards; and I observed that no worm or rottenness is seen to have entered either board or timber of that hall, and therefore, in mine opinion, of no great antiquity.[137]
It’s already been mentioned about Galley key that the galleys from Italy and other places unloaded their wine and goods here in this city. So, it’s likely that the merchants and owners arranged for this location to build their homes and storage facilities, just like the merchants of the Hanseatic League were allowed to have a house called Gilda Teutonicorum, the Guild hall of the Germans. The merchants from Bordeaux were also allowed to build at the Vintry, strongly constructed of stone, which can still be seen today and seems old, even though it has been repaired many times; even more so for the buildings in Petty Wales, which, although more recently built and partly made from similar stone brought from Caen in Normandy, appear old, especially since the galleys stopped landing here. This place has fallen into disrepair and has been rented out for stabling horses and serving drinks, and among others, a woman they called Mother Mampudding ran this establishment, or a large part of it, for food service for many years. It seems that the builders of this hall were shipbuilders, not house carpenters; the structure (which is quite low) is raised from certain main timber posts fixed deep into the ground, without any foundation, closely boarded all around the inside, having no other wall from the ground to the roof, with the boards not longer than clapboards and about an inch thick, overlapping like those in a ship or galley, nailed with ship nails known as rough and clench, meaning rough nails with broad round heads that are clenched on the other side with square iron plates. The roof of this hall is also made with similar boards and nailed with rough and clench, making it look like an upside-down galley, and I noticed that there are no signs of worms or rot in either the boards or the timber of that hall; therefore, in my opinion, it is not very old.
I read, in 44th of Edward III., that a hospital in the parish of Barking church was founded by Robert Denton, chaplain, for the sustentation of poor priests, and other both men and women, that were sick of the frenzy, there to remain till they were perfectly whole, and restored to good memory. Also I read, that in the 6th of Henry V. there was in the Tower ward a messuage, or great house, called Cobham’s inn; and in the 37th of Henry VI, a messuage in Thames street pertaining to Richard Longvile, etc. Some of the ruins before spoken of may seem to be of the foresaid hospital, belonging peradventure to some prior alien, and so suppressed among the rest in the reign of Edward III. or Henry V., who suppressed them all. Thus much for the bounds and antiquities of this ward, wherein is noted the Tower of London, three parish churches, the custom house, and two halls of companies, to wit, the clothworkers and the bakers. This ward hath an alderman, his deputy, common councillors eight, constables thirteen, scavengers twelve, wardmote men thirteen, and a beadle; it is taxed to the fifteenth at six and twenty pounds.[138]
I read, in the 44th year of Edward III, that a hospital in the parish of Barking church was founded by Robert Denton, a chaplain, to provide for poor priests and other men and women who were suffering from mental illness, allowing them to stay there until they were completely healed and restored to full mental clarity. I also read that in the 6th year of Henry V, there was a property, or large house, in the Tower ward called Cobham’s Inn; and in the 37th year of Henry VI, there was a property on Thames Street belonging to Richard Longvile, etc. Some of the ruins previously mentioned might belong to the aforementioned hospital, possibly tied to some prior alien, and thus were suppressed along with the others during the reigns of Edward III or Henry V, who shut them all down. This gives an overview of the boundaries and history of this ward, which includes the Tower of London, three parish churches, the customs house, and two company halls, namely those of the clothworkers and the bakers. This ward has an alderman, a deputy, eight common councillors, thirteen constables, twelve scavengers, thirteen wardmote men, and a beadle; it is assessed for the fifteenth at twenty-six pounds.[138]
ALDGATE WARD
The second ward within the wall, on the east part, is called Aldgate ward, as taking name of the same gate. The principal street of this ward beginneth at Aldgate, stretching west to sometime a fair well, where now a pump is placed; from thence the way being divided into twain, the first and principal street is called Aldgate street, runneth on the south side to Lime street corner, and half that street down on the left hand is also of that ward. In the mid way on that south side, betwixt Aldgate and Lime street, is Hart horn alley, a way that goeth through into Fenchurch street over against Northumberland house. Then have ye the Bricklayers’ hall, and another alley called Sprinckle[126] alley, now named Sugarloafe alley, of the like sign. Then is there a fair house, with divers tenements near adjoining, sometimes belonging to a late dissolved priory, since possessed by Mistress Cornewallies, widow, and her heirs, by gift of Henry VIII., in reward of fine puddings (as it was commonly said) by her made, wherewith she had presented him. Such was the princely liberality of those times. Of later time Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, knight, was lodged there. Then, somewhat more west is Belzettar’s lane, so called of the first builder and owner thereof, now corruptly called Billitar lane. Betwixt this Belzettar lane and Lime street was of later time a frame of three fair houses, set up in the year 1590, in place where before was a large garden plot, enclosed from the high street with a brick wall, which wall being taken down, and the ground dug deep for cellarage, there was found right under the said brick wall another wall of stone, with a gate arched of stone, and gates of timber to be closed in the midst towards the street; the timber of the gates was consumed, but the hinges of iron still remained on their staples on both the sides. Moreover, in that wall were square windows, with bars of iron on either side of the gate. This wall was under ground about two fathoms deep, as I then esteemed it, and seemeth to be the ruins of some houses burned in the reign of King Stephen, when the fire began in the house of one Alewarde, near London stone, and consumed east to Aldgate, whereby it appeareth how greatly the ground of this city hath been in that place raised.
The second ward within the wall, on the east side, is called Aldgate ward, named after the same gate. The main street in this ward starts at Aldgate, stretching west to where there used to be a well, and now there's a pump. From there, the road splits into two, with the first and main street known as Aldgate Street, running on the south side to the Lime Street corner, and half of that street on the left also belongs to this ward. In the middle of that south side, between Aldgate and Lime Street, is Hart Horn Alley, which leads into Fenchurch Street opposite Northumberland House. Next is the Bricklayers’ Hall, and another alley known as Sprinckle[126] Alley, now called Sugarloaf Alley, for the same reason. Then there's a nice house with several nearby tenements, which used to belong to a recently dissolved priory, now owned by Mistress Cornewallies, a widow, and her heirs, given to her by Henry VIII as a reward for the fine puddings she made, which she had presented to him. Such was the generous spirit of those times. More recently, Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, knight, stayed there. A little further west is Belzettar’s Lane, named after its first builder and owner but now mispronounced as Billitar Lane. Between Belzettar Lane and Lime Street, three nice houses were built in 1590, where there used to be a large garden enclosed from the main street by a brick wall. When the wall was taken down and the ground excavated for cellars, another stone wall was found right beneath the brick wall, with an arched stone gate and timber gates meant to close towards the street; while the timber was rotted away, the iron hinges remained on their staples on both sides. Additionally, this wall had square windows with iron bars on either side of the gate. I estimated this wall to be about two fathoms deep underground and it seems to be the remains of some houses destroyed in the reign of King Stephen when a fire broke out in a house belonging to one Alewarde, near London Stone, and spread east to Aldgate, demonstrating how much the ground in this city has been raised in that area.
On the north side this principal street stretcheth to the west corner of St. Andrewe’s church, and then the ward turneth towards the north by St. Marie street, on the east side to St. Augustine’s church in the wall, and so by Buries markes again, or about by the wall to Aldgate.
On the north side, this main street extends to the west corner of St. Andrew's church, and then the neighborhood turns north by St. Mary street, on the east side to St. Augustine's church in the wall, and then by Buries marks again, or around the wall to Aldgate.
The second way from Aldgate, more towards the south, from the pump aforesaid, is called Fenchurch street, and is of Aldgate ward till ye come to Culver alley, on the west side of Ironmongers hall, where sometime was a lane which went out of Fenchurch street to the middest of Lime street, but this lane was stopped up for suspicion of thieves that lurked there by night. Again to Aldgate out of the principal street, even by the gate and wall of the city, runneth a lane south to Crowched Friers, and then Woodroffe lane to the Tower hill, and out of this lane west a street called Hart street, which of that ward stretched to Sydon lane by St. Olave’s church. One other lane more west from Aldgate goeth by Northumberland house[127] toward the Crossed Friers; then have ye on the same side the north end of Mart lane and Blanch Apleton, where that ward endeth.
The second route from Aldgate, heading more south from the mentioned pump, is Fenchurch Street, which belongs to Aldgate Ward until you reach Culver Alley, located on the west side of Ironmongers Hall. There used to be a lane that connected Fenchurch Street to the middle of Lime Street, but that lane was closed off due to concerns about thieves who used to hang out there at night. Continuing from Aldgate, from the main street, right by the city gate and wall, there’s a lane that leads south to Crowched Friers, and then Woodroffe Lane to Tower Hill. From this lane, to the west, is Hart Street, which stretches from that ward to Sydon Lane near St. Olave’s Church. There’s another lane further west from Aldgate that goes by Northumberland House toward the Crossed Friers. On the same side, you’ll find the north end of Mart Lane and Blanch Apleton, where that ward ends.[127]
Thus much for the bounds; now for monuments, or places most ancient and notable.
So much for the limits; now let's talk about landmarks or the most ancient and significant places.
I am first to begin with the late dissolved priory of the Holy Trinity, called Christ’s church, on the right hand within Aldgate. This priory was founded by Matilda, queen, wife to Henry I., in the same place where Siredus sometime began to erect a church in honour of the Cross and of St. Marie Magdalen, of which the Dean and Chapter of Waltham were wont to receive thirty shillings. The queen was to acquit her church thereof, and in exchange gave unto them a mill. King Henry confirmed her gift. This church was given to Norman, first canon regular in all England. The said queen also gave unto the same church, and those that served God therein, the plot of Aldgate, and the soke thereunto belonging, with all customs so free as she had held the same, and twenty-five pound blankes, which she had of the city of Excester, as appeareth by her deed, wherein she nameth the house Christ’s church, and reporteth Aldgate to be of her domains, which she granteth with two parts of the rent of the city of Excester. Norman took upon him to be prior of Christ’s church, in the year of Christ 1108, in the parishes of St. Mary Magdalen, St. Michael, St. Katherine, and the Blessed Trinity, which now was made but one parish of the Holy Trinity, and was in old time of the Holy Cross or Holy Rood parish. The priory was built on a piece of ground in the parish of St. Katherine towards Aldgate, which lieth in length betwixt the King’s street, by the which men go towards Aldgate, near to the chapel of St. Michael towards the north, and containeth in length eighty-three ells, half, quarter, and half-quarter of the king’s iron eln, and lieth in breadth, etc. The soke and ward of Aldgate was then bounded as I have before showed. The queen was a means also that the land and English Knighten Guild was given unto the prior Norman: the honourable man, Geffrey de Glinton, was a great helper therein, and obtained that the canons might enclose the way betwixt their church and the wall of the city, etc. This priory, in process of time, became a very fair and large church, rich in lands and ornaments, and passed all the priories in the city of London or shire of Middlesex; the prior whereof was an alderman of London, to wit, of Portsoken ward.
I want to start with the recently dissolved priory of the Holy Trinity, known as Christ’s Church, located on the right side within Aldgate. This priory was founded by Matilda, the queen and wife of Henry I, on the very spot where Siredus previously began to build a church in honor of the Cross and St. Mary Magdalene. The Dean and Chapter of Waltham used to receive thirty shillings from it. The queen was to release her church from that obligation and, in return, gave them a mill. King Henry confirmed her gift. This church was assigned to Norman, the first canon regular in all of England. The queen also granted the same church, along with those who served God there, the plot of land at Aldgate and the rights associated with it, including all the customs, as freely as she had held them, plus twenty-five pounds of blankets that she received from the city of Exeter, as noted in her deed, where she refers to the house as Christ’s Church and states that Aldgate is part of her domains, which she also grants along with two-thirds of the rent from the city of Exeter. Norman took on the role of prior of Christ’s Church in the year 1108, overseeing the parishes of St. Mary Magdalene, St. Michael, St. Katherine, and the Blessed Trinity, which were later merged into one parish of the Holy Trinity, formerly known as the parish of the Holy Cross or Holy Rood. The priory was constructed on a piece of land in the parish of St. Katherine toward Aldgate, stretching in length between King’s Street, which leads to Aldgate, close to the chapel of St. Michael to the north, and measuring eighty-three ells in length—half, quarter, and half-quarter of the king’s iron eln—and extending in width, etc. The soke and ward of Aldgate were then bounded as I have previously described. The queen also played a role in granting the land and the English Knighten Guild to Prior Norman; the honorable man, Geffrey de Glinton, was a significant contributor to this effort and secured permission for the canons to enclose the pathway between their church and the city wall, etc. Over time, this priory became a beautiful and expansive church, rich in land and decorations, surpassing all the priories in the city of London or the county of Middlesex; its prior was an alderman of London, specifically from Portsoken ward.
I read, that Eustacius, the eighth prior, about the year 1264,[128] because he would not deal with temporal matters, instituted Theobald Fitz Ivonis, alderman of Portsoken ward under him, and that William Rising, prior of Christ’s church, was sworn alderman of the said Portsoken ward in the 1st of Richard II. These priors have sitten and ridden amongst the aldermen of London, in livery like unto them, saving that his habit was in shape of a spiritual person, as I myself have seen in my childhood; at which time the prior kept a most bountiful house of meat and drink, both for rich and poor, as well within the house as at the gates, to all comers, according to their estates.
I read that Eustacius, the eighth prior, around the year 1264,[128] because he refused to engage in worldly matters, appointed Theobald Fitz Ivonis, alderman of Portsoken ward, to assist him. Also, William Rising, prior of Christ's church, was sworn in as alderman of the same Portsoken ward in the first year of Richard II. These priors have sat and ridden alongside the aldermen of London, dressed similarly, except their attire reflected their spiritual status, which I remember from my childhood. At that time, the prior hosted a generous household, providing food and drink for both rich and poor, both within the house and at the gates, welcoming everyone according to their means.
These were the monuments in this church:—Sir Robert Turke, and Dame Alice his wife; John Tirell, esquire; Simon Kempe, esquire; James Manthorpe, esquire; John Ascue, esquire; Thomas Fauset, of Scalset, esquire; John Kempe, gentleman; Robert Chirwide, esquire; Sir John Heningham, and Dame Isabel his wife; Dame Agnes, wife first to Sir William Bardolph, and then to Sir Thomas Mortimer; John Ashfield, esquire; Sir John Dedham, knight; Sir Ambrose Charcam; Joan, wife to Thomas Nuck, gentleman; John Husse, esquire; John Beringham, esquire; Thomas Goodwine, esquire; Ralph Walles, esquire; Dame Margaret, daughter to Sir Ralph Chevie, wife to Sir John Barkeley, to Sir Thomas Barnes, and to Sir W. Bursire; William Roofe; Simon Francis; John Breton, esquire; Helling, esquire; John Malwen and his wife; Anthonie Wels, son to John Wels; Nicholas de Avesey, and Margarie his wife; Anthonie, son to John Milles; Baldwine, son to King Stephen, and Mathilde, daughter to King Stephen, wife to the Earl of Meulan; Henry Fitzalwine, mayor of London, 1213; Geffrey Mandevile, 1215; and many other. But to conclude of this priory: King Henry VIII., minding to reward Sir Thomas Audley, speaker of the parliament against Cardinal Wolsey, as ye may read in Hall, sent for the prior, commending him for his hospitality, promised him preferment, as a man worthy of a far greater dignity, which promise surely he performed, and compounded with him, though in what sort I never heard, so that the prior surrendered all that priory, with the appurtenances, to the king, in the month of July, in the year 1531, the 23rd of the said king’s reign. The canons were sent to other houses of the same order, and the priory, with the appurtenances, King Henry gave to Sir Thomas Audley, newly knighted, and after made lord chancellor.
These were the memorials in this church:—Sir Robert Turke and his wife Dame Alice; John Tirell, esquire; Simon Kempe, esquire; James Manthorpe, esquire; John Ascue, esquire; Thomas Fauset of Scalset, esquire; John Kempe, gentleman; Robert Chirwide, esquire; Sir John Heningham and his wife Dame Isabel; Dame Agnes, who was first the wife of Sir William Bardolph and then of Sir Thomas Mortimer; John Ashfield, esquire; Sir John Dedham, knight; Sir Ambrose Charcam; Joan, wife of Thomas Nuck, gentleman; John Husse, esquire; John Beringham, esquire; Thomas Goodwine, esquire; Ralph Walles, esquire; Dame Margaret, daughter of Sir Ralph Chevie, who was married to Sir John Barkeley, Sir Thomas Barnes, and Sir W. Bursire; William Roofe; Simon Francis; John Breton, esquire; Helling, esquire; John Malwen and his wife; Anthonie Wels, son of John Wels; Nicholas de Avesey and his wife Margarie; Anthonie, son of John Milles; Baldwine, son of King Stephen, and Mathilde, daughter of King Stephen, who was the wife of the Earl of Meulan; Henry Fitzalwine, mayor of London in 1213; Geffrey Mandevile in 1215; and many others. But to wrap up the story of this priory: King Henry VIII, wanting to reward Sir Thomas Audley, the speaker of the parliament against Cardinal Wolsey, as you can read in Hall, summoned the prior, praising him for his hospitality and promised him advancement, saying he was worthy of a much greater position, and he definitely kept that promise. They came to an agreement, though I’ve never heard how, so the prior surrendered the entire priory, along with its properties, to the king in July, in the year 1531, during the 23rd year of that king’s reign. The canons were sent to other houses of the same order, and King Henry gave the priory, along with its properties, to Sir Thomas Audley, who had just been knighted and later became lord chancellor.
Sir Thomas Audley offered the great church of this priory, with a ring of nine bells well tuned (whereof four the greatest[129] were since sold to the parish of Stebunhith, and the five lesser to the parish of St. Stephen in Coleman street) to the parishioners of St. Katherine Christ church, in exchange for their small parish church, minding to have pulled it down, and to have built there towards the street; but the parishioners having doubts in their heads of after-claps, refused the offer. Then was the priory church and steeple proffered to whomsoever would take it down, and carry it from the ground, but no man would undertake the offer; whereupon Sir Thomas Audley was fain to be at more charges than could be made of the stones, timber, lead, iron, etc. For the workmen, with great labour, beginning at the top, loosed stone from stone, and threw them down, whereby the most part of them were broken, and few remained whole; and those were sold very cheap, for all the buildings then made about the city were of brick and timber. At that time any man in the city might have a cart-load of hard stone for paving brought to his door for six pence or seven pence, with the carriage. The said Thomas Lord Audley built and dwelt on this priory during his life, and died there in the year 1544; since the which time the said priory came by marriage of the Lord Audley’s daughter and heir unto Thomas, late Duke of Norfolk, and was then called the Duke’s place.
Sir Thomas Audley offered the large church of this priory, complete with a set of nine well-tuned bells (four of the largest were later sold to the parish of Stebunhith, and the five smaller ones to the parish of St. Stephen in Coleman Street) to the parishioners of St. Katherine Christ Church in exchange for their small parish church, intending to tear it down and build something new towards the street. However, the parishioners were concerned about potential future issues and declined the offer. Then, the priory church and steeple were offered to anyone willing to take them down and remove them, but no one agreed to take on the project. As a result, Sir Thomas Audley had to spend more than what could be recovered from the stones, timber, lead, iron, etc. The workmen, starting at the top, painstakingly loosened the stones and threw them down, which caused most of them to break, with only a few remaining intact; those were sold for very little since most new buildings around the city were made of brick and timber. At that time, anyone in the city could get a cartload of hard stone for paving delivered to their door for just six or seven pence, including the transportation cost. Lord Audley built his residence on this priory and lived there until his death in 1544; since then, the priory passed through marriage to the Lord Audley’s daughter and heir to Thomas, the late Duke of Norfolk, and was then referred to as the Duke’s Place.
The parish church of St. Katherine standeth in the cemetery of the late dissolved priory of the Holy Trinity, and is therefore called St. Katherine Christ church. This church seemeth to be very old; since the building whereof the high street hath been so often raised by pavements, that now men are fain to descend into the said church by divers steps, seven in number. But the steeple, or bell-tower thereof, hath been lately built, to wit, about the year 1504; for Sir John Percivall, merchant-tailor, then deceasing, gave money towards the building thereof. There be the monuments of Sir Thomas Fleming, knight of Rowles, in Essex, and Margaret his wife, 1464; Roger Marshall, esquire; Jane Horne, wife to Roger Marshall; William Multon, alias Burdeaux, herald; John Goad, esquire, and Joan his wife; Beatrix, daughter to William Browne; Thomas Multon, esquire, son to Burdeaux, herald; John Chitcroft, esquire; John Wakefielde, esquire; William Criswicke; Anne and Sewch, daughters to Ralph Shirley, esquire; Sir John Rainsford, knight of Essex; Sir Nicholas Throkmorton, chief butler of England, one of the chamberlains of the exchequer, ambassador, etc., 1570, and other.
The parish church of St. Katherine stands in the cemetery of the former priory of the Holy Trinity, and is therefore called St. Katherine Christ Church. This church seems to be very old; as the level of the high street has been raised so many times with pavements that now people have to go down several steps, totaling seven, to enter the church. However, the steeple, or bell-tower, was built recently, around the year 1504; for Sir John Percivall, a merchant tailor, donated money towards its construction when he passed away. There are monuments for Sir Thomas Fleming, knight of Rowles in Essex, and his wife Margaret, 1464; Roger Marshall, esquire; Jane Horne, wife of Roger Marshall; William Multon, also known as Burdeaux, herald; John Goad, esquire, and his wife Joan; Beatrix, daughter of William Browne; Thomas Multon, esquire, son of Burdeaux, herald; John Chitcroft, esquire; John Wakefielde, esquire; William Criswicke; Anne and Sewch, daughters of Ralph Shirley, esquire; Sir John Rainsford, knight of Essex; Sir Nicholas Throkmorton, chief butler of England, one of the chamberlains of the exchequer, ambassador, etc., 1570, and others.
At the north-west corner of this ward, in the said high street,[130] standeth the fair and beautiful parish church of St. Andrew the Apostle; with an addition, to be known from other churches of that name, of the knape or undershaft; and so called St. Andrew Undershaft, because that of old time, every year on May-day in the morning, it was used, that an high or long shaft or May-pole, was set up there, in the midst of the street, before the south side of the said church; which shaft when it was set on end and fixed in the ground, was higher than the church steeple. Geffrey Chaucer, writing of a vain boaster, hath these words, meaning of the said shaft:
At the northwest corner of this area, on the mentioned high street,[130] stands the lovely parish church of St. Andrew the Apostle. It is distinguished from other churches of that name by its knape or undershaft, thus known as St. Andrew Undershaft. This is because, in the past, every May Day morning, a tall maypole was erected in the middle of the street, right in front of the south side of the church. Once it was set up and anchored in the ground, it towered over the church steeple. Geffrey Chaucer, writing about a bragging boaster, had these words referring to the said shaft:
When you're full, have some wine, then break bread,
Then look, when your womb fills,
As you would carry the heavy shaft of Cornehill,
Lord, your croak is so joyfully crowded then, "Let all the streets hear your body cloak."
This shaft was not raised at any time since evil May-day (so called of an insurrection made by apprentices and other young persons against aliens in the year 1517); but the said shaft was laid along over the doors, and under the pentises of one row of houses and alley gate, called of the shaft Shaft alley (being of the possessions of Rochester bridge), in the ward of Lime street. It was there, I say, hung on iron hooks many years, till the third of King Edward VI., that one Sir Stephen, curate of St. Katherine Christ’s church, preaching at Paules cross, said there that this shaft was made an idol, by naming the church of St. Andrew with the addition of “under that shaft:” he persuaded therefore that the names of churches might be altered; also that the names of days in the week might be changed; the fish days to be kept any days except Friday and Saturday, and the Lent any time, save only betwixt Shrovetide and Easter. I have oft times seen this man, forsaking the pulpit of his said parish church, preach out of a high elm-tree[139] in the midst of the churchyard, and then entering the church, forsaking the altar, to have sung his high mass in English upon a tomb of the dead towards the north. I heard his sermon at Paules cross, and I saw the effect that followed; for in the afternoon of that present Sunday, the neighbours and tenants to the said bridge, over whose doors the said shaft had lain, after they had well dined, to make themselves strong, gathered more help, and with great labour raising the shaft from the[131] hooks, whereon it had rested two-and-thirty years, they sawed it in pieces, every man taking for his share so much as had lain over his door and stall, the length of his house; and they of the alley divided among them so much as had lain over their alley gate. Thus was this idol (as he[140] termed it) mangled, and after burned.
This shaft hadn't been raised since the infamous May Day (named for a rebellion by apprentices and other young people against foreigners in 1517); instead, it lay along the doors and under the awnings of a row of houses and an alley gate, now known as Shaft Alley (part of the properties of Rochester Bridge), in the Lime Street ward. It hung there, supported by iron hooks for many years, until the third year of King Edward VI's reign, when a certain Sir Stephen, curate of St. Katherine Christ's Church, preached at Paul's Cross, claiming that this shaft had become an idol by associating the church of St. Andrew with the phrase "under that shaft." He argued that the names of churches could be changed, as well as the names of the days of the week, suggesting fish days could be observed any day except Friday and Saturday, and that Lent could be observed at any time, except between Shrovetide and Easter. I often saw this man abandon the pulpit of his parish church to preach from a tall elm tree in the churchyard, and then enter the church to hold a high mass in English on a tomb facing north. I attended his sermon at Paul's Cross and witnessed the aftermath; that same Sunday afternoon, the neighbors and tenants of the bridge, under which the shaft had lain, gathered more helpers after a good meal to strengthen themselves, and with great effort, lifted the shaft from the hooks it had rested on for thirty-two years. They sawed it into pieces, with each person taking the length that had rested over their door and stall, while those from the alley divided up the section that had been over their gate. Thus, this idol (as he called it) was destroyed and subsequently burned.
Soon after was there a commotion of the commons in Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, and other shires; by means whereof, straight orders being taken for the suppression of rumours, divers persons were apprehended and executed by martial law; amongst the which the bailiff of Romfort, in Essex, was one, a man very well beloved: he was early in the morning of Mary Magdalen’s day, then kept holiday, brought by the sheriffs of London and the knight-marshal to the well within Aldgate, there to be executed upon a gibbet set up that morning, where, being on the ladder, he had words to this effect: “Good people, I am come hither to die, but know not for what offence, except for words by me spoken yesternight to Sir Stephen, curate and preacher of this parish, which were these: He asked me, ‘What news in the country?’ I answered, ‘Heavy news.’ ‘Why?’ quoth he. ‘It is said,’ quoth I, ‘that many men be up in Essex, but, thanks be to God, all is in good quiet about us:’ and this was all, as God be my judge,” etc. Upon these words of the prisoner, Sir Stephen, to avoid reproach of the people, left the city, and was never heard of since amongst them to my knowledge. I heard the words of the prisoner, for he was executed upon the pavement of my door where I then kept house. Thus much by digression: now again to the parish church of St. Andrew Undershaft, for it still retaineth the name, which hath been new built by the parishioners there since the year 1520; every man putting to his helping hand, some with their purses, other with their bodies. Steven Gennings, merchant-tailor, sometime mayor of London, caused at his charges to be built[141] the whole north side of the great middle aisle, both of the body and choir, as appeareth by his arms over every pillar graven, and also the north isle, which he roofed with timber and sealed; also the whole south side of the church was glazed, and the pews in the south chapel made of his costs, as appeareth in every window, and upon the said pews. He deceased in the year 1524, and was buried in the Grey friars church. John Kerkbie, merchant-tailor, sometime one of the sheriffs, John Garlande, merchant-[132]tailor, and Nicholas Levison, mercer, executor to Garlande, were great benefactors to this work; which was finished to the glazing in the year 1529, and fully finished 1532. Buried in this church:[142] Philip Malpas, one of the sheriffs, 1439; Sir Robert Dennie, knight, and after him Thomas Dennie, his son, in the year 1421; Thomas Stokes, gentleman, grocer, 1496. In the new church: John Nichell, merchant-tailor, 1537; William Draper, esquire, 1537; Isabell and Margaret, his wives; Nicholas Levison, mercer, one of the sheriffs, 1534; John Gerrarde, woolman, merchant of the staple, 1456; Henry Man, doctor of divinity, bishop of Man, 1550; Stephen Kyrton, merchant-tailor, alderman, 1553; David Woodroffe, haberdasher, one of the sheriffs, 1554; Stephen Woodroffe, his son, gave one hundred pounds in money, for the which the poor of that parish receive two shillings in bread weekly for ever; Sir Thomas Offley, merchant-tailor, mayor, 1556; he bequeathed the one half of all his goods to charitable actions, but the parish received little benefit thereby; Thomas Starkey, skinner, one of the sheriffs, 1578; Hugh Offley, leatherseller, one of the sheriffs, 1588; William Hanbury, baker.
Soon after, there was a stir among the common people in Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, and other counties. As a result, immediate orders were issued to suppress rumors, and several individuals were arrested and executed under martial law. Among them was the bailiff of Romford in Essex, a man who was very well-liked. Early on the morning of Mary Magdalen’s day, which was a holiday, he was brought by the sheriffs of London and the knight-marshal to the well at Aldgate, where he was to be executed on a gallows that had been set up that morning. While he was on the ladder, he said something like this: “Good people, I have come here to die, but I don’t know why, except for some words I spoke yesterday to Sir Stephen, the curate and preacher of this parish. He asked me, ‘What’s the news in the country?’ I replied, ‘Heavy news.’ ‘Why?’ he asked. I responded, ‘It’s said that many men are rising up in Essex, but, thank God, everything is quiet here.’ And that was all, as God is my judge.” After the prisoner’s words, Sir Stephen, wanting to avoid the anger of the people, left the city and hasn’t been heard from since, to my knowledge. I heard the prisoner’s words because he was executed right in front of my door where I was living at the time. That’s enough of that digression; now back to the parish church of St. Andrew Undershaft, which still keeps that name and has been newly built by the parishioners since 1520, with everyone contributing in some way—some with money, others with their labor. Steven Gennings, a merchant-tailor and former mayor of London, took on the cost of building the entire north side of the great middle aisle, both the main body of the church and the choir, as shown by his coat of arms carved over every pillar. He also built the north aisle, which he covered with timber and sealed; the whole south side of the church was glazed, and the pews in the south chapel were made at his expense, as seen in every window and on those pews. He passed away in 1524 and was buried in Greyfriars church. John Kerkbie, a merchant-tailor who was once a sheriff, John Garlande, a merchant-tailor, and Nicholas Levison, a mercer and executor to Garlande, were significant benefactors of this project, which was completed to the glazing in 1529 and fully finished in 1532. Buried in this church were: Philip Malpas, one of the sheriffs, 1439; Sir Robert Dennie, knight, followed by his son Thomas Dennie in 1421; and Thomas Stokes, a gentleman grocer, in 1496. In the new church: John Nichell, a merchant-tailor, 1537; William Draper, esquire, 1537; Isabell and Margaret, his wives; Nicholas Levison, a mercer and one of the sheriffs, 1534; John Gerrarde, a wool merchant, 1456; Henry Man, a doctor of divinity and bishop of Man, 1550; Stephen Kyrton, a merchant-tailor and alderman, 1553; David Woodroffe, a haberdasher and one of the sheriffs, 1554; Stephen Woodroffe, his son, who donated one hundred pounds, ensuring that the poor of the parish receive two shillings in bread weekly forever; Sir Thomas Offley, a merchant-tailor and mayor, 1556, who left half of his goods for charitable purposes, though the parish saw little benefit from it; Thomas Starkey, a skinner and one of the sheriffs, 1578; Hugh Offley, a leather seller and one of the sheriffs, 1588; and William Hanbury, a baker.
Now down St. Mary street, by the west end of the church towards the north, stand divers fair houses for merchants and other; namely, one fair great house, built by Sir William Pickering the father, possessed by Sir William his son, and since by Sir Edward Wootton of Kent. North from this place is the Fletchers’ hall, and so down to the corner of that street, over against London wall, and against eastwards to a fair house lately new built, partly by Master Robert Beale, one of the clerks of the council.
Now down St. Mary Street, by the west end of the church toward the north, there are several nice houses for merchants and others; specifically, one large house built by Sir William Pickering the Elder, owned by his son Sir William, and later by Sir Edward Wootton of Kent. North from this spot is Fletcher's Hall, and continuing down to the corner of that street, directly across from London Wall, there's a nice house recently built, partly by Master Robert Beale, one of the clerks of the council.
Then come you to the Papey, a proper house, wherein sometime was kept a fraternity or brotherhood of St. Charity and St. John Evangelist, called the Papey, for poor impotent priests (for in some language priests are called papes), founded in the year 1430 by William Oliver, William Barnabie, and John Stafford, chaplains or chantry priests in London, for a master, two wardens, etc., chaplains, chantry priests, conducts, and other brethren and sisters, that should be admitted into the church of St. Augustine Papey in the wall. The brethren of this house becoming lame, or otherwise into great poverty, were here relieved, as to have chambers, with certain allowance of bread, drink, and coal, and one old man and his wife to see[133] them served and to keep the house clean. This brotherhood, among others, was suppressed in the reign of Edward VI.; since the which time in this house hath been lodged Master Moris of Essex; Sir Francis Walsingham, principal secretary to her majesty; Master Barret of Essex, etc.
Then you arrive at the Papey, a fine house where, at one time, a fraternity or brotherhood of St. Charity and St. John Evangelist was established, known as the Papey, for poor, disabled priests (since in some languages priests are called papes). It was founded in 1430 by William Oliver, William Barnabie, and John Stafford, who were chaplains or chantry priests in London, and included a master, two wardens, chaplains, chantry priests, as well as other brothers and sisters who should be admitted into the church of St. Augustine Papey located in the wall. The brothers of this house, who became lame or fell into severe poverty, were supported here with rooms, a specific allowance of bread, drink, and coal, along with one old man and his wife to help serve them and keep the house clean. This brotherhood, among others, was dissolved during the reign of Edward VI; since then, this house has hosted Master Moris of Essex; Sir Francis Walsingham, chief secretary to Her Majesty; Master Barret of Essex, and others.
Then next is one great house, large of rooms, fair courts, and garden-plots; sometimes pertaining to the Bassets, since that to the abbots of Bury in Suffolk, and therefore called Buries markes, corruptly Bevis markes, and since the dissolution of the abbey of Bury, to Thomas Henage the father, and to Sir Thomas his son. Then next unto it is the before-spoken priory of the Holy Trinity; to wit, the west and north part thereof, which stretcheth up to Aldgate, where we first began.
Then next is a big house, with many rooms, beautiful courtyards, and garden areas; sometimes it belonged to the Bassets, then to the abbots of Bury in Suffolk, and that’s why it’s called Buries markes, which has turned into Bevis markes. After the abbey of Bury was dissolved, it went to Thomas Henage the father and then to his son, Sir Thomas. Next to it is the aforementioned priory of the Holy Trinity; specifically, the west and north parts, which stretch up to Aldgate, where we started.
Now in the second way from Aldgate, more toward the south from the well or pump aforesaid, lieth Fenne church street; on the right hand whereof, somewhat west from the south end of Belzetter’s lane is the Ironmongers’ hall; which company was incorporated in the 3rd of Edward IV. Richard Fleming was their first master; Nicholas Marshall and Richard Cox were custos, or wardens. And on the left hand, or south side, even by the gate and wall of the city, runneth down a lane to the Tower hill; the south part whereof is called Woodroffe lane, and out of this lane toward the west a street called Hart street. In this street, at the south-east corner thereof, sometime stood one house of Crouched (or crossed) friars, founded by Ralph Hosiar and William Sabernes about the year 1298. Stephen, the tenth prior of the Holy Trinity, in London granted there tenements for 13s. 8d. by the year unto the said Ralph Hosiar and William Sabernes, who afterwards became friars of St. Crosse; Adam was the first prior of that house. These friars founded their house in place of certain tenements purchased of Richard Wimbush, the twelfth prior of the Holy Trinity, in the year 1319, which was confirmed by Edward III. the 17th of his reign, valued at £52 13s. 4d., surrendered the twelfth of November, the 30th of Henry VIII. In this house was buried Master John Tirres; Nicholas, the son of William Kyriell, esquire; Sir Thomas Mellington, baron of Wemesse, and Dame Elizabeth his wife, daughter and heir of William Botelar, baron of Wome; Robert Mellington, esquire, and Elizabeth his wife, daughter to Ferreis of Ousley; Henry Lovell, son to William Lord Lovell; Dame Isabel, wife to William Edwarde, mayor of London, 1471; William Narborough, and Dame Elizabeth his wife; William Narborough, and Dame Beatrix his wife; William[134] Brosked, esquire; William Bowes; Lionel Mollington, esquire, son of Robert Mollington; Nicholas Couderow, and Elizabeth his wife; Sir John Stratford, knight; Sir Thomas Asseldy, knight, clerk of the crown, sub-marshal of England, and justice of the shire of Middlesex; John Rest, grocer, mayor of London, 1516; Sir John Skevington, knight, merchant-tailor, sheriff, 1520; Sir John Milborne, draper, mayor in the year 1520, was buried there, but removed since to St. Edmondes in Lombard street; Sir Rice Grifith, beheaded on the Tower hill, 1531.
Now, from Aldgate heading south, there’s Fenne Church Street, close to the well. On the right side, slightly west from the south end of Belzetter’s Lane, is the Ironmongers’ Hall, which was established in the 3rd year of Edward IV. Richard Fleming was the first master, and Nicholas Marshall and Richard Cox served as wardens. On the left side, or the south side, by the city gate and wall, there’s a lane leading down to Tower Hill; the southern part of this lane is called Woodroffe Lane, and from this lane heading west is a street named Hart Street. On the southeast corner of this street used to stand a house for Crouched (or Crossed) friars, founded by Ralph Hosiar and William Sabernes around 1298. Stephen, the tenth prior of the Holy Trinity in London, granted them properties for 13s. 8d. a year. Ralph Hosiar and William Sabernes later became friars of St. Crosse; Adam was the first prior of that house. These friars established their house in place of certain properties they bought from Richard Wimbush, the twelfth prior of the Holy Trinity, in 1319, which was confirmed by Edward III in the 17th year of his reign, valued at £52 13s. 4d.. They surrendered it on November 12, during the 30th year of Henry VIII’s reign. Notables buried in this house include Master John Tirres; Nicholas, son of William Kyriell, esquire; Sir Thomas Mellington, Baron of Wemesse, and Dame Elizabeth, his wife, who was the daughter and heir of William Botelar, Baron of Wome; Robert Mellington, esquire, and Elizabeth, his wife, daughter of Ferreis of Ousley; Henry Lovell, son of William Lord Lovell; Dame Isabel, wife of William Edwarde, mayor of London in 1471; William Narborough and his wife Dame Elizabeth; William Narborough and Dame Beatrix, his wife; William[134] Brosked, esquire; William Bowes; Lionel Mollington, esquire, son of Robert Mollington; Nicholas Couderow and his wife Elizabeth; Sir John Stratford, knight; Sir Thomas Asseldy, knight, clerk of the crown, sub-marshal of England, and justice of the shire of Middlesex; John Rest, grocer, mayor of London in 1516; Sir John Skevington, knight, merchant-tailor, sheriff in 1520; and Sir John Milborne, draper, who was buried there but has since been moved to St. Edmondes in Lombard Street; Sir Rice Grifith, who was beheaded at Tower Hill in 1531.
In place of this church is now a carpenters’ yard, a tennis court, and such like; the friars’ hall was made a glass-house, or house wherein was made glass of divers sorts to drink in; which house in the year 1575, on the 4th of September, burst out into a terrible fire, where being practised all means possible to quench, notwithstanding as the same house in a small time before had consumed a great quantity of wood by making of glasses, now itself having within it about forty thousand billets of wood, was all consumed to the stone walls, which nevertheless greatly hindered the fire from spreading any further.
In place of this church, there's now a carpenter's yard, a tennis court, and similar things; the friars' hall was turned into a glasshouse, where various types of glass were made for drinking. This glasshouse caught fire on September 4, 1575. Despite all efforts to put it out, it was already filled with about forty thousand pieces of wood used for making glass, and it was completely burned down to the stone walls. However, those walls did help keep the fire from spreading any further.
Adjoining unto this friars’ church, by the east end thereof in Woodroffe lane towards the Tower hill, are certain proper alms houses, fourteen in number, built of brick and timber, founded by Sir John Milborne, draper, sometime mayor, 1521, wherein he placed thirteen aged poor men and their wives, if they have wives: these have their dwellings rent free, and 2s. 4d. the piece, the first day of every month, for ever. One also is to have his house over the gate, and 4s. every month: more, he appointed every Sunday for ever, thirteen penny loaves of white bread, to be given in the parish church of St. Edmonde in Lombard street, to thirteen poor people of that parish; and the like thirteen loaves to be given in the parish church of St. Michael upon Cornhill, and in either parish every year one load of chare coal, of thirty sacks in the load; and this gift to be continued for ever: for performance whereof, by the master and wardens of the drapers in London, he assured unto them and their successors twenty-three messuages and tenements, and eighteen garden-plots, in the parish of St. Olave in Hart street; with proviso, that if they perform not those points[143] above-mentioned, the said tenements and gardens to remain to the mayor and commonalty of the city of London.
Adjacent to the friars’ church, at the eastern end on Woodroffe Lane toward Tower Hill, are some nice almshouses, fourteen in total, made of brick and timber. They were established by Sir John Milborne, a draper and former mayor, in 1521, where he provided homes for thirteen elderly poor men and their wives, if they have wives. They live rent-free and receive 2s. 4d. each on the first day of every month, forever. One person is also given a house above the gate, plus 4s. every month. Additionally, he arranged for thirteen penny loaves of white bread to be distributed every Sunday in the parish church of St. Edmonde on Lombard Street to thirteen needy individuals from that parish; the same goes for thirteen loaves in the parish church of St. Michael upon Cornhill. In each parish, every year, one load of charcoal, consisting of thirty sacks, is to be provided, and this donation is to last forever. To ensure this is carried out, he guaranteed the master and wardens of the drapers in London twenty-three houses and eighteen garden plots in the parish of St. Olave on Hart Street. However, if they do not fulfill the mentioned obligations[143], those properties and gardens will revert to the mayor and the common people of the city of London.
Next to these alms houses is the Lord Lumley’s house, built[135] in the time of King Henry VIII. by Sir Thomas Wiat the father, upon one plot of ground of late pertaining to the foresaid Crossed friars, where part of their house stood: and this is the farthest part of Aldgate ward towards the south, and joineth to the Tower hill. The other side of that line, over against the Lord Lumley’s house, on the wall side of the city, is now for the most part (or altogether) built even to Aldgate.
Next to these alms houses is Lord Lumley’s house, built[135] during the reign of King Henry VIII by Sir Thomas Wyatt the father, on a plot of land that used to belong to the aforementioned Crossed friars, where part of their building stood: this marks the southernmost point of Aldgate ward and is adjacent to Tower Hill. On the opposite side of that line, across from Lord Lumley’s house, the city wall is now mostly (if not completely) developed all the way to Aldgate.
Then have you on the south side of Fenchurch street, over against the well or pump, amongst other fair and large built houses, one that sometime belonged to the prior of Monte Joves, or Monastery Cornute, a cell to Monte Joves beyond the seas, in Essex: it was the prior’s inn, when he repaired to this city. Then a lane that leadeth down by Northumberland house towards the Crossed friars, as is afore showed.
Then, on the south side of Fenchurch Street, across from the well or pump, you’ll find a large, impressive house that once belonged to the prior of Monte Joves, or Monastery Cornute, which was a cell of Monte Joves overseas in Essex. This was the prior's inn when he visited the city. There's also a lane that leads down by Northumberland House toward the Crossed Friars, as mentioned earlier.
This Northumberland house, in the parish of St. Katherine Colman, belonged to Henry Percie, Earl of Northumberland, in the 33rd of Henry VI., but of late being left by the earls, the gardens thereof were made into bowling alleys, and other parts into dicing houses, common to all comers for their money, there to bowle and hazard; but now of late so many bowling alleys, and other houses for unlawful gaming, hath been raised in other parts of the city and suburbs, that this their ancient and only patron of misrule, is left and forsaken of her gamesters, and therefore turned into a number of great rents, small cottages, for strangers and others.
This Northumberland house, in the parish of St. Katherine Colman, used to belong to Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, during the 33rd year of Henry VI. However, since being abandoned by the earls, the gardens were turned into bowling alleys and other areas became gaming houses, open to anyone willing to pay. People would come to bowl and gamble there, but recently, so many bowling alleys and other places for illegal gaming have popped up in other parts of the city and suburbs that this once-popular hangout for revelry has been deserted by its gamblers. Consequently, it has been converted into several large rental properties and small cottages for outsiders and others.
At the east end of this lane, in the way from Aldgate toward the Crossed friars, of old time were certain tenements called the poor Jurie, of Jews dwelling there.
At the east end of this lane, on the route from Aldgate toward the Crossed Friars, there used to be some buildings known as the poor Jewry, where Jews lived.
Next unto this Northumberland house is the parish church of St. Katherine, called Coleman; which addition of Coleman was taken of a great haw-yard, or garden, of old time called Coleman haw, in the parish of the Trinity, now called Christ’s church, and in the parish of St. Katherine and All Saints called Coleman church.
Next to this Northumberland house is the parish church of St. Katherine, known as Coleman; the name Coleman comes from a large haw-yard, or garden, that was formerly called Coleman haw, in the parish of the Trinity, now referred to as Christ's church, and in the parish of St. Katherine and All Saints called Coleman church.
Then have you Blanch Apleton; whereof I read, in the 13th of Edward I., that a lane behind the said Blanch Apleton was granted by the king to be inclosed and shut up. This Blanch Apleton was a manor belonging to Sir Thomas Roos of Hamelake, knight, the 7th of Richard II., standing at the north-east corner of Mart lane, so called of a privilege sometime enjoined to keep a mart there, long since discontinued, and therefore forgotten, so as nothing remaineth for memory but the name of Mart lane, and that corruptly termed Marke lane. I read that,[136] in the third of Edward IV., all basket-makers, wire-drawers, and other foreigners, were permitted to have shops in this manor of Blanch Apleton, and not elsewhere, within this city or suburbs thereof; and this also being the farthest west part of this ward on that south side, I leave it, with three parish churches, St Katherine Christ church, St. Andrew Undershaft, and St. Katherine Colemans; and three halls of companies, the Bricklayers’ hall, the Fletchers’ hall, and the Ironmongers’ hall. It hath an alderman, his deputy, common councillors six, constables six, scavengers nine, wardmote men for inquest eighteen, and a beadle. It is taxed to the fifteen in London at five pounds.[144]
Then you have Blanch Apleton; I read that in the 13th year of Edward I, the king granted a lane behind Blanch Apleton to be enclosed and shut off. This Blanch Apleton was a manor owned by Sir Thomas Roos of Hamelake, knight, in the 7th year of Richard II, located at the northeast corner of Mart Lane, which got its name from a privilege once required to hold a market there, long since discontinued and now forgotten, so that only the name Mart Lane remains, often mispronounced as Marke Lane. I read that, in the third year of Edward IV, all basket makers, wire drawers, and other foreigners were allowed to have shops in this manor of Blanch Apleton and nowhere else within this city or its suburbs; and since this is also the furthest western part of this ward on the south side, I will leave it with three parish churches: St. Katherine Christ Church, St. Andrew Undershaft, and St. Katherine Coleman’s; and three company halls: the Bricklayers’ Hall, the Fletchers’ Hall, and the Ironmongers’ Hall. It has an alderman, a deputy, six common councilors, six constables, nine scavengers, eighteen wardmote men for inquests, and a beadle. It is assessed for taxation in London at five pounds.[136][144]
LIME STREET WARD
The next is Lime street ward, and taketh the name of Lime street of making or selling of lime there (as is supposed); the east side of this Lime street, from the north corner thereof to the midst, is of Aldgate ward, as is aforesaid; the west side, for the most part from the said north corner, southward, is of this Lime street ward; the south end on both sides is of Langborne ward; the body of this Lime street ward is of the high street called Cornehill street, which stretcheth from Lime street on the south side to the west corner of Leaden hall, and on the north side from the south-west corner of St. Mary street to another corner over against Leaden hall. Now for St. Mary street; the west side thereof is of this Lime street ward, and also the street which runneth by the north end of this St. Mary street, on both sides, from thence west to an house called the Wrestlers, a sign so called, almost to Bishopsgate. And these are the bounds of this small ward.
The next area is Lime Street Ward, named after Lime Street, which is believed to come from the making or selling of lime there. The east side of Lime Street, from the northern corner to the middle, belongs to Aldgate Ward, as mentioned earlier. The west side, mostly from that northern corner going south, is part of Lime Street Ward. The southern end on both sides is part of Langborne Ward. The main part of Lime Street Ward is along the main street called Cornhill Street, which stretches from Lime Street on the south side to the western corner of Leadenhall, and on the north side from the southwest corner of St. Mary Street to another corner across from Leadenhall. Now for St. Mary Street; the west side belongs to Lime Street Ward, as does the street that runs along the north end of St. Mary Street on both sides, going west to a house called The Wrestlers, named after its sign, almost up to Bishopsgate. And those are the boundaries of this small ward.
Monuments, or places notable, in this ward be these:—In Lime street are divers fair houses for merchants and others; there was sometime a mansion-house of the kings, called the King’s Artirce, whereof I find record in the 14th of Edward I., but now grown out of knowledge. I read also of another great house in the west side of Lime street, having a chapel on the south and a garden on the west, then belonging to the Lord Nevill, which garden is now called the Green yard of the Leaden hall. This house, in the 9th of Richard II., pertained to Sir Simon Burley, and Sir John Burley his brother; and of late the[137] said house was taken down, and the forefront thereof new built of timber by Hugh Offley, alderman. At the north-west corner of Lime street was of old time one great messuage called Benbrige’s inn; Ralph Holland, draper, about the year 1452 gave it to John Gill, master, and to the wardens and fraternity of tailors and linen-armourers of St. John Baptist in London, and to their successors for ever. They did set up in place thereof a fair large frame of timber, containing in the high street one great house, and before it to the corner of Lime street three other tenements, the corner house being the largest, and then down Lime street divers proper tenements; all which the merchant-tailors, in the reign of Edward VI., sold to Stephen Kirton, merchant-tailor and alderman: he gave, with his daughter Grisild, to Nicholas Woodroffe the said great house, with two tenements before it, in lieu of a hundred pounds, and made it up in money £366 13s. 4d. This worshipful man, and the gentlewoman his widow after him, kept those houses down Lime street in good reparations, never put out but one tenant, took no fines, nor raised rents of them, which was ten shillings the piece yearly: but whether that favour did overlive her funeral, the tenants now can best declare the contrary.
Monuments or notable places in this area include the following: In Lime Street, there are several nice houses for merchants and others; there used to be a royal mansion known as the King’s Artirce, mentioned in the 14th year of Edward I., but it has since been forgotten. I’ve also read about another large house on the west side of Lime Street, which had a chapel on the south and a garden on the west; it was then owned by Lord Nevill, and that garden is now called the Green Yard of Leadenhall. In the 9th year of Richard II., that house belonged to Sir Simon Burley and his brother Sir John Burley; recently, the house was demolished, and the front was rebuilt in timber by Hugh Offley, an alderman. On the north-west corner of Lime Street, there used to be a large property called Benbridge’s Inn; Ralph Holland, a draper, donated it around 1452 to John Gill, the master, and the wardens and fraternity of tailors and linen armorers of St. John Baptist in London, along with their successors forever. They constructed a large timber frame building in its place, featuring a main house on the high street and three other tenements at the corner of Lime Street, with the corner house being the largest, and various attractive tenements down Lime Street. All these properties were sold by the merchant-tailors during Edward VI's reign to Stephen Kirton, a merchant-tailor and alderman. He transferred the large house and two tenements in front of it to Nicholas Woodroffe, along with £366 13s. 4d., in exchange for his daughter Grisild's hand. This honorable man and his widow afterward maintained those houses down Lime Street well, never evicting more than one tenant, charging no fees, and keeping the rent steady at ten shillings each year. Whether this generosity continued after her death, the current tenants can best attest otherwise.
Next unto this, on the high street, was the Lord Sowche’s messuage or tenement, and other; in place whereof, Richard Wethell, merchant-tailor, built a fair house, with a high tower, the second in number, and first of timber, that ever I learnt to have been built to overlook neighbours in this city.
Next to this, on the main street, was Lord Sowche's property, and in that place, Richard Wethell, a merchant tailor, built a beautiful house with a tall tower, the second of its kind and the first made of timber, that I have ever heard of being built to overlook neighbors in this city.
This Richard, then a young man, became in a short time so tormented with gouts in his joints, of the hands and legs, that he could neither feed himself nor go further than he was led; much less was he able to climb and take the pleasure of the height of his tower. Then is there another fair house, built by Stephen Kirton, alderman; Alderman Lee doth now possess it, and again new buildeth it.
This Richard, then a young man, quickly became so tormented by gout in his joints, including his hands and legs, that he couldn't feed himself or move more than where he was guided; even less could he climb and enjoy the view from his tower. There is another nice house, built by Stephen Kirton, an alderman; Alderman Lee now owns it and is rebuilding it again.
Then is there a fair house of old time called the Green gate; by which name one Michael Pistoy Lumbard held it, with a tenement and nine shops in the reign of Richard II., who in the 15th of his reign gave it to Roger Crophull, and Thomas Bromeflet, esquires, by the name of the Green gate, in the parish of St. Andrew upon Cornhill, in Lime street ward; since the which time Philip Malpas, sometime alderman, and one of the sheriffs, dwelt therein, and was there robbed and spoiled of his goods to a great value by Jack Cade, and other rebels, in the year 1449.
Then there is a historic house called the Green Gate; by that name, one Michael Pistoy Lumbard owned it, along with a building and nine shops, during the reign of Richard II. In the 15th year of his reign, Richard gave it to Roger Crophull and Thomas Bromeflet, esquires, under the name of the Green Gate, located in the parish of St. Andrew upon Cornhill, in Lime Street Ward. Since then, Philip Malpas, a former alderman and one of the sheriffs, lived there and was robbed of his goods, worth a large amount, by Jack Cade and other rebels in the year 1449.
Afterwards, in the reign of Henry VII., it was seized into the[138] king’s hands, and then granted, first, unto John Alston, after that unto William de la Rivers, and since by Henry VIII. to John Mutas, a Picarde or Frenchman, who dwelt there, and harboured in his house many Frenchmen, that kalendred wolsteds, and did other things contrary to the franchises of the citizens; wherefore on evil May-day, which was in the year 1517, the apprentices and other spoiled his house; and if they could have found Mutas, they would have stricken off his head. Sir Peter Mutas, son to the said John Mutas, sold this house to David Woodroffe, alderman, whose son, Sir Nicholas Woodroffe, alderman, sold it over to John Moore, alderman, that now possesseth it.
Afterward, during Henry VII's reign, it was taken into the[138] king's possession and then granted, first to John Alston, then to William de la Rivers, and later by Henry VIII to John Mutas, a Picard or Frenchman, who lived there and hosted many Frenchmen who produced wool textiles and did other things against the rights of the citizens. Because of this, on Evil May Day in 1517, the apprentices and others attacked his house; if they had found Mutas, they would have decapitated him. Sir Peter Mutas, the son of John Mutas, sold this house to David Woodroffe, an alderman, whose son, Sir Nicholas Woodroffe, also an alderman, then sold it to John Moore, the current owner.
Next is a house called the Leaden porch, lately divided into two tenements; whereof one is a tavern, and then one other house for a merchant, likewise called the Leaden porch, but now turned to a cook’s house. Next is a fair house and a large, wherein divers mayoralties have been kept, whereof twain in my remembrance; to wit, Sir William Bowyar and Sir Henry Huberthorne.
Next is a house called the Leaden Porch, which has recently been split into two units; one is a tavern, and the other is a merchant’s house, also called the Leaden Porch, but now converted into a cook’s shop. Next to that is a nice, large house where several mayoralties have been held, including two that I remember: Sir William Bowyar and Sir Henry Huberthorne.
The next is Leaden hall, of which I read, that in the year 1309 it belonged to Sir Hugh Nevill, knight, and that the Lady Alice his widow made a feoffment thereof, by the name of Leaden hall, with the advowsons of the church of St. Peter upon Cornhill, and other churches, to Richard, Earl of Arundell and Surrey, 1362. More, in the year 1380, Alice Nevill, widow to Sir John Nevill, knight, of Essex, confirmed to Thomas Gogshall and others the said manor of Leaden hall, the advowsons, etc. In the year 1384, Humfrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford, had the said manor. And in the year 1408, Robert Rikeden, of Essex, and Margaret his wife, confirmed to Richard Whittington, and other citizens of London, the said manor of Leaden hall, with the appurtenances, the advowsons of St. Peter’s church, St. Margaret’s Pattens, etc. And in the year 1411, the said Whittington and other confirmed the same to the mayor and commonalty of London, whereby it came to the possession of the city. Then in the year 1443, the 21st of Henry VI., John Hatherley, mayor, purchased license of the said king to take up two hundred fother of lead, for the building of water conduits, a common granary, and the cross in West Cheape, more richly, for the honour of the city. In the year next following, the parson and parish of St. Dunston, in the east of London, seeing the famous and mighty man (for the words be in the grant, cum nobilis et potens vir), Simon Eyre,[139] citizen of London, among other his works of piety, effectually determined to erect and build a certain granary upon the soil of the same city at Leaden hall, of his own charges, for the common utility of the said city, to the amplifying and enlarging of the said granary, granted to Henry Frowicke, then mayor, the aldermen and commonalty, and their successors for ever, all their tenements, with the appurtenances, sometime called the Horsemill, in Grasse street, for the annual rent of four pounds, etc. Also, certain evidences of an alley and tenements pertaining to the Horsemill adjoining to the said Leaden hall in Grasse street, given by William Kingstone, fishmonger, unto the parish church of St. Peter upon Cornehill, do specify the said granary to be built by the said honourable and famous merchant, Simon Eyre, sometime an upholsterer, and then a draper, in the year 1419. He built it of squared stone, in form as now it showeth, with a fair and large chapel in the east side of the quadrant, over the porch of which he caused to be written, Dextra Domini exaltavit me (The Lord’s right hand exalted me). Within the said church, on the north wall, was written. Honorandus famosus mercator Simon Eyre hujus operis, etc. In English thus:—“The honourable and famous merchant, Simon Eyre, founder of this work, once mayor of this city, citizen and draper of the same, departed out of this life, the 18th day of September, the year from the Incarnation of Christ 1459, and the 38th year of the reign of King Henry VI.” He was buried in the parish church of St. Mary Woolnoth, in Lombard street: he gave by his testament, which I have read, to be distributed to all prisons in London, or within a mile of that city, somewhat to relieve them. More, he gave two thousand marks, upon a condition, which not performed, was then to be distributed to maids’ marriages, and other deeds of charity; he also gave three thousand marks to the drapers, upon condition they should, within one year after his decease, establish perpetually a master or warden, five secular priests, six clerks, and two choristers, to sing daily Divine service by note for ever, in his chapel of the Leaden hall; also,[145] one master, with an usher, for grammar, one master for writing, and the third for song, with housing there newly built for them for ever; the master to have for his salary ten pounds, and every other priest eight pounds, every other clerk five pounds six shillings and eight pence, and every other chorister five marks; and if the drapers refused this to do, within one year after his decease, then the three thousand[140] marks to remain to the prior and convent of Christ’s church in London, with condition to establish, as is aforesaid, within two years after his decease; and if they refused, then the three thousand marks to be disposed by his executors, as they best could devise, in works of charity. Thus much for his testament, not performed by establishing of Divine service in his chapel, or free schools for scholars; neither how the stock of three thousand marks, or rather five thousand marks, was employed by his executors, could I ever learn. He left issue, Thomas, who had issue, Thomas, etc. True it is, that in one year, 1464, the 3rd of Edward IV., it was agreed by the mayor, aldermen, and commonalty of London, that notwithstanding the king’s letters patent, lately before granted unto them, touching the tronage or weighing of wares to be holden at the Leaden hall, yet suit should be made to the king for new letters patent to be granted to the mayor of the staple for the tronage of wools to be holden there, and order to be taken by the discretion of Thomas Cooke, then mayor, the counsel of the city, Geffrey Filding, then mayor of the staple at Westminster, and of the king’s council, what should be paid to the mayor and aldermen of the city, for the laying and housing of the wools there, that so they might be brought forth and weighed, etc.
The next is Leaden Hall, which I read once belonged to Sir Hugh Nevill, a knight, in the year 1309. His widow, Lady Alice, transferred it under the name of Leaden Hall, along with the rights to the church of St. Peter on Cornhill and other churches, to Richard, Earl of Arundell and Surrey, in 1362. Later, in 1380, Alice Nevill, the widow of Sir John Nevill, knight of Essex, confirmed the same manor of Leaden Hall and its rights to Thomas Gogshall and others. In 1384, Humfrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford, acquired the manor. Then in 1408, Robert Rikeden of Essex and his wife Margaret confirmed the manor of Leaden Hall, along with its appurtenances and the rights of St. Peter’s church and St. Margaret’s Pattens, to Richard Whittington and other citizens of London. In 1411, Whittington and others confirmed it to the mayor and the common people of London, bringing it into the city’s possession. In 1443, during the 21st year of Henry VI’s reign, John Hatherley, the mayor, obtained a license from the king to take up two hundred fother of lead for constructing water conduits, a public granary, and enhancing a cross in West Cheape for the city's honor. The following year, the parson and parish of St. Dunston, in the east of London, observing the notable and powerful man, Simon Eyre, a citizen of London, decided to build a granary at Leaden Hall at his own expense for the city's benefit. To expand this granary, he granted Henry Frowicke, then mayor, the aldermen and the common people, all their properties known as the Horsemill in Grasse street, for an annual rent of four pounds. Furthermore, certain documents related to an alley and properties next to Leaden Hall in Grasse street were given by William Kingstone, a fishmonger, to the parish church of St. Peter on Cornhill, noting that the granary was built by the esteemed merchant Simon Eyre, who was initially an upholsterer and later a draper, in 1419. He constructed it of squared stone, in the shape it now presents, with a beautiful and large chapel on the east side of the quadrant, over which he had inscribed, "Dextra Domini exaltavit me" (The Lord’s right hand exalted me). Inside the church, on the north wall, it was written: "The honorable and famous merchant, Simon Eyre, founder of this work, once mayor of this city, citizen and draper of the same, passed away on the 18th day of September, in the year from the Incarnation of Christ 1459, and the 38th year of King Henry VI's reign." He was buried in the parish church of St. Mary Woolnoth, in Lombard street. In his will, which I have read, he instructed that some funds be distributed to all prisons in London or within a mile of it to aid their inmates. Additionally, he bequeathed two thousand marks with a condition that, if not fulfilled, it should be distributed for maidens’ marriages and other charitable acts; he also gave three thousand marks to the drapers with the condition that within one year of his death, they should establish a master or warden, five secular priests, six clerks, and two choristers to conduct daily Divine services in his Leaden Hall chapel forever; also, one master for grammar, one for writing, and one for singing, with newly built housing for them for eternity; the master was to receive ten pounds in salary, each priest eight pounds, each clerk five pounds six shillings and eight pence, and each chorister five marks. If the drapers didn't comply within a year of his passing, then the three thousand marks were to go to the prior and convent of Christ’s church in London, conditional on establishing the aforementioned within two years; if they failed, the three thousand marks were to be managed by his executors for charitable works. This much of his will was not fulfilled regarding the establishment of Divine services in his chapel or free schools for scholars; I could never find out how the three thousand marks, or rather five thousand marks, were handled by his executors. He left a son, Thomas, who had a son, Thomas, and so on. It is true that in 1464, during the third year of Edward IV, the mayor, aldermen, and common people of London agreed that despite the king’s recent letters patent on weighing goods at Leaden Hall, a request should be made to the king for new letters patent to give the mayor of the staple authority to weigh wools there, and to consult with Thomas Cooke, then the mayor, the city counsel, Geffrey Filding, then the mayor of the staple at Westminster, and the king’s council about what payment should be made to the city's mayor and aldermen for the installation and housing of the wools there, so that they could be brought forth and weighed.
Touching the chapel there, I find, that in the year 1466, by license obtained of King Edward IV., in the 6th of his reign, a fraternity of the Trinity, of sixty priests, besides other brethren and sisters, in the same chapel, was founded by William Rouse, John Risbie, and Thomas Ashby priests, some of the which sixty priests, every market-day in the forenoon, did celebrate Divine service there to such market-people as repaired to prayer; and once every year they met all together and had solemn service, with procession of the brethren and sisters. This foundation was in the year 1512, by a common council, confirmed to the sixty Trinity priests, and to their successors, at the will of the mayor and commonalty.
Touching the chapel there, I find that in 1466, with permission from King Edward IV., during the 6th year of his reign, a fraternity of the Trinity, consisting of sixty priests, along with other brothers and sisters, was established in the same chapel by priests William Rouse, John Risbie, and Thomas Ashby. Some of these sixty priests conducted Divine service every market day in the morning for the market-goers who came to pray. Once a year, they all gathered for a special service, including a procession with the brothers and sisters. This foundation was confirmed in 1512 by a common council for the sixty Trinity priests and their successors, at the request of the mayor and community.
In the year 1484, a great fire happened upon this Leaden hall, by what casualty I know not, but much housing was there destroyed, with all the stocks for guns, and other provision belonging to the city, which was a great loss, and no less charge to be repaired by them.
In 1484, a massive fire broke out in this Leaden Hall, the cause of which I don't know. Many buildings were destroyed, along with all the gun stocks and other supplies owned by the city, resulting in a significant loss and a hefty expense for them to recover from.
In the year 1503, the 18th of Henry VII., a request was made by the commons of the city, concerning the usage of the said Leaden hall, in form as followeth:—“Please it, the lord mayor, and common council, to enact, that all Frenchmen bringing[141] canvass, linen cloth, and other wares to be sold, and all foreigners bringing wolsteds, sayes, staimus, coverings, nails, iron work, or any other wares, and also all manner of foreigners bringing lead to the city to be sold, shall bring all such their wares aforesaid to the open market of the Leaden hall, there and no where else to be sold and uttered, like as of old time it hath been used, upon pain of forfeiture of all the said wares showed or sold in any other place than aforesaid; the show of the said wares to be made three days in the week, that is to say, Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday; it is also thought reasonable that the common beam be kept from henceforth in the Leaden hall, and the farmer to pay therefore reasonable rent to the chamber; for better it is that the chamber have advantage thereby than a foreign person; and also the said Leaden hall, which is more chargeable now by half than profitable, shall better bear out the charges thereof; also the common beam for wool at Leaden hall, may yearly pay a rent to the chamber of London, toward supportation and charges of the same place; for reason it is, that a common office, occupied upon a common ground, bear a charge to the use of the commonalty; also, that foreigners bringing wools, felts, or any other merchandises or wares to Leaden hall, to be kept there for the sale and market, may pay more largely for the keeping of their goods than free men.” Thus much for the request of the commons at this time.
In the year 1503, the 18th of Henry VII., a request was made by the citizens of the city regarding the use of the Leaden Hall, as follows: “We ask the lord mayor and common council to establish that all French traders bringing canvass, linen cloth, and other goods for sale, along with all foreigners bringing woolen goods, cloths, coverings, nails, ironwork, or any other items, and all kinds of foreigners bringing lead to the city to sell, must bring all such goods to the open market at Leaden Hall, and nowhere else, as has been done in the past, under penalty of losing all items displayed or sold in any other location. The display of such goods should occur three days a week, specifically on Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday. It is also considered reasonable that the common beam should be kept at Leaden Hall moving forward, with the farmer paying a fair rent to the chamber; it is better for the chamber to benefit from this than for a foreign individual. Additionally, the Leaden Hall, which now costs twice as much to maintain as it earns, will manage these expenses better; furthermore, the common beam for wool at Leaden Hall could contribute a yearly rent to the London chamber to help cover expenses for the same location. It is only fair that a common office, operated on common ground, bears a cost for the benefit of the community; also, that foreigners bringing wool, felt, or other merchandise to Leaden Hall for sale should pay more for storing their goods than local citizens.” This is the request from the citizens at this time.
Now to set down some proof that the said hall hath been employed and used as a granary for corn and grain (as the same was first appointed), leaving all former examples, this one may suffice: Roger Achley, mayor of London in the year 1512, the 3rd of Henry VIII., when the said mayor entered the mayoralty, there was not found one hundred quarters of wheat in all the garners of the city, either within the liberties, or near adjoining; through the which scarcity, when the carts of Stratford came laden with bread to the city (as they had been accustomed) there was such press about them, that one man was ready to destroy another, in striving to be served for their money. But this scarcity did not last long; for the mayor in short time made such provision of wheat, that the bakers, both of London and Stratford, were weary of taking it up, and were forced to take up much more than they would, and for the rest the mayor laid out the money, and stored it up in Leaden hall, and other garners of the city. This mayor also kept the market so well, that he would be at the Leaden hall by four o’clock in the[142] summer’s mornings; and from thence he went to other markets, to the great comfort of the citizens.
Now to provide proof that the hall has been used as a granary for corn and grain (as it was originally intended), one example will suffice: Roger Achley, the mayor of London in 1512, during the 3rd year of Henry VIII's reign, found that when he took office, there was not even one hundred quarters of wheat in all the city’s granaries, whether within the city limits or nearby. Because of this shortage, when carts from Stratford arrived laden with bread as they usually did, there was such a crowd around them that people were almost ready to fight each other just to be served for their money. However, this shortage didn't last long; the mayor quickly arranged for a supply of wheat so that the bakers from both London and Stratford were overwhelmed with the quantity provided, forcing them to take more than they wanted. As for the excess, the mayor spent the funds to stockpile it in Leaden Hall and other granaries in the city. This mayor also managed the market so well that he would be at Leaden Hall by four o'clock in the summer mornings, and from there he would visit other markets, greatly benefiting the citizens.
I read also that in the year 1528, the 20th of Henry VIII., surveyors were appointed to view the garners of the city, namely, the Bridgehouse and the Leaden hall, how they were stored of grain for the service of the city. And because I have here before spoken of the bread carts coming from Stratford at the Bow, ye shall understand that of old time the bakers of bread at Stratford were allowed to bring daily (except the Sabbath and principal feasts) divers long carts laden with bread, the same being two ounces in the penny wheat loaf heavier than the penny wheat loaf baked in the city, the same to be sold in Cheape, three or four carts standing there, between Gutheron’s lane and Fauster’s lane end, one cart on Cornhill, by the conduit, and one other in Grasse street. And I have read, that in the 4th year of Edward II., Richard Reffeham being mayor, a baker named John of Stratforde, for making bread less than the assize, was with a fool’s hood on his head, and loaves of bread about his neck, drawn on a hurdle through the streets of this city. Moreover, in the 44th of Edward III., John Chichester being mayor of London, I read in the Visions of Pierce Plowman, a book so called, as followeth:
I also read that in the year 1528, in the 20th year of Henry VIII's reign, surveyors were appointed to inspect the granaries of the city, specifically the Bridgehouse and the Leadenhall, to check how they were stocked with grain for the city's needs. And since I mentioned the bread carts coming from Stratford at the Bow, you should know that long ago, bakers in Stratford were allowed to bring in several long carts filled with bread every day (except on the Sabbath and major holidays). The loaves were two ounces heavier than the penny wheat loaf baked in the city and were sold in Cheapside, with three or four carts lined up there between Gutheron’s lane and Fauster’s lane end, one cart on Cornhill by the conduit, and another in Grasse street. I also read that in the 4th year of Edward II, when Richard Reffeham was mayor, a baker named John of Stratford was publicly punished for making underweight bread by wearing a fool’s hood and having loaves of bread hung around his neck while being dragged on a hurdle through the city streets. Furthermore, in the 44th year of Edward III, with John Chichester serving as mayor of London, I read in the Visions of Pierce Plowman, a book by that name, as follows:
Like my waffles; And they frown when they are criticized.
It hasn't been long since, There was a mindful community,
When no cart comes to town With breed from Stratford; Tho gonnen beggars weep,
And the workers were amazed a little; This will take longer. On the date of our Lord,
In a dry April, 1,300 Two twenty and ten,
My waffles there were seasonal. "When Chichester was mayor."[146]
I read also in the 20th of Henry VIII., Sir James Spencer being mayor, six bakers of Stratford were amerced in the Guildhall of London, for baking under the size appointed. These bakers of Stratford left serving of this city, I know not upon what occasion, about thirty years since.
I also read in the 20th year of Henry VIII's reign, when Sir James Spencer was mayor, that six bakers from Stratford were fined in the Guildhall of London for baking loaves smaller than the specified size. These bakers from Stratford stopped serving this city, though I’m not sure why, about thirty years ago.
In the year 1519 a petition was exhibited by the commons to the common council, and was by them allowed, concerning the Leaden hall, how they would have it used, viz. “Meekly beseeching, showeth unto your good lordship and masterships, divers citizens of this city, which under correction think, that the great place called the Leaden hall should, nor ought not to be letten to farm to any person or persons, and in especial to any fellowship or company incorporate, to have and hold the same hall for term of years, for such inconveniences as thereby may ensue, and come to the hurt of the common weal of the said city in time to come, as somewhat more largely may appear in the articles following.
In 1519, a petition was presented by the common people to the city council, and they approved it regarding Leaden Hall, stating: “We humbly ask you, good lords and masters, various citizens of this city, who believe, with all due respect, that the large space known as Leaden Hall should not be leased to anyone, especially not to any incorporated group or company, to possess and use the hall for a number of years, due to the issues that may arise and potentially harm the common good of the city in the future, as can be explained in more detail in the following articles."
“First, If any assembly or hasty gathering of the commons of the said city, for suppressing or subduing of misruled people within the said city, hereafter shall happen to be called or commanded by the mayor, aldermen, and other governors and councillors of the said city for the time being, there is none so convenient, meet, and necessary a place, to assemble them in, within the said city, as the said Leaden hall, both for largeness of room, and their sure defence in time of their counselling together about the premises. Also, in that place hath been used the artillery, guns, and other armours of the said city, to be safely kept in a readiness for the safeguard, wealth, and defence of the said city, to be had and occupied at times when need required. As also the store of timber for the necessary reparations of the tenements belonging to the chamber of the said city, there commonly hath been kept. Item, If any triumph or nobleness were to be done, or shown by the commonalty of the city, for the honour of our sovereign lord the king and realm, and for the worship of the said city, the said Leaden hall is most meet and convenient place to prepare and order the said triumph therein, and from thence to issue forth to the places therefore appointed. Item, at any largess or dole of any money made unto the poor people of this city, it hath been used to be done and given in the said Leaden hall, for that the said place is most meet therefore. Item, the honourable father, that was maker of the said hall, had a special will, intent, and mind, that (as it is commonly said) the market men and women that came to the city with victuals and other things, should have their free standing within the said Leaden hall in wet weather, to keep themselves and their wares dry, and thereby to encourage them, and all other, to have the better will and desire the more plenteously to resort to the said city, to victual[144] the same. And if the said hall should be letten to farm, the will of the said honourable father should never be fulfilled nor take effect. Item, if the said place, which is the chief fortress, and most necessary place within all the city, for the tuition and safeguard of the same, should be letten to farm out of the hands of the chief heads of the same city, and especially to another body politic, it might at length by likelihood be occasion of discord and debate between the said bodies politic, which God defend.
“First, if any gathering or quick assembly of the people in this city is called or commanded by the mayor, aldermen, and other leaders and council members for the purpose of controlling or managing unruly individuals within the city, there is no place more suitable, appropriate, and necessary to gather them than the Leaden Hall, both for its spaciousness and its secure environment during discussions about these matters. Additionally, this place has historically been used to store the city’s artillery, guns, and other weapons, kept ready for the safety, well-being, and defense of the city as needed. Also, the supply of timber for necessary repairs of the buildings belonging to the chamber of the city has commonly been stored here. If there is to be any celebration or display organized by the people of the city to honor our sovereign lord the king and the realm, and to bring distinction to the city itself, the Leaden Hall is the best location to plan and facilitate such events, and from there to proceed to the designated locations. Also, during any charitable distribution of money to the poor of this city, it has been customary to do this in the Leaden Hall because it is the most fitting place for it. Furthermore, the honorable founder of the hall intended that, as commonly mentioned, market men and women coming to the city with food and other goods should have a place to stand freely in the Leaden Hall during rainy weather to keep themselves and their goods dry. This was meant to encourage them and others to come more willingly and abundantly to supply the city. If the hall were to be leased out, the wishes of the esteemed founder would never be fulfilled or come to pass. Lastly, if this place, which is the main stronghold and most essential site in the entire city for its protection and safety, were to be leased out of the control of the city’s primary leaders and especially to another political entity, it could likely lead to disputes and conflicts between these entities, which God forbid.”
“For these and many other great and reasonable causes, which hereafter shall be showed to this honourable court, your said beseechers think it much necessary that the said hall be still in the hands of this city, and to be surely kept by sad and discreet officers, in such wise, that it may alway be ready to be used and occupied for the common weal of the said city when need shall require, and in no wise to be letten to any body politic.”
“For these and many other important and reasonable reasons, which will be presented to this honorable court later, we believe it is essential that the hall remains under the control of this city and is securely managed by responsible and sensible officers, so that it is always available for the benefit of the city when needed, and should not be leased to any political body.”
Thus much for the petition.
That's it for the petition.
About the year 1534, great means were made about the Leaden hall to have the same made a burse, for the assembly of merchants, as they had been accustomed in Lombard street; many common councils were called to that end: but in the year 1535, John Champneys being mayor, it was fully concluded that the burse should remain in Lombard street as afore, and Leaden hall no more to be spoken of concerning that matter.
About the year 1534, there were significant efforts to turn Leaden Hall into a trading exchange for merchants, as they had previously done in Lombard Street. Many city council meetings were held for this purpose; however, in the year 1535, under the mayorship of John Champneys, it was ultimately decided that the trading exchange would remain in Lombard Street as before, and Leaden Hall would no longer be discussed in relation to this matter.
The use of Leaden hall in my youth was thus:,—In a part of the north quadrant, on the east side of the north gate, were the common beams for weighing of wool and other wares, as had been accustomed; on the west side the gate were the scales to weight meal; the other three sides were reserved for the most part to the making and resting of the pageants showed at Midsummer in the watch; the remnant of the sides and quadrant was employed for the stowage of wool sacks, but not closed up; the lofts above were partly used by the painters in working for the decking of pageants and other devices, for beautifying of the watch and watchmen; the residue of the lofts were letten out to merchants, the wool winders and packers therein to wind and pack their wools. And thus much for Leaden hall may suffice.
The use of Leaden Hall in my youth was as follows: in the northeast quadrant, on the east side of the north gate, there were the common beams for weighing wool and other goods, as was customary; on the west side of the gate were the scales for weighing meal; the other three sides were mainly used for creating and displaying the pageants shown during Midsummer in the watch; the remaining parts of the sides and quadrant were used for storing wool sacks, but were not completely closed off; the upper levels were partly used by painters working on the decorations for the pageants and other designs to beautify the watch and the watchmen; the rest of the upper levels were rented out to merchants, specifically wool winders and packers, who used the space to wind and pack their wool. And that’s about it for Leaden Hall.
Now on the north of Lime street ward in the high street are divers fair houses for merchants, and proper tenements for artificers, with an alley also called Shaft alley, of the shaft or May-pole sometime resting over the gate thereof, as I have declared in Aldgate ward. In the year 1576, partly at the[145] charges of the parish of St. Andrew, and partly at the charges of the chamber of London, a water-pump was raised in Lime street ward, near unto Lime street corner; for the placing of the which pump, having broken up the ground, they were forced to dig more than two fathom deep[147] before they came to any main ground, where they found a hearth made of Britain, or rather Roman tile[148] every tile half a yard square, and about two inches thick; they found coal lying there also (for that lying whole will never consume); then digging one fathom into the main, they found water sufficient, made their prall, and set up the pump; which pump, with oft repairing and great charges to the parish, continued not four-and-twenty years, but being rotted, was taken up and a new set in place in the year 1600. Thus much for the high street.
Now, to the north of Lime Street Ward on the high street, there are various fine houses for merchants and decent apartments for craftsmen, along with an alley also called Shaft Alley, named after the shaft or May-pole that used to rest over its gate, as I've mentioned in Aldgate Ward. In 1576, partly funded by the parish of St. Andrew and partly by the City of London, a water pump was installed in Lime Street Ward, near the corner of Lime Street. To install this pump, they had to dig down over two fathoms before reaching solid ground, where they discovered a hearth made of British or rather Roman tiles, each tile about half a yard square and two inches thick; they also found coal there (because coal that remains whole will never burn away). After digging down another fathom into the main ground, they found enough water, built their pipe, and set up the pump. However, after nearly twenty-four years of constant repairs and significant costs to the parish, it eventually rotted and was removed, with a new pump installed in its place in 1600. This covers the high street.
In St. Marie street had ye of old time a parish church of St. Marie the Virgin, St. Ursula, and the eleven thousand Virgins, which church was commonly called St. Marie at the Axe, of the sign of an axe, over against the east end thereof, or St. Marie Pellipar, of a plot of ground lying on the north side thereof, pertaining to the Skinners in London. This parish, about the year 1565, was united to the parish church of St. Andrew Undershaft, and so was St. Mary at the Axe suppressed and letten out to be a warehouse for a merchant. Against the east end of this church was sometime a fair wall, now turned to a pump. Also against the north end of this St. Mary street, was sometime one other parish church of St. Augustine, called St. Augustine in the Wall, for that it stood adjoining to the wall of the city, and otherwise called St. Augustin’s Papey, or the poor, as I have read in the reign of Edward III. About the year 1430, in the reign of Henry VI., the same church was allowed to the brethren of the Papey, the house of poor priests, whereof I have spoken in Aldgate ward. The parishioners of this church were appointed to the parish church of Allhallows in the wall, which is in Broad street ward, this brotherhood called Papey, being suppressed, the church of St Augustin was pulled down, and in place thereof one Grey an apothecary built a stable, hay-loft, etc. It is now a dwelling-house.[149] Those two parish churches, both lying in the ward of Lime street, being thus suppressed, there is not any one parish church or place for Divine service in that ward, but the[146] inhabitants thereof repair to St. Peter in Cornhill ward, St. Andrew in Aldgate ward, Alhallows in the wall in Broad street ward, and some to St. Denis in Langborne ward.
On St. Marie Street, there used to be a parish church dedicated to St. Mary the Virgin, St. Ursula, and the eleven thousand Virgins. This church was commonly known as St. Mary at the Axe, named after the axe sign located at its east end, or St. Mary Pellipar, after a piece of land on its north side that belonged to the Skinners in London. Around 1565, this parish was merged with St. Andrew Undershaft parish church, leading to the closure of St. Mary at the Axe, which was then rented out as a warehouse for a merchant. At the east end of this church, there used to be a nice wall, which has now been converted into a pump. Additionally, at the north end of St. Mary Street, there used to be another parish church called St. Augustine, or St. Augustine in the Wall, because it was next to the city wall. It was also referred to as St. Augustine’s Papey, or "the poor," as noted during the reign of Edward III. Around 1430, during Henry VI's reign, the church was designated for the brethren of the Papey, a house for poor priests that I mentioned in Aldgate ward. The parishioners of this church were directed to Allhallows in the Wall parish church, located in Broad Street ward. Once this brotherhood, known as Papey, was dissolved, the church of St. Augustine was demolished, and in its place, an apothecary named Grey built a stable, hay-loft, etc. It is now a residential house.[149] With both of these parish churches in the Lime Street ward suppressed, there is no longer any parish church or place for Divine service in that ward, so the residents now go to St. Peter in Cornhill ward, St. Andrew in Aldgate ward, Allhallows in the Wall in Broad Street ward, and some to St. Denis in Langbourne ward.
Now because of late there hath been some question, to what ward this church of St. Augustine Papey should of right belong, for the same hath been challenged by them of Aldgate ward, and without reason taken into Bishopsgate ward from Lime street ward, I am somewhat to touch it. About thirty years since the chamber of London granted a lease of ground, in these words: “lying near London wall in the ward of Lime street, from the west of the said church or chapel of St. Augustine Papey towards Bishopsgate,” etc. On the which plot of ground the lease built three fair tenements, and placed tenants there; these were charged to bear scot and lot, and some of them to bear office in Lime street ward; all which they did willingly without grudging. And when any suspected or disordered persons were by the landlord placed there, the officers of Lime street ward fetched them out of their houses, committed them to ward, procured their due punishments, and banished them from thence; whereby in short time that place was reformed, and brought into good order; which thing being noted by them of Aldgate ward, they moved their alderman, Sir Thomas Offley, to call in those houses to be of his ward; but I myself showing a fair ledger book, sometimes pertaining to the late dissolved priory of the Holy Trinity whithin Aldgate, wherein were set down the just bounds of Aldgate ward, before Sir Thomas Offley, Sir Rowland Heyward, the common council, and wardmote inquest of the same Lime street ward, Sir Thomas Offley gave over his challenge, and so that matter rested in good quiet until the year 1579, that Sir Richard Pype being mayor, and alderman of Bishopsgate ward, challenged those houses to be of his ward, whereunto (without reason showed) Sir Rowland Heyward yielded. And thus is that side of the street, from the north corner of St. Mary street almost to Bishopsgate, wherein is one plot of ground, letten by the chamberlain of London to the parish of St. Martin’s Oteswich, to be a churchyard or burying place for the dead of that parish, etc., unjustly drawn and withholden from the ward of Lime street. Divers other proofs I could set down, but this one following may suffice.—The mayor and aldermen of London made a grant to the fraternity of Papie in these words: “Be it remembered, that where now of late the master and wardens of the fraternity of the Papie have made a brick wall, closing in the chapel of St. Augustine called Papie[147] chapel, situate in the parish of All Saints in the Wall, in the ward of Lime street, of the city of London; from the south-east corner of the which brick wall is a scutcheon of twenty-one feet of assize from the said corner eastward. And from the same scutcheon there to a messuage of fifty-five feet and a half westward, the said scutcheon breaketh out of line right southward betwixt the measures aforesaid three feet and five inches of assize, upon the common ground of the said city aforesaid, Ralph Verney, mayor, and the aldermen of the same city, the 22nd day of October, the 6th year of Edward IV., granted to John Hod, priest, and to Master John Bolte, and Thomas Pachet, priests, wardens of the fraternity of Papie aforesaid, and to their successors for ever, etc., yielding four pence sterling yearly at Michaelmas.” And this is, saith my book,[150] enrolled in the Guild hall of London; which is a sufficient proof the same plot of ground to be of Lime street ward, and never otherwise accounted or challenged.
Now, recently, there has been some discussion about which ward the church of St. Augustine Papey rightfully belongs to, as it has been claimed by those from Aldgate ward and taken without reason from Lime street ward into Bishopsgate ward. I feel it's important to address this. About thirty years ago, the chamber of London granted a lease for land, stating: “lying near London wall in the ward of Lime street, from the west of the said church or chapel of St. Augustine Papey towards Bishopsgate,” etc. On this plot of land, the leaseholders built three nice homes and rented them out; these tenants were responsible for paying taxes and some even took on roles in Lime street ward, which they did without complaint. Whenever any suspected troublemakers were placed there by the landlord, the officers of Lime street ward would remove them from their homes, detain them, ensure they received their proper punishments, and banish them, which quickly improved the area and put it in order. Noticing this, those from Aldgate ward urged their alderman, Sir Thomas Offley, to claim those houses for his ward; however, I presented a detailed ledger that once belonged to the now-dissolved priory of the Holy Trinity within Aldgate, showing the correct boundaries of Aldgate ward. In front of Sir Thomas Offley, Sir Rowland Heyward, the common council, and wardmote inquest of Lime street ward, Sir Thomas Offley dropped his claim, and the issue remained settled until 1579 when Sir Richard Pype was mayor and alderman of Bishopsgate ward, claiming those houses for his ward, but without any justification, Sir Rowland Heyward agreed. Thus, that side of the street, from the north corner of St. Mary street almost to Bishopsgate, includes a plot of land leased by the chamberlain of London to the parish of St. Martin’s Oteswich to serve as a churchyard or burial site for that parish, which has been improperly taken from Lime street ward. I could provide more evidence, but one final point suffices.—The mayor and aldermen of London granted the fraternity of Papie as follows: “Be it remembered, that recently the master and wardens of the fraternity of Papie built a brick wall enclosing the chapel of St. Augustine called Papie[147] chapel, located in the parish of All Saints in the Wall, in the ward of Lime street, within the city of London; from the south-east corner of this brick wall is a measurement of twenty-one feet from that corner eastward. From the same measurement, it extends to a property fifty-five feet and a half westward, with the measurement deviating three feet and five inches southward, on the common ground of the city, Ralph Verney, mayor, and the aldermen on the 22nd day of October, in the 6th year of Edward IV., granted to John Hod, a priest, along with Master John Bolte and Thomas Pachet, also priests and wardens of the fraternity of Papie, and their successors forever, etc., in exchange for four pence sterling annually at Michaelmas.” And this is, according to my records,[150] recorded in the Guildhall of London; which is sufficient proof that this plot of land belongs to Lime street ward and has never been accounted for or claimed otherwise.
On the south side of this street, stretching west from St. Mary street towards Bishopsgate street, there was of old time one large messuage built of stone and timber, in the parish of St. Augustine in the Wall, now the parish of Allhallows in the same wall, belonging to the Earl of Oxford, for Richard de Vere, Earl of Oxford, possessed it in the 4th of Henry V.; but in process of time the lands of the earl fell to females, amongst the which, one being married to Wingfielde of Suffolke, this house with the appurtenances fell to his lot, and was by his heir, Sir Robert Wingfield, sold to Master Edward Coke, at this time the queen’s attorney-general. This house being greatly ruinated of late time, for the most part hath been letten out to poulterers, for stabling of horses and stowage of poultry, but now lately new built into a number of small tenements, letten out to strangers, and other mean people.
On the south side of this street, stretching west from St. Mary Street toward Bishopsgate Street, there used to be a large building made of stone and timber, in the parish of St. Augustine in the Wall, now the parish of Allhallows in the same wall, that belonged to the Earl of Oxford. Richard de Vere, the Earl of Oxford, owned it in the 4th year of Henry V. Over time, the earl's lands went to women, one of whom married Wingfield from Suffolk. This house, along with its property, ended up belonging to him and was sold by his heir, Sir Robert Wingfield, to Master Edward Coke, who was the queen's attorney-general at that time. This house had fallen into disrepair lately and was mostly rented out to poultry sellers for stabling horses and storing poultry, but it has now recently been rebuilt into several small apartments, rented out to strangers and other lower-income individuals.
One note more of this ward, and so an end. I find of record, that in the year 1371, the 45th of Edward III., a great subsidy of one hundred thousand pounds was granted towards the king’s wars in France, whereof the clergy paid fifty thousand pounds, and the laity fifty thousand pounds, to be levied to thirty-nine shires of England, containing parishes eight thousand six hundred, of every parish five pounds sixteen shillings, the greater to help the lesser. This city, as one of the shires, then containing twenty-four wards, and in them one hundred and ten parishes, was therefore assessed to six hundred and thirty-[148]five pounds twelve shillings, whereof Lime street ward did bear thirty-four shillings and no more, so small a ward it was, and so accounted, as having no one whole parish therein, but small portions only of two parishes in that ward. This ward hath an alderman, his deputy, common councillors four, constables four, scavengers two, wardmote inquest sixteen, and a beadle; and is taxed to the fifteenth at one pound nineteen shillings and two pence three farthings.
One more note about this ward, and then I’m done. I found in the records that in the year 1371, during the 45th year of Edward III’s reign, a large financial contribution of one hundred thousand pounds was approved for the king’s wars in France. The clergy contributed fifty thousand pounds, and the laity matched that with another fifty thousand pounds, collected from thirty-nine counties in England, which had a total of eight thousand six hundred parishes. Each parish contributed five pounds and sixteen shillings, where the larger parishes helped the smaller ones. This city, being one of the counties, then had twenty-four wards, with one hundred and ten parishes among them, and was assessed six hundred and thirty-five pounds twelve shillings. Lime Street ward was responsible for thirty-four shillings and no more, as it was a small ward, containing not a single complete parish, just small portions of two parishes. This ward has an alderman, a deputy, four common councillors, four constables, two scavengers, sixteen members of the wardmote inquest, and a beadle; and is taxed for the fifteenth at one pound nineteen shillings and two pence three farthings.
BISHOPSGATE WARD
The next is Bishopsgate ward; whereof a part is without the gate and of the suburbs, from the bars by St. Mary Spittle to Bishopsgate, and a part of Houndsditch; almost half thereof, also without the wall, is of the same ward. Then within the gate is Bishopsgate street, so called of the gate, to a pump, where sometimes was a fair well, with two buckets, by the east end of the parish church of St. Martin Oteswich, and then winding by the west corner of Leaden hall down Grass street to the corner over against Grass church; and this is the bounds of that ward.
The next area is Bishopsgate ward; part of it is outside the gate and in the suburbs, stretching from the bars near St. Mary Spittle to Bishopsgate, and part of Houndsditch; almost half of it, also outside the wall, belongs to the same ward. Inside the gate is Bishopsgate Street, named after the gate, leading to a pump, where there used to be a good well, with two buckets, at the east end of the St. Martin Oteswich parish church. The street then curves by the west corner of Leadenhall down Grass Street to the corner across from Grass Church; these are the boundaries of that ward.
Monuments most to be noted are these: The parish church of St. Buttolph without Bishopsgate, in a fair churchyard, adjoining to the town ditch, upon the very bank thereof, but of old time inclosed with a comely wall of brick, lately repaired by Sir William Allen, mayor, in the year 1571, because he was born in that parish, where also he was buried. An anchoress received 40s. the year of the sheriffs of London.
Monuments worth mentioning include the parish church of St. Buttolph without Bishopsgate, located in a nice churchyard next to the town ditch, right on its bank. In the past, it was surrounded by a beautiful brick wall, which was recently repaired by Sir William Allen, the mayor, in 1571, since he was born in that parish and is also buried there. An anchoress received 40s. during the year of the sheriffs of London.
Now without this churchyard wall is a causeye, leading to a quadrant, called Petty France, of Frenchmen dwelling there, and to other dwelling-houses, lately built on the bank of the said ditch by some citizens of London, that more regarded their own private gain than the common good of the city; for by means of this causeye raised on the bank, and soilage of houses, with other filthiness cast into the ditch, the same is now forced to a narrow channel, and almost filled up with unsavoury things, to the danger of impoisoning the whole city.
Now, outside this churchyard wall, there’s a pathway leading to a square known as Petty France, where some French people live, along with other recently built houses on the bank of the ditch by some London citizens who cared more about their own profit than the city's well-being. Because of this pathway built on the bank and the trash from the houses, along with other waste dumped into the ditch, it’s now forced into a narrow channel and almost clogged with unpleasant things, posing a risk of poisoning the entire city.
Next unto the parish church of St. Buttolph is a fair inn for receipt of travellers; then an hospital of St. Mary of Bethelem, founded by Simon Fitz Mary, one of the sheriffs of London, in the year 1246: he founded it to have been a priory of canons, with brethren and sisters; and King Edward III. granted a protection, which I have seen, for the brethren, Miliciæ beatæ Mariæ[149] de Bethlem, within the city of London, the 14th year of his reign. It was an hospital for distracted people: Stephen Geninges, merchant-tailor, gave £40 towards purchase of the patronage by his testament, 1523; the mayor and commonalty purchased the patronage thereof, with all the lands and tenements thereunto belonging, in the year 1546: the same year King Henry VIII. gave this hospital unto the city; the church and chapel whereof were taken down in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and houses built there by the governors of Christ’s hospital in London. In this place people that be distraight in wits are, by the suit of their friends, received and kept as afore, but not without charges to their bringers in. In the year 1569, Sir Thomas Roe, merchant-tailor, mayor, caused to be inclosed with a wall of brick about one acre of ground, being part of the said hospital of Bethelem; to wit, on the west, on the bank of Deep Ditch, so called, parting the said hospital of Bethelem from the More field: this he did for burial and ease of such parishes in London as wanted ground convenient within their parishes. The lady his wife was there buried (by whose persuasion he inclosed it), but himself, born in London, was buried in the parish church of Hackney.
Next to the parish church of St. Buttolph is a nice inn for travelers; then there's the hospital of St. Mary of Bethlehem, founded by Simon Fitz Mary, one of the sheriffs of London, in 1246. He established it as a priory of canons, with both brothers and sisters. King Edward III granted a protection, which I have seen, for the brothers, Miliciæ beatæ Mariæ[149] de Bethlem, within the city of London, in the 14th year of his reign. It was a hospital for mentally ill people: Stephen Geninges, a merchant-tailor, donated £40 towards acquiring the patronage in his will in 1523; the mayor and commonalty bought the patronage along with all the lands and properties associated with it in 1546. That same year, King Henry VIII gave this hospital to the city; the church and chapel there were demolished during Queen Elizabeth's reign, and houses were built by the governors of Christ’s Hospital in London. In this place, people who are mentally distressed are admitted and cared for by their friends, but it comes at a cost to those bringing them in. In 1569, Sir Thomas Roe, a merchant-tailor and mayor, had about one acre of land from the hospital of Bethlehem enclosed with a brick wall; this land, on the west by the Deep Ditch, separates the hospital from the Moor field. He did this to provide burial space for parishes in London that lacked suitable ground within their own areas. His wife was buried there (it was her persuasion that led to the enclosure), but he, born in London, was buried in the parish church of Hackney.
From this hospital northward, upon the street’s side, many houses have been built with alleys backward, of late time too much pestered with people (a great cause of infection) up to the bars.
From this hospital northward, many houses have been built along the street, with alleys in the back. Recently, these alleys have become overcrowded with people, which is a major cause of infection, all the way to the bars.
The other side of this high street from Bishopsgate and Hounds ditch, the first building a large inn for receipt of travellers, and is called the Dolphin, of such a sign. In the year 1513, Margaret Ricroft, widow, gave this house, with the gardens and appurtenances, unto William Gam, R. Clye, their wives, her daughters, and to their heirs, with condition they yearly do give to the warden or governors of the Grey friers church within Newgate forty shillings, to find a student of divinity in the University for ever. Then is there a fair house, of late built by John Powlet. Next to that, a far more large and beautiful house, with gardens of pleasure, bowling alleys, and such like, built by Jasper Fisher, free of the goldsmiths, late one of the six clerks of the chauncerie and a justice of the peace. It hath since for a time been the Earl of Oxford’s place. The queen’s majesty Elizabeth hath lodged there. It now belongeth to Sir Roger Manars.[151] This house, being so large and sumptuously built by a man of no greater calling, possessions, or wealth (for he was indebted to many) was mockingly called Fisher’s[150] folly, and a rhythm was made of it, and other the like, in this manner:
The other side of this main street from Bishopsgate and Houndsditch has a large inn for travelers called the Dolphin, marked by its sign. In 1513, Margaret Ricroft, a widow, gave this house, along with the gardens and its related properties, to William Gam, R. Clye, their wives, her daughters, and their heirs, with the condition that they annually pay the warden or governors of the Greyfriars church within Newgate forty shillings, to support a theology student in the university forever. Next is a nice house recently built by John Powlet. Adjacent to that is a much larger and more beautiful house, complete with pleasure gardens and bowling alleys, built by Jasper Fisher, a free goldsmith, formerly one of the six clerks of the Chancery and a justice of the peace. For a time, it served as the residence of the Earl of Oxford. Queen Elizabeth has stayed there. It now belongs to Sir Roger Manars.[151] This large and lavishly built house, owned by a man with no significant status, resources, or wealth (as he was in debt to many), was mockingly called Fisher’s[150] folly, and a rhyme was created about it, and others like it, in this way:
Spinilas pleasure and Megses glory.
And so of other like buildings about the city by citizens, men have not letted to speak their pleasure.
And so, in other similar buildings around the city, citizens have not hesitated to express their opinions.
From Fisher’s Folly up to the west end of Berward’s lane, of old time so called, but now Hogge lane, because it meeteth with Hogge lane, which cometh from the bars without Aldgate, as is afore showed, is a continual building of tenements, with alleys of cottages, pestered, etc. Then is there a large close, called Tasel close, sometime for that there were tassels planted for the use of cloth-workers, since letten to the cross-bow makers, wherein they used to shoot for games at the popinjay: now the same being inclosed with a brick wall, serveth to be an artillery yard, whereunto the gunners of the Tower do weekly repair, namely, every Thursday; and there levelling certain brass pieces of great artillery against a butt of earth, made for that purpose, they discharge them for their exercise.
From Fisher’s Folly to the west end of Berward’s lane, which used to be called that but is now Hogge lane because it connects with Hogge lane that comes from the bars outside Aldgate, as previously mentioned, there is a continuous stretch of buildings with alleyways of cottages, crowded, etc. There is also a large field called Tasel close, which used to have tassels planted for the cloth workers' use, but has since been rented out to the crossbow makers, where they used to shoot at the popinjay for games. Now, the area is enclosed by a brick wall and serves as an artillery yard, where the gunners from the Tower come every Thursday to level certain brass pieces of large artillery against an earthen butt made for that purpose and discharge them for practice.
Then have you the late dissolved priory and hospital,[152] commonly called St. Mary Spittle, founded by Walter Brune and Rosia his wife, for canons regular. Walter, archdeacon of London, laid the first stone in the year 1197, William, of St. Mary church, then bishop of London, dedicated to the honour of Jesus Christ and his mother, the perpetual Virgin Mary, by the name of Domus Dei, and Beatæ Mariæ, extra Bishopsgate, in the parish of St. Buttolph; the bounds whereof, as appeareth by composition betwixt the parson and prior of the said hospital concerning tithes, beginneth at Berward’s lane toward the south, and extendeth in breadth to the parish of St. Leonard of Shoreditch towards the north; and in length, from the King’s street on the west to the bishop of London’s field, called Lollesworth, on the east. The prior of this St. Mary Spittle, for the emortising and propriation of Bikenacar, in Essex, to his said house of St. Mary Spittle, gave to Henry VII. £400 in the 22nd of his reign. This hospital, surrendered to Henry VIII., was valued to dispend £478; wherein was found, besides ornaments of the church, and other goods pertaining to the hospital, one hundred and eighty beds, well furnished, for receipt of the poor; for it was an hospital of great relief. Sir Henry Plesington, knight, was buried there 1452.
Then you have the recently dissolved priory and hospital, [152] commonly known as St. Mary Spittle, founded by Walter Brune and his wife Rosia, for regular canons. Walter, the archdeacon of London, laid the first stone in 1197, and William, the bishop of London at St. Mary church, dedicated it in honor of Jesus Christ and his mother, the perpetual Virgin Mary, under the name of Domus Dei and Beatæ Mariæ, outside Bishopsgate, in the parish of St. Buttolph. The boundaries, as shown by an agreement between the parson and the prior of this hospital regarding tithes, start at Berward’s Lane to the south and stretch in breadth to the parish of St. Leonard of Shoreditch to the north; and in length, from King’s Street on the west to the bishop of London’s field, called Lollesworth, on the east. The prior of this St. Mary Spittle, in exchange for the endowment and appropriation of Bikenacar in Essex to his house, gave £400 to Henry VII in the 22nd year of his reign. This hospital, surrendered to Henry VIII, was valued at an expenditure of £478; it contained, along with church ornaments and other goods belonging to the hospital, one hundred and eighty well-furnished beds for the reception of the poor, as it was a hospital of great relief. Sir Henry Plesington, knight, was buried there in 1452.
In place of this hospital, and near adjoining, are now many[151] fair houses built for receipt and lodging of worshipful persons. A part of the large churchyard pertaining to this hospital, and severed from the rest with a brick wall, yet remaineth as of old time, with a pulpit cross therein, somewhat like to that in Paules churchyard. And against the said pulpit on the south side, before the charnel and chapel of St. Edmond the Bishop and Mary Magdalen, which chapel was founded about the year 1391 by William Eneshan, citizen and paperer of London, who was there buried, remaineth also one fair built house, of two stories in height, for the mayor and other honourable persons, with the aldermen and sheriffs to sit in, there to hear the sermons preached in the Easter holidays. In the loft over them stood the bishop of London, and other prelates; now the ladies and aldermen’s wives do there stand at a fair window, or sit at their pleasure. And here is to be noted, that, time out of mind, it hath been a laudable custom, that on Good Friday, in the afternoon, some especial learned man, by appointment of the prelates, hath preached a sermon at Paules cross, treating of Christ’s Passion; and upon the three next Easter holidays, Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, the like learned men, by the like appointment, have used to preach on the forenoons at the said Spittle, to persuade the article of Christ’s Resurrection; and then on Low Sunday, one other learned man at Paules cross, to make rehearsal of those four former sermons, either commending or reproving them, as to him by judgment of the learned divines was thought convenient. And that done, he was to make a sermon of his own study, which in all were five sermons in one. At these sermons, so severally preached, the mayor, with his brethren the aldermen, were accustomed to be present in their violets at Paules on Good Friday, and in their scarlets at the Spittle in the holidays, except Wednesday in violet, and the mayor with his brethren on Low Sunday in scarlet, at Paules cross, continued until this day.
In the place of this hospital and nearby, there are now many[151] lovely houses built for the accommodation and lodgings of respected individuals. A section of the large churchyard belonging to this hospital, separated from the rest by a brick wall, still remains like it did in the past, with a pulpit cross in it, somewhat similar to the one in Paul’s churchyard. And next to that pulpit on the south side, in front of the charnel and chapel of St. Edmond the Bishop and Mary Magdalen, which was founded around 1391 by William Eneshan, a citizen and paper maker of London, who was buried there, there is also a nicely built two-story house for the mayor and other honorable guests, where the aldermen and sheriffs sit to hear sermons preached during the Easter holidays. Above them, the Bishop of London and other church leaders used to stand, but now the ladies and the wives of the aldermen stand at a nice window or sit comfortably. It’s worth noting that, for as long as anyone can remember, it has been a respected custom that on Good Friday afternoon, a special learned person, appointed by the church leaders, has preached a sermon at Paul’s cross about Christ’s Passion; and on the following three Easter holidays—Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday—similar learned men, also appointed, have traditionally preached in the mornings at the Spittle, discussing the topic of Christ’s Resurrection. Then on Low Sunday, another learned man at Paul’s cross would summarize those four previous sermons, either praising or criticizing them as deemed appropriate by the judgment of knowledgeable theologians. After that, he was to preach a sermon of his own making, making it a total of five sermons in one. During these separately preached sermons, the mayor and his fellow aldermen were expected to attend dressed in their violet robes at Paul’s on Good Friday and in their scarlet robes at the Spittle during the holidays, except for Wednesday in violet, and the mayor and his fellow aldermen would wear scarlet on Low Sunday at Paul’s cross, a tradition that continues to this day.
Touching the antiquity of this custom, I find, that in the year 1398, King Richard having procured from Rome confirmation of such statutes and ordinances as were made in the parliament, begun at Westminster and ended at Shrewsbury, he caused the same confirmation to be read and pronounced at Paules cross, and at St. Mary Spittle, in the sermons before all the people. Philip Malpas, one of the sheriffs in the year 1439, gave twenty shillings by the year to the three preachers at the Spittle. Stephen Forster, mayor in the year 1454, gave forty pounds to the preachers at Paules cross and Spittle. I find also[152] that the aforesaid house, wherein the mayor and aldermen do sit at the Spittle, was built for that purpose of the goods and by the executors of Richard Lawson, alderman, and Isabell his wife, in the year 1488. In the year 1594, this pulpit being old was taken down, and a new set up; the preacher’s face turned towards the south, which was before toward the west; also a large house, on the east side of the said pulpit, was then built for the governors and children of Christ’s hospital to sit in, and this was done of the goods of William Elkens, alderman, late deceased; but within the first year the same house decaying, and like to have fallen, was again with great cost repaired at the city’s charge.
Referring to the history of this custom, I found that in 1398, King Richard secured confirmation from Rome for the statutes and ordinances that were established in the parliament, which began at Westminster and concluded at Shrewsbury. He had this confirmation read and announced at Paul's Cross and St. Mary Spittle during sermons in front of all the people. In 1439, Philip Malpas, one of the sheriffs, contributed twenty shillings each year to the three preachers at St. Spittle. Stephen Forster, who was mayor in 1454, donated forty pounds to the preachers at Paul's Cross and St. Spittle. I also discovered that the house where the mayor and aldermen sit at St. Spittle was built for that purpose using funds from the estate of Richard Lawson, an alderman, and his wife Isabell, in 1488. In 1594, the old pulpit was taken down and replaced with a new one, with the preacher now facing south instead of west; additionally, a large building was constructed on the east side of the pulpit for the governors and children of Christ's Hospital to sit in, funded by the estate of the late William Elkens, an alderman. However, within the first year, this building started to decay and was at risk of collapsing, and it was repaired at great cost to the city.
On the east side of this churchyard lieth a large field, of old time called Lolesworth, now Spittle field; which about the year 1576 was broken up for clay to make brick; in the digging whereof many earthen pots, called urnæ, were found full of ashes, and burnt bones of men, to wit, of the Romans that inhabited here; for it was the custom of the Romans to burn their dead, to put their ashes in an urn, and then bury the same, with certain ceremonies, in some field appointed for that purpose near unto their city. Every of these pots had in them with the ashes of the dead one piece of copper money, with the inscription of the emperor then reigning: some of them were of Claudius, some of Vespasian, some of Nero, of Anthoninus Pius, of Trajanus, and others. Besides those urns, many other pots were there found, made of a white earth with long necks and handles, like to our stone jugs: these were empty, but seemed to be buried full of some liquid matter long since consumed and soked through; for there were found divers phials and other fashioned glasses, some most cunningly wrought, such as I have not seen the like, and some of crystal; all which had water in them, nothing differing in clearness, taste, or savour from common spring water, whatsoever it was at the first: some of these glasses had oil in them very thick, and earthy in savour; some were supposed to have balm in them, but had lost the virtue; many of those pots and glasses were broken in cutting of the clay, so that few were taken up whole. There were also found divers dishes and cups of a fine red-coloured earth, which showed outwardly such a shining smoothness as if they had been of coral; those had in the bottoms Roman letters printed: there were also lamps of white earth and red, artificially wrought with divers antiques about them, some three or four images made of white earth, about a span long each of them: one I remember[153] was of Pallas, the rest I have forgotten. I myself have reserved, among divers of those antiquities there, one urn, with the ashes and bones, and one pot of white earth very small, not exceeding the quantity of a quarter of a wine pint, made in shape of a hare squatted upon her legs, and between her ears is the mouth of the pot. There hath also been found in the same field divers coffins of stone, containing the bones of men: these I suppose to be the burials of some especial persons in time of the Britons or Saxons, after that the Romans had left to govern here. Moreover, there were also found the skulls and bones of men without coffins, or rather whose coffins (being of great timber) were consumed. Divers great nails of iron were there found, such as are used in the wheels of shod carts, being each of them as big as a man’s finger, and a quarter of a yard long, the heads two inches over; those nails were more wondered at than the rest of things there found, and many opinions of men were there uttered of them; namely, that the men there buried were murdered by driving those nails into their heads; a thing unlikely, for a smaller nail would more aptly serve to so bad a purpose, and a more secret place would likely be employed for their burial. But to set down what I have observed concerning this matter, I there beheld the bones of a man lying (as I noted), the head north, the feet south, and round about him, as thwart his head, along both his sides, and thwart his feet, such nails were found, wherefore I conceived them to be the nails of his coffin, which had been a trough cut out of some great tree, and the same covered with a plank, of a great thickness, fastened with such nails; and therefore I caused some of the nails to be reached up to me, and found under the broad heads of them the old wood, skant turned into earth, but still retaining both the grain and proper colour: of these nails, with the wood under the head thereof, I reserved one, as also the nether jaw-bone of the man, the teeth being great, sound, and fast fixed, which, among other many monuments there found, I have yet to show; but the nail lying dry, is by scaling greatly wasted. And thus much for this part of Bishopsgate ward, without the gate; for I have in another place spoken of the gate, and therefore I am to speak of that other part of this ward which lieth within the gate.
On the east side of this churchyard lies a large field, formerly known as Lolesworth, now Spittle Field; around the year 1576, it was dug up for clay to make bricks. During the digging, many earthen pots, called urnæ, were found filled with ashes and burnt bones of men, specifically those of the Romans who lived here. It was the Roman custom to burn their dead, place the ashes in an urn, and then bury it with certain ceremonies in a designated field near their city. Each of these pots contained, along with the ashes, a piece of copper money inscribed with the name of the reigning emperor: some were from Claudius, some from Vespasian, others from Nero, Antoninus Pius, Trajan, and more. Besides those urns, many other pots were discovered, made from a white clay with long necks and handles, resembling our stone jugs. These were empty but appeared to have been buried full of some liquid that had long since been consumed and soaked through; various phials and other glass items were also found, some intricately crafted, unlike anything I've seen, and some made of crystal; all contained water that was indistinguishable in clarity, taste, or smell from ordinary spring water, regardless of what it originally was. Some of these glasses had thick oil in them, which had an earthy taste; others were thought to have contained balm but had lost their potency. Many of these pots and glasses were broken during the clay excavation, resulting in few being retrieved intact. There were also various dishes and cups made of fine red clay, showing a shiny smoothness as if they were coral; these had Roman letters printed on their bottoms. Additionally, there were lamps made of white and red clay, artistically crafted with various designs, and some three or four figurines made of white clay, each about the length of a span: one I remember was of Pallas, the others I’ve forgotten. I personally kept one urn with the ashes and bones, as well as one small white clay pot, no larger than a quarter of a wine pint, shaped like a hare squatting on its legs, with the mouth of the pot situated between its ears. In the same field, various stone coffins were found containing human bones, which I believe to be the burials of notable individuals during the times of the Britons or Saxons, after the Romans ceased to govern here. Moreover, there were also skulls and bones of men found without coffins, or rather whose coffins (made of large timber) had decayed. Many large iron nails, similar to those used in the wheels of shod carts, were also discovered; each nail was about the size of a man’s finger, a quarter of a yard long, with heads measuring two inches across. These nails drew more curiosity than the other artifacts found, and many theories were proposed about them, particularly that the men buried there were murdered by having those nails driven into their heads; this seems unlikely since a smaller nail would serve better for such a grim purpose, and a more discreet place would likely have been chosen for their burial. To document what I observed regarding this matter, I noticed the bones of a man lying (as I observed), with his head to the north and his feet to the south, and surrounding him, across his head, along both sides, and across his feet, were the very nails found; thus, I concluded that these were the nails of his coffin, which may have been a trough carved from a large tree, covered with a heavy plank secured with such nails. I had some of the nails handed to me and found old wood under their broad heads, barely decayed, still retaining both the grain and original color: of these nails, along with the wood beneath the heads, I kept one, as well as the lower jawbone of the man, with large, sound, and firmly fixed teeth. Among the numerous artifacts found, I still have these to show, although the dry nail has worn down significantly from scaling. And that concludes this part of Bishopsgate ward, outside the gate; I have discussed the gate in another location, so now I will speak of the other part of this ward, which lies within the gate.
And first to begin on the left hand of Bishopsgate street, from the gate you have certain tenements of old time pertaining to a brotherhood of St. Nicholas, granted to the parish clerks of London, for two chaplains, to be kept in the chapel of St. Mary Magdalen, near unto the Guildhall of London, in the 27th of[154] Henry VI. The first of these houses towards the north, and against the wall of the city, was sometime a large inn or court called the Wrestlers, of such a sign, and the last in the high street towards the south was sometime also a fair inn called the Angel, of such a sign. Among these said tenements was on the same street side a fair entry, or court, to the common hall of the said parish clerks, with proper alms houses, seven in number, adjoining, for poor parish clerks, and their wives and their widows, such as were in great years not able to labour. One of these, by the said brotherhood of parish clerks, was allowed sixteen pence the week; the other six had each of them nine pence the week, according to the patent thereof granted. This brotherhood, amongst other, being suppressed, in the reign of Edward VI. the said hall, with the other buildings there, was given to Sir Robert Chester, a knight of Cambridgeshire; against whom the parish clerks commencing suit, in the reign of Queen Mary, and being like to have prevailed, the said Sir Robert Chester pulled down the hall, sold the timber, stone, and lead, and thereupon the suit was ended. The alms houses remain in the queen’s hands, and people are there placed, such as can make best friends; some of them, taking the pension appointed, have let forth their houses for great rent, giving occasion to the parson of the parish to challenge tithes of the poor, etc.
And first, starting from the left side of Bishopsgate Street, from the gate you have some old buildings that belonged to a brotherhood of St. Nicholas, given to the parish clerks of London, for two chaplains to be maintained in the chapel of St. Mary Magdalen, near the Guildhall of London, in the 27th year of [154] Henry VI. The first of these houses to the north, against the city wall, used to be a large inn or courtyard called the Wrestlers, named after its sign, and the last one in the high street to the south was also a nice inn called the Angel, also named after its sign. Among these properties was a nice entryway or courtyard leading to the common hall of the parish clerks, with proper almshouses, seven in total, next to it, for poor parish clerks, their wives, and widows who were unable to work. One of these almshouses, provided by the brotherhood of parish clerks, was allowed sixteen pence a week; the other six each received nine pence a week, according to the charter granted. This brotherhood, among others, was disbanded during the reign of Edward VI, and the hall along with the other buildings were given to Sir Robert Chester, a knight from Cambridgeshire; against whom the parish clerks began legal action during the reign of Queen Mary, and were likely to succeed, but Sir Robert Chester demolished the hall, sold the timber, stone, and lead, and as a result, the case was dropped. The almshouses remain with the queen, and people are placed there who have influential friends; some of them, after receiving the designated pension, have rented out their houses for high prices, leading the parish priest to claim tithes from the poor, etc.
Next unto this is the small parish church of St. Ethelburge Virgin, and from thence some small distance is a large court called Little St. Helen’s, because it pertained to the nuns of St. Helen’s, and was their house: there are seven alms rooms or houses for the poor, belonging to the company of Leathersellers. Then, somewhat more west, is another court with a winding lane, which cometh out against the west end of St. Andrew Undershaft church. In this court standeth the church of St. Helen, sometime a priory of black nuns, and in the same a parish church of St. Helen.
Next to this is the small parish church of St. Ethelburge, Virgin, and not far from there is a large courtyard called Little St. Helen’s, because it belonged to the nuns of St. Helen’s and served as their residence. There are seven alms houses for the poor, associated with the Leathersellers' company. Then, a little further west, there's another courtyard with a winding lane that leads out to the west end of St. Andrew Undershaft church. In this courtyard stands the church of St. Helen, once a priory for black nuns, and also a parish church dedicated to St. Helen.
This priory was founded before the reign of Henry III. William Basing, dean of Paules, was the first founder, and was there buried; and William Basing, one of the sheriffs of London, in the 2nd year of Edward II. was holden also to be a founder, or rather a helper there. This priory being valued at £314 2s. 6d. was surrendered the 25th of November, the 30th of Henry VIII.; the whole church, the partition betwixt the nuns’ church and parish church being taken down, remaineth now to the parish, and is a fair parish church, but wanteth such a steeple as Sir Thomas Gresham promised to have built, in recompense of[155] ground in their church filled up with his monument. The nuns’ hall, and other houses thereunto appertaining, was since purchased by the company of the Leathersellers, and is their common hall; which company was incorporate in the 21st year of Richard II.
This priory was established before the reign of Henry III. William Basing, the dean of Paul’s, was its first founder and is buried there; William Basing, one of the sheriffs of London in the 2nd year of Edward II, is also considered a founder or rather a supporter. This priory, valued at £314 2s. 6d., was surrendered on November 25th in the 30th year of Henry VIII. The entire church, with the partition between the nuns' church and the parish church taken down, now belongs to the parish and serves as a beautiful parish church, although it lacks the steeple that Sir Thomas Gresham promised to have built as compensation for the ground in their church that was filled with his monument. The nuns' hall and other related buildings were later purchased by the Leathersellers' Company, which became their common hall; this company was incorporated in the 21st year of Richard II.
In the church of St. Helen have you these monuments of the dead:—Thomas Langton, chaplain, buried in the choir 1350; Adam Frances, mayor, 1354; Elizabeth Vennar, wife to William Vennar, alderman, one of the sheriffs of London, 1401; Joan, daughter to Henry Seamer, wife to Richard, son and heir to Robert Lord Poynings, died a virgin 1420; John Swinflat, 1420; Nicholas Marshall, ironmonger, alderman, 1474; Sir John Crosby, alderman, 1475, and Ann his wife; Thomas Williams, gentleman, 1495; Joan Cocken, wife to John Cocken, esquire, 1509; Marie Orrell, wife to Sir Lewes Orrell, knight; Henry Sommer, and Katherine his wife; Walter Huntington, esquire; John Langthorpe, esquire, 1510; John Gower, steward of St. Helen’s, 1512; Robert Rochester, esquire, sergeant of the pantry to Henry VIII.; Sir William Sanctlo, and Sir William Sanctlo, father and son; Eleanor, daughter to Sir Thomas Butler; Lord Sudley; John Southworth; Nicholas Harpsfield, esquire; Thomas Sanderford, or Sommerford, alderman; Alexander Cheyney; Walter Dawbeney; George Fastolph, son to Hugh Fastolph; Robert Liade; Thomas Benolt, alias Clarenciaulx, king at arms, 1534; William Hollis, mayor, 1540; John Fauconbridge, esquire, 1545; Hacket, gentleman of the king’s chapel; Sir Andrew Jud, mayor, 1551; Sir William Pickering, and Sir William Pickering, father and son; William Bond, alderman, 1567; Sir Thomas Gresham, mercer, 1579; William Skegges, sergeant poulter; Richard Gresham, son to Sir Thomas Gresham, 1564.
In the church of St. Helen, you can find these memorials of the deceased:—Thomas Langton, chaplain, buried in the choir 1350; Adam Frances, mayor, 1354; Elizabeth Vennar, wife of William Vennar, alderman and one of the sheriffs of London, 1401; Joan, daughter of Henry Seamer, wife of Richard, son and heir to Robert Lord Poynings, died a virgin 1420; John Swinflat, 1420; Nicholas Marshall, ironmonger, alderman, 1474; Sir John Crosby, alderman, 1475, and his wife Ann; Thomas Williams, gentleman, 1495; Joan Cocken, wife of John Cocken, esquire, 1509; Marie Orrell, wife of Sir Lewes Orrell, knight; Henry Sommer and his wife Katherine; Walter Huntington, esquire; John Langthorpe, esquire, 1510; John Gower, steward of St. Helen’s, 1512; Robert Rochester, esquire, sergeant of the pantry to Henry VIII.; Sir William Sanctlo and Sir William Sanctlo, father and son; Eleanor, daughter of Sir Thomas Butler; Lord Sudley; John Southworth; Nicholas Harpsfield, esquire; Thomas Sanderford, or Sommerford, alderman; Alexander Cheyney; Walter Dawbeney; George Fastolph, son of Hugh Fastolph; Robert Liade; Thomas Benolt, also known as Clarenciaulx, king at arms, 1534; William Hollis, mayor, 1540; John Fauconbridge, esquire, 1545; Hacket, gentleman of the king’s chapel; Sir Andrew Jud, mayor, 1551; Sir William Pickering and Sir William Pickering, father and son; William Bond, alderman, 1567; Sir Thomas Gresham, mercer, 1579; William Skegges, sergeant poulter; Richard Gresham, son of Sir Thomas Gresham, 1564.
Then have you one great house called Crosby place, because the same was built by Sir John Crosby, grocer and woolman, in place of certain tenements, with their appurtenances, letten to him by Alice Ashfed, prioress of St. Helen’s, and the convent for ninety-nine years, from the year 1466 unto the year 1565, for the annual rent of £11 6s. 8d. This house he built of stone and timber, very large and beautiful, and the highest at that time in London. He was one of the sheriffs, and an alderman in the year 1470, knighted by Edward IV. in the year 1471, and deceased in the year 1475; so short a time enjoyed he that his large and sumptuous building; he was buried in St. Helen’s, the parish church; a fair monument of him and his lady is[156] raised there. He gave towards the reforming of that church five hundred marks, which was bestowed with the better, as appeareth by his arms, both in the stone work, roof of timber, and glazing. I hold it a fable said of him to be named Crosbie, of being found by a cross, for I have read of other to have that name of Crosbie before him; namely, in the year 1406, the 7th of Henry IV., the said king gave to his servant John Crosbie the wardship of Joan, daughter and sole heir to John Jordaine, fishmonger, etc. This Crosbie might be the father or grandfather to Sir John Crosbie.
Then there is a grand house called Crosby Place, built by Sir John Crosby, a grocer and wool dealer, in place of certain properties that were leased to him by Alice Ashfed, the prioress of St. Helen’s, and the convent for ninety-nine years, from the year 1466 to 1565, for an annual rent of £11 6s. 8d. This house he constructed of stone and timber, and it was very large and beautiful, the tallest in London at the time. He served as one of the sheriffs and as an alderman in 1470, was knighted by Edward IV in 1471, and died in 1475; he enjoyed his grand and lavish building for such a short time. He was buried in St. Helen’s, the parish church, where a fine monument for him and his wife is[156] erected. He contributed five hundred marks for the restoration of that church, which was well spent, as shown by his arms in the stonework, timber roof, and glazing. I think it's a myth that he was called Crosbie because he was found by a cross since I have read about others with the name Crosbie before him; in 1406, during the 7th year of Henry IV, the king granted his servant John Crosbie the wardship of Joan, the daughter and sole heir of John Jordaine, fishmonger, etc. This Crosbie could be the father or grandfather of Sir John Crosbie.
Richard, Duke of Gloucester, and lord protector, afterward king, by the name of Richard III., was lodged in this house; since the which time, among other, Anthonie Bonvice, a rich merchant of Italy, dwelt there; after him, Germain Cioll, then William Bond, alderman, increased this house in height, with building of a turret on the top thereof: he deceased in the year 1576, and was buried in St. Helen’s church. Divers ambassadors have been lodged there; namely, in the year 1586, Henry Ramelius, chancellor of Denmark, ambassador unto the queen’s majesty of England from Frederick II., the king of Denmark; an ambassador of France, etc. Sir John Spencer, alderman, lately purchased this house, made great reparations, kept his mayoralty there, and since built a most large warehouse near thereunto.
Richard, Duke of Gloucester, who later became king as Richard III, stayed in this house. Since then, among others, Anthonie Bonvice, a wealthy merchant from Italy, lived there. After him came Germain Cioll, and then William Bond, an alderman, who added height to the house by building a turret on top. He passed away in 1576 and was buried in St. Helen's church. Several ambassadors have stayed there; notably, in 1586, Henry Ramelius, the chancellor of Denmark and ambassador from Frederick II, the king of Denmark, visited the queen of England; along with an ambassador from France, among others. Sir John Spencer, an alderman, recently purchased the house, made extensive repairs, hosted his mayoral duties there, and later constructed a large warehouse nearby.
From this Crosbie place up to Leaden hall corner, and so down Grass street, amongst other tenements, are divers fair and large built houses for merchants, and such like.
From this Crosbie place up to Leadenhall corner, and then down Grass Street, among other buildings, are various nice and spacious houses for merchants and similar businesses.
Now for the other side of this ward, namely, the right hand, hard by within the gate, is one fair water conduit, which Thomas Knesworth, mayor, in the year 1505, founded: he gave £60, the rest was furnished at the common charges of the city. This conduit hath since been taken down and new built. David Woodrooffe, alderman, gave £20 towards the conveyance of more water thereunto. From this conduit have you, amongst many fair tenements, divers fair inns, large for receipt of travellers, and some houses for men of worship; namely, one most spacious of all other thereabout, built of brick and timber by Sir Thomas Gresham, knight, who deceased in the year 1579, and was buried in St. Helen’s church, under a fair monument, by him prepared in his life: he appointed by his testament this house to be made a college of readers, as before is said in the chapter of schools and houses of learning.
Now, on the other side of this ward, specifically to the right as you enter the gate, there's a nice water conduit, which was established by Thomas Knesworth, the mayor, in 1505. He donated £60, and the rest was covered by the city's funds. This conduit has since been taken down and rebuilt. David Woodrooffe, an alderman, contributed £20 towards bringing more water to it. From this conduit, you can find, among many beautiful buildings, several large inns that can accommodate travelers, along with some houses for distinguished individuals; notably, one particularly spacious building nearby was constructed of brick and timber by Sir Thomas Gresham, a knight who passed away in 1579 and was buried in St. Helen’s church, marked by a grand monument he had arranged for during his lifetime. In his will, he designated this house to become a college for readers, as previously mentioned in the chapter on schools and houses of learning.
Somewhat west from this house is one other very fair house,[157] wherein Sir William Hollies kept his mayoralty, and was buried in the parish church of St. Helen. Sir Andrew Jud also kept his mayoralty there, and was buried at St. Helen’s: he built alms houses for six poor alms people near to the said parish church, and gave lands to the Skinners, out of the which they are to give 4s. every week to the six poor alms people, 8d. the piece, and 25s. 4d. the year, in coals amongst them for ever.
Somewhat to the west of this house is another very nice house,[157] where Sir William Hollies served as mayor and was buried in the parish church of St. Helen. Sir Andrew Jud also served as mayor there and was buried at St. Helen’s. He built almshouses for six poor residents near the parish church and donated land to the Skinners, from which they are to give 4s. every week to the six poor residents, 8d. each, and 25s. 4d. a year in coal among them forever.
Alice Smith, of London, widow, late wife of Thomas Smith, of the same city, esquire, and customer of the port of London, in her last will and testament, bequeathed lands to the value of £15 by the year for ever, to the company of Skinners, for the augmenting of the pensions of certain poor, inhabiting in eight alms houses, erected by Sir Andrew Jud, knight, her father, in the parish of Great St. Helen’s, in Bishopsgate street, in London. She hath also given in her said last will and testament, in other charitable uses, as to the hospitals and to the poor of other parishes and good preachers, the sum of £300. As also to the poor scholars in the two universities of Oxford and Cambridge the sum of £200; of which, her last will and testament, she made her sons, Thomas Smith, late sheriff of London, and Richard and Robert Smith, her executors, who have performed the same according to her godly and charitable mind.
Alice Smith, a widow from London and the late wife of Thomas Smith, also from London, in her last will and testament, left lands worth £15 a year forever to the Skinners' company to help increase pensions for certain poor people living in eight almshouses built by her father, Sir Andrew Jud, a knight, in the parish of Great St. Helen’s, Bishopsgate Street, London. She also allocated funds in her will for various charitable purposes, including hospitals and aid for the poor in other parishes and for good preachers, totaling £300. Additionally, she set aside £200 for poor scholars at the universities of Oxford and Cambridge. For her last will and testament, she appointed her sons, Thomas Smith, the former sheriff of London, and Richard and Robert Smith, as her executors, who have carried out her wishes according to her generous and charitable intentions.
Then in the very west corner, over against the east end of St. Martin’s Oteswich (from whence the street windeth towards the south), you had of old time a fair well, with two buckets, so fastened that the drawing up of the one let down the other; but now of late that well is turned into a pump.
Then in the far west corner, across from the east end of St. Martin’s Oteswich (where the street curves down towards the south), there used to be a nice well with two buckets, designed so that pulling up one would lower the other. But recently, that well has been converted into a pump.
From this to the corner over against the Leaden hall, and so down Grasse street, are many fair houses for merchants and artificers, and many fair inns for travellers, even to the corner where that ward endeth, over against Grasse street. And thus much for this Bishopsgate ward shall suffice; which hath an alderman, two deputies, one without the gate, another within, common councillors six, constables seven, scavengers seven, for wardmote inquest thirteen, and a beadle: it is taxed to the fifteen at £13.[153]
From here to the corner across from Leaden Hall, and then down Grasse Street, there are many nice houses for merchants and craftsmen, as well as plenty of good inns for travelers, right up to the corner where that district ends, across from Grasse Street. That should be enough about this Bishopsgate ward, which has an alderman, two deputies—one outside the gate and another inside—six common council members, seven constables, seven scavengers, thirteen for the wardmote inquest, and a beadle. It is assessed for the tax at £13.[153]
BROAD STREET WARD
The next is Brode street ward, which beginneth within Bishopsgate, from the water conduit westward on both sides of the[158] street, by Allhallows church, to an iron grate on the channel which runneth into the water-course of Walbrooke, before you come to the postern called Mooregate; and this is the farthest west part of that ward.
The next area is Brode Street Ward, which starts at Bishopsgate, extending westward from the water conduit on both sides of the[158] street, going by Allhallows Church, to an iron grate on the channel that flows into the Walbrooke watercourse, before reaching the postern called Mooregate; and this is the farthest western part of that ward.
Then have you Brode street, whereof the ward taketh name, which stretcheth out of the former street from the east corner of Allhallows churchyard, somewhat south to the parish church of St. Peter the Poor on both sides, and then by the south gate of the Augustine friars west, down Throkmorton street by the Drapers’ hall into Lothburie, to another grate of iron over the channel there, whereby the water runneth into the course of Walbrook, under the east end of St. Margaret’s church, certain posts of timber are there set up; and this is also the farthest west part of this ward, in the said street. Out of the which street runneth up Bartholomew lane south to the north side of the Exchange; then more east, out of the former street from over against the Friars Augustine’s church south gate, runneth up another part of Brode street south to a pump over against St. Bennet’s church. Then have you one other street called Three needle street, beginning at the west, with two buckets, by St. Martin’s Oteswich church wall. This street runneth down on both sides to Finkes lane, and half way up that lane to a gate of a merchant’s house on the west side, but not so far on the east; then the foresaid street, from this Finkes lane, runneth down by the Royal Exchange to the Stocks, and to a place formerly called Scalding house, or Scalding wick, but now Scalding alley; by the west side whereof, under the parish church of St. Mildred, runneth the course of Walbrooke; and these be the bounds of this ward.
Then there's Broad Street, which gives its name to the ward. It extends from the former street at the east corner of Allhallows churchyard, slightly south toward the parish church of St. Peter the Poor, on both sides. Then it goes by the south gate of the Augustine friars to the west, down Throkmorton Street past Drapers’ Hall into Lothbury, to another iron grate over the channel there, where the water flows into the course of Walbrook, beneath the east end of St. Margaret’s church. Timber posts are set up there, and this marks the farthest west point of this ward in that street. From this street, Bartholomew Lane runs south to the north side of the Exchange. Further east, from across the south gate of Friars Augustine’s church, another part of Broad Street runs south to a pump in front of St. Bennet’s church. There's also another street called Three Needle Street, starting at the west with two buckets by St. Martin’s Oteswich church wall. This street runs down on both sides to Finkes Lane, and halfway up that lane to the gate of a merchant’s house on the west side, but not as far on the east side. From this Finkes Lane, the aforementioned street runs down by the Royal Exchange to the Stocks and to a place formerly called Scalding House, or Scalding Wick, now known as Scalding Alley. To the west side of this alley, beneath the parish church of St. Mildred, flows the course of Walbrook; and these are the boundaries of this ward.
Special monuments therein are these:—First, the parish church of Allhallows in the wall, so called of standing close to the wall of the city, in which have been buried Thomas Durrem, esquire, and Margaret his wife; Robert Beele, esquire, 1601. On the other side of that street, amongst many proper houses possessed for the most part by curriers, is the Carpenters’ hall, which company was incorporated in the 17th year of King Edward IV.
Special monuments here include the following:—First, the parish church of Allhallows in the wall, named for its proximity to the city wall, where Thomas Durrem, esquire, and his wife Margaret are buried; Robert Beele, esquire, 1601. On the opposite side of that street, among many fine houses mainly owned by curriers, is the Carpenters’ hall, which was established in the 17th year of King Edward IV.
Then east from the Currier’s row is a long and high wall of stone, inclosing the north side of a large garden adjoining to as large an house, built in the reign of King Henry VIII. and of Edward VI. by Sir William Powlet, lord treasurer of England. Through this garden, which of old time consisted of divers parts, now united, was sometimes a fair footway, leading by the west[159] end of the Augustine friars church straight north, and opened somewhat west from Allhallows church against London wall towards Moregate; which footway had gates at either end, locked up every night; but now the same way being taken into those gardens, the gates are closed up with stone, whereby the people are forced to go about by St. Peter’s church, and the east end of the said Friars church, and all the said great place and garden of Sir William Powlet to London wall, and so to Moregate.
Then to the east of the Currier’s row, there’s a long, tall stone wall that surrounds the north side of a large garden next to an equally large house, built during the reigns of King Henry VIII and Edward VI by Sir William Powlet, the Lord Treasurer of England. Through this garden, which used to have different sections but are now connected, there used to be a nice footpath. This path ran from the west end of the Augustine friars church straight north and opened slightly west of Allhallows church, towards London wall near Moregate. This footpath had gates at both ends, which were locked up every night. However, now that the pathway has been taken into those gardens, the gates have been sealed with stone, forcing people to detour by St. Peter’s church and the east end of the friars church, and around the large area and garden of Sir William Powlet to get to London wall, and then to Moregate.
This great house, adjoining to the garden aforesaid, stretcheth to the north corner of Brode street, and then turneth up Brode street all that side to and beyond the east end of the said Friars church. It was built by the said lord treasurer in place of Augustine friars house, cloister, and gardens, etc. The Friars church he pulled not down, but the west end thereof, inclosed from the steeple and choir, was in the year 1550 granted to the Dutch nation in London, to be their preaching place: the other part, namely, the steeple, choir, and side aisles to the choir adjoining, he reserved to household uses, as for stowage of corn, coal, and other things; his son and heir, Marquis of Winchester, sold the monuments of noblemen there buried in great number, the paving-stone and whatsoever (which cost many thousands), for one hundred pounds, and in place thereof made fair stabling for horses. He caused the lead to be taken from the roofs, and laid tile in place whereof; which exchange proved not so profitable as he looked for, but rather to his disadvantage.
This large house, next to the mentioned garden, stretches to the north corner of Brode Street and then continues up Brode Street along that side to and beyond the east end of the Friars church. It was built by the lord treasurer in place of the Augustine friars' house, cloister, and gardens. He did not tear down the Friars church, but the west end, which was separated from the steeple and choir, was granted in 1550 to the Dutch community in London as their place of worship. He kept the remaining part, which included the steeple, choir, and side aisles next to the choir, for household uses like storing corn, coal, and other items. His son and heir, the Marquis of Winchester, sold the monuments of the many noblemen buried there, as well as the paving stones and anything else (which had cost thousands), for one hundred pounds, and in their place, made a nice stable for horses. He had the lead taken from the roofs and replaced it with tiles; however, this trade turned out to be less profitable than he had expected and was more of a disadvantage.
On the east side of this Brode street, amongst other buildings, on the back part of Gresham house, which is in Bishopsgate street, he placed eight proper alms houses, built of brick and timber by Sir Thomas Gresham, knight, for eight alms men, which he now there placed rent free, and receive each of them by his gift £6 13s. 4d. yearly for ever.
On the east side of Brode Street, among other buildings, at the back of Gresham House on Bishopsgate Street, he set up eight proper almshouses, built of brick and timber by Sir Thomas Gresham, knight, for eight poor men, who now live there rent-free, each receiving £6 13s. 4d. a year for eternity.
Next unto Pawlet house is the parish church of St. Peter the Poor, so called for a difference from other of that name, sometime peradventure a poor parish, but at this present there be many fair houses, possessed by rich merchants and other. Buried in this church: Richard Fitzwilliams, merchant-tailor, 1520; Sir William Roch, mayor, 1540; Martin Calthrope, mayor, 1588.
Next to Pawlet house is the parish church of St. Peter the Poor, named that way to distinguish it from other churches with the same name. It might have once been a poor parish, but now there are many nice houses owned by wealthy merchants and others. Buried in this church are: Richard Fitzwilliams, merchant-tailor, 1520; Sir William Roch, mayor, 1540; Martin Calthrope, mayor, 1588.
Then next have you the Augustine Friars church and churchyard; the entering thereunto by a south gate to the west porch, a large church, having a most fine spired steeple, small, high, and straight, I have not seen the like: founded by Humfrey[160] Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Essex, in the year 1253. Reginald Cobham gave his messuage in London to the enlarging thereof, in the year 1344. Humfrey Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Essex, re-edified this church in the year 1354, whose body was there buried in the choir. The small spired steeple of this church was overthrown by a tempest of wind in the year 1362, but was raised of new, as now it standeth, to the beautifying of the city. This house was valued at £57, and was surrendered the 12th of November, the 30th of Henry VIII.
Then next you have the Augustine Friars church and churchyard; you enter through a south gate to the west porch. It's a large church with a beautifully designed spired steeple, slender, tall, and straight—I haven’t seen anything like it. It was founded by Humfrey Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Essex, in the year 1253. Reginald Cobham donated his property in London for its expansion in 1344. Humfrey Bohun re-built this church in 1354, and he was buried in the choir. The slender spired steeple of this church was destroyed by a windstorm in 1362 but was rebuilt anew, as it stands now, enhancing the beauty of the city. This house was valued at £57, and it was surrendered on November 12th, in the 30th year of Henry VIII.
There lie buried in this Friars church, amongst others, Edward, first son to Joan, mother to King Richard II.; Guy de Mericke, Earl of St. Paule; Lucie, Countess of Kent, and one of the heirs of Barnabie Lord of Millaine, with an epitaph; Dame Ide, wife to Sir Thomas West; Dame Margaret West; Stephen Lindericle, esquire; Sir Humfrey Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Essex, Lord of Brekenake;[154] Richard, the great Earl of Arundell, Surrey, and Warren, beheaded, 1397; Sir Edward Arundell, and Dame Elizabeth his wife; Sir Francis Atcourt,[155] Earl of Pembrooke, which married Alice, sister to the Earl of Oxford; Dame Lucie Knowles, of Kent; Sir Peter Garinsers, of France; the Lord John Vere, Earl of Oxford, beheaded on the Tower hill 1463; Aubrey de Vere, son and heir to the Earl of Oxford; Sir Thomas Tudnam, knight; William Bourser; Lord Fitz Warren; Sir Thomas de la Lande, knight; Dame Joan Norris, the Lady of Bedforde; Anne, daughter to John Viscount Welles; Walter Nevell, esquire; Sir John Manners, knight; the wife of Sir David Cradocke, knight; the mother to the Lord Spencer’s wife; Sir Bartlemew Rodlegate; John, son to Sir John Wingfield; Sir Walter Mewes; Robert Newenton, esquire; Philip Spencer, son to Sir Hugh Spencer; Dame Isabell, daughter to Sir Hugh; the Lord Barons slain at Barnet field, buried there 1471. In the body of the church: Dame Julian, wife to Sir Richard Lacie; Sir Thomas Courtney, son to the Earl of Devonshire, and by him, his sister, wedded to Cheverstone; the daughter of the Lord Beaumont; two sons of Sir Thomas Morley, to wit, William and Ralph; Sir William Talmage, knight; Nicholas Blondell, esquire; Sir Richard Chamberlaine; John Halton, gentleman; Sir John Gifford, knight; Thomas Manningham, esquire; Sir William Kenude, knight; Sir William, son to Sir Thomas Terill; John Surell, gentleman. In the east wing: Margaret Barentin, gentlewoman; John Spicer, esquire, and Letis his wife; John le Percers, esquire; Roger Chibary,[161] esquire; Peter Morens, esquire; Thomas, son to Sir William Beckland; James Cuthing, esquire; John Chorner, esquire; William Kenley, esquire; Margery, wife to Thomas Band, and daughter to John Hutch; the Lord William, Marquis of Barkeley and Earl of Nottingham, and Dame Joan his wife. In the west wing: Sir John Tirrill, and Dame Katherine his wife; Sir Walter of Powle, knight; Sir John Blanckwell, and his wife Dame Jane Sayne, daughter to Sir John Lee; Sir John Dawbeney, son and heir to Sir Giles Dawbeney; William, son to Sir Roger Scroope; Dame Joan Dawbeney, wife to Sir William Dawbeney; Thomas Charles, esquire; Sir John Dawbeney, knight, and his son Robert; Sir James Bell, knight; Sir Oliver Manny, knight; Henry Deskie, esquire; Sir Diones Mordaske; Sir Bernard Rolingcort; Sir Peter Kayor; Sir William Tirell; Sir William, his brother knights; William Collingborne, esquire, beheaded 1484; Sir Roger Clifford, knight; Sir Thomas Coke, mayor in the year 1462; William Edward, mayor, 1471; Sir James Tirell, Sir John Windany, knights, beheaded 1502; Sir John Dawtrie, knight, 1519; Dame Margaret Rede, 1510; Edward, Duke of Buckingham, beheaded 1521; Gwiskard, Earl of Huntington.
There are buried in this Friars church, among others, Edward, the first son of Joan, mother of King Richard II.; Guy de Mericke, Earl of St. Paul; Lucie, Countess of Kent, and one of the heirs of Barnabie Lord of Milan, with an epitaph; Dame Ide, wife of Sir Thomas West; Dame Margaret West; Stephen Lindericle, esquire; Sir Humfrey Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Essex, Lord of Breckenridge; Richard, the great Earl of Arundel, Surrey, and Warren, beheaded in 1397; Sir Edward Arundell and his wife, Dame Elizabeth; Sir Francis Atcourt, Earl of Pembroke, who married Alice, sister of the Earl of Oxford; Dame Lucie Knowles, of Kent; Sir Peter Garinsers, of France; Lord John Vere, Earl of Oxford, beheaded on Tower Hill in 1463; Aubrey de Vere, son and heir to the Earl of Oxford; Sir Thomas Tudnam, knight; William Bourser; Lord Fitz Warren; Sir Thomas de la Lande, knight; Dame Joan Norris, the Lady of Bedford; Anne, daughter of John Viscount Welles; Walter Nevell, esquire; Sir John Manners, knight; the wife of Sir David Cradock, knight; the mother of Lord Spencer's wife; Sir Bartlemew Rodlegate; John, son of Sir John Wingfield; Sir Walter Mewes; Robert Newenton, esquire; Philip Spencer, son of Sir Hugh Spencer; Dame Isabell, daughter of Sir Hugh; the Lord Barons slain at Barnet Field, buried there in 1471. In the body of the church: Dame Julian, wife of Sir Richard Lacie; Sir Thomas Courtney, son of the Earl of Devonshire, and by him, his sister, married to Cheverstone; the daughter of Lord Beaumont; two sons of Sir Thomas Morley, namely, William and Ralph; Sir William Talmage, knight; Nicholas Blondell, esquire; Sir Richard Chamberlaine; John Halton, gentleman; Sir John Gifford, knight; Thomas Manningham, esquire; Sir William Kenude, knight; Sir William, son of Sir Thomas Terill; John Surell, gentleman. In the east wing: Margaret Barentin, gentlewoman; John Spicer, esquire, and his wife Letis; John le Percers, esquire; Roger Chibary, esquire; Peter Morens, esquire; Thomas, son of Sir William Beckland; James Cuthing, esquire; John Chorner, esquire; William Kenley, esquire; Margery, wife of Thomas Band, and daughter of John Hutch; Lord William, Marquis of Berkeley and Earl of Nottingham, and his wife Dame Joan. In the west wing: Sir John Tirrill and his wife Dame Katherine; Sir Walter of Powle, knight; Sir John Blanckwell and his wife Dame Jane Sayne, daughter of Sir John Lee; Sir John Dawbeney, son and heir to Sir Giles Dawbeney; William, son of Sir Roger Scroope; Dame Joan Dawbeney, wife of Sir William Dawbeney; Thomas Charles, esquire; Sir John Dawbeney, knight, and his son Robert; Sir James Bell, knight; Sir Oliver Manny, knight; Henry Deskie, esquire; Sir Diones Mordaske; Sir Bernard Rolingcort; Sir Peter Kayor; Sir William Tirell; Sir William, his brother knights; William Collingborne, esquire, beheaded in 1484; Sir Roger Clifford, knight; Sir Thomas Coke, mayor in 1462; William Edward, mayor in 1471; Sir James Tirell, Sir John Windany, knights, beheaded in 1502; Sir John Dawtrie, knight, in 1519; Dame Margaret Rede, in 1510; Edward, Duke of Buckingham, beheaded in 1521; Gwiskard, Earl of Huntington.
On the south side, and at the west end of this church, many fair houses are built; namely, in Throgmorton street, one very large and spacious, built in the place of old and small tenements by Thomas Cromwell, master of the king’s jewel-house, after that master of the rolls, then Lord Cromwell, knight, lord privy seal, vicar-general, Earl of Essex, high chamberlain of England, etc. This house being finished, and having some reasonable plot of ground left for a garden, he caused the pales of the gardens adjoining to the north part thereof on a sudden to be taken down; twenty-two feet to be measured forth right into the north of every man’s ground; a line there to be drawn, a trench to be cast, a foundation laid, and a high brick wall to be built. My father had a garden there, and a house standing close to his south pale; this house they loosed from the ground, and bare upon rollers into my father’s garden twenty-two feet, ere my father heard thereof; no warning was given him, nor other answer, when he spake to the surveyors of that work, but that their master Sir Thomas commanded them so to do; no man durst go to argue the matter, but each man lost his land, and my father paid his whole rent, which was 6s. 6d. the year, for that half which was left. Thus much of mine own knowledge[162] have I thought good to note, that the sudden rising of some men causeth them[156] to forget themselves.
On the south side and at the west end of this church, many nice houses are built; specifically, on Throgmorton Street, one very large and spacious house replaced old, small buildings, constructed by Thomas Cromwell, who was the master of the king’s jewel-house, later the master of the rolls, then Lord Cromwell, knight, Lord Privy Seal, vicar-general, Earl of Essex, high chamberlain of England, etc. Once the house was finished, and with some decent land left for a garden, he suddenly had the fences of the gardens next to the north part taken down; twenty-two feet were measured straight into every man’s land; a line was drawn, a trench dug, a foundation laid, and a high brick wall built. My father had a garden there, and a house standing right next to his southern fence; this house was lifted from the ground and rolled into my father’s garden twenty-two feet before he even heard about it; he wasn’t given any notice, and when he spoke to the surveyors about it, they just said that their master, Sir Thomas, ordered them to do it; no one dared argue, and each man lost his land, while my father still paid his full rent, which was 6s. 6d. for that part that was left. I've noted this from my own experience, that the sudden rise of some people causes them[156] to forget themselves.
The company of the Drapers in London bought this house, and now the same is their common hall. This company obtained of King Henry VI., in the 17th of his reign, to be incorporate: John Gidney was chosen to be their first master, and the four wardens were, J. Wotton, J. Darbie, Robert Breton, and T. Cooke. The arms granted to the said company by Sir William Bridges, knight, first garter king at arms, in blason, are thus: Three sunbeams issuing out of three clouds of flame, crowned with three crowns imperial of gold, upon a shield azure. From this hall, on the same side down to the grates and course of Walbrook, have ye divers fair houses for merchants and other; from the which grates back again on the other side in Lethbury, so called in record of Edward III., the 38th year, and now corruptly called Lothbury, are candlestick founders placed, till ye come to Bartholomew lane, so called of St. Bartholomew’s church, at the south-east corner thereof. In this lane also are divers fair built houses on both sides, and so likewise have ye in the other street, which stretcheth from the Friars Augustine’s south gate to the corner over against St. Bennet’s church. In this street, amongst other fair buildings, the most ancient was of old time a house pertaining to the abbot of St. Albans; John Catcher, alderman, now dwelleth there; then is the free school pertaining to the late dissolved hospital of St. Anthony, whereof more shall be shown in another place, and so up to Threeneedle street. On the south part of which street, beginning at the east, by the well with two buckets, now turned to a pump, is the parish church of St. Martin called Oteswich, of Martin de Oteswich, Nicholas de Oteswich, William Oteswich, and John Oteswich, founders thereof. There be monuments in this church of William Constantine, alderman, and Emme his wife; Katherine, wife to Benedick Augustine; Sir William Drifield, knight; John Oteswich, and his wife, under a fair monument on the south side; John Churchman, one of the sheriffs, in the year 1385; Richard Naylor, tailor, alderman, 1483; James Falleron; John Melchborne; Thomas Hey, and Hellis his wife; William Clitherow, and Margaret his wife; Oliver and William, sons to John Woodroffe, esquire; Hugh Pemberton, tailor, alderman, 1500, and Katherine his wife; Matthew Pemberton, merchant-tailor, about 1514: he gave £50 to the repairing of St. Lawrence chapel. The aforesaid[163] John Churchman, for William and John Oteswich, by license of Henry IV., the 6th of his reign, gave the advowson or patronage of this church, four messuages, and seventeen shops, with the appurtenances in the parish of St. Martin’s Oteswich, etc., to the master and wardens of tailors and linen-armourers, keepers of the guild and fraternity of St. John Baptist in London, and to their successors, in perpetual alms, to be employed on the poor brethren and sisters; whereupon, adjoining unto the west end of this parish church, the said master and wardens built about a proper quadrant or squared court, seven alms houses, wherein they placed seven alms men of that company, and their wives (if they had wives); each of these seven of old time had 13d. the week, but now of later time their stipend by the said master and wardens hath been augmented to the sum of 26s. the quarter, which is £5 4s. the year to each of them, besides coals; more, to each of them 20s. the year, by gift of Walter Fish, sometime master of that company, and tailor to her majesty.
The Drapers' Company in London bought this house, which is now their common hall. This company was granted incorporation by King Henry VI in the 17th year of his reign. John Gidney was chosen as their first master, and the four wardens were J. Wotton, J. Darbie, Robert Breton, and T. Cooke. The arms granted to this company by Sir William Bridges, knight, the first Garter King at Arms, are described as follows: Three sunbeams coming out of three fiery clouds, each crowned with a golden imperial crown, on a blue shield. From this hall, going down the same side to the grates and course of the Walbrook, there are several fine houses for merchants and others; from these grates, back on the other side in Lothbury—so named in the records of Edward III, 38th year, and now misspelled Lothbury—are candlestick makers until reaching Bartholomew Lane, named after St. Bartholomew's Church at its southeast corner. In this lane, there are also several well-built houses on both sides, and similarly, in the other street that stretches from the Augustine Friars' south gate to the corner across from St. Bennet's Church. In this street, among other beautiful buildings, the most ancient was once a house belonging to the abbot of St. Albans; John Catcher, an alderman, now lives there. Next is the free school associated with the former St. Anthony’s Hospital, which will be discussed further elsewhere, leading up to Threeneedle Street. On the south side of this street, starting from the east by the well with two buckets—now converted into a pump—is the parish church of St. Martin, known as Oteswich, founded by Martin de Oteswich, Nicholas de Oteswich, William Oteswich, and John Oteswich. This church has monuments for William Constantine, an alderman, and his wife Emme; Katherine, wife of Benedick Augustine; Sir William Drifield, knight; John Oteswich and his wife, under a fine monument on the south side; John Churchman, one of the sheriffs from the year 1385; Richard Naylor, tailor and alderman, 1483; James Falleron; John Melchborne; Thomas Hey, and Hellis his wife; William Clitherow and his wife Margaret; Oliver and William, sons of John Woodroffe, esquire; Hugh Pemberton, tailor and alderman, 1500, and his wife Katherine; Matthew Pemberton, merchant tailor, around 1514: he donated £50 for repairing St. Lawrence Chapel. The aforementioned John Churchman, on behalf of William and John Oteswich, with the license of Henry IV in the 6th year of his reign, gave the patronage of this church, along with four messuages and seventeen shops, with appurtenances in the parish of St. Martin's Oteswich, to the master and wardens of tailors and linen-armourers, keepers of the guild and fraternity of St. John Baptist in London, and to their successors, as perpetual alms to support the poor brethren and sisters. Consequently, adjoining the west end of this parish church, the master and wardens built a proper quadrangle or squared court with seven almshouses, where they placed seven almsmen of that company and their wives (if they had wives); each of these seven used to receive 13d. a week, but recently their stipend has been increased by the master and wardens to 26s. a quarter, which amounts to £5 4s. a year for each of them, plus coal; additionally, each receives 20s. a year, given by Walter Fish, who was once the master of that company and a tailor to her majesty.
Some small distance from thence is the Merchant-tailors’-hall, pertaining to the guild and fraternity of St. John Baptist, time out of mind called of tailors and linen-armourers of London; for I find that Edward I., in the 28th of his reign, confirmed this guild by the name of Tailors and Linen-armourers, and also gave to the brethren thereof authority every year at Midsummer to hold a feast, and to choose unto them a governor, or master, with wardens; whereupon the same year, 1300, on the feast day of the nativity of St. John Baptist, they chose Henry de Ryall to be their pilgrim for the master of this mystery (as one that travelled for the whole company was then so called) until the 11th of Richard II.; and the four wardens were then called purveyors of alms (now called quarterage) of the said fraternity. This merchant-tailors’ hall, sometime pertaining to a worshipful gentleman named Edmond Creping (Dominus Creping after some record), he in the year of Christ 1331, the first of Edward III., for a certain sum of money to him paid, made his grant thereof by the name of his principal messuage in the wards of Cornehill and Brode street, which Sir Oliver Ingham, knight, did then hold, to John of Yakley, the king’s pavilion maker. This was called the new hall, or tailors’ inn, for a difference from their old hall, which was about the back side of the Red Lion in Basing lane, and in the ward of Cordwayner street.
Some distance away is the Merchant-Tailors’ Hall, belonging to the guild and brotherhood of St. John the Baptist, historically known as the tailors and linen armorers of London. I found that Edward I, in the 28th year of his reign, confirmed this guild under the name of Tailors and Linen Armorers and also granted the members the right to hold a feast every year at Midsummer and elect a governor or master along with wardens. In the same year, 1300, on the feast day of St. John the Baptist, they chose Henry de Ryall to be their representative for the master of this trade (as someone who traveled on behalf of the entire group was then called) until the 11th year of Richard II. The four wardens were then referred to as providers of alms (now known as quarterage) for the brotherhood. This Merchant-Tailors’ Hall, once belonging to a respected gentleman named Edmond Creping (referred to as Dominus Creping in some records), in the year 1331, in the first year of Edward III, was granted to him for a certain sum of money as his main property in the wards of Cornhill and Broad Street, which was held by Sir Oliver Ingham, knight, and had been transferred to John of Yakley, the king’s pavilion maker. It was called the new hall or tailors’ inn to distinguish it from their old hall, which was located at the back of the Red Lion in Basing Lane, within the ward of Cordwainer Street.
The 21st of Edward IV., Thomas Holme, alias Clarenciaulx king of arms for the south part of England, granted by his[164] patents to the said fraternity and guild of St. John Baptist, of tailors and linen-armourers, to bear in a field silver, a pavilion between two mantels imperial purple garnished with gold, in a chief azure and holy Lamb, set within a sun, the crest upon the helm, a pavilion purple garnished with gold, etc. After this King Henry VII. being himself a brother of this fraternity or guild of St. John Baptist, of tailors or linen-armourers (as divers other his predecessors kings before him had been, to wit, Richard III., Edward IV., Henry V., Henry IV., and Richard II.); and for that divers of that fraternity had, time out of mind, been great merchants, and had frequented all sorts of merchandises into most parts of the world, to the honour of the king’s realm, and to the great profit of his subjects, and of his progenitors; and the men of the said mystery, during the time aforesaid, had exercised the buying and selling of all wares and merchandises, especially of woollen cloth, as well in gross, as by retail, throughout all this realm of England, and chiefly within the said city; therefore he, of his especial grace, did change, transfer, and translate the guild aforesaid, and did incorporate them into the name of the Master and Wardens of the Merchant-tailors of the fraternity of St. John Baptist, in the city of London.
On the 21st of Edward IV, Thomas Holme, also known as Clarenciaulx, the king of arms for the southern part of England, granted a patent to the fraternity and guild of St. John Baptist, consisting of tailors and linen armorers. They were allowed to bear, in a silver field, a pavilion between two purple mantles trimmed with gold, along with a blue chief featuring a holy Lamb set within a sun, with the crest on the helm being a purple pavilion adorned with gold, etc. Later, King Henry VII, who was also a member of this fraternity or guild of St. John Baptist, joined other kings before him such as Richard III, Edward IV, Henry V, Henry IV, and Richard II. Many of those in the fraternity had historically been prominent merchants who traded various goods globally, which brought honor to the king’s realm and significant profit to his subjects and ancestors. The members of this trade had engaged in the buying and selling of all types of goods, particularly woolen cloth, both in bulk and retail, throughout England, especially in the city. Therefore, out of his special grace, he decided to change, transfer, and incorporate the aforementioned guild into the name of the Master and Wardens of the Merchant-tailors of the fraternity of St. John Baptist in the city of London.
Some distance west from this the Merchant-tailors’ hall is Finke’s lane, so called of Robert Finke, and Robert Finke his son, James Finke, and Rosamond Finke. Robert Finke the elder new built the parish church of St. Bennet, commonly called Fink, of the founder; his tenements were both of St. Bennet’s parish and St. Martin’s Oteswich parish. The one half of this Finke lane is of Brode street ward, to wit, on the west side up to the great and principal house wherein the said Finke dwelt; but on the other side, namely the east, not so much towards Cornhill. Then without this lane in the aforesaid Threeneedle street is the said parish church of St. Bennet, a proper church, in which are these monuments of the dead:—Robert Simson, and Elizabeth his wife; Roger Strange, esquire; Trerisse; William Coolby; John Frey; Thomas Briar, plumber, 1410, etc.
A bit west of here is Finke’s Lane, named after Robert Finke, along with his son, James Finke, and Rosamond Finke. Robert Finke the elder rebuilt the parish church of St. Bennet, commonly referred to as Fink, after its founder. His properties were located in both St. Bennet’s parish and St. Martin’s Oteswich parish. One side of Finke Lane is in the Brode Street ward, specifically the west side up to the big main house where Finke lived; the other side, the east side, doesn’t extend as far toward Cornhill. Just outside this lane, in the previously mentioned Threeneedle Street, stands the parish church of St. Bennet, a nice church that contains these memorials: Robert Simson and his wife, Elizabeth; Roger Strange, esquire; Trerisse; William Coolby; John Frey; and Thomas Briar, plumber, 1410, etc.
Some distance west is the Royal Exchange, whereof more shall be spoken in the ward of Cornhill, and so down to the little conduit, called the pissing conduit, by the Stockes market, and this is the south side of Threeneedle street.
Some distance to the west is the Royal Exchange, which will be discussed more in the Cornhill area, and then down to the small fountain known as the pissing conduit, near the Stocks market, and this is the south side of Threeneedle Street.
On the north side of this street, from over against the east corner of St. Martin’s Oteswich church, have ye divers fair and large houses till ye come to the hospital of St. Anthonie, sometime[165] a cell to St. Anthonie’s of Vienna. For I read that King Henry III. granted to the brotherhood of St. Anthonie of Vienna, a place amongst the Jews, which was sometime their synagogue, and had been built by them about the year 1231; but the Christians obtained of the king that it should be dedicated to our Blessed Lady; and since a hospital being there built, was called St. Anthonie’s in London; it was founded in the parish of St. Bennet Finke, for a master, two priests, one schoolmaster, and twelve poor men: after which foundation, amongst other things, was given to this hospital, one messuage and garden, whereon was built the fair large free school, and one other parcel of ground, containing thirty-seven feet in length, and eighteen feet in breadth, whereon was built the alms houses of hard stone and timber, in the reign of Henry VI., which said Henry VI., in the 20th of his reign, gave unto John Carpenter, D.D., master of St. Anthonie’s hospital, and to his brethren and their successors for ever, his manor of Ponington, with the appurtenances, with certain pensions and portions of Milburne, Burnworth, Charlton, and Up Wimborne, in the county of Southampton, towards the maintenance of five scholars in the university of Oxford, to be brought up in the faculty of arts, after the rate of ten pence the week for every scholar, so that the said scholars shall be first instructed in the rudiments of grammar at the college of Eaton, founded by the said king.
On the north side of this street, directly across from the east corner of St. Martin’s Oteswich church, there are several beautiful and spacious houses until you reach the hospital of St. Anthonie, which used to be[165] a cell for St. Anthonie’s of Vienna. I read that King Henry III granted the brotherhood of St. Anthonie of Vienna a place among the Jews, which was once their synagogue and had been built by them around the year 1231. However, the Christians persuaded the king to dedicate it to our Blessed Lady. After a hospital was built there, it became known as St. Anthonie’s in London; it was founded in the parish of St. Bennet Finke to have a master, two priests, one schoolmaster, and twelve poor men. Following this foundation, the hospital was given one house and garden, on which the beautiful large free school was built, along with another piece of land measuring thirty-seven feet long and eighteen feet wide, where the almshouses made of hard stone and timber were constructed during the reign of Henry VI. In the 20th year of his reign, Henry VI granted John Carpenter, D.D., the master of St. Anthonie’s hospital, along with his brothers and their successors forever, his manor of Ponington and its appurtenances, along with certain pensions and portions from Milburne, Burnworth, Charlton, and Up Wimborne in Southampton, to support five scholars at the university of Oxford, who would be raised in the arts, at a cost of ten pence per week for each scholar, ensuring that these scholars were first taught the basics of grammar at the college of Eton, which was founded by the king.
In the year 1474, Edward IV. granted to William Say, B.D., master of the said hospital, to have priests, clerks, scholars, poor men, and brethren of the same, clerks, or laymen, choristers, proctors, messengers, servants in household, and other things whatsoever, like as the prior and convent of St. Anthonie’s of Vienna, etc. He also annexed, united, and appropriated the said hospital unto the collegiate church of St. George in Windsor.
In 1474, Edward IV granted William Say, B.D., the master of the hospital, the right to have priests, clerks, scholars, poor individuals, and brothers, whether clerical or laypeople, choristers, proctors, messengers, household servants, and other positions as needed, similar to what the prior and convent of St. Anthony’s in Vienna had. He also merged, combined, and assigned the hospital to the collegiate church of St. George in Windsor.
The proctors of this house were to collect the benevolence of charitable persons towards the building and supporting thereof. And amongst other things observed in my youth, I remember that the officers charged with oversight of the markets in this city, did divers times take from the market people, pigs starved, or otherwise unwholesome for man’s sustenance; these they slit in the ear. One of the proctors for St. Anthonie’s tied a bell about the neck, and let it feed on the dunghills; no man would hurt or take them up, but if any gave to them bread, or other feeding, such would they know, watch for, and daily follow, whining till they had somewhat given them; whereupon was raised a proverb, “Such an one will follow such an one, and[166] whine as it were an Anthonie pig;” but if such a pig grew to be fat, and came to good liking (as oft times they did), then the proctor would take him up to the use of the hospital.
The overseers of this house were responsible for gathering donations from generous people to build and maintain it. Among other things I noticed in my youth, I remember the officials who monitored the markets in this city often took pigs that were starving or otherwise unhealthy for people to eat; they would notch their ears. One of the overseers for St. Anthony's put a bell around a pig's neck and let it eat from the trash; no one would harm or take them, but if anyone fed them bread or other food, those pigs would recognize, watch for, and follow them daily, whining until they received something. This led to a saying, “Such a person will follow such a person and whine like an Anthony pig;” but if such a pig became fat and healthy (which often happened), then the overseer would take it for the use of the hospital.
In the year 1499, Sir John Tate, sometime ale-brewer, when a mercer, caused his brewhouse, called the Swan, near adjoining to the said free chapel, college, or hospital of St. Anthonie, to be taken down for the enlarging of the church, which was then new built, toward the building whereof the said Tate gave great sums of money, and finished in the year 1501. Sir John Tate deceased 1514, and was there buried under a fair monument by him prepared. Dr. Tayler, master of the rolls, and other.[157]
In 1499, Sir John Tate, who had once brewed ale and was now a merchant, had his brewhouse, called the Swan, next to the free chapel, college, or hospital of St. Anthony, torn down to make more room for the church, which was being newly built. Tate contributed a significant amount of money to the construction, which was completed in 1501. Sir John Tate passed away in 1514 and was buried there under a beautiful monument he had arranged. Dr. Tayler, the master of the rolls, and others. [157]
Walter Champion, draper, one of the sheriffs of London 1529, was buried there, and gave to the beadman twenty pounds. The lands by year of this hospital were valued in the 37th year of Henry VIII. to be fifty-five pounds six shillings and eight pence.
Walter Champion, a cloth merchant and one of the sheriffs of London in 1529, was buried there and donated twenty pounds to the beadman. The annual value of the lands belonging to this hospital was assessed in the 37th year of Henry VIII to be fifty-five pounds, six shillings, and eight pence.
One Johnson (a schoolmaster of the famous free-school there) became a prebend of Windsor, and then by little and little followed the spoil of this hospital. He first dissolved the choir, conveyed the plate and ornaments, then the bells, and lastly put out the alms men from their houses, appointing them portions of twelve pence the week to each (but now I hear of no such matter performed), their houses with other be letten out for rent, and the church is a preaching place for the French nation.
One Johnson, a schoolmaster from the well-known free school there, became a prebend of Windsor. Gradually, he took possession of this hospital's assets. First, he dissolved the choir, then he sold off the plate and ornaments, followed by the bells, and finally, he evicted the alms men from their homes, assigning them a weekly allowance of twelve pence each (though I haven't heard of anyone receiving that anymore). Their houses, along with others, were rented out, and the church is now used as a preaching place for the French community.
This school was commended in the reign of Henry VI., and sithence commended above other, but now decayed, and come to nothing, by taking that from it what thereunto belonged.
This school was praised during the reign of Henry VI, and has since been recognized above others, but now it has fallen into decline and has amounted to nothing, due to the loss of what rightfully belonged to it.
Next is the parish church of St. Bartholomew, at the end of Bartholomew lane. Thomas Pike, alderman, with the assistance of Nicholas Yoo, one of the sheriffs of London, about the year 1438, new built this church. Sir John Fray, knight, was buried there, Margery his daughter and heir, wife to Sir John Lepington, knight, founded there a chantry the 21st of Edward IV. Alderban, a Gascoyne, was buried there; Sir Will. Capel, mayor 1509, added unto this church a proper chapel on the south side thereof, and was buried there; Sir Giles Cappell was[167] also buried there; James Wilford, tailor, one of the sheriffs 1499, appointed by his testament a doctor of divinity, every Good Friday for ever, to preach there a sermon of Christ’s Passion, from six of the clock till eight before noon, in the said church. John Wilford, merchant-tailor, alderman, 1544; Sir James Wilford, 1550; Sir George Barne, mayor 1552; John Dent; Miles Coverdale, Bishop of Excester; Thomas Dancer, and Anne his wife.
Next is the parish church of St. Bartholomew, located at the end of Bartholomew lane. Thomas Pike, an alderman, with the help of Nicholas Yoo, one of the sheriffs of London, rebuilt this church around the year 1438. Sir John Fray, a knight, was buried there, and his daughter and heir, Margery, who was married to Sir John Lepington, established a chantry there on the 21st of Edward IV. Alderban, a Gascoyne, was also buried there; Sir William Capel, mayor in 1509, added a beautiful chapel on the south side of the church and was buried there; Sir Giles Cappell was[167] also buried there; James Wilford, a tailor, who was one of the sheriffs in 1499, designated in his will that a doctor of divinity should preach a sermon on Christ’s Passion every Good Friday, from six to eight in the morning, in that church. John Wilford, a merchant-tailor and alderman, 1544; Sir James Wilford, 1550; Sir George Barne, mayor in 1552; John Dent; Miles Coverdale, Bishop of Exeter; Thomas Dancer, and his wife Anne.
Then lower down towards the Stocks’ market is the parish church of St. Christopher, but re-edified of new; for Richard Shore, one of the sheriffs 1506, gave money towards the building of the steeple. There lie buried Richard Sherington, 1392, who gave lands to that church; the Lady Margaret Norford, 1406; John Clavering, 1421, who gave lands thereunto; John Godnay, draper, mayor 1427. This Godnay, in the year 1444, wedded the widow of Robert Large, late mayor, which widow had taken the mantle and ring, and the vow to live chaste to God during the term of her life, for the breach whereof, the marriage done, they were troubled by the church, and put to penance, both he and she. William Hampton, mayor 1472, was a great benefactor, and glazed some of the church windows; Sir William Martin, mayor 1492; Roger Achley, mayor 1511, he dwelt in Cornehill ward, in a house belonging to Cobham college, rented by the year at twenty-six shillings and eight pence; Robert Thorne, merchant-tailor, a bachelor, 1532—he gave by his testament in charity more than four thousand four hundred and forty-five pounds; John Norryholme; Ralph Batte; Alice Percivall; Jane Drew; William Borresbie; John Broke; Richard Sutton; William Batte; James Well; Henry Beacher, alderman, 1570.
Then lower down towards the Stocks market is the parish church of St. Christopher, which was newly rebuilt; Richard Shore, one of the sheriffs in 1506, contributed money toward the construction of the steeple. Buried there are Richard Sherington, 1392, who donated lands to that church; Lady Margaret Norford, 1406; John Clavering, 1421, who also gave lands; and John Godnay, a draper and mayor in 1427. In 1444, Godnay married the widow of Robert Large, a former mayor, who had taken a vow to live a chaste life, along with a mantle and ring. Because they broke this vow by marrying, they were both faced with church penalties and were put to penance. William Hampton, mayor in 1472, was a significant benefactor and had some church windows glazed; Sir William Martin was mayor in 1492; Roger Achley, mayor in 1511, lived in Cornhill ward in a house owned by Cobham College, which he rented yearly for twenty-six shillings and eight pence; and Robert Thorne, a merchant tailor, was a bachelor in 1532—he left more than four thousand four hundred and forty-five pounds for charity in his will; as well as John Norryholme; Ralph Batte; Alice Percivall; Jane Drew; William Borresbie; John Broke; Richard Sutton; William Batte; James Well; and Henry Beacher, alderman, in 1570.
West from this church have ye Scalding alley, of old time called Scalding house, or Scalding wike, because that ground for the most part was then employed by poulterers that dwelt in the high street from the Stocks’ market to the great conduit. Their poultry, which they sold at their stalls, were scalded there. The street doth yet bear the name of the Poultry, and the poulterers are but lately departed from thence into other streets, as into Grasse street, and the ends of St. Nicholas flesh shambles. This Scalding wike is the farthest west part of Brode street ward, and is by the water called Walbrook parted from Cheap ward. This Brode street ward hath an alderman, with his deputy, common councillors ten, constables ten, scavengers eight, wardmote inquest thirteen, and a beadle. It is taxed to the fifteenth in London at seven-and-twenty pounds, and accounted in the Exchequer after twenty-five pounds.
West of this church is Scalding Alley, which used to be called Scalding House or Scalding Wike. This area was primarily used by poulterers who lived on the high street from Stocks Market to the Great Conduit. They scalded their poultry there before selling it at their stalls. The street still carries the name Poultry, and the poulterers have only recently moved to different streets, like Grasse Street and the ends of St. Nicholas Flesh Shambles. Scalding Wike is the furthest west part of Broad Street Ward and is separated from Cheap Ward by the river Walbrook. Broad Street Ward has an alderman, a deputy, ten common councillors, ten constables, eight scavengers, thirteen wardmote inquest members, and a beadle. It is taxed at the fifteenth in London at twenty-seven pounds and is accounted in the Exchequer after twenty-five pounds.
CORNEHILL WARD
The next ward to the south is Cornehill ward, so called of a corn market, time out of mind there holden, and is a part of the principal high street, beginning at the west end of Leaden hall, stretching down west on both the sides by the south end of Finks lane on the right hand, and by the north end of Birchovers lane; on the left part of which lanes, to wit, to the middle of them, is of this ward, and so down to the Stockes market; and this is the bounds.
The next area to the south is Cornehill ward, named after a corn market that has been held there for ages. It’s part of the main high street, starting at the west end of Leadenhall and stretching westward on both sides, with the south end of Finks Lane on the right and the north end of Birchovers Lane. The left side of these lanes, specifically the middle of them, belongs to this ward and extends down to Stockes market; these are the boundaries.
The upper or east part of this ward, and also a part of Lime street ward, hath been (as I said) a market place, especially for corn, and since for all kind of victuals, as is partly showed in Lime street ward; yet it appeareth of record, that in the year 1522, the rippers of Rie and other places, sold their fresh fish in Leaden hall market upon Cornehill, but foreign butchers were not admitted there to sell flesh till the year 1533; and it was enacted, that butchers should sell[158], their beef not above a halfpenny the pound, and mutton a halfpenny half-farthing; which act being devised for the great commodity of the realm (as it was then thought) hath since proved far otherwise; for before that time a fat ox was sold in London for six-and-twenty shillings and eight pence at the most, a fat wether for three shillings and four pence, a fat calf the like price, a fat lamb for twelve pence, pieces of beef weighing two pounds and a half at the least, yea three pounds or better, for a penny, on every butcher’s stall in this city, and of those pieces of beef thirteen or fourteen for twelve pence, fat mutton for eight pence the quarter, and one hundred weight of beef for four shillings and eight pence, at the dearest. What the price is now I need not to set down; many men thought the same act to rise in price, by mean that graziers knew or supposed what weight every their beasts contained, and so raising their price thereafter, the butcher could be no gainer, but by likewise raising his price.[159] The number of butchers then in the city and suburbs was accounted six score, of which every one killed six oxen a piece weekly, which is in forty-six weeks thirty-three thousand one hundred and twenty oxen, or seven hundred and twenty oxen weekly. The foreign butchers for a long time stood in the high street of Lime Street[169] ward on the north side, twice every week, namely, Wednesday and Saturday, and were some gain to the tenants before whose doors they stood, and into whose houses they set their blocks and stalls; but that advantage being espied, they were taken into Leaden hall, there to pay for their standing to the chamber of London. Thus much for the market upon Cornhill.
The upper or eastern part of this ward, along with part of Lime Street ward, has been, as I mentioned, a marketplace, especially for grain, and later for all kinds of food, as is partly shown in Lime Street ward. However, records show that in 1522, the sellers from Rie and other places sold their fresh fish in Leaden Hall Market on Cornhill, but outside butchers weren't allowed to sell meat there until 1533. It was enacted that butchers should sell their beef for no more than a halfpenny per pound, and mutton for a halfpenny plus a half-farthing. This act, created for the supposed benefit of the realm, has since turned out quite differently. Before that time, a fat ox sold in London for a maximum of twenty-six shillings and eight pence, a fat wether for three shillings and four pence, and a fat calf for the same price; a fat lamb for twelve pence; pieces of beef weighing at least two and a half pounds, often three pounds or more, sold for a penny at every butcher's stall in the city, with thirteen or fourteen pieces of beef for twelve pence, fat mutton for eight pence a quarter, and one hundredweight of beef for four shillings and eight pence at the highest. I don't need to state what the prices are now; many people believed that this same act led to price increases because graziers knew or assumed the weight of their livestock and thus raised their prices accordingly. The butchers had no choice but to raise their prices as well. The number of butchers in the city and suburbs was counted as sixty, each killing six oxen weekly, which totals thirty-three thousand one hundred and twenty oxen in forty-six weeks, or seven hundred and twenty oxen weekly. Foreign butchers stood in the main street of Lime Street ward on the north side twice a week, on Wednesday and Saturday, and provided some profit to the tenants whose doors they stood in front of and where they set up their blocks and stalls. However, when this advantage was recognized, they were moved to Leaden Hall to pay for their space to the Chamber of London. This is the overview of the market on Cornhill.
The chief ornaments on Cornhill ward are these: first, at the east end thereof, in the middle of the high street, and at the parting of four ways, have ye a water standard, placed in the year 1582, in manner following. A certain German, named Peter Morris, having made an artificial forcier for that purpose, conveyed Thames water in pipes of lead over the steeple of St. Magnus church, at the north end of London Bridge, and from thence into divers men’s houses in Thames street, New Fish street, and Grasse street, up to the north-west corner of Leaden hall, the highest ground of all the city, where the waste of the main pipe rising into this standard, provided at the charges of the city, with four spouts did at every tide run (according to covenant) four ways, plentifully serving to the commodity of the inhabitants near adjoining in their houses, and also cleansed the channels of the street towards Bishopsgate, Aldgate, the bridge, and the Stockes’ market. But now no such matter, through whose default I know not.[160]
The main attractions in Cornhill ward are these: first, at the east end, in the middle of the high street, and at the junction of four roads, there's a water fountain that was installed in 1582. A German named Peter Morris created a system to bring Thames water through lead pipes over the steeple of St. Magnus church, located at the north end of London Bridge. From there, the water flowed into various houses on Thames Street, New Fish Street, and Grasse Street, up to the north-west corner of Leadenhall, which is the highest point in the city. The waste from the main pipe would rise into this fountain, which was provided at the city's expense, with four spouts that would run at each tide (as per the agreement), providing ample water for the nearby residents and also helping to clear the street channels towards Bishopsgate, Aldgate, the bridge, and Stocks Market. But now, that's no longer the case, though I don't know why.[160]
Then have ye a fair conduit of sweet water, castellated in the middest of that ward and street. This conduit was first built of stone in the year 1282, by Henry Walles, mayor of London, to be a prison for night-walkers, and other suspicious persons, and was called the Tun upon Cornehill, because the same was built somewhat in fashion of a tun standing on the one end.
Then you have a nice fountain with fresh water, set in the middle of that area and street. This fountain was first built of stone in 1282 by Henry Walles, the mayor of London, to serve as a prison for night walkers and other suspicious individuals, and it was called the Tun upon Cornehill because it was built somewhat in the shape of a barrel standing on its end.
To this prison the night watches of this city committed not only night walkers, but also other persons, as well spiritual as temporal, whom they suspected of incontinence, and punished them according to the customs of this city; but complaint thereof being made, about the year of Christ 1297, King Edward I. writeth to his citizens thus:—
To this prison, the night watch of the city put not only night travelers but also others, both spiritual and worldly, whom they suspected of being immoral, and punished them according to the city's customs. However, complaints about this were made, and around the year 1297, King Edward I wrote to his citizens saying:—
“Edward, by the grace of God, etc. Whereas Richard Gravesend, bishop of London, hath showed unto us, that by the Great Charter of England, the Church hath a privilege, that no clerk should be imprisoned by a lay man without our command,[170] and breach of peace, which notwithstanding some citizens of London, upon mere spite, do enter in their watches into clerks’ chambers, and like felons carry them to the Tun, which Henry le Walleys, sometime mayor, built for night walkers; wherefore we will that this our commandment be proclaimed in full hustings, and that no watch hereafter enter into any clerk’s chamber, under the forfeit of twenty pounds. Dated at Carlisle the 18th of March, the 25th of our reign.”
“Edward, by the grace of God, etc. Whereas Richard Gravesend, the bishop of London, has informed us that by the Great Charter of England, the Church has a privilege that no clergyman should be imprisoned by a layman without our command,[170] and in violation of the peace, which however some citizens of London, out of mere spite, do enter into clergymen’s chambers during their watches and like criminals take them to the Tun, which Henry le Walleys, former mayor, built for nightwalkers; therefore, we command that this order be proclaimed in full public assembly, and that no watch thereafter enter into any clergyman’s chamber, under the penalty of twenty pounds. Dated at Carlisle the 18th of March, the 25th year of our reign.”
More, I read about the year of Christ 1299, the 27th of Edward I., certain principal citizens of London, to wit, T. Romane, Richard Gloucester, Nicholas Faringdon, Adam Helingburie, T. Saly, John Dunstable, Richard Ashwy, John Wade, and William Stortford, brake up this prison called the Tun, and took out certain prisoners, for which they were sharply punished by long imprisonment and great fines. It cost the citizens (as some have written) more than twenty thousand marks, which they were amerced in, before William le March, treasurer of the king’s exchequer, to purchase the king’s favour, and confirmation of their liberties.
In the year 1299, during the reign of Edward I, several prominent citizens of London—T. Romane, Richard Gloucester, Nicholas Faringdon, Adam Helingburie, T. Saly, John Dunstable, Richard Ashwy, John Wade, and William Stortford—broke into the prison known as the Tun and freed certain prisoners. For this, they faced severe punishment, including long imprisonment and hefty fines. It reportedly cost the citizens more than twenty thousand marks to appease William le March, the king’s exchequer treasurer, to gain the king’s favor and secure their liberties.
Also, that in the year 1383, the 7th of Richard II., the citizens of London, taking upon them the rights that belonged to their bishops, first imprisoned such women as were taken in fornication or adultery in the said Tun, and after bringing them forth to the sight of the world, they caused their heads to be shaven, after the manner of thieves, whom they named appellators, and so to be led about the city, in sight of all the inhabitants, with trumpets and pipes sounding before them, that their persons might be the more largely known. Neither did they spare such kind of men a whit the more, but used them as hardly, saying, they abhorred not only the negligence of their prelates, but also detested their avarice, that studying for money, omitted the punishment limited by law, and permitted those that were found guilty to live favourably in their sin. Wherefore, they would themselves, they said, purge their city from such filthiness, lest, through God’s vengeance, either the pestilence or sword should happen to them, or that the earth should swallow them.
Also, in the year 1383, during the 7th year of Richard II's reign, the citizens of London, claiming the rights that belonged to their bishops, were the first to imprison women caught in fornication or adultery in the mentioned Tun. Afterward, they brought these women out for public display, shaving their heads like thieves—which they referred to as appellators—and paraded them around the city for all the residents to see, with trumpets and pipes playing ahead of them to ensure their identities were widely known. They treated men accused of the same offenses just as harshly, stating that they were not only disgusted by the neglect of their church leaders but also resented their greed, as they chased after money and neglected the punishments dictated by law, allowing those found guilty to continue living comfortably in their sins. Therefore, they declared they would take it upon themselves to cleanse their city of such filth, fearing that without action, they might suffer God's wrath, facing either plague or war, or even be swallowed by the earth.
Last of all to be noted, I read in the charge of the wardmote inquest in every ward of the city, these words:—“If there be any priest in service within the ward, which before time hath been set in the Tun in Cornhill for his dishonesty, and hath forsworn the city, all such shall be presented.”
Last but not least, I read in the instructions for the wardmote inquest in every ward of the city the following:—“If there is any priest serving in the ward who was previously placed in the Tun in Cornhill for dishonesty and has sworn to leave the city, all such individuals shall be reported.”
Thus much for the Tun in Cornhill have I read. Now for the punishments of priests in my youth: one note and no more.[171] John Atwod, draper, dwelling in the parish of St. Michael upon Cornehill, directly against the church, having a proper woman to his wife, such an one as seemed the holiest among a thousand, had also a lusty chantry priest, of the said parish church, repairing to his house; with the which priest the said Atwod would sometimes after supper play a game at tables for a pint of ale: it chanced on a time, having haste of work, and his game proving long, he left his wife to play it out, and went down to his shop, but returning to fetch a pressing iron, he found such play to his misliking, that he forced the priest to jump out at a window over the penthouse into the street, and so to run to his lodging in the churchyard. Atwod and his wife were soon reconciled, so that he would not suffer her to be called in question; but the priest being apprehended and committed, I saw his punishment to be thus:—He was on three market days conveyed through the high street and markets of the city with a paper on his head, wherein was written his trespass. The first day he rode in a carry, the second on a horse, his face to the horse tail, the third led betwixt twain, and every day rung with basons, and proclamations made of his fact at every turning of the street, as also before John Atwod’s stall, and the church door of his service, where he lost his chantry of twenty nobles the year, and was banished the city for ever.
I've read quite a bit about the Tun in Cornhill. Now, about the punishments of priests from my youth: just one story. [171] John Atwod, a draper living in the parish of St. Michael in Cornhill, right across from the church, had a lovely wife, considered the holiest among many. He also had a rowdy chantry priest from that parish who would visit his home. Atwod sometimes played a game of tables with the priest for a pint of ale after dinner. One time, needing to get some work done and the game dragging on, he left his wife to finish playing and went down to his shop. When he returned to grab a pressing iron, he found a situation he didn’t like at all. He forced the priest to jump out of a window onto the penthouse and then run to his lodging in the churchyard. Atwod and his wife patched things up quickly, so he wouldn’t let her be questioned about it; however, the priest was caught and locked up. I saw his punishment go like this: He was paraded through the main streets and markets of the city on three market days with a sign on his head stating his offense. On the first day, he rode in a cart, on the second day, he sat backwards on a horse, and on the third day, he was led between two people. Each day, he was rung with basins, and announcements of his misdeed were made at every street corner, including in front of John Atwod's stall and the church door where he served. He lost his chantry worth twenty nobles a year and was banished from the city forever.
By the west side of the foresaid prison, then called the Tun, was a fair well of spring water, curbed round with hard stone; but in the year 1401, the said prison house, called the Tun, was made a cistern for sweet water, conveyed by pipes of lead from Tiborne, and was from thenceforth called the Conduit upon Cornhill. Then was the well planked over, and a strong prison made of timber called a cage, with a pair of stocks therein set upon it, and this was for night walkers. On the top of which cage was placed a pillory, for the punishment of bakers offending in the assize of bread, for millers stealing of corn at the mill, for bawds, scolds, and other offenders. As in the year 1468, the 7th of Edward IV., divers persons being common jurors, such as at assizes were forsworn for rewards, or favour of parties, were judged to ride from Newgate to the pillory in Cornhill, with mitres of paper on their heads, there to stand, and from thence again to Newgate, and this judgment was given by the mayor of London. In the year 1509, the 1st of Henry VIII., Darby, Smith, and Simson, ringleaders of false inquests in London, rode about the city with their faces to the horse tails, and papers on their heads, and were set on the pillory in Corn[172]hill, and after brought again to Newgate, where they died for very shame, saith Robert Fabian. A ringleader of inquests,[161] as I take it, is he that making a gainful occupation thereof, will appear on Nisi-priuses, or he be warned, or procure himself to be warned, to come on by a tales. He will also procure himself to be foreman when he can, and take upon him to overrule the rest to his opinion; such an one shall be laboured by plaintiffs and defendants, not without promise of rewards, and therefore to be suspected of a bad conscience. I would wish a more careful choice of jurors to be had; for I have known a man carted, rung with basons, and banished out of Bishopsgate ward, and afterward in Aldgate ward admitted to be a constable, a grand juryman, and foreman of the wardmote inquest: what I know of the like, or worse men, proffered to the like offices, I forbear to write, but wish to be reformed.
By the west side of the aforementioned prison, which was then called the Tun, there was a nice well of spring water, surrounded by hard stone. But in 1401, that prison, known as the Tun, was converted into a cistern for clean water, brought in through lead pipes from Tiborne, and was henceforth called the Conduit on Cornhill. The well was then covered with boards, and a sturdy wooden cage was built inside it, complete with a pair of stocks for night offenders. On top of this cage was a pillory used to punish bakers who broke bread laws, millers who stole grain at the mill, and various offenders such as bawds and scolds. In 1468, during the 7th year of Edward IV's reign, several people, who served as jurors but were found to be dishonest for bribes or favoritism, were sentenced to ride from Newgate to the pillory in Cornhill wearing paper mitres on their heads, then back to Newgate, a judgment handed down by the mayor of London. In 1509, during the 1st year of Henry VIII's reign, Darby, Smith, and Simson, who were the ringleaders of false inquests in London, paraded around the city with their faces toward the horse tails and papers on their heads, and they were put in the pillory on Cornhill, after which they were taken back to Newgate, where they reportedly died of shame, according to Robert Fabian. A ringleader of inquests, as I understand it, is someone who, making a profitable occupation of it, appears at Nisi-priuses, either by summons or by getting themselves summoned to participate. They also often try to become foreman when they can, taking it upon themselves to sway the rest to their opinion; such individuals are courted by plaintiffs and defendants, usually with promises of rewards, which makes them suspect of having a bad conscience. I wish there were a more careful selection of jurors; I've known a man who was carted, ridiculed with basins, and banished from Bishopsgate ward, yet later admitted as constable and even became a grand juryman and foreman of the wardmote inquest in Aldgate ward. I refrain from writing about similar or worse men offered similar positions but hope for reform.
The foresaid conduit upon Cornhill, was in the year 1475 enlarged by Robert Drope, draper, mayor, that then dwelt in that ward; he increased the cistern of this conduit with an east end of stone, and castellated in comely manner.
The mentioned water pipe on Cornhill was expanded in 1475 by Robert Drope, a draper and the mayor who lived in that area at the time. He enlarged the reservoir of this pipe with a stone east end and made it look nice with some battlements.
In the year 1546, Sir Martin Bowes, mayor, dwelling in Lombard street, and having his back gate opening into Cornehill against the said conduit, minded to have enlarged the cistern thereof with a west end, like as Robert Drope before had done towards the east; view and measure of the plot was taken for this work; but the pillory and cage being removed, they found the ground planked, and the well aforesaid worn out of memory, which well they revived and restored to use—it is since made a pump; they set the pillory somewhat west from the well; and so this work ceased.
In 1546, Sir Martin Bowes, the mayor, living on Lombard Street and with his back gate opening onto Cornhill near the conduit, wanted to expand the cistern by adding a west end, similar to what Robert Drope had done to the east. They surveyed the area for this project, but after removing the pillory and cage, they discovered the ground was paved, and the well was no longer remembered. They revived and restored the well for use—it is now a pump; they relocated the pillory slightly west of the well, and the project ended there.
On the north side of the street, from the east unto the west, have ye divers fair houses for merchants and other, amongst the which one large house is called the Wey house, where merchandises brought from beyond the seas are to be weighed at the king’s beam. This house hath a master, and under him four master porters, with porters under them: they have a strong cart, and four great horses, to draw and carry the wares from the merchants’ houses to the beam and back again. Sir Thomas Lovell, knight, built this house, with a fair front of tenements towards the street; all which he gave to the Grocers of London, himself being free of the city, and a brother of that company.
On the north side of the street, stretching from east to west, there are various nice houses for merchants and others, among which is a large building known as the Wey house, where goods brought in from overseas are weighed at the king’s beam. This house has a master, who oversees four master porters, who manage the porters under them: they have a sturdy cart and four big horses to transport goods from the merchants’ houses to the beam and back again. Sir Thomas Lovell, a knight, built this house, which has an attractive front with tenements facing the street; he gave all of it to the Grocers of London, being a free citizen of the city and a member of that company.
Then have ye the said Finke’s lane, the south end of which lane on both sides is in Cornehill ward.
Then you have the mentioned Finke's Lane, the southern end of which lane on both sides is in Cornhill ward.
Then next is the Royal Exchange, erected in the year 1566, after this order, namely, certain houses upon Cornehill, and the like upon the back thereof, in the ward of Brode street, with three alleys, the first called Swan alley, opening into Cornehill, the second New alley, passing throughout of Cornehill into Brode street ward, over against St. Bartholomew lane, the third St. Christopher’s alley, opening into Brode street ward, and into St. Christopher’s parish, containing in all fourscore households, were first purchased by the citizens of London, for more than three thousand five hundred and thirty-two pounds, and were sold for four hundred and seventy-eight pounds, to such persons as should take them down and carry them thence; also the ground or plot was made plain at the charges of the city; and then possession thereof was by certain aldermen, in name of the whole citizens, given to Sir Thomas Gresham, knight, agent to the queen’s highness, thereupon to build a burse, or place for merchants to assemble, at his own proper charges. And he, on the 7th of June, laying the first stone of the foundation, being brick, accompanied with some aldermen, every of them laid a piece of gold, which the workmen took up, and forthwith followed upon the same with such diligence, that by the month of November, in the year 1567, the same was covered with slate, and shortly after fully finished.
Then next is the Royal Exchange, built in 1566, consisting of several houses on Cornhill and similar ones behind it, in the Broad Street ward, with three alleys: the first called Swan Alley, which opens onto Cornhill; the second New Alley, leading from Cornhill into Broad Street ward, opposite St. Bartholomew Lane; and the third St. Christopher’s Alley, opening into Broad Street ward and St. Christopher’s parish. It housed a total of eighty households, which were initially bought by the citizens of London for over three thousand five hundred and thirty-two pounds and then sold for four hundred and seventy-eight pounds to those who would take them down and remove them. The ground was leveled at the city's expense, and possession was then handed over by certain aldermen, on behalf of all citizens, to Sir Thomas Gresham, a knight and agent to the queen, to build a marketplace for merchants at his own cost. On June 7th, he laid the first brick of the foundation, accompanied by some aldermen, each of whom placed a gold coin, which the workers collected. They proceeded with such urgency that by November 1567, the structure was covered with slate and was soon completed.
In the year 1570, on the 23rd of January, the queen’s majesty, attended with her nobility, came from her house at the Strand, called Somerset house, and entered the city by Temple Bar, through Fleet street, Cheape, and so by the north side of the burse, through Threeneedle street, to Sir Thomas Gresham’s in Bishopsgate street, where she dined. After dinner her majesty returning through Cornehill, entered the burse on the south side; and after that she had viewed every part thereof above the ground, especially the pawn, which was richly furnished with all sorts of the finest wares in the city, she caused the same burse by an herald and trumpet to be proclaimed the Royal Exchange, and so to be called from thenceforth, and not otherwise.
In the year 1570, on January 23rd, the queen, accompanied by her nobles, left her residence at Somerset House on the Strand and entered the city through Temple Bar, passing through Fleet Street, Cheapside, and along the north side of the Exchange, through Threeneedle Street, to Sir Thomas Gresham's on Bishopsgate Street, where she had lunch. After lunch, her majesty returned through Cornhill, entered the Exchange from the south side, and after inspecting every part of it above ground, especially the pawn section, which was lavishly stocked with the finest goods available in the city, she had the Exchange declared the Royal Exchange by a herald and trumpet, commanding that it be called that from then on, and not by any other name.
Next adjoining this Royal Exchange remaineth one part of a large stone house, and is now called the Castle of such a sign; at a tavern door there is a passage through out of Cornehill into Threeneedle street; the other part of the said stone house was taken down for enlarging the Royal Exchange: this stone[174] house was said of some to have been a church, whereof it had no proportion, of others a Jew’s house, as though none but Jews had dwelt in stone houses; but that opinion is without warrant, for besides the strong building of stone houses against the invasion of thieves in the night, when no watches were kept, in the 1st year of Richard I., to prevent the casualties of fire, which often had happened in the city, when the houses were built of timber, and covered with reed or straw, Henry Fitz Alewine being mayor, it was decreed, that from henceforth no man should build within the city but of stone, until a certain height, and to cover the same building with slate or burnt tile; and this was the very cause of such stone buildings, whereof many have remained till our time, that for winning of ground they have been taken down, and in place of some one of them being low, as but two stories above the ground, many houses of four or five stories high are placed. From this stone house down to the Stocks are divers large houses, especially for height, for merchants and artificers.
Next to this Royal Exchange is part of a large stone house, which is now known as the Castle of such a sign. There's a passage at a tavern door that connects Cornhill to Threeneedle Street. The other part of this stone house was torn down to expand the Royal Exchange. Some say this stone house was once a church, although it didn’t suit that purpose, while others claim it was a Jew’s house, as if only Jews lived in stone houses. However, that belief isn’t supported, since aside from the strong construction of stone houses protecting against nighttime thieves when there were no watchmen, in the first year of Richard I, to reduce the risk of fire—which frequently occurred in the city when houses were made of timber and covered with reeds or straw—Henry Fitz Alewine, the mayor, decreed that from then on, no one could build within the city except with stone, up to a certain height, and that such buildings must be covered with slate or burnt tile. This was the main reason for the existence of stone buildings, many of which have survived to this day, although some were removed to make space, and in place of a few low structures, which were only two stories high, buildings of four or five stories now stand. From this stone house down to the Stocks are various large buildings, particularly tall ones, for merchants and tradespeople.
On the south side of this high street is the parish church of St. Peter upon Cornehill, which seemeth to be of an ancient building, but not so ancient as fame reporteth, for it hath been lately repaired, if not all new built, except the steeple, which is ancient. The roof of this church, and glazing, were finished in the reign of Edward IV., as appeareth by arms of noblemen and aldermen of London then living. There remaineth in this church a table whereon it is written, I know not by what authority, but of a late hand, that King Lucius founded the same church to be an archbishop’s see metropolitan,[162] and chief church of his kingdom, and that it so endured the space of four hundred years, unto the coming of Augustin the monk.
On the south side of this main street is the parish church of St. Peter upon Cornhill, which seems to be an old building, but it’s not as ancient as people say, since it has been recently repaired, if not completely rebuilt, except for the steeple, which is old. The roof of this church and the stained glass were finished during the reign of Edward IV, as shown by the coats of arms of nobles and London aldermen from that time. There is a table in this church on which it is written, I don’t know by whose authority, but in a recent hand, that King Lucius founded this church to be the metropolitan archbishop’s see and the main church of his kingdom, and that it lasted for four hundred years, until the arrival of Augustine the monk.[162]
Joceline of Furness writeth, that Thean, the first archbishop of London, in the reign of Lucius, built the said church by the aid of Ciran, chief butler to King Lucius; and also that Eluanus, the second archbishop, built a library to the same adjoining, and converted many of the Druids, learned men in the Pagan law, to Christianity. True it is, that a library there was pertaining to this parish church of old time, built of stone, and of late repaired with brick by the executors of Sir John Crosby, alderman, as his arms on the south end doth witness.
Joceline of Furness writes that Thean, the first archbishop of London, during the reign of Lucius, built the church with the help of Ciran, the chief butler to King Lucius. He also mentions that Eluanus, the second archbishop, constructed a library next to it and converted many Druids, who were knowledgeable in pagan law, to Christianity. It's true that there was an old library associated with this parish church, built of stone, and recently restored with brick by the executors of Sir John Crosby, an alderman, as evidenced by his arms on the south end.
This library hath been of late time, to wit, within these fifty years, well furnished of books; John Leyland viewed and com[175]mended them; but now those books be gone, and the place is occupied by a schoolmaster and his usher, over a number of scholars learning their grammar rules, etc. Notwithstanding, before that time a grammar school had been kept in this parish, as appeareth in the year 1425, I read, that John Whitby was rector, and John Steward schoolmaster there; and in the 25th of Henry VI., it was enacted by parliament, that four grammar schools in London should be maintained, namely, in the parishes of Allhallows, in Thames street, St. Andrew in Oldbourne, St. Peter’s upon Cornehill, and St. Thomas of Acars.
This library has recently, that is, in the last fifty years, been well stocked with books; John Leyland reviewed and praised them; but now those books are gone, and the space is taken up by a schoolmaster and his assistant, overseeing a group of students learning their grammar rules, etc. However, before that, a grammar school had been established in this parish, as indicated in the year 1425, where I read that John Whitby was the rector, and John Steward was the schoolmaster there; and in the 25th year of Henry VI., it was enacted by Parliament that four grammar schools in London should be maintained, namely, in the parishes of Allhallows, in Thames Street, St. Andrew in Oldbourne, St. Peter’s on Cornhill, and St. Thomas of Acre.
Monuments of the dead in this church defaced: I read, that Hugh Waltham, Nicholas Pricot, mercer, alderman, Richard Manhall, 1503; William Kingston, fishmonger, gave his tenements called the Horse mill in Grasse street to this church, and was there buried about the year 1298; John Unisburgh, poulterer, 1410; John Law. Also Peter Mason, tailor, gave to this church seven pounds sterling yearly for ever, out of his tenements in Colechurch parish, and deceased about the year 1416. John Foxton founded a chantry there. A brotherhood of St. Peter was in this church established by Henry IV., the 4th of his reign. William Brampton and William Askham, fishmongers and aldermen, were chief procurers thereof, for the fishmongers of late buried there; Sir William Bowyer, mayor 1543; Sir Henry Huberthorn, mayor 1546; Sir Christopher Morice, master-gunner of England to King Henry VIII.; Edward Elrington, esquire, chief-butler to Edward VI.; Thomas Gardener, grocer; and Justice Smith, and other.
Monuments of the dead in this church are damaged: I read that Hugh Waltham, Nicholas Pricot, a merchant and alderman, Richard Manhall, 1503; William Kingston, a fishmonger, gave his properties called the Horse Mill in Grasse Street to this church and was buried there around the year 1298; John Unisburgh, a poulterer, 1410; John Law. Also, Peter Mason, a tailor, donated seven pounds sterling each year forever to this church from his properties in Colechurch parish, and he passed away around 1416. John Foxton established a chantry there. A brotherhood of St. Peter was set up in this church by Henry IV during the 4th year of his reign. William Brampton and William Askham, fishmongers and aldermen, were the main promoters of it, following the recent burials of fishmongers there; Sir William Bowyer, mayor 1543; Sir Henry Huberthorn, mayor 1546; Sir Christopher Morice, master gunner of England to King Henry VIII; Edward Elrington, esquire, chief butler to Edward VI; Thomas Gardener, grocer; and Justice Smith, among others.
Then have ye the parish church of St. Michael th’ Archangel; for the antiquity whereof I find that Alnothus the priest gave it to the abbot and convent of Covesham, Reynold abbot, and the convent there did grant the same to Sperling the priest, in all measures as he and his predecessors before had held it; to the which Sperling also they granted all their lands which they there had, except certain lands which Orgar le Prowde had held of them, and paid two shilling yearly; for the which grant the said Sperling should yearly pay one mark of rent to the said abbot of Covesham, and find him and his lodging, salt, water, and fire, when he came to London. This was granted 1133, about the 34th of Henry I. Thus much for antiquity; of later time I find, that Elizabeth Peake, widow, gave the patronage or gift of this benefice to the Drapers in London; she lieth buried in the belfry, 1518: her monument yet remaineth.
Then you have the parish church of St. Michael the Archangel; regarding its history, I found that Alnothus the priest gave it to the abbot and convent of Covesham, with Abbot Reynold, and the convent granted it to Sperling the priest, along with all the rights he and his predecessors had held before. They also granted Sperling all the lands they had there, except for certain lands that Orgar le Prowde had held, for which he paid two shillings a year. In return for this grant, Sperling was to pay one mark of rent each year to the abbot of Covesham and provide him with accommodation, salt, water, and fire when he came to London. This was granted in 1133, around the 34th year of Henry I's reign. This covers the history; more recently, I found that Elizabeth Peake, a widow, gave the patronage or right to this benefice to the Drapers in London; she is buried in the belfry, having died in 1518, and her monument still remains.
This hath been a fair and beautiful church, but of late years,[176] since the surrender of their lands to Edward VI., greatly blemished by the building of lower tenements on the north side thereof towards the high street, in place of a green churchyard, whereby the church is darkened, and other ways annoyed. The fair new steeple, or bell tower of this church, was begun to be built in the year 1421, which being finished, and a fair ring of five bells therein placed, a sixth bell[163] was added, and given by John Whitwell, Isabel his wife, and William Rus, alderman, and goldsmith, about the year 1430, which bell, named “Rus,” nightly at eight of the clock, and otherwise for knells, and in peals, rung by one man, for the space of one hundred and sixty years, of late overhauled by four or five at once, hath been thrice broken, and new cast within the space of ten years, to the charges of that parish more than one hundred marks.
This has been a lovely and beautiful church, but in recent years,[176] since they surrendered their lands to Edward VI, it has been greatly marred by the construction of lower buildings on the north side towards the high street, replacing a green churchyard. This has dimmed the church and caused other disturbances. The beautiful new steeple, or bell tower of this church, started being built in 1421, and once completed, it had a nice set of five bells. A sixth bell[163] was added and donated by John Whitwell, his wife Isabel, and William Rus, an alderman and goldsmith, around 1430. This bell, named “Rus,” used to be rung nightly at eight o'clock and also for funerals and peals, initially by one person for about one hundred sixty years. Recently, however, it has been rung by four or five at once, and it has broken three times and been recast within ten years, costing the parish over one hundred marks.
And here a note of this steeple: as I have oft heard my father report, upon St. James’ night, certain men in the loft next under the bells, ringing of a peal, a tempest of lightning and thunder did arise, an ugly shapen sight appeared to them, coming in at the south window, and lighted on the north, for fear whereof they all fell down, and lay as dead for the time, letting the bells ring and cease of their own accord; when the ringers came to themselves, they found certain stones of the north window to be razed and scratched, as if they had been so much butter, printed with a lion’s claw; the same stones were fastened there again, and so remain till this day. I have seen them oft, and have put a feather or small stick into the holes where the claws had entered three or four inches deep. At the same time certain main timber posts at Queene Hith were scratched and cleft from the top to the bottom; and the pulpit cross in Powle’s churchyard was likewise scratched, cleft, and overturned. One of the ringers lived in my youth, whom I have oft heard to verify the same to be true.
And here's a note about this steeple: as I've often heard my father say, on St. James' night, some men in the loft just below the bells were ringing a peal when a storm of lightning and thunder suddenly struck. They saw a terrifying sight come in through the south window and land on the north side. Out of fear, they all collapsed and lay there as if they were dead, letting the bells ring and stop on their own. Once they regained their senses, they found certain stones from the north window had been scraped and marked, as if a lion's claw had pressed into soft butter. Those stones were put back in place, and they stay that way to this day. I've seen them often and have even put a feather or small stick into the holes where the claws had pierced three or four inches deep. At the same time, some major timber posts at Queen Hith were scratched and split from top to bottom, and the cross of the pulpit in Paul's churchyard was also scratched, split, and knocked over. One of the ringers lived during my youth, and I often heard him affirm that this was true.
But to return. William Rus was a special benefactor to this church; his arms yet remain in the windows. William Comerton, Symon Smith, Walter Belingham, were buried there, and founded chantries there; John Grace, 1439; Robert Drope, mayor, buried on the north side of the choir, under a fair tomb of grey marble, 1485, he gave to poor maids’ marriages of that parish twenty pounds, to poor of that ward ten pounds, shirts and smocks three hundred, and gowns of broad cloth one[177] hundred, etc.[164] Jane his wife, matching with Edward Gray, Viscount Lisle, was buried by her first husband, 1500; she gave ninety pounds in money to the beautifying of that church, and her great messuage, with the appurtenance, which was by her executors, W. Caple and other, 1517, the 9th of Henry VIII., assured to John Wardroper, parson, T. Clearke, W. Dixson, and John Murdon, wardens of the said church, and their successors for ever, they do keep yearly for her an obite, or anniversary, to be spent on the poor, and otherwise, in all three pounds, the rest of the profits to be employed in reparation of the church. In the 34th year of Henry VIII., Edward Stephan, parson, T. Spencer, P. Guntar, and G. Grouch, churchwardens, granted to T. Lodge a lease for sixty years of the said great messuage, with the appurtenance, which were called the Lady Lisle’s lands, for the rent of eight pounds thirteen shillings and four pence the year. The parishioners since gave it up as chantry land, and wronged themselves. Also the said Robert Drope, and Lady Lisle, notwithstanding their liberality to that church and parish, their tomb is pulled down, no monument remaineth of them. Peter Hawton, late alderman, is laid in their vault, 1596. Robert Fabian, alderman, that wrote and published a Chronicle of England and of France, was buried there 1511, with this epitaph:—
But to get back to it. William Rus was an important supporter of this church; his coat of arms still appears in the windows. William Comerton, Symon Smith, and Walter Belingham were buried there and established chantries; John Grace, 1439; Robert Drope, the mayor, was buried on the north side of the choir under a beautiful tomb of gray marble in 1485. He donated twenty pounds for the marriages of poor maidens from that parish, ten pounds for the poor of that ward, three hundred shirts and smocks, and one hundred gowns made of broadcloth, etc.[177][164] Jane, his wife, who was later married to Edward Gray, Viscount Lisle, was buried next to her first husband in 1500. She contributed ninety pounds in cash for the beautification of that church, and her great estate, along with the associated property, was assured by her executors, W. Caple and others, in 1517, the 9th year of Henry VIII., to John Wardroper, the parson, T. Clearke, W. Dixson, and John Murdon, wardens of the church, and their successors forever. They hold an annual commemoration for her, which is to be spent on the poor, amounting to three pounds, with the rest of the profits going toward the repair of the church. In the 34th year of Henry VIII., Edward Stephan, the parson, T. Spencer, P. Guntar, and G. Grouch, churchwardens, granted T. Lodge a sixty-year lease of the great estate and associated property, known as the Lady Lisle’s lands, for a rent of eight pounds thirteen shillings and four pence per year. The parishioners later surrendered it as chantry land, failing themselves. Also, despite the generosity of Robert Drope and Lady Lisle to the church and parish, their tomb has been dismantled, and no monument remains for them. Peter Hawton, a former alderman, is laid to rest in their vault, 1596. Robert Fabian, an alderman who wrote and published a Chronicle of England and France, was buried there in 1511, with this epitaph:—
So man and woman, by Nature's custom,
This life will eventually come to an end, and we are finally laid to rest in the ground, In joy and sorrow, which they waste their time on here, Never in one state, but always changing, "The glory of this world is full of change."
His monument is gone. Richard Garnam, 1527, buried there; Edmond Trindle and Robert Smith;[165] William Dickson and Margaret his wife,[166] buried in the cloister under a fair tomb now defaced; Thomas Stow, my grandfather, about the year 1526, and Thomas Stow, my father, 1559; John Tolus, alderman, 1548, he gave to John Willowby, parson of that church, to Thomas Lodge, G. Hind, P. Bolde, churchwardens, and to their successors, towards the reparation of that church, and relief of the poor for ever, his tenement with the appurtenances in the[178] parish of St. Michael, which he had lately purchased of Alvery Randalph, of Badlesmeere in Kent; but the parish never had the gift, nor heard thereof by the space of forty years after; such was the conscience of G. Barne and other the executors, to conceal it to themselves; and such is the negligence of the parishioners, that being informed thereof, make no claim thereunto. Philip Gonter, that was alderman for a time, and gave four hundred pounds to be discharged thereof, was buried in the cloister about the year 1582, and Anne his wife, etc. Thomas Houghton, father to the said Peter Houghton, Francis Beneson, and William Towersan.
His monument is gone. Richard Garnam, 1527, is buried there; Edmond Trindle and Robert Smith; [165] William Dickson and Margaret, his wife,[166] are buried in the cloister under a beautiful tomb that is now damaged; Thomas Stow, my grandfather, around the year 1526, and Thomas Stow, my father, 1559; John Tolus, alderman, 1548, gave to John Willowby, parson of that church, to Thomas Lodge, G. Hind, P. Bolde, churchwardens, and to their successors, for the repair of that church and to help the poor forever, his tenement with the appurtenances in the [178] parish of St. Michael, which he had recently purchased from Alvery Randalph, of Badlesmeere in Kent; but the parish never received the gift, nor heard about it for forty years afterward; such was the integrity of G. Barne and the other executors, to hide it for themselves; and such is the negligence of the parishioners that, once informed of it, they made no claim. Philip Gonter, who was alderman for a time and gave four hundred pounds to be relieved from it, was buried in the cloister around 1582, along with his wife, Anne, etc. Thomas Houghton, the father of the said Peter Houghton, Francis Beneson, and William Towersan.
This parish church hath on the south side thereof a proper cloister, and a fair churchyard, with a pulpit cross, not much unlike to that in Paule’s churchyard. Sir John Rudstone, mayor, caused the same pulpit cross in his lifetime to be built, the churchyard to be enlarged, by ground purchased of the next parish, and also proper houses to be raised for lodging of choir men, such as at that time were assistants to divine service, then daily sung by note in that church. The said John Rudstone deceased 1531, and was buried in a vault under the pulpit cross; he appointed sermons to be preached there, not now performed; his tomb before the pulpit cross is taken thence, with the tomb of Richard Yaxley, Doctor of Physic to King Henry VIII. and other. The choir of that church dissolved, the lodgings of choir men were by the grave fathers of that time charitably appointed for receipt of ancient decayed parishioners, namely, widows, such as were not able to bear the charge of greater rents abroad, which blessed work of harbouring the harbourless is promised to be rewarded in the kingdom of heaven.
This parish church has a nice cloister on its south side and a beautiful churchyard with a pulpit cross, similar to the one in St. Paul's churchyard. Sir John Rudstone, the mayor, had this pulpit cross built during his lifetime; he also expanded the churchyard by purchasing land from the neighboring parish and constructed houses for the choir members who assisted with the daily sung services at that church. Sir John Rudstone passed away in 1531 and was buried in a vault under the pulpit cross. He requested that sermons be preached there, though that practice is no longer followed. His tomb, along with the tomb of Richard Yaxley, the Physician to King Henry VIII, has been moved from before the pulpit cross. After the choir of that church was dissolved, the lodgings for choir members were generously repurposed by the clergy of that time to house elderly parishioners in need, especially widows who couldn’t afford higher rents elsewhere. This charitable act of taking in those in need is said to be rewarded in the kingdom of heaven.
Then have ye Birchover lane, so called of Birchover, the first builder and owner thereof, now corruptly called Birchin lane, the north half whereof is of the said Cornehill ward; the other part is of Langborne ward.
Then you have Birchover Lane, named after Birchover, the first builder and owner, now misnamed Birchin Lane. The northern half belongs to Cornehill ward while the other part is part of Langborne ward.
This lane, and the high street near adjoining, hath been inhabited for the most part with wealthy drapers, from Birchover’s lane, on that side the street down to the stocks, in the reign of Henry VI., had ye for the most part dwelling Fripperers or Upholders, that sold old apparel and household stuff.
This lane, along with the nearby high street, has mostly been home to wealthy fabric merchants. From Birchover’s lane down to the stocks during the reign of Henry VI, it was mainly occupied by second-hand clothing dealers or upholsterers who sold used clothes and household items.
I have read of a countryman, that then having lost his hood in Westminster hall, found the same in Cornehill hanged out to be sold, which he challenged, but was forced to buy, or go without it, for their stall, they said, was their market. At that time also the wine drawer of the Pope’s head tavern (standing with[179]out the door in the high street) took the same man by the sleeve, and said, “Sir, will you drink a pint of wine?” whereunto he answered, “A penny spend I may;” and so drank his pint, for bread nothing did he pay, for that was allowed free.[167]
I read about a guy who lost his hood in Westminster Hall and later found it for sale in Cornhill. He tried to claim it back, but they insisted he had to buy it or go without it because their stall was their market. At that same time, the wine seller from the Pope’s Head tavern, standing outside the door on the main street, grabbed the man's sleeve and asked, “Hey, want to have a pint of wine?” He replied, “I can spend a penny,” and ended up drinking his pint since bread was free.
This Pope’s head tavern, with other houses adjoining, strongly built of stone, hath of old time been all in one, pertaining to some great estate, or rather to the king of this realm, as may be supposed, both by the largeness thereof, and by the arms, to wit, three leopards passant, gardant, which were the whole arms of England before the reign of Edward III., that quartered them with the arms of France, three fleur-de-lis.
This tavern known as the Pope’s Head, along with other nearby buildings, is heavily constructed of stone. It has long been part of a larger estate, likely belonging to the king of this realm, as suggested by its size and the heraldic symbols present—specifically, three leopards walking and looking forward, which represented all of England before Edward III.'s reign, when he combined them with the three fleur-de-lis of France.
These arms of England, supported between two angels, are fair and largely graven in stone on the fore front towards the high street, over the door or stall of one great house, lately for many years possessed by Mr. Philip Gunter. The Pope’s head tavern is on the back part thereof towards the south, as also one other house called the stone house in Lombard street. Some say this was King John’s house, which might so be; for I find in a written copy of Matthew Paris’ History, that in the year 1232, Henry III. sent Hubert de Burgh, Earl of Kent, to Cornehill in London, there to answer all matters objected against him, where he wisely acquitted himself. The Pope’s head tavern hath a footway through from Cornehill into Lombard street. And down lower on the high street of Cornehill, is there one other way through by the Cardinal’s hat tavern into Lombard street. And so let this suffice for Cornhill ward. In which be governors:—an alderman, his deputy, common councillors four or six, constables four, scavengers four, wardmote inquest sixteen and a beadle. It is charged to the fifteen at sixteen pounds.
These arms of England, supported by two angels, are beautifully carved in stone on the front towards the high street, above the door or stall of a large house that has been owned for many years by Mr. Philip Gunter. The Pope’s Head Tavern is located at the back, facing south, along with another place called the Stone House on Lombard Street. Some say this was King John’s house, which could be true; I found in a written copy of Matthew Paris’ History that in the year 1232, Henry III sent Hubert de Burgh, Earl of Kent, to Cornhill in London to address all matters against him, where he smartly defended himself. The Pope’s Head Tavern has a walkway connecting from Cornhill to Lombard Street. Further down on the high street of Cornhill, there is another passage through the Cardinal’s Hat Tavern into Lombard Street. And that should suffice for Cornhill ward. In this ward, there are officials: an alderman, his deputy, four or six common councillors, four constables, four scavengers, sixteen members of the wardmote inquest, and a beadle. It is assessed at sixteen pounds for the fifteen.
LANGBORNE WARD, AND FENNIE ABOUT
Langborne ward, so called of a long bourne of sweet water, which of old time breaking out into Fenchurch street, ran down the same street and Lombard street to the west end of St. Mary Woolnoth’s church, where turning south, and breaking into small shares, rills, or streams, it left the name of Share borne lane, or South borne lane (as I have read), because it ran south to the river of Thames. This ward beginneth at the west end of Aldgate ward in Fenne church street, by the Ironmongers’ hall, which is on the north side of that street, at a place called[180] Culver alley, where sometime was a lane, through the which men went into Lime street, but that being long since stopped up for suspicion of thieves that lurked there by night, as is shown in Lime street ward, there is now this said alley, a tennis-court, etc.
Langborne ward, named after a long stream of sweet water, used to flow out onto Fenchurch Street, running down that street and Lombard Street to the west end of St. Mary Woolnoth’s church. There, it turned south and split into smaller streams, which gave rise to the names Share Borne Lane or South Borne Lane (as I've read), since it flowed south to the River Thames. This ward starts at the west end of Aldgate ward on Fenchurch Street, near the Ironmongers’ hall on the north side of that street, at a spot called [180] Culver Alley, where there used to be a lane allowing access to Lime Street. However, that lane was closed off a long time ago due to concerns about thieves lurking there at night, as noted in Lime Street ward, and now this alley has a tennis court, among other things.
Fenne church street took that name of a fenny or moorish ground, so made by means of this borne which passed through it, and therefore until this day in the Guildhall of this city, that ward is called by the name of Langborne and Fennie about, and not otherwise; yet others be of opinion that it took that name of Fœnum, that is, hay sold there, as Grasse street took the name of grass, or herbs, there sold.
Fenne Church Street got its name from the marshy land created by the stream that flowed through it. To this day, in the city's Guildhall, that area is referred to as Langborne and Fennie, and nothing else. However, some people believe it got its name from the word Fœnum, meaning hay sold there, similar to how Grasse Street was named for the grass or herbs sold there.
In the midst of this street standeth a small parish church called St. Gabriel Fen church, corruptly Fan church.
In the middle of this street stands a small parish church called St. Gabriel Fen Church, often mistakenly referred to as Fan Church.
Helming Legget, esquire, by license of Edward III., in the 49th of his reign, gave one tenement, with a curtelage thereto belonging, and a garden, with an entry thereto leading, unto Sir John Hariot, parson of Fenchurch, and to his successors for ever; the house to be a parsonage-house, the garden to be a churchyard, or burying-place for the parish.
Helming Legget, Esquire, with the permission of Edward III in the 49th year of his reign, granted a building, along with its attached land and a garden, including an access path, to Sir John Hariot, the parish priest of Fenchurch, and to his successors forever; the building was to serve as the parsonage, and the garden was designated as a churchyard or burial site for the parish.
Then have ye Lombard street, so called of the Longobards, and other merchants, strangers of divers nations assembling there twice every day, of what original or continuance I have not read of record, more than that Edward II., in the 12th of his reign, confirmed a messuage, sometime belonging to Robert Turke, abutting on Lombard street toward the south, and toward Cornehill on the north, for the merchants of Florence, which proveth that street to have had the name of Lombard street before the reign of Edward II. The meeting of which merchants and others there continued until the 22nd of December, in the year 1568; on the which day the said merchants began to make their meetings at the burse, a place then new built for that purpose in the ward of Cornhill, and was since by her majesty, Queen Elizabeth, named the Royal Exchange.
Then there's Lombard Street, named after the Longobards and other merchants from various nations who gather there twice a day. I don't have any records detailing its origins or history, other than that Edward II, in the 12th year of his reign, confirmed a property that used to belong to Robert Turke, which bordered Lombard Street to the south and Cornhill to the north, for the merchants of Florence. This suggests that the street was already called Lombard Street before Edward II's reign. The gatherings of these merchants and others continued until December 22, 1568, the day they started meeting at the Bourse, a newly built venue for that purpose in the Cornhill ward, which was later named the Royal Exchange by Her Majesty, Queen Elizabeth.
On the north side of this ward is Lime street, one half whereof on both the sides is of this Langborne ward, and therein on the west side is the Pewterers’ hall, which company were admitted to be a brotherhood in the 13th of Edward IV.
On the north side of this area is Lime Street, half of which belongs to this Langborne ward, and on the west side, there's the Pewterers’ hall. This group was recognized as a brotherhood in the 13th year of Edward IV’s reign.
At the south-west corner of Lime street standeth a fair parish church of St. Dionys called Backe church, lately new built in the reign of Henry VI. John Bugge, esquire, was a great benefactor to that work, as appeareth by his arms, three water budgets, and his crest, a Morian’s head, graven in the stone-work of the[181] choir, the upper end on the north side, where he was buried. Also John Darby, alderman, added thereunto a fair aisle, or chapel, on the south side, and was there buried about the year 1466. He gave (besides sundry ornaments) his dwelling-house and others unto the said church. The Lady Wich, widow to Hugh Wich, sometime mayor of London, was there buried, and gave lands for sermons, etc. John Master, gentleman, was by his children buried there 1444; Thomas Britaine; Henry Travers, of Maidstone, in Kent, merchant, 1501; John Bond, about 1504; Robert Paget, merchant-tailor, one of the sheriffs, 1536; Sir Thomas Curteis, pewterer, then fishmonger, mayor, 1557; Sir James Harvie, ironmonger, mayor, 1581; William Peterson, esquire; William Sherington; Sir Edward Osborne, clothworker, mayor, etc.
At the southwest corner of Lime Street stands a beautiful parish church of St. Dionys called Backe Church, recently rebuilt during the reign of Henry VI. John Bugge, a gentleman, was a major benefactor of this project, as shown by his arms, three water buckets, and his crest, a Morian’s head, carved into the stonework of the[181] choir, at the upper end on the north side, where he was buried. Additionally, John Darby, an alderman, constructed a lovely aisle or chapel on the south side and was buried there around 1466. He donated various ornaments, along with his house and others, to the church. Lady Wich, the widow of Hugh Wich, who was once the mayor of London, was buried there and donated land for sermons, etc. John Master, a gentleman, was buried there by his children in 1444; Thomas Britaine; Henry Travers, a merchant from Maidstone, Kent, in 1501; John Bond, around 1504; Robert Paget, a merchant tailor and one of the sheriffs, in 1536; Sir Thomas Curteis, a pewterer who later became a fishmonger and mayor in 1557; Sir James Harvie, an ironmonger and mayor in 1581; William Peterson, a gentleman; William Sherington; and Sir Edward Osborne, a clothworker and mayor, etc.
Then by the four corners (so called of Fenchurch street in the east, Bridge street on the south, Grasse street on the north, and Lombard street on the west), in Lombard street is one fair parish church called Allhallows Grasse church, in Lombard street; I do so read it in evidences of record, for that the grass market went down that way, when that street was far broader than now it is, being straitened by incroachments.
Then at the four corners (known as Fenchurch Street in the east, Bridge Street in the south, Grasse Street in the north, and Lombard Street in the west), there is a beautiful parish church called Allhallows Grasse Church on Lombard Street. I read this in official records, noting that the grass market used to extend that way when the street was much wider than it is now, having been narrowed by encroachments.
This church was lately new built. John Warner, armourer, and then grocer, sheriff 1494, built the south aisle; his son, Robert Warner, esquire, finished it in the year 1516. The pewterers were benefactors towards the north aisle, etc. The steeple, or bell tower, thereof was finished in the year 1544, about the 36th of Henry VIII. The fair stone porch of this church was brought from the late dissolved priory of St. John of Jerusalem by Smithfield, so was the frame for their bells, but the bells being bought, were never brought thither, by reason that one old Warner, draper, of that parish deceasing, his son Marke Warner would not perform what his father had begun, and appointed, so that fair steeple hath but one bell, as friars were wont to use. The monuments of this church be these. The said Warners, and John Walden, draper.
This church was recently rebuilt. John Warner, who was an armorer and later a grocer, and served as sheriff in 1494, built the south aisle; his son, Robert Warner, esquire, completed it in 1516. The pewterers contributed to the construction of the north aisle, among other things. The steeple, or bell tower, was finished in 1544, during the 36th year of Henry VIII's reign. The beautiful stone porch of this church was taken from the recently dissolved priory of St. John of Jerusalem near Smithfield, along with the frame for their bells; however, the bells were purchased but never brought there. This was due to an old Warner, a draper from that parish, passing away, and his son Marke Warner refusing to carry out what his father had started and planned, so that beautiful steeple has only one bell, similar to what the friars used. The monuments of this church include those of the Warners and John Walden, a draper.
Next is a common hostelry for travellers, called the George, of such a sign. This is said to have pertained to the Earl Ferrers, and was his London lodging in Lombard street, and that in the year 1175, a brother of the said earl, being there privily slain in the night, was there thrown down into the dirty street, as I have afore shown in the chapter of night watches.
Next is a popular inn for travelers, called the George, after its sign. This is said to have belonged to Earl Ferrers and was his London residence on Lombard Street. It is reported that in the year 1175, a brother of the earl was secretly murdered there during the night and was thrown down into the filthy street, as I mentioned earlier in the chapter about night watches.
Next to this is the parish church of St. Edmond, the king and martyr, in Lombard street, by the south corner of Birchover[182] lane. This church is also called St. Edmond Grasse church, because the said grass market came down so low. The monuments in this church are these: Sir John Milborne, draper, mayor, deceased, 1535, buried there by Dame Joan and Dame Margaret his wives, under a tomb of touch; Humfrey Heyford, goldsmith, mayor 1477; Sir William Chester, draper, mayor 1560, with his wives, amongst his predecessors; Sir George Barne, mayor 1586; Matilde at Vine founded a chantry there, etc.
Next to this is the parish church of St. Edmund, the king and martyr, located on Lombard Street, at the south corner of Birchover[182] Lane. This church is also known as St. Edmund Grasse Church because the grass market extended so low. The monuments in this church include: Sir John Milborne, draper, mayor, who died in 1535, buried there alongside his wives Dame Joan and Dame Margaret, under a touch tomb; Humfrey Heyford, goldsmith, mayor in 1477; Sir William Chester, draper, mayor in 1560, with his wives among his predecessors; Sir George Barne, mayor in 1586; and Matilde at Vine, who founded a chantry there, etc.
From this church down Lombard street, by Birchover’s lane (the one half of which lane is of this ward), and so down, be divers fair houses, namely, one with a very fair fore front towards the street, built by Sir Martin Bowes, goldsmith, since mayor of London, and then one other, sometime belonging to William de la Pole, knight banneret, and yet the king’s merchant,[168] in the 14th of Edward III., and after him to Michael de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, in the 14th of Richard II., and was his merchant’s house, and so down towards the Stocks market, lacking but some three houses thereof.
From this church down Lombard Street, by Birchover’s Lane (which is partly in this ward), there are several beautiful houses, including one with an impressive facade facing the street, built by Sir Martin Bowes, a goldsmith who later became mayor of London. Then there's another house that once belonged to William de la Pole, a knight banneret and also the king’s merchant in the 14th year of Edward III., and after him to Michael de la Pole, the Earl of Suffolk, in the 14th year of Richard II. This was his merchant’s house, and continuing down towards the Stocks market, there are only about three houses left before reaching it.
The south side of this ward beginneth in the east, at the chain to be drawn athwart Mart lane up into Fenchurch street, and so west by the north end of Minchen lane to St. Margaret Patten’s street, or Roode lane, and down that street to the midway towards St. Margaret’s church; then by Philpot lane (so called of Sir John Philpot that dwelt there, and was owner thereof), and down that lane some six or eight houses on each side, is all of this ward.
The south side of this area starts in the east, at the chain that runs across Mart Lane up to Fenchurch Street, and then goes west by the north end of Minchen Lane to St. Margaret Patten’s Street, or Roode Lane, and continues down that street to the halfway point towards St. Margaret’s Church; then it follows Philpot Lane (named after Sir John Philpot, who lived there and owned the area), and goes down that lane about six or eight houses on each side, which makes up the entirety of this ward.
Then by Grasse church corner into Lombard street to St. Clement’s lane, and down the same to St. Clement’s church; then down St. Nicholas lane, and down the same to St. Nicholas church, and the same church is of this ward. Then to Abchurch church lane, and down some small portion thereof; then down Sherborne lane, a part thereof, and a part of Bearebinder lane, be of this ward; and then down Lombard street to the sign of the Angel, almost to the corner over against the Stocks market.
Then from the corner of Grasse church into Lombard Street to St. Clement’s Lane, and down to St. Clement’s church; then down St. Nicholas Lane, and continue down to St. Nicholas church, which is part of this ward. Next, to Abchurch church Lane, and down a small section of it; then down Sherborne Lane, part of it, and part of Bearebinder Lane also belongs to this ward; and then down Lombard Street to the sign of the Angel, almost at the corner across from Stocks Market.
On the south side of this ward, somewhat within Mart lane, have you the parish church of Allhallows, commonly called Stane church (as may be supposed), for a difference from other churches of that name in this city, which of old time were built of timber, and since were built of stone. In this church have[183] been divers fair monuments of the dead, namely, of John Costin, girdler, a great benefactor: he deceased 1244. His name remaineth painted in the church roof; if it had been set in brass, it would have been fetched down.[169] He gave out of certain tenements to the poor of that parish a hundred quarters of charcoals yearly for ever. Sir Robert Test, knight of the holy sepulchre, and Dame Joan his wife, about 1486; Robert Stone; Sir John Steward, and Dame Alice his wife;[170] John Bostocke, esquire; Christopher Holt, Sir Richard Tate, knight, ambassador to King Henry VIII. buried there 1554. His monument remaineth yet; the rest being all pulled down, and swept out of the church, the churchwardens were forced to make a large account; 12s. that year for brooms, besides the carriage away of stone and brass of their own charge. And here I am to note, that being informed of the Writhsleys to be buried there, I have since found them and other to be buried at St. Giles without Cripplegate, where I mind to leave them.
On the south side of this area, somewhat within Mart Lane, is the parish church of Allhallows, commonly known as Stane Church. This name is used to distinguish it from other churches with the same name in the city, which were originally built of timber and later rebuilt in stone. In this church, there are various notable monuments of the deceased, including John Costin, a girdler and significant benefactor, who passed away in 1244. His name is painted on the church roof; had it been inscribed in brass, it would have been taken down. He donated a hundred quarters of charcoal each year from certain properties to the poor of the parish forever. Sir Robert Test, a knight of the Holy Sepulchre, and his wife Dame Joan, around 1486; Robert Stone; Sir John Steward and his wife Dame Alice; John Bostocke, esquire; Christopher Holt; and Sir Richard Tate, a knight and ambassador to King Henry VIII, who was buried there in 1554. His monument still remains, while the others have been removed, and the churchwardens had to keep a detailed account, spending 12 shillings that year on brooms, in addition to the cost of removing stone and brass themselves. I should also note that I initially thought the Writhsleys were buried here, but I have since discovered they, along with others, are buried at St. Giles without Cripplegate, where I plan to leave them.
By this church sometime passed a lane, called Cradock’s lane, from Mart lane, winding by the north side of the said church into Fenchurch street, the which lane being straitened by incroachments, is now called Church alley.
By this church, there used to be a lane called Cradock’s Lane, which ran from Mart Lane, winding along the north side of the church into Fenchurch Street. However, this lane has been narrowed due to encroachments and is now called Church Alley.
Then is the parish church of St. Nicholas Acon, or Hacon (for so have I read it in records), in Lombard street. Sir John Bridges, draper, mayor, 1520, newly repaired this church, and embattled it, and was there buried. Francis Boyer, grocer,[184] one of the sheriffs, was buried there 1580, with other of the Boyers: so was Julian, wife to John Lambart, alderman.[171]
Then there’s the parish church of St. Nicholas Acon, or Hacon (that’s how I’ve seen it written in records), located on Lombard Street. Sir John Bridges, a draper and mayor in 1520, recently renovated this church and fortified it, and he was buried there. Francis Boyer, a grocer and one of the sheriffs, was buried there in 1580, along with others from the Boyer family; also buried there was Julian, the wife of John Lambart, an alderman.[184][171]
Then is there in the high street a proper parish church of St. Mary Woolnoth, of the Nativity, the reason of which name I have not yet learnt. This church is lately new built. Sir Hugh Brice, goldsmith, mayor in the first year of Henry VII., keeper of the king’s exchange at London, and one of the governors of the king’s mint in the Tower of London, under William Lord Hastings, the 5th of Edward IV., deceased 1496. He built in this church a chapel called the Charnell, as also part of the body of the church and of the steeple, and gave money toward the finishing thereof, besides the stone which he had prepared: he was buried in the body of the church. Guy Brice, or Boys, was buried there. Dame Joan, wife to Sir William Peach;[172] Thomas Nocket, draper, 1396: he founded a chantry there. Simon Eyre, 1459: he gave the tavern called the Cardinal’s Hat, in Lombard street, with a tenement annexed on the east part of the tavern, and a mansion behind the east tenement, together with an alley from Lombard street to Cornhill, with the appurtenances, all which were by him new built, toward a brotherhood of our Lady in St. Mary Woolnoth’s church. John Moager, pewterer, and Emme his wife, in St. John’s chapel; Sir John Percivall, merchant-tailor, mayor, about 1504; Thomas Roch, and Andrew Michael, vintners, and Joan their wife; William Hilton, merchant-tailor, and tailor to King Henry VIII., was buried there 1519, under the chapel of St. George, which chapel was built by George Lufken, sometime tailor to the prince; Robert Amades, goldsmith, master of the king’s jewels; Sir Martin Bowes, mayor, buried about 1569: he gave lands for the discharge of that Langborn ward, of all fifteens to be granted to the king by parliament; George Hasken, Sir Thomas Ramsey, late mayor, etc. Thus have ye seven parishes in this ward, one hall of a company, divers fair houses for merchants, and other monuments none. It hath an alderman, his deputy, common councillors eight, constables fifteen, scavengers nine, men of the wardmote inquest seventeen, and a beadle. It is taxed to the fifteen,[173] in the exchequer, at £20 9s. 8d.
Then there is on the high street a proper parish church of St. Mary Woolnoth, dedicated to the Nativity, though I still haven't learned why it has that name. This church was recently rebuilt. Sir Hugh Brice, a goldsmith and the mayor in the first year of Henry VII, was the keeper of the king’s exchange in London and one of the governors of the king's mint in the Tower of London under William Lord Hastings, and he passed away in 1496. He built a chapel called the Charnel in this church, as well as part of the church itself and the steeple, and contributed money to finish it, in addition to the stone he had prepared; he was buried in the main part of the church. Guy Brice, or Boys, was buried there as well. Dame Joan, wife of Sir William Peach; Thomas Nocket, a draper, established a chantry there in 1396. Simon Eyre, in 1459, donated the tavern called the Cardinal’s Hat located on Lombard Street, along with a tenement next to it on the east side and a mansion behind the east tenement, as well as an alley connecting Lombard Street to Cornhill, all of which he had newly built, for a brotherhood of our Lady in St. Mary Woolnoth’s church. John Moager, a pewterer, and his wife Emme, were in St. John’s chapel; Sir John Percivall, a merchant-tailor and mayor around 1504; Thomas Roch and Andrew Michael, vintners, along with their wife Joan; William Hilton, a merchant-tailor and tailor to King Henry VIII, was buried there in 1519 beneath the chapel of St. George, which was built by George Lufken, who was once a tailor to the prince; Robert Amades, a goldsmith and master of the king’s jewels; Sir Martin Bowes, a mayor, who was buried around 1569: he donated lands to free that Langborn ward from all fifteens to be granted to the king by parliament; George Hasken, Sir Thomas Ramsey, the late mayor, etc. Thus, you have seven parishes in this ward, one hall for a company, various fine houses for merchants, and no other monuments. It has an alderman, a deputy, eight common councillors, fifteen constables, nine scavengers, seventeen members of the wardmote inquest, and a beadle. It is assessed at the fifteen, in the exchequer, at £20 9s. 8d.
BILLINGSGATE WARD
Billingsgate ward beginneth at the west end of Tower street ward in Thames street, about Smart’s key, and runneth down along that street on the south side to St. Magnus church at the bridge foot, and on the north side of the said Thames street, from over against Smart’s key, till over against the north-west corner of St. Magnus church aforesaid, on this north side of Thames street, is St. Marie hill lane, up to St. Margaret’s church, and then part of St. Margaret Patten’s street, at the end of St. Marie hill lane. Next out of Thames street is Lucas lane, and then Buttolph lane, and at the north end thereof Philpot lane; then is Rother lane, of old time so called, and thwart the same lane is Little Eastcheape; and these be the bounds of Billingsgate ward.
Billingsgate ward starts at the western end of Tower Street ward on Thames Street, near Smart’s Key, and runs down that street on the south side to St. Magnus Church at the foot of the bridge. On the north side of Thames Street, it stretches from opposite Smart’s Key to across from the north-west corner of St. Magnus Church mentioned earlier. On this north side of Thames Street, there’s St. Mary Hill Lane, which goes up to St. Margaret’s Church, and then part of St. Margaret Patten’s Street at the end of St. Mary Hill Lane. Next off Thames Street is Lucas Lane, followed by Buttolph Lane, and at the north end of that is Philpot Lane. Then there’s Rother Lane, an old name, and across from that lane is Little Eastcheap. These are the boundaries of Billingsgate ward.
Touching the principal ornaments within this ward. On the south side of Thames street, beginning at the east end thereof, there is first the said Smart’s key, so called of one Smart sometime owner thereof; the next is Belinsgate, whereof the whole ward taketh name; the which (leaving out of the fable, thereof feigning it to be built by King Beline, a Briton, long before the incarnation of Christ), is at this present a large water-gate, port, or harborough, for ships and boats, commonly arriving there with fish, both fresh and salt, shell-fishes, salt, oranges, onions, and other fruits and roots, wheat, rye, and grain of divers sorts, for service of the city and the parts of this realm adjoining. This gate is now more frequented than of old time, when the Queen’s hithe was used, as being appointed by the kings of this realm, to be the special or only port for taking up of all such kind of merchandises brought to this city by strangers and foreigners, and the drawbridge of timber at London bridge was then to be raised or drawn up for passage of ships with tops thither.
Touching the main features within this area. On the south side of Thames Street, starting at the eastern end, there is first the so-called Smart’s Key, named after a former owner named Smart. Next is Belinsgate, which is where the entire ward gets its name. (Leaving aside the myth that it was built by King Beline, a Briton, long before Christ’s birth), it is currently a large water gate, port, or harbor for ships and boats that usually arrive there with fresh and salt fish, shellfish, salt, oranges, onions, and other fruits and vegetables, as well as wheat, rye, and various grains for the city and the nearby areas. This gate is now busier than it used to be when the Queen’s Hithe was in operation, as it was designated by the kings of this realm as the main port for receiving all such goods brought to this city by foreigners. At that time, the timber drawbridge at London Bridge would be raised or drawn up to allow ships to pass through.
Touching the ancient customs of Belinsgate in the reign of Edward III., every great ship landing there paid for standage two-pence, every little ship with orelockes a penny, the lesser boat called a Battle a halfpenny; of two quarters of corn measured the king was to have one farthing, of a combe of corn a penny, of every weight going out of the city a halfpenny, of two quarters of sea coal measured a farthing, and of every tun of ale going out of England beyond the seas, by merchant[186] strangers, four-pence, of every thousand herrings a farthing, except franchises, etc.
Touching the ancient customs of Belinsgate during the reign of Edward III, every large ship docking there paid two pence for standage, every smaller ship with orelocks paid a penny, and the smaller boat called a Battle cost a halfpenny; from every two quarters of corn measured, the king received one farthing, from a combe of corn a penny, from every weight leaving the city a halfpenny, from two quarters of sea coal measured a farthing, and from every tun of ale exported from England by foreign merchants, four pence, and for every thousand herrings a farthing, excluding franchises, etc.
Next to this is Sommer’s key, which likewise took that name of one Sommer dwelling there, as did Lion key of one Lion, owner thereof, and since of the sign of a Lion.
Next to this is Sommer's key, which also got its name from a Sommer who lived there, just like Lion key got its name from its owner, Lion, and from the Lion sign.
Then is there a fair wharf, or key, called Buttolph’s gate, by that name so called in the times of William the Conqueror, and of Edward the Confessor, as I have shown already in the description of the gates.
Then there is a nice wharf, or dock, called Buttolph's Gate, named that way during the times of William the Conqueror and Edward the Confessor, as I have already mentioned in the description of the gates.
Next is the parish church of St. Buttolphs, a proper church, and hath had many fair monuments therein, now defaced and gone: notwithstanding I find, by testimonies abroad, that these were buried there; to wit, Roger Coggar, 1384; Andrew Pikeman, and Joan his wife, 1391; Nicholas James, ironmonger, one of the sheriffs, 1423; William Rainwell, fishmonger, and John Rainwell, his son, fishmonger, mayor 1426, and deceasing 1445, buried there with this epitaph:
Next is the parish church of St. Buttolphs, a proper church, which once had many beautiful monuments that are now damaged and gone. However, I find evidence from elsewhere that these people were buried here: Roger Coggar, 1384; Andrew Pikeman and his wife Joan, 1391; Nicholas James, an ironmonger and one of the sheriffs, 1423; William Rainwell, a fishmonger, and his son John Rainwell, also a fishmonger and mayor in 1426, who died in 1445, are buried here with this epitaph:
The famous John Rainwell, at times your Mayor.
Of the staple of Callis, that was his opportunity.
Here lies his body now; his soul is bright and fair,
Is taken to heaven’s bliss, there is no despair. His actions bear witness, according to official records,
How generous he was and in what way, No man has been as helpful as he has,
To the City, giving generously,” etc.
He gave a stone house to be a revestrie to that church for ever; more, he gave lands and tenements to the use of the commonalty, that the mayor and chamberlain should satisfy unto the discharge of all persons inhabiting the wards of Belinsgate, Downegate, and Aldgate, as oft as it shall happen any fifteen, by parliament of the king to be granted, also to the Exchequer, in discharge of the sheriffs, ten pounds yearly, which the sheriffs used to pay for the farm of Southwark, so that all men of the realm, coming or passing with carriage, should be free quitted and discharged of all toll and other payments, aforetime claimed by the sheriffs. Further, that the mayor and chamberlain shall pay yearly to the sheriffs eight pounds, so that the said sheriffs take no manner of toll or money of any person of this realm for their goods, merchandises, victuals, and carriages, for their passages at the great gate of the bridge of the city, nor at the gate called the Drawbridge, etc. The overplus of money coming of the said lands and tenements, divided into even portions; the one part to be employed to instore the granaries of the city with wheat for the release of the poor commonalty,[187] and the other moiety to clear and cleanse the shelves, and other stoppages of the river of Thames, etc.
He donated a stone house to serve as a rectory for that church forever; additionally, he gave lands and properties for the benefit of the community, so that the mayor and chamberlain would pay off all the residents in the wards of Billingsgate, Downegate, and Aldgate whenever it’s required by a grant from the king's parliament. Also, to the Exchequer, for the sheriffs' discharge, he allocated ten pounds yearly, which the sheriffs used to pay for the rent of Southwark, ensuring that everyone in the realm, who is traveling with goods, would be exempt from all tolls and other fees that the sheriffs previously claimed. Furthermore, the mayor and chamberlain shall pay the sheriffs eight pounds a year, so that the sheriffs do not require any tolls or payments from anyone in the realm for their goods, merchandise, food, and goods transported through the main entrance of the city's bridge or at the gate called the Drawbridge, etc. Any excess money generated from those lands and properties should be divided equally; one half will be used to stock the city granaries with wheat for the benefit of the poor community,[187] and the other half will be used to clean and clear the river Thames from obstructions, etc.
Stephen Forstar, fishmonger, mayor in the year 1454, and Dame Agnes his wife, lie buried there. William Bacon, haberdasher, one of the sheriffs 1480, was there buried, besides many other persons of good worship, whose monuments are all destroyed by bad and greedy men of spoil.
Stephen Forstar, fishmonger, mayor in 1454, and Dame Agnes, his wife, are buried there. William Bacon, haberdasher and one of the sheriffs in 1480, is also buried there, along with many other respected individuals, whose monuments have all been destroyed by ruthless and greedy looters.
This parish of St. Buttolph is no great thing, notwithstanding divers strangers are there harboured, as may appear by a presentment, not many years since made of strangers, inhabitants in the ward of Billingsgate, in these words: “In Billingsgate ward were one and fifty households of strangers, whereof thirty of these households inhabited in the parish of St. Buttolph, in the chief and principal houses, where they give twenty pounds the year for a house lately letten for four marks; the nearer they dwell to the water-side the more they give for houses, and within thirty years before there was not in the whole ward above three Netherlanders; at which time there was within the said parish levied, for the help of the poor, seven and twenty pounds by the year; but since they came so plentifully thither, there cannot be gathered above eleven pounds, for the stranger will not contribute to such charges as other citizens do.” Thus much for that south side of this ward.
This parish of St. Buttolph isn’t much, even though many outsiders stay there, as shown by a report made not many years ago about strangers living in the Billingsgate ward. It stated: “In Billingsgate ward, there were fifty-one households of strangers, out of which thirty were in the parish of St. Buttolph, in the main and primary houses, where they pay twenty pounds a year for a house that was recently rented for four marks; the closer they are to the river, the more they pay for housing. Thirty years ago, there were only about three people from the Netherlands in the entire ward; at that time, the parish collected twenty-seven pounds a year to help the poor. But since so many have come, we can only collect about eleven pounds because the outsiders don’t contribute like other residents do.” That’s all for the south side of this ward.
On the north side is Bosse alley, so called of a boss of spring water continually running, which standeth by Billingsgate against this alley, and was sometime made by the executors of Richard Whittington.
On the north side is Bosse alley, named after a spring of water that constantly flows next to Billingsgate by this alley, and was once created by the executors of Richard Whittington.
Then is St. Marie hill lane, which runneth up north from Billingsgate to the end of St. Margaret Pattens, commonly called Roode lane, and the greatest half of that lane is also of Belinsgate ward. In this St. Marie hill lane is the fair parish church of St. Marie, called on the hill, because of the ascent from Billingsgate.
Then there is St. Marie Hill Lane, which runs north from Billingsgate to the end of St. Margaret Pattens, commonly called Roode Lane, and most of that lane is also part of Billingsgate Ward. On St. Marie Hill Lane is the beautiful parish church of St. Marie, called "on the hill" because of the slope from Billingsgate.
This church hath been lately built, as may appear by this that followeth. Richard Hackney, one of the sheriff’s in the year 1322, and Alice his wife, were there buried, as Robert Fabian writeth, saying thus:—“In the year 1497, in the month of April, as labourers digged for the foundation of a wall, within the church of St. Marie hill, near unto Belinsgate, they found a coffin of rotten timber, and therein the corpse of a woman whole of skin, and of bones undissevered, and the joints of her arms pliable, without breaking of the skin, upon whose sepulchre this was engraven:—‘Here lieth the bodies of Richard Hackney,[188] fishmonger, and Alice his wife.’”[174] The which Richard was sheriff in the 15th of Edward II. Her body was kept above ground three or four days without nuisance, but then it waxed unsavoury, and so was again buried. John Mordand, stock-fishmonger, was buried there, 1387; Nicholas Exton, fishmonger, mayor 1387; William Cambridge, mayor, 1420; Richard Goslin, sheriff, 1422; William Philip, sergeant-at-arms, 1473; Robert Reuell, one of the sheriffs 1490, gave liberally toward the new building of this church and steeple, and was there buried; William Remington, mayor, 1500; Sir Thomas Blanke, mayor, 1582; William Holstocke, esquire, comptroller of the king’s ships; Sir Cuthbert Buckle, mayor, 1594.
This church has been recently built, as can be seen in the following details. Richard Hackney, one of the sheriffs in the year 1322, and his wife Alice were buried there, as Robert Fabian writes, saying: “In the year 1497, in April, as laborers were digging for the foundation of a wall within the church of St. Marie Hill, near Belinsgate, they found a coffin made of rotten wood, containing the body of a woman whose skin and bones were intact, and her arm joints were flexible without breaking the skin. On her tomb was inscribed: ‘Here lie the bodies of Richard Hackney,[188] fishmonger, and Alice his wife.’”[174] Richard was sheriff in the 15th year of Edward II. Her body was kept above ground for three or four days without any trouble, but then it began to smell, so it was buried again. John Mordand, a stock-fishmonger, was buried there in 1387; Nicholas Exton, fishmonger and mayor in 1387; William Cambridge, mayor in 1420; Richard Goslin, sheriff in 1422; William Philip, sergeant-at-arms in 1473; Robert Reuell, one of the sheriffs in 1490, contributed generously to the new building of this church and steeple and was buried there; William Remington, mayor in 1500; Sir Thomas Blanke, mayor in 1582; William Holstocke, esquire, comptroller of the king’s ships; Sir Cuthbert Buckle, mayor in 1594.
This lane on both sides is furnished with many fair houses for merchants; and hath at the north end thereof one other lane, called St. Margaret Pattens, because of old time pattens were there usually made and sold; but of latter time this is called Roode lane, of a roode there placed in the churchyard of St. Margaret, whilst the old church was taken down, and again newly built; during which time the oblations made to this rood were employed towards building of the church; but in the year 1538, about the 23rd of May, in the morning, the said rood was found to have been in the night preceding, by people unknown, broken all to pieces, together with the tabernacle wherein it had been placed. Also, on the 27th of the same month, in the same parish, amongst the basket makers, a great and sudden fire happened in the night season, which within the space of three hours consumed more than a dozen houses, and nine persons were burnt to death there: and thus ceased that work of this church, being at that time nigh finished to the steeple.
This lane on both sides is lined with many nice houses for merchants; and at the north end, there's another lane called St. Margaret Pattens, because in the past, pattens were usually made and sold there. But recently, it's known as Roode Lane, named after a rood that was placed in the churchyard of St. Margaret while the old church was being torn down and rebuilt. During that time, the offerings made to this rood were used to help build the church. However, on May 23, 1538, in the morning, the rood was found to have been smashed to pieces overnight by unknown people, along with the tabernacle where it had been kept. Also, on May 27 of the same month, in the same parish, among the basket makers, a major and sudden fire broke out during the night, consuming more than a dozen houses in just three hours, resulting in the deaths of nine people. Thus, the work on this church came to a halt, as it was near completion up to the steeple.
The lane on both sides beyond the same church to the midway towards Fenchurch street, is of Bellinsgate ward.
The street on both sides of the same church, halfway toward Fenchurch Street, belongs to Bellinsgate ward.
Then again out of Thames street, by the west end of St. Mary hill church, runneth up one other lane, of old time called Roape lane, since called Lucas lane, of one Lucas, owner of some part thereof, and now corruptly called Love lane; it runneth up by the east end of a parish church of St. Andrew Hubbert, or St. Andrew in East Cheap. This church, and all the whole lane called Lucas lane, is of this Belinsgate ward.
Then again, out of Thames Street, by the west end of St. Mary Hill Church, there’s another lane that used to be called Rope Lane, now known as Lucas Lane, named after a guy named Lucas who owned some of it, and now incorrectly called Love Lane; it goes up by the east end of St. Andrew Hubbert Church, or St. Andrew in East Cheap. This church, along with the entire lane called Lucas Lane, is in this Belinsgate ward.
Then have ye one other lane out of Thames street, called Buttolph lane, because it riseth over against the parish church[189] of St. Buttolph, and runneth up north by the east end of St. George’s church to the west end of St. Andrew’s church, and to the south end of Philpot lane.
Then there's another street off Thames Street called Buttolph Lane, named after the parish church of St. Buttolph. It runs north from the east end of St. George’s church to the west end of St. Andrew’s church and to the south end of Philpot Lane.[189]
This parish church of St. George in Buttolph lane is small, but the monuments for two hundred years past are well preserved from spoil, whereof one is of Adam Bamme, mayor 1397; Richard Bamme, esquire, his son, of Gillingham in Kent, 1452; John Walton, gentleman, 1401; Marpor, a gentleman, 1400; John St. John, merchant of Levant, and Agnes his wife, 1400; Hugh Spencer, esquire, 1424; William Combes, stock fishmonger, one of the sheriffs 1452, who gave forty pounds towards the works of that church; John Stokar, draper, one of the sheriffs, 1477; Richard Dryland, esquire, and Katherine his wife, daughter of Morrice Brune, knight, of Southuckenton in Essex, steward of household to Humfrey Duke of Glocester, 1487; Nicholas Patrich, one of the sheriffs, 1519. In the churchyard: William Forman, mayor, 1538; James Mumford, esquire, surgeon to King Henry VIII., buried 1544; Thomas Gayle, haberdasher, 1340; Nicholas Wilford, merchant-tailor, and Elizabeth his wife, about the year 1551; Edward Heyward, 1573, etc. Roger Delakere founded a chantry there.
This parish church of St. George on Buttolph Lane is small, but the monuments from the past two hundred years are well-maintained, including one for Adam Bamme, mayor in 1397; Richard Bamme, his son, an esquire from Gillingham in Kent, 1452; John Walton, a gentleman, 1401; Marpor, a gentleman, 1400; John St. John, a merchant from Levant, and his wife Agnes, 1400; Hugh Spencer, an esquire, 1424; William Combes, a stock fishmonger and one of the sheriffs in 1452, who contributed forty pounds towards the church's construction; John Stokar, a draper and one of the sheriffs, 1477; Richard Dryland, an esquire, and his wife Katherine, daughter of Morrice Brune, knight, from Southuckenton in Essex, who was steward of the household for Humfrey Duke of Gloucester, 1487; and Nicholas Patrich, one of the sheriffs, 1519. In the churchyard: William Forman, mayor, 1538; James Mumford, an esquire and surgeon to King Henry VIII., buried in 1544; Thomas Gayle, a haberdasher, 1340; Nicholas Wilford, a merchant-tailor, and his wife Elizabeth, around 1551; Edward Heyward, 1573, etc. Roger Delakere established a chantry there.
Then have ye one other lane called Rother lane, or Red Rose lane, of such a sign there, now commonly called Pudding lane, because the butchers of Eastcheap have their scalding house for hogs there, and their puddings, with other filth of beasts, are voided down that way to their dung boats on the Thames.
Then there's another street called Rother Lane, or Red Rose Lane, which is now commonly known as Pudding Lane. This is because the butchers from Eastcheap have their scalding house for pigs there, and their sausages, along with other animal waste, are sent down that way to their dung boats on the Thames.
This lane stretcheth from Thames street to Little East Cheape, chiefly inhabited by basket-makers, turners, and butchers, and is all of Billinsgate ward. The Garland in Little East Cheape, sometime a brewhouse, with a garden on the back side, adjoining to the garden of Sir John Philpot, was the chief house in this East Cheape; it is now divided into sundry small tenements, etc.
This lane stretches from Thames Street to Little East Cheap, mostly home to basket-makers, turners, and butchers, and is part of Billingsgate ward. The Garland on Little East Cheap, which used to be a brewhouse with a garden in the back next to Sir John Philpot's garden, was the main establishment in this East Cheap; it’s now divided into several small rental units, etc.
This ward hath an alderman, and his deputy, common councillors, constables eleven, scavengers six, for the wardmote inquest fourteen, and a beadle; it is taxed to the fifteen in London at thirty-two pounds, and in the Exchequer at thirty-one pounds ten shillings.
This ward has an alderman, a deputy, common councillors, eleven constables, six scavengers, fourteen for the wardmote inquest, and a beadle; it is assessed at thirty-two pounds for the fifteen in London and thirty-one pounds ten shillings in the Exchequer.
BRIDGE WARD WITHIN
Bridge ward within, so called of London bridge, which bridge is a principal part of that ward, and beginneth at the stulpes[190] on the south end by Southwark, runneth along the bridge, and north up Bridge street, commonly called (of the fish market) New Fish street, from Fish street hill, up Grasse street, to the north corner of Grasse church; all the bridge is replenished on both the sides with large, fair, and beautiful buildings, inhabitants for the most part rich merchants, and other wealthy citizens, mercers, and haberdashers.
Bridge Ward, named after London Bridge, which is a key part of that ward, starts at the stulpes[190] at the southern end near Southwark, runs along the bridge, and goes north up Bridge Street, commonly known (due to the fish market) as New Fish Street, from Fish Street Hill, up Grasse Street, to the north corner of Grasse Church. The entire bridge area is lined on both sides with large, beautiful buildings, mostly housing wealthy merchants and other affluent citizens, including mercers and haberdashers.
In New Fish street be fishmongers and fair taverns on Fish street hill and Grasse street, men of divers trades, grocers and haberdashers.
In New Fish Street, there are fishmongers and nice taverns on Fish Street Hill and Grasse Street, with people of various trades, grocers, and hat makers.
In Grasse street have ye one fair conduit of sweet water castellated with crest and vent, made by the appointment of Thomas Hill, mayor, 1484, who gave by his testament one hundred marks towards the conveyance of water to this place. It was begun by his executors in the year 1491, and finished of his goods whatsoever it cost.
In Grasse Street, there is a beautiful fountain of fresh water, decorated with a crest and spout, created under the direction of Thomas Hill, the mayor, in 1484. He left a legacy of one hundred marks in his will for the construction of a water supply to this location. His executors started the project in 1491 and completed it using his estate funds, regardless of the total cost.
On the east side of this bridge ward have ye the fair parish church of St. Magnus; in the which church have been buried many men of good worship, whose monuments are now for the most part utterly defaced. I find John Blund, mayor, 1307; Henry Yeuele, freemason to Edward III., Richard II., and Henry IV., who deceased 1400; his monument yet remaineth; William Brampton; John Michell, mayor, 1436; John French, baker, yeoman of the crown to Henry VII., 1510; Robert Clarke, fishmonger, 1521; Richard Turke, one of the sheriffs, 1549; William Steede, alderman; Richard Morgan, knight, chief justice of the common pleas, 1556; Mauritius Griffeth, Bishop of Rochester, 1559; Robert Blanch, girdler, 1567; Robert Belgrave, girdler; William Brame, John Couper, fishmonger, alderman, who was put by his turn of mayoralty 1584; Sir William Garrard, haberdasher, mayor 1555; a grave, wise, and discreet citizen, equal with the best and inferior to none of our time, deceased 1571 in the parish of St. Christopher, but was buried in this church of St. Magnus as in the parish where he was born; a fair monument is there raised on him; Robert Harding, salter, one of the sheriffs, 1568; Simon Low, merchant-tailor, esquire, etc.
On the east side of this bridge ward, you’ll find the beautiful parish church of St. Magnus. Many respected individuals have been buried in this church, but most of their monuments are now completely worn away. I see John Blund, mayor, 1307; Henry Yeuele, freemason to Edward III, Richard II, and Henry IV, who died in 1400; his monument still exists; William Brampton; John Michell, mayor, 1436; John French, baker and yeoman to Henry VII, 1510; Robert Clarke, fishmonger, 1521; Richard Turke, one of the sheriffs, 1549; William Steede, alderman; Richard Morgan, knight, chief justice of the common pleas, 1556; Mauritius Griffeth, Bishop of Rochester, 1559; Robert Blanch, girdler, 1567; Robert Belgrave, girdler; William Brame; John Couper, fishmonger, alderman, who was skipped in his turn for mayor in 1584; Sir William Garrard, haberdasher, mayor 1555; a serious, wise, and fair-minded citizen, on par with the best and inferior to none of his time, who passed away in 1571 in the parish of St. Christopher but was buried in this church of St. Magnus, where he was born; a beautiful monument has been erected for him; Robert Harding, salter, one of the sheriffs, 1568; Simon Low, merchant-tailor, esquire, etc.
Then is the parish church of St. Margaret on Fish street hill, a proper church, but monuments it hath none: a footway passeth by the south side of this church from Fish street hill unto Rother lane.
Then there's the parish church of St. Margaret on Fish Street Hill, a nice church, but it has no monuments: a walkway runs along the south side of this church from Fish Street Hill to Rother Lane.
Up higher on this hill is the parish church of St. Leonard, Milke church, so termed of one William Melker, an especial[191] builder thereof, but commonly called St. Leonard’s in East Cheape, because it standeth at East Cheape corner. Monuments there be of the Doggets, namely, Walter Dogget, vintner, one of the sheriffs, 1380; John Dogget, vintner, and Alice his wife, about 1456; this John Dogget gave lands to that church; William Dogget, etc.
Up higher on this hill is the parish church of St. Leonard, known as Milke church, named after William Melker, who played a significant role in its construction. It's commonly referred to as St. Leonard’s in East Cheape because it’s located at the corner of East Cheape. There are monuments dedicated to the Dogget family, including Walter Dogget, a vintner and one of the sheriffs, in 1380; John Dogget, a vintner, and his wife Alice, around 1456; this John Dogget donated lands to the church; William Dogget, and so on.
This church, and from thence into Little East Cheape to the east end of the said church, is of the Bridge ward.
This church, and from there into Little East Cheape to the east end of the church, is part of the Bridge ward.
Then higher in Grasse street is the parish church of St. Bennet, called Grasse church, of the herb-market there kept: this church also is of the Bridge ward, and the farthest north end thereof. Some monuments remain there undefaced, as of John Harding, salter, 1576; John Sturgeon, haberdasher, chamberlain of London; Philip Cushen, Florentine, a famous merchant, 1600.
Then further up Grasse Street is the parish church of St. Bennet, known as Grasse Church, which is associated with the herb market held there. This church is also part of the Bridge Ward, located at its furthest north end. Some monuments still stand there in good condition, including those of John Harding, salter, 1576; John Sturgeon, haberdasher, chamberlain of London; and Philip Cushen, a notable merchant from Florence, 1600.
The customs of Grass church market, in the reign of Edward III., as I have read in a book of customs, were these: Every foreign cart laden with corn or malt, coming thither to be sold, was to pay one halfpenny, every foreign cart bringing cheese two-pence, every cart of corn and cheese together (if the cheese be more worth than the corn) two-pence, and if the corn be more worth than the cheese, it was to pay a halfpenny; of two horses laden with corn or malt the bailiff had one farthing; the cart of the franchise of the Temple and of St. Martin le Grand paid a farthing; the cart of the hospital of St. John of Jerusalem paid nothing for their proper goods, and if the corn were brought by merchants to sell again, the load paid a halfpenny, etc.
The rules of the Grass church market during the reign of Edward III, as I've read in a customs book, were as follows: Every outside cart loaded with grain or malt that came to sell had to pay half a penny; every foreign cart bringing cheese paid two pennies. If a cart had both corn and cheese (and the cheese was worth more than the corn), it paid two pennies, but if the corn was worth more than the cheese, it only paid half a penny. For two horses carrying grain or malt, the bailiff received one farthing; a cart from the Temple and St. Martin le Grand franchise paid one farthing; the cart from the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem paid nothing for their own goods. If merchants brought the grain to sell again, the load cost half a penny, and so on.
On the west side of this ward, at the north end of London bridge, is a part of Thames street, which is also of this ward, to wit, so much as of old time was called Stocke Fishmonger row, of the stock fishmongers dwelling there, down west to a watergate, of old time called Ebgate, since Ebgate lane, and now the Old Swan, which is a common stair on the Thames, but the passage is very narrow by means of encroachments. On the south side of Thames street, about the midway betwixt the bridge foot and Ebgate lane, standeth the Fishmongers’ hall, and divers other fair houses for merchants.
On the west side of this district, at the north end of London Bridge, is part of Thames Street, which is also in this ward, specifically the area that used to be called Stock Fishmonger Row, named after the stock fishmongers who lived there, extending west to a watergate known as Ebgate, which is now called the Old Swan, a public stairway on the Thames. However, the passage is very narrow because of encroachments. On the south side of Thames Street, roughly halfway between the foot of the bridge and Ebgate Lane, stands the Fishmongers’ Hall, along with several other nice houses for merchants.
These fishmongers were sometimes of two several companies, to wit, Stock-fishmongers and Salt-fishmongers, of whose antiquity I read, that by the name of fishmongers of London, they were, for forestalling, etc., contrary to the laws and constitutions of the city, fined to the king at five hundred marks, the 18th of King Edward I. More, that the said fishmongers,[192] hearing of the great victory obtained by the same king against the Scots, in the 26th of his reign, made a triumphant and solemn show through the city, with divers pageants, and more than one thousand horsemen, etc., as in the chapter of sports and pastimes. These two companies of stock-fishmongers and salt-fishmongers of old time had their several halls; to wit, in Thames street twain, in New Fish street twain, and in Old Fish street twain: in each place one for either company, in all six several halls, the company was so great, as I have read, and can prove by records. These fishmongers having been jolly citizens, and six mayors of their company in the space of twenty-four years; to wit, Walter Turke, 1350; John Lofkin, 1359; John Wroth, 1361; John Pechie, 1362; Simon Morden, 1369; and William Walworth, 1374. It followed that in the year 1382, through the counsel of John Northampton, draper, then being mayor, William Essex, John More, mercer, and Richard Northburie, the said fishmongers were greatly troubled, hindered of their liberties, and almost destroyed by congregations made against them, so that in a parliament at London the controversy depending between the mayor and aldermen of London, and the fishmongers there, Nicholas Exton, speaker for the fishmongers, prayeth the king to receive him and his company into his protection, for fear of corporal hurt: whereupon it was commanded, either part to keep the peace, on pain of losing all they had; hereupon, a fishmonger, starting up, replied that the complaint brought against them by the movers, etc., was but matter of malice, for that the fishmongers, in the reign of Edward III., being chief officers of the city, had for their misdemeanors then done, committed the chief exhibitors of those petitions to prison. In this parliament the fishmongers, by the king’s charter patents, were restored to their liberties; notwithstanding in the year next following, to wit, 1383, John Cavendish, fishmonger, craveth the peace against the chancellor of England, which was granted, and he put in sureties the Earls of Stafford and Salisburie. Cavendish challengeth the chancellor for taking of a bribe of ten pounds for favour of his case, which the chancellor by oath upon the sacrament avoideth. In further trial it was found that the chancellor’s man, without his master’s privity, had taken it; whereupon Cavendish was adjudged to prison, and to pay the chancellor one thousand marks for slandering him.
These fishmongers were sometimes from two different groups, specifically Stock-fishmongers and Salt-fishmongers. I read that they were fined five hundred marks by the king for forestalling and other offenses, contrary to the laws of the city, on the 18th of King Edward I. Furthermore, when these fishmongers heard about the major victory achieved by the same king against the Scots in the 26th year of his reign, they put on a grand parade through the city with various spectacles and over a thousand horsemen, as mentioned in the chapter about sports and pastimes. These two groups of stock-fishmongers and salt-fishmongers had their own halls in the past: two in Thames street, two in New Fish street, and two in Old Fish street, making a total of six halls. The company was quite large, as I have read and can prove with records. These fishmongers were vibrant citizens, having six mayors from their group in twenty-four years: Walter Turke in 1350, John Lofkin in 1359, John Wroth in 1361, John Pechie in 1362, Simon Morden in 1369, and William Walworth in 1374. In 1382, under the advice of John Northampton, a draper who was then mayor, William Essex, John More, a mercer, and Richard Northburie, the fishmongers faced significant troubles and were almost crushed by groups acting against them. During a parliament in London concerning the dispute between the mayor and aldermen of London and the fishmongers, Nicholas Exton, speaking for the fishmongers, asked the king for protection out of fear for their safety. The king ordered both sides to keep the peace, threatening them with the loss of all they owned if they didn’t comply. A fishmonger then stood up, stating that the complaints against them were purely malicious, as the fishmongers had been the main city officials during the reign of Edward III and had imprisoned the main petitioners for their wrongdoings at that time. In this parliament, the fishmongers were restored to their rights through the king’s charter patents. However, in the following year, 1383, John Cavendish, a fishmonger, sought peace against the Chancellor of England, which was granted, and he provided sureties from the Earls of Stafford and Salisbury. Cavendish accused the Chancellor of accepting a ten-pound bribe to favor his case, which the Chancellor denied under oath. Further investigation revealed that the Chancellor’s servant had taken the bribe without his knowledge, leading to Cavendish being sentenced to prison and ordered to pay the Chancellor one thousand marks for slander.
After this, many of the nobles assembled at Reading to suppress the seditious stirs of the said John Northampton, or[193] Combarton, late mayor, that had attempted great and heinous enterprises, of the which he was convicted; and when he stood mute, nor would utter one word, it was decreed that he should be committed to perpetual prison, his goods confiscate to the king’s use, and that he should not come within one hundred miles of London during his life. He was therefore sent to the castle of Tintegall in the confines of Cornewall, and in the mean space the king’s servants spoiled his goods. John More, Richard Northbery, and other, were likewise there convicted, and condemned to perpetual prison, and their goods confiscate, for certain congregations by them made against the fishmongers in the city of London, as is aforesaid; but they obtained and had the king’s pardon, in the 14th of his reign, as appeareth of record; and thus were all these troubles quieted. Those stock-fishmongers and salt-fishmongers were united in the year 1536, the 28th of Henry VIII.; their hall to be but one, in the house given unto them by Sir John Cornwall, Lord Fanhope, and of Ampthull, in the parish of St. Michael in Crooked lane, in the reign of Henry VI. Thus much have I thought good to note of the fishmongers, men ignorant of their antiquities, not able to show a reason why or when they were joined in amity with the goldsmiths, do give part of their arms, etc. Neither, to say aught of Sir William Walworth,[175] the glory of their company, more than that he slew Jack Straw, which is a mere fable, for the said Straw was after overthrowing of the rebels, taken, and by judgment of the mayor beheaded; whose confession at the gallows is extant in my Annals, where also is set down the most valiant and praiseworthy act of William Walworth against the principal rebel Waltar Tighlar. As in reproof of Walworth’s monument in St. Michael’s church, I have declared, and wished to be reformed there, as in other places.
After this, many of the nobles gathered at Reading to deal with the rebellious actions of John Northampton, also known as Combarton, the former mayor, who had attempted serious and terrible schemes, for which he was found guilty. When he remained silent and refused to speak, it was decided that he would be sent to prison for life, his possessions taken for the king, and that he could never come within a hundred miles of London for the rest of his life. He was then sent to Tintegall Castle in Cornwall, while the king's servants looted his belongings. John More, Richard Northbery, and others were also found guilty and sentenced to life imprisonment, with their goods confiscated, for their gatherings against the fishmongers in London, as previously mentioned; however, they later received the king’s pardon in the 14th year of his reign, as is recorded, and thus all these troubles were resolved. The stock-fishmongers and salt-fishmongers were united in 1536, in the 28th year of Henry VIII's reign; they formed a single hall in a building given to them by Sir John Cornwall, Lord Fanhope, in the parish of St. Michael in Crooked Lane, dating back to the reign of Henry VI. I thought it important to note about the fishmongers, who are unaware of their history and cannot explain why or when they collaborated with the goldsmiths, even claiming part of their arms, etc. Nor can I say much about Sir William Walworth, the pride of their guild, except that he killed Jack Straw, which is just a myth, because Straw was captured after the rebels were defeated and was executed by the mayor, with his confession at the gallows noted in my Annals, where I also recorded the brave and commendable actions of William Walworth against the main rebel Walter Tighlar. Regarding the monument of Walworth in St. Michael’s church, I have expressed my wishes for it to be corrected, as I have in other places.
On that south side of Thames street have ye Drinkwater wharf and Fish wharf, in the parish of St. Magnus. On the north side of Thames street is St. Martin’s lane; a part of which lane is also of this ward, to wit, on the one side to a well of water, and on the other side as far up as against the said well. Then is St. Michael’s lane, part whereof is also of this ward up to a well there, etc. Then at the upper end of New Fish street is a lane turning towards St. Michael’s lane, and is called Crooked lane, of the crooked windings thereof.
On the south side of Thames Street, there are Drinkwater Wharf and Fish Wharf, in the parish of St. Magnus. On the north side of Thames Street is St. Martin’s Lane; part of this lane is also in this ward, from one side to a well of water, and on the other side as far up as the same well. Then there's St. Michael’s Lane, part of which is also in this ward up to a well there, etc. Finally, at the upper end of New Fish Street, there’s a lane that leads towards St. Michael’s Lane, called Crooked Lane, due to its winding shape.
Above this lane’s end, upon Fish street hill, is one great house, for the most part built of stone, which pertained sometime to[194] Edward the Black Prince, son to Edward III., who was in his lifetime lodged there. It is now altered to a common hostelry, having the Black Bell for a sign.
Above the end of this lane, on Fish Street Hill, stands a large house, mostly made of stone, which once belonged to Edward the Black Prince, the son of Edward III, who lived there during his lifetime. It has now been converted into a regular inn, with the Black Bell as its sign.
Above this house, at the top of Fish street hill, is a turning into Great Eastcheape, and so to the corner of Lombard street, over against the north-west corner of Grasse church; and these be the whole bounds of this Bridge ward within: the which hath an alderman and his deputy, for the common council sixteen, constables fifteen, scavengers six, for the wardmote inquest sixteen, and a beadle. It is taxed to the fifteen in London at forty-seven pounds.[176]
Above this house, at the top of Fish Street Hill, there's a turn into Great Eastcheap, leading to the corner of Lombard Street, right across from the northwest corner of Grasse Church. These are the complete boundaries of this Bridge ward: it has an alderman and his deputy, sixteen members for the common council, fifteen constables, six scavengers, sixteen people for the wardmote inquest, and a beadle. This ward is assessed at forty-seven pounds for the fifteen in London.[176]
CANDLEWICK STREET WARD
Candlewick street, or Candlewright street ward, beginneth at the east end of Great Eastcheape; it passeth west through Eastcheape to Candlewright street, and through the same, down to the north end of Suffolk lane on the south side, and down that lane by the west end of St. Laurence churchyard, which is the farthest west part of that ward. The street of Great Eastcheape is so called of the market there kept in the east part of the city, as Westcheape is a market so called of being in the west.
Candlewick Street, or Candlewright Street Ward, starts at the east end of Great Eastcheape. It goes west through Eastcheape to Candlewright Street, continuing down to the north end of Suffolk Lane on the south side, and along that lane by the west end of St. Laurence Churchyard, which is the furthest west part of that ward. The street of Great Eastcheape gets its name from the market that is held in the east part of the city, just as Westcheape is named for being in the west.
This Eastcheape is now a flesh market of butchers there dwelling on both sides of the street: it had sometime also cooks mixed amongst the butchers, and such other as sold victuals ready dressed of all sorts. For of old time, when friends did meet, and were disposed to be merry, they went not to dine and sup in taverns, but to the cooks, where they called for meat what they liked, which they always found ready dressed at a reasonable rate, as I have before showed.
This Eastcheape is now a marketplace with butchers living on both sides of the street. There used to be cooks mixed in with the butchers, along with others who sold all kinds of prepared food. In the past, when friends met and wanted to have a good time, they didn't go to taverns for dinner or supper, but to the cooks, where they could order the meat they wanted, which was always ready to eat at a reasonable price, as I mentioned earlier.
In the year 1410, the 11th of Henry IV., upon the even of St. John Baptist, the king’s sons,[177] Thomas and John, being in Eastcheape at supper (or rather at breakfast, for it was after the watch was broken up, betwixt two and three of the clock after midnight), a great debate happened between their men and other of the court, which lasted one hour, till the mayor and sheriffs with other citizens, appeased the same; for the which afterwards the said mayor, aldermen, and sheriffs were[195] called to answer before the king, his sons, and divers lords, being highly moved against the city. At which time, William Gascoyne, chief justice, required the mayor and aldermen, for the citizens, to put them in the king’s grace; whereunto they answered, that they had not offended, but (according to the law) had done their best in stinting debate and maintaining of the peace; upon which answer the king remitted all his ire, and dismissed them. And to prove this Eastcheape to be a place replenished with cooks, it may appear by a song called London Lickepennie, made by Lidgate, a monk of Berrie, in the reign of Henry V., in the person of a countryman coming to London, and travelling through the same. In Westcheape (saith the song) he was called on to buy fine lawn, Paris thread, cotton umble, and other linen clothes, and such like (he speaketh of no silks),[178] in Cornhill, to buy old apparel[179] and household stuff, where he was forced to buy his own hood, which he had lost in Westminster hall: in Candlewright street drapers proffered him cheap cloth, in Eastcheape the cooks cried hot ribs of beef roasted, pies well baked, and other victuals: there was clattering of pewter-pots, harp, pipe, and sawtry, yea by cock, nay by cock, for greater oaths were spared: some sang of Jenken, and Julian, etc.; all which melody liked well the passenger, but he wanted money to abide by it, and therefore gat him into Gravesend barge, and home into Kent.
In the year 1410, the 11th of Henry IV, on the eve of St. John the Baptist, the king’s sons, Thomas and John, were having supper (or actually breakfast, since it was after the watch had ended, around two or three in the morning) in Eastcheape when a big argument broke out between their attendants and the court members. This debate lasted an hour until the mayor, sheriffs, and other citizens smoothed things over. Because of this, the mayor, aldermen, and sheriffs were later summoned to answer before the king, his sons, and various lords, who were quite angry with the city. At that time, William Gascoyne, the chief justice, asked the mayor and aldermen to seek the king’s favor for the citizens, to which they replied that they hadn’t done anything wrong and had, according to the law, done their best to settle the argument and keep the peace. Upon hearing this, the king calmed down and let them go. To show that Eastcheape was a place full of cooks, one can reference a song called "London Lickepennie," made by Lidgate, a monk from Berrie, during the reign of Henry V, where a countryman travels through London. In Westcheape, the song says he was called upon to buy fine lawn, Paris thread, cotton umble, and other linen clothes, but mentioned no silks; in Cornhill, he was looking to buy old clothes and household items, where he had to buy back his own hood that he lost in Westminster Hall. In Candlewright Street, drapers offered him cheap cloth, while in Eastcheape, the cooks shouted about hot roasted ribs of beef, well-baked pies, and other food. There was a clatter of pewter pots, harps, pipes, and other instruments, with lively banter and oaths exchanged. Some sang about Jenken and Julian, and all this music pleased the traveler, but he lacked the money to stay, so he got into a barge to Gravesend and headed home to Kent.
Candlewright (so called in old records of the Guildhall, of St. Marie Overies, and other), or Candlewick street, took that name (as may be supposed) either of chandlers, or makers of candles, both of wax and tallow; for candlewright is a maker of candles, or of wick, which is the cotton or yarn thereof; or otherwise wike,[180] which is the place where they used to work them, as Scalding wike by the Stocks market was called of the poulterers scalding and dressing their poultry there; and in divers countries, dairy houses, or cottages, wherein they make butter and[196] cheese, are usually called wicks. There dwelt also of old time divers weavers of woollen clothes, brought in by Edward III. For I read, that in the 44th of his reign, the weavers, brought out of Flanders, were appointed their meetings to be in the churchyard of St. Laurence Poultney, and the weavers of Brabant in the churchyard of St. Mary Sommerset. There were then in this city weavers of divers sorts; to wit, of drapery, or tapery, and napery. These weavers of Candlewright street being in short time worn out, their place is now possessed by rich drapers, sellers of woollen cloth, etc.
Candlewright (as it's mentioned in old records from the Guildhall, St. Marie Overies, and others), or Candlewick Street, got its name (as you might guess) from chandlers or candle makers, whether they made candles from wax or tallow. Candlewright refers to someone who makes candles or wicks, which are made from cotton or yarn; or, in another sense, a wike, which is where they used to work on them, like Scalding Wike by the Stocks market, named for poulterers scalding and preparing their poultry there. In various places, dairy houses or cottages where butter and cheese are made are also commonly called wicks. There also lived many weavers of woolen fabrics back in the day, brought in by Edward III. In the 44th year of his reign, the weavers from Flanders were told to meet in the churchyard of St. Laurence Poultney, and the weavers from Brabant in the churchyard of St. Mary Somerset. At that time, there were weavers of different kinds in this city, including those of drapery, tapestry, and napery. These weavers on Candlewright Street gradually faded away, and now rich drapers, who sell woolen cloth and more, occupy their place.
On the north side of this ward, at the west end of Eastcheape, have ye St. Clement’s lane; a part whereof on both sides is of Candlewick street ward, to wit, somewhat north beyond the parish church of St. Clement in Eastcheape. This is a small church, void of monuments, other than of Francis Barnam, alderman, who deceased 1575, and of Benedicke Barnam, his son, alderman also, 1598. William Chartney and William Overie founded a chantry there.
On the north side of this area, at the west end of Eastcheape, you’ll find St. Clement’s Lane; part of it on both sides belongs to Candlewick Street Ward, specifically a bit north of the parish church of St. Clement in Eastcheape. This is a small church, lacking monuments except for those of Francis Barnam, an alderman who died in 1575, and his son Benedicke Barnam, also an alderman, who died in 1598. William Chartney and William Overie established a chantry there.
Next is St. Nicholas lane, for the most part on both sides of this ward, almost to St. Nicholas church. Then is Abchurch lane, which is on both the sides almost wholly of this ward, the parish church there (called of St. Marie Abchurch, Apechurch, or Upchurch, as I have read it), standeth somewhat near unto the south end thereof, on a rising ground: it is a fair church. Simon de Winchcomb founded a chantry there the 19th of Richard II.; John Littleton founded another, and Thomas Hondon another; and hath the monuments of J. Long, esquire, of Bedfordshire, 1442; William Wikenson, alderman, 1519; William Jawdrell, tailor, 1440; Sir James Hawes, mayor 1574; Sir John Branch, mayor 1580; John Miners; William Kettle, etc.
Next is St. Nicholas Lane, which runs along both sides of this area, almost all the way to St. Nicholas Church. Then there's Abchurch Lane, which stretches along both sides of this ward as well, with the parish church (known as St. Mary Abchurch, Apechurch, or Upchurch, according to what I've read) located near the south end, on a slight hill. It’s a beautiful church. Simon de Winchcomb established a chantry there in the 19th year of Richard II; John Littleton set up another one, and Thomas Hondon another. The church holds the memorials of J. Long, Esq., from Bedfordshire, 1442; William Wikenson, alderman, 1519; William Jawdrell, tailor, 1440; Sir James Hawes, mayor in 1574; Sir John Branch, mayor in 1580; John Miners; William Kettle, and others.
On the south side of this ward, beginning again at the east, is St. Michael’s lane, which lane is almost wholly of this ward, on both sides down towards Thames street, to a well or pump there. On the east side of this lane is Crooked lane aforesaid, by St. Michael’s church, towards New Fish street. One the most ancient house in this lane is called the Leaden porch, and belonged sometime to Sir John Merston. knight, the 1st of Edward IV. It is now called the Swan in Crooked lane, possessed of strangers, and selling of Rhenish wine. The parish church of this St. Michael’s was sometime but a small and homely thing, standing upon part of that ground wherein now standeth the parsonage-house; and the ground there about was a filthy plot, by reason[197] of the butchers in Eastcheape, who made the same their laystall. William de Burgo gave two messuages to that church in Candlewick street, 1317. John Lofkin, stock-fishmonger, four times mayor, built in the same ground this fair church of St. Michael, and was buried there in the choir, under a fair tomb, with the images of him and his wife, in alabaster. The said church hath been since increased with a new choir, and side chapels by Sir William Walworth, stock-fishmonger, mayor, sometime servant to the said John Lofkin: also the tomb of Lofkin was removed, and a flat stone of grey marble garnished with plates of copper laid on him, as it yet remaineth in the body of the church. This William Walworth is reported to have slain Jack Straw,[181] but Jack Straw being afterward taken, was first adjudged by the said mayor, and then executed by the loss of his head in Smithfield.
On the south side of this district, starting from the east, is St. Michael’s Lane, which is almost entirely part of this area on both sides down towards Thames Street, leading to a well or pump there. On the east side of this lane is Crooked Lane, by St. Michael’s Church, heading towards New Fish Street. One of the oldest houses in this lane is called the Leaden Porch, which once belonged to Sir John Merston, knight, during the reign of Edward IV. It is now known as the Swan in Crooked Lane, run by outsiders, and sells Rhenish wine. The parish church of St. Michael’s used to be a small and modest building, located on part of the land where the parsonage house now stands; the surrounding area was a filthy plot because of the butchers in Eastcheape, who used it as their dumping ground. William de Burgo donated two properties to that church in Candlewick Street in 1317. John Lofkin, a stock-fishmonger and four-time mayor, built the beautiful church of St. Michael on that same land and was buried there in the choir, beneath a fine tomb with alabaster images of himself and his wife. The church has since been expanded with a new choir and side chapels thanks to Sir William Walworth, also a stock-fishmonger, who was the mayor and a former servant of John Lofkin. Lofkin's tomb was moved, and a flat stone made of grey marble, adorned with copper plates, was placed over him, which still remains in the body of the church. This William Walworth is said to have killed Jack Straw; however, after Jack Straw was captured, he was first judged by the mayor and then executed by beheading in Smithfield.
True it is that this William Walworth, being a man wise, learned, and of an incomparable manhood,[182] arrested Wat Tyler, a presumptuous rebel, upon whom no man durst lay hand, whereby he delivered the king and kingdom from most wicked tyranny of traitors. The mayor arrested him on the head with a sound blow, whereupon Wat Tyler, furiously struck the mayor with his dagger, but hurt him not, by reason he was well armed. The mayor, having received his stroke, drew his basiliard, and grievously wounded Wat in the neck, and withal gave him a great blow on the head; in the which conflict, an esquire of the king’s house, called John Cavendish, drew his sword, and wounded Wat twice or thrice even to the death; and Wat, spurring his horse, cried to the commons to revenge him: the horse bare him about eighty feet from the place, and there he fell down half dead; and by and by they which attended on the king environed him about, so as he was not seen of his company: many of them thrust him in divers places of his body, and drew him into the hospital of St. Bartholomew, from whence again the mayor caused him to be drawn into Smithfield, and there to be beheaded. In reward of this service (the people being dispersed) the king commanded the mayor to put a bascinet on his head; and the mayor requesting why he should do so, the king answered, he being much bound unto him, would make him knight: the mayor answered, that he was[198] neither worthy nor able to take such estate upon him, for he was but a merchant, and had to live by his merchandise only; notwithstanding, the king bade him to put on his bascinet, and then with a sword in both his hands he strongly stroke him on the neck, as the manner was then; and the same day he made three other citizens knights for his sake in the same place; to wit, John Philpot, Nicholas Brember, and Robert Launde, alderman. The king gave to the mayor one hundred pounds land by year, and to each of the other forty pounds land yearly, to them and their heirs for ever.
It's true that William Walworth, a wise and learned man of incredible bravery, arrested Wat Tyler, a bold rebel whom no one dared to touch, thereby saving the king and the kingdom from the wicked tyranny of traitors. The mayor struck him hard on the head, prompting Wat Tyler to furiously stab the mayor with his dagger, but he didn't injure him because he was well protected. After taking the hit, the mayor drew his dagger and seriously wounded Wat in the neck, also landing a heavy blow to his head. During this fight, a squire from the king’s household named John Cavendish drew his sword and stabbed Wat multiple times, nearly killing him. Wat, spurring his horse, called out to the crowd to avenge him. The horse carried him about eighty feet from the scene before he fell down, half dead. Soon after, those attending the king surrounded him, making him unseen by his group; many of them stabbed him in different parts of his body and dragged him to the hospital of St. Bartholomew. But the mayor soon ordered him to be taken back to Smithfield, where he was beheaded. In recognition of this service, after the crowd had dispersed, the king instructed the mayor to wear a helmet. When the mayor asked why, the king replied that he was so indebted to him that he wanted to make him a knight. The mayor replied that he wasn’t worthy or capable of such a status since he was just a merchant who made his living from trade. Nevertheless, the king insisted that he put on the helmet, and then, with a sword in both hands, he struck him on the neck as was customary at the time. That same day, he also made three other citizens knights in the same spot: John Philpot, Nicholas Brember, and Robert Launde, the alderman. The king granted the mayor one hundred pounds of land per year and to each of the others, forty pounds of land annually, for them and their heirs forever.
After this, in the same year, the said Sir William Walworth, founded in the said parish church of St. Michael a college of a master and nine priests, or chaplains, and deceased 1385, was there buried in the north chapel by the choir; but his monument being amongst other by bad people defaced in the reign of Edward VI., and again since renewed by the fishmongers, for lack of knowledge of what before had been written in his epitaph, they followed a fabulous book, and wrote Jack Straw instead of Wat Tilar, a great error meet to be reformed there and elsewhere; and therefore have I the more at large discoursed of this matter.
After this, in the same year, Sir William Walworth established a college with a master and nine priests (or chaplains) in the parish church of St. Michael. He passed away in 1385 and was buried in the north chapel by the choir. However, his monument was vandalized during the reign of Edward VI, and though it was later restored by the fishmongers, they mistakenly referred to Jack Straw instead of Wat Tilar in his epitaph, due to a lack of knowledge about what had originally been written. This is a significant mistake that needs to be corrected both there and elsewhere; that's why I've discussed this matter in more detail.
It hath also been, and is now grown to a common opinion, that in reward of this service done by the said William Walworth against the rebel, King Richard added to the arms of this city (which was argent, a plain cross gules) a sword or dagger (for so they term it), whereof I have read no such record, but to the contrary. I find that in the 4th year of Richard II.,[183] in a full assembly made in the upper chamber of the Guildhall, summoned by this William Walworth, then mayor, as well of aldermen as of the common council, in every ward, for certain affairs concerning the king, it was there by common consent agreed and ordained, that the old seal of the office of the mayoralty of the city being very small, old, unapt, and uncomely for the honour of the city, should be broken, and one other new should be had, which the said mayor commanded to be made artificially, and honourable for the exercise of the said office thereafter, in place of the other; in which new seal, besides the images of Peter and Paul, which of old were rudely engraven, there should be under the feet of the said images a shield of the arms of the said city, perfectly graved,[184] with two lions sup[199]porting the same, with two sergeants of arms; another part, one, and two tabernacles, in which above should stand two angels; between whom, above the said images of Peter and Paul, shall be set the glorious Virgin. This being done, the old seal of the office was delivered to Richard Odiham, chamberlain, who brake it, and in place thereof was delivered the new seal to the said mayor, to use in his office of mayoralty, as occasion should require. This new seal seemeth to be made before William Walworth was knighted, for he is not here entitled Sir, as afterwards he was; and certain it is that the same new seal then made is now in use, and none other in that office of the mayoralty; which may suffice to answer the former fable, without showing of any evidence sealed with the old seal, which was the cross and sword of St. Paul, and not the dagger of William Walworth.
It has also become a widely held belief that as a reward for the service provided by William Walworth against the rebel, King Richard added a sword or dagger (as they call it) to the city's arms (which were silver with a plain red cross). However, I have found no record of this, and quite the opposite. I see that in the 4th year of Richard II.,[183] during a full assembly held in the upper chamber of the Guildhall, summoned by Mayor William Walworth, along with the aldermen and the common council from every ward to discuss certain matters concerning the king, it was agreed by unanimous consent that the old seal of the mayoralty of the city, which was too small, old, unsuitable, and unappealing for the honor of the city, should be destroyed, and a new one should be created. The mayor ordered that it be made artfully and in a dignified manner for the office going forward. In this new seal, apart from the images of Peter and Paul, which had originally been poorly carved, there should be a shield of the city's arms under the feet of these images, finely engraved,[184] supported by two lions, along with two sergeants of arms; additionally, there would be one and two tabernacles, above which would stand two angels; between them, above the images of Peter and Paul, the glorious Virgin would be placed. Once this was done, the old seal was given to Richard Odiham, the chamberlain, who broke it, and in its place, the new seal was handed to the mayor for use in his official capacity as needed. This new seal appears to have been made before William Walworth was knighted, as he is not referred to as Sir here, which he was later. It is certain that this new seal made then is currently in use and that there is no other seal for the office of mayoralty; this may be sufficient to address the former tale without presenting any evidence sealed with the old seal, which featured the cross and sword of St. Paul, not the dagger of William Walworth.
Now of other monuments in that church. Simon Mordon, mayor 1368, was buried there; John Olney, mayor 1446; Robert March, stock-fishmonger, gave two pieces of ground to be a churchyard; John Radwell, stock-fishmonger, buried 1415; George Gowre, esquire, son to Edward Gowre, stock-fishmonger, esquire, 1470; Alexander Purpoynt, stock-fishmonger, 1373; Andrew Burel, gentleman of Gray’s-inn, 1487; John Shrow, stock-fishmonger, 1487, with this epitaph:
Now about the other monuments in that church. Simon Mordon, mayor in 1368, was buried there; John Olney, mayor in 1446; Robert March, a stock-fishmonger, donated two pieces of land to be a churchyard; John Radwell, a stock-fishmonger, was buried in 1415; George Gowre, esquire, son of Edward Gowre, a stock-fishmonger, was buried in 1470; Alexander Purpoynt, a stock-fishmonger, died in 1373; Andrew Burel, a gentleman from Gray’s Inn, died in 1487; John Shrow, a stock-fishmonger, died in 1487, with this epitaph:
I have left this place, and so will you.
But in this passage, it's the best song I can,
Is requiem æternam, now Jesus, please grant it to me,
When I have overcome all my challenges,
Grant me a mansion in Paradise,
"That shed your blood for my redemption."
John Finkell, one of the sheriffs 1487, was knighted, and gave forty pounds to this church, the one half for his monument. John Pattesley, mayor 1441; Thomas Ewen, grocer, bare half the charges in building of the steeple, and was buried 1501; William Combes, gentleman, of Stoke, by Guilford in Surrey, 1502; Sir John Brudge, mayor 1530, gave fifty pounds for a house called the College in Crooked lane; he lieth buried in St. Nicholas Hacon. Waltar Faireford; Robert Barre; Alexander Heyban; John Motte; John Gramstone; John Brampton; John Wood, stock-fishmonger, 1531; Sir Henry Amcots, mayor 1548, etc. Hard by this St. Michael’s church, on the south side thereof, in the year 1560, on the fifth of July, through the shooting of a gun, which brake in the house of one Adrian Arten, a Dutchman, and set fire on a firkin and barrel of gunpowder,[200] four houses were blown up, and divers other sore shattered; eleven men and women were slain, and sixteen so hurt and bruised, that they hardly escaped with life.
John Finkell, one of the sheriffs in 1487, was knighted and donated forty pounds to this church, half of which was for his monument. John Pattesley, mayor in 1441; Thomas Ewen, a grocer, covered half the expenses of building the steeple, and was buried in 1501; William Combes, a gentleman from Stoke, near Guilford in Surrey, died in 1502; Sir John Brudge, mayor in 1530, gave fifty pounds for a house known as the College on Crooked Lane; he is buried in St. Nicholas Hacon. Waltar Faireford; Robert Barre; Alexander Heyban; John Motte; John Gramstone; John Brampton; John Wood, a stock fishmonger, died in 1531; Sir Henry Amcots, mayor in 1548, etc. Close to St. Michael’s church, on its south side, in the year 1560, on July 5th, due to the misfire of a gun that exploded in the house of one Adrian Arten, a Dutchman, which ignited a firkin and a barrel of gunpowder, [200] four houses were destroyed, and several others severely damaged; eleven men and women were killed, and sixteen were hurt so badly that they narrowly escaped with their lives.
West from this St. Michael’s lane is St. Martin Orgar lane, by Candlewick street, which lane is on both sides down to a well, replenished with fair and large houses for merchants, and it is of this ward; one of which houses was sometime called Beachamp’s inn, as pertaining unto them of that family. Thomas Arundel, archbishop of Canterbury, commonly for his time was lodged there.
West of St. Michael’s Lane is St. Martin Orgar Lane, near Candlewick Street, which has nice and large houses for merchants on both sides down to a well, and it belongs to this ward; one of those houses was once called Beauchamp’s Inn, as it was associated with that family. Thomas Arundel, the Archbishop of Canterbury, often stayed there during his time.
The parish church of St. Martin Orgar is a small thing. William Crowmer, mayor, built a proper chapel on the south side thereof, and was buried there 1533; John Mathew, mayor 1490; Sir William Huet, mayor 1559, with his lady and daughter, wife to Sir Edward Osburne; Ralph Tabinham, alderman; Alice, wife to Thomas Winslow; Thorudon; Benedicke Reding; Thomas Harding; James Smith; Richard Gainford, esquire; John Bold, etc.
The parish church of St. Martin Orgar is a small building. William Crowmer, the mayor, built a proper chapel on the south side and was buried there in 1533; John Mathew, mayor in 1490; Sir William Huet, mayor in 1559, along with his wife and daughter, who was married to Sir Edward Osburne; Ralph Tabinham, alderman; Alice, the wife of Thomas Winslow; Thorudon; Benedicke Reding; Thomas Harding; James Smith; Richard Gainford, esquire; John Bold, and others.
Then is there one other lane called St. Laurence, of the parish church there. This lane, down to the south side of the churchyard, is of Candlewick street ward. The parish church of St. Laurence was increased with a chapel of Jesus by Thomas Cole, for a master and chaplain; the which chapel and parish church was made a college of Jesus and of Corpus Christi, for a master and seven chaplains, by John Poultney, mayor, and was confirmed by Edward III., the 20th of his reign: of him was this church called St. Laurence Poultney, in Candlewick street; which college was valued at £79 17s. 11d., and was surrendered in the reign of Edward VI. Robert Ratcliffe, Earl of Essex, and Henry Ratcliffe, Earl of Sussex, was buried there; Alderman Beswicke was buried there; John Oliffe, alderman, Robert Browne, and others. Thus much for this ward, and the antiquities thereof. It hath now an alderman, his deputy, common councillors eight, constables eight, scavengers six, wardmote inquest men twelve, and a beadle. It is taxed to the fifteen at sixteen pounds.
Then there is another street called St. Laurence, which is associated with the parish church there. This street, leading to the south side of the churchyard, is part of the Candlewick street ward. The parish church of St. Laurence was expanded to include a chapel of Jesus by Thomas Cole, who provided for a master and chaplain; this chapel and parish church were made into a college of Jesus and Corpus Christi for a master and seven chaplains by John Poultney, the mayor, and it was confirmed by Edward III on the 20th year of his reign. This church came to be known as St. Laurence Poultney, in Candlewick street; that college was valued at £79 17s. 11d., and it was surrendered during the reign of Edward VI. Robert Ratcliffe, Earl of Essex, and Henry Ratcliffe, Earl of Sussex, were buried there; Alderman Beswicke was buried there, along with John Oliffe, alderman, Robert Browne, and others. That covers this ward and its history. It now has an alderman, a deputy, eight common councillors, eight constables, six scavengers, twelve wardmote inquest men, and a beadle. It is assessed for the tax at sixteen pounds.
WALBROOK WARD
Walbrook ward beginneth at the west end of Candlewick street ward. It runneth down Candlewick street west towards Budge row. It hath on the north side thereof St. Swithen’s lane, so called of St. Swithen, a parish church by London stone.[201] This lane is replenished on both the sides with fair built houses, and is wholly of Walbrook ward.
Walbrook ward starts at the west end of Candlewick street ward. It extends down Candlewick street west towards Budge row. On the north side, there's St. Swithen’s lane, named after St. Swithen, a parish church near London stone.[201] This lane is lined on both sides with well-built houses and is entirely part of Walbrook ward.
The said parish church of St. Swithen standeth at the south-west corner of this lane. License was procured to new build and increase the said church and steeple in the year 1420. Sir John Hend, draper, mayor, was an especial benefactor thereunto, as appeareth by his arms in the glass windows, even in the tops of them, which is in a field silver, a chief azure, a lion passant silver, a cheveron azure, three escalops silver: he lieth buried in the body of this church, with a fair stone laid on him, but the plates and inscriptions are defaced. Roger Depham, alderman, Thomas Aylesbourgh, William Neve, and Matilda Caxton, founded chantries, and were buried there; John Butler, draper, one of the sheriffs, 1420; Ralph Jecoline, mayor, a benefactor, buried in a fair tomb; William White, draper, one of the sheriffs, 1482, and other.
The parish church of St. Swithen is located at the southwest corner of this lane. A license was obtained to rebuild and expand the church and steeple in the year 1420. Sir John Hend, a draper and the mayor, was a significant benefactor, as shown by his arms in the stained glass windows at the top, which feature a silver field, an azure chief, a silver passant lion, an azure chevron, and three silver scallops. He is buried in the main part of the church, marked by a fair stone, although the plates and inscriptions are worn away. Roger Depham, an alderman, Thomas Aylesbourgh, William Neve, and Matilda Caxton founded chantries and are buried there; John Butler, a draper and one of the sheriffs in 1420; Ralph Jecoline, a mayor and benefactor, is buried in a beautiful tomb; William White, a draper and one of the sheriffs in 1482, among others.
On the north side of this church and churchyard is one fair and large built house, sometime pertaining to the prior of Tortington in Sussex, since to the earls of Oxford, and now to Sir John Hart, alderman; which house hath a fair garden belonging thereunto, lying on the west side thereof. On the back side of two other fair houses in Walbrook, in the reign of Henry VII., Sir Richard Empson, knight, chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, dwelt in the one of them, and Edmond Dudley, esquire, in the other; either of them had a door of intercourse into this garden, wherein they met and consulted of matters at their pleasures. In this Oxford place Sir Ambrose Nicholas kept his mayoralty, and since him the said Sir John Hart.
On the north side of this church and churchyard is a large, nice house that used to belong to the prior of Tortington in Sussex, then to the earls of Oxford, and now to Sir John Hart, an alderman. This house has a nice garden on the west side. Behind two other beautiful houses in Walbrook, during the reign of Henry VII, Sir Richard Empson, a knight and chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, lived in one, and Edmond Dudley, an esquire, lived in the other. Each of them had a door that led into this garden, where they would meet and discuss matters at their convenience. In this Oxford place, Sir Ambrose Nicholas held his mayoralty, and after him, Sir John Hart.
On the south side of this high street, near unto the channel, is pitched upright a great stone called London stone, fixed in the ground very deep, fastened with bars of iron, and otherwise so strongly set, that if carts do run against it through negligence, the wheels be broken, and the stone itself unshaken.
On the south side of this main street, close to the river, there's a large stone known as London Stone. It's set deep in the ground and secured with iron bars, making it so stable that if carts accidentally hit it, the wheels break while the stone remains unmoved.
The cause why this stone was set there, the time when, or other memory hereof, is none, but that the same hath long continued there is manifest, namely, since (or rather before) the Conquest; for in the end of a fair written Gospel book given to Christ’s church in Canterburie, by Ethelstane, King of the West Saxons, I find noted of lands[185] or rents in London belonging to the said church, whereof one parcel is described to lie near unto London stone. Of later time we read, that in the year of Christ 1135, the 1st of King Stephen, a fire, which began[202] in the house of one Ailward, near unto London stone, consumed all east to Aldgate, in the which fire the priory of the Holy Trinitie was burnt, and west to St. Erkenwald’s shrine in Paule’s church. And these be the eldest notes that I read thereof.
The reason this stone was placed here, when it happened, or any other memory about it is unknown, but it’s clear that it has been here for a long time, specifically since (or even before) the Conquest. In the back of a beautifully written Gospel book given to Christ's church in Canterbury by Ethelstane, the King of the West Saxons, I found a note about lands[185] or rents in London that belong to that church, with one piece described as being near London stone. More recently, in the year 1135, during the first year of King Stephen's reign, a fire that started in the home of a man named Ailward, close to London stone, destroyed everything to the east up to Aldgate. This fire also burned down the priory of the Holy Trinity and extended west to St. Erkenwald’s shrine in St. Paul’s church. These are the earliest records I found on the matter.
Some have said this stone to be set as a mark in the middle of the city within the walls; but in truth it standeth far nearer unto the river of Thames than to the wall of the city; some others have said the same to be set for the tendering and making of payment by debtors to their creditors at their appointed days and times, till of later time payments were more usually made at the font in Pont’s church, and now most commonly at the Royal Exchange; some again have imagined the same to be set up by one John or Thomas Londonstone dwelling there against; but more likely it is, that such men have taken name of the stone than the stone of them, as did John at Noke, Thomas at Stile, William at Wall, or at Well, etc.
Some people have said this stone was placed as a marker in the center of the city within the walls; but in reality, it’s much closer to the River Thames than to the city wall. Others have suggested that it was set up for debtors to make payments to their creditors on their scheduled days and times, but over time, payments became more commonly made at the font in Pont’s church, and now they usually happen at the Royal Exchange. Some have also speculated that it was established by a John or Thomas Londonstone who lived there, but it’s more likely that these men took their names from the stone rather than the other way around, like John at Noke, Thomas at Stile, or William at Wall, etc.
Down west from this parish church, and from London stone, have ye Walbrooke corner; from whence runneth up a street, north to the Stocks, called Walbrook, because it standeth on the east side of the same brook, by the bank thereof, and the whole ward taketh the name of that street. On the east side of this street, and at the north corner thereof, is the Stocks market, which had this beginning. About the year of Christ 1282, Henry Wales, mayor, caused divers houses in this city to be built towards the maintenance of London bridge, namely, one void place near unto the parish church called Woole church, on the north side thereof, where sometime (the way being very large and broad) had stood a pair of stocks for punishment of offenders; this building took name of these stocks, and was appointed by him to be a market place for fish and flesh in the midst of the city. Other houses he built in other places, as by the patent of Edward I. it doth appear, dated the 10th of his reign. After this, in the year 1322, the 17th of Edward II., a decree was made by Hamond Chickwell, mayor, that none should sell fish or flesh out of the markets appointed, to wit, Bridge street, East Cheape, Old Fish street, St. Nicholas’ shambles, and the said Stocks, upon pain to forfeit such fish or flesh as were sold, for the first time, and the second time to lose their freedom; which act was made by commandment of the king under his letters patent, dated at the Tower the 17th of his reign, and then was this stocks let to farm for £46 13s. 4d. by year. This Stocks market was again begun to be built in[203] the year 1410, in the 11th of Henry IV., and was finished in the year next following. In the year 1507, the same was rented £56 19s. 10d. And in the year 1543, John Cotes being mayor, there were in this Stocks market for fishmongers twenty-five boards or stalls, rented yearly to £34 13s. 4d., there were for butchers eighteen boards or stalls, rented at £41 16s. 4d., and there were also chambers above, sixteen, rented at £5 13s. 4d., in all £82 3s.
Down west from this parish church and from London Stone, you’ll find Walbrooke corner; from there, a street runs north to the Stocks, called Walbrook because it’s on the east side of the same brook, by its bank, and the entire ward is named after this street. On the east side of this street, at the northern corner, is the Stocks market, which has this history. Around the year 1282, Henry Wales, the mayor, caused several houses in this city to be built to support London Bridge, notably one vacant area near the parish church called Woole Church, on its north side, where once there had been a pair of stocks for punishing offenders, as the road was very wide. This building took its name from those stocks and was designated by him as a market for fish and meat in the heart of the city. He constructed other houses in various locations, as shown by the patent of Edward I, dated in the 10th year of his reign. Later, in 1322, the 17th year of Edward II, a decree was issued by Hamond Chickwell, the mayor, stating that no one should sell fish or meat outside the appointed markets, namely Bridge Street, East Cheape, Old Fish Street, St. Nicholas’s shambles, and the Stocks, under penalty of forfeit for any fish or meat sold the first time and losing their freedom for the second violation; this law was made by the king’s order under his patent dated at the Tower in the 17th year of his reign, and the Stocks were then leased for £46 13s. 4d. per year. The Stocks market began to be rebuilt in the year 1410, during the 11th year of Henry IV, and was completed the following year. In 1507, it was rented for £56 19s. 10d. And in 1543, while John Cotes was mayor, there were twenty-five boards or stalls for fishmongers in the Stocks market, rented annually for £34 13s. 4d., eighteen boards or stalls for butchers rented at £41 16s. 4d., and there were also sixteen chambers above, rented at £5 13s. 4d., totaling £82 3s.
Next unto this Stocks is the parish church of St. Mary Wool church, so called of a beam placed in the churchyard, which was thereof called Wool church haw, of the tronage, or weighing of wool there used; and to verify this, I find amongst the customs of London, written in French in the reign of Edward II., a chapter intituled Les Customes de Wolchurch Haw, wherein is set down what was there to be paid for every parcel of wool weighed. This tronage or weighing of wool, till the 6th of Richard II., was there continued; John Churchman then built the Customhouse upon Wool key, to serve for the said tronage, as is before showed in Tower street ward. This church is reasonable fair and large, and was lately new built by license granted in the 20th of Henry VI., with condition to be built fifteen foot from the Stocks market, for sparing of light to the same Stocks. The parson of this church is to have four marks the year for tithe of the said Stocks, paid him by the masters of the Bridge house, by special decree made the 2nd of Henry VII. John Winyar, grocer, mayor 1504, was a great helper to the building of this church, and was there buried 1505; he gave unto it by his testament two large basons of silver, and twenty pounds in money. Also Richard Shore, draper, one of the sheriffs 1505, was a great benefactor in his life, and by his testament gave twenty pounds to make a porch at the west end thereof, and was there buried; Richard Hatfield of Steplemorden in Cambridgeshire, lieth entombed there, 1467; Edward Deoly, esquire, 1467. John Handford, grocer, made the font of that church, very curiously wrought, painted, and gilded, and was there buried; John Archer, fishmonger, 1487; Anne Cawode founded a chantry there, etc.
Next to the Stocks is the parish church of St. Mary Wool, named after a beam that was placed in the churchyard, which was called Wool church haw due to the weighing of wool that occurred there. To verify this, I found among the customs of London, written in French during the reign of Edward II, a chapter titled Les Customes de Wolchurch Haw, which outlines the fees for every parcel of wool weighed. This weighing of wool continued until the 6th of Richard II, when John Churchman built the Customhouse on Wool key to manage this weighing, as mentioned earlier in Tower street ward. This church is quite large and was newly built with permission granted in the 20th of Henry VI, with the condition to be set fifteen feet from the Stocks market to allow light for the Stocks. The parson of this church receives four marks a year as tithe from the Stocks, paid by the masters of the Bridge house, as per a special decree made in the 2nd of Henry VII. John Winyar, a grocer and mayor in 1504, greatly contributed to the construction of this church and was buried there in 1505; he bequeathed two large silver basins and twenty pounds in his will. Richard Shore, a draper and one of the sheriffs in 1505, was also a major benefactor during his lifetime and left twenty pounds in his will to build a porch at the west end of the church, where he was buried. Richard Hatfield of Steplemorden in Cambridgeshire was entombed there in 1467, as was Edward Deoly, esquire, in 1467. John Handford, a grocer, crafted the font of the church, which is intricately designed, painted, and gilded, and he was buried there; John Archer, a fishmonger, was buried there in 1487; and Anne Cawode established a chantry there, among others.
From the Stocks’ market and this parish church east up into Lombard street, some four or five houses on a side, and also on the south side of Wool church, have ye Bearbinder lane, a part whereof is of this Walbrooke ward; then lower down in the street called Walbrooke, is one other fair church of St. Stephen, lately built on the east side thereof, for the old church stood on the[204] west side, in place where now standeth the parsonage house, and therefore so much nearer the brook, even on the bank. Robert Chichley, mayor in the year 1428, the 6th of Henry VI., gave to this parish of St. Stephen one plot of ground, containing two hundred and eight feet and a half in length, and sixty-six feet in breadth, thereupon to build their new church, and for their churchyard; and in the 7th of Henry VI. the said Robert, one of the founders, laid the first stone for himself, the second for William Stoddon, mayor, with whose goods the ground that the church standeth on, and the housing, with the ground of the churchyard, was bought by the said Chichley for two hundred marks from the Grocers, which had been letten before for six-and-twenty marks the year; Robert Whittingham, draper, laid the third stone, Henry Barton then mayor, etc. The said Chichley gave more, one hundred pounds to the said work, and bare the charges of all the timber work on the procession way, and laid the lead upon it of his own cost; he also gave all the timber for the roofing of the two side aisles, and paid for the carriage thereof. This church was finished in the year 1439; the breadth thereof is sixty-seven feet, and length one hundred and twenty-five feet, the churchyard ninety feet in length, and thirty-seven in breadth and more. Robert Whittingham (made Knight of the Bath), in the year 1432, purchased the patronage of this church from John Duke of Bedford, uncle to Henry VI., and Edward IV., in the 2nd of his reign, gave it to Richard Lee, then mayor. There be monuments in this church of Thomas Southwell, first parson of this new church, who lieth in the choir; John Dunstable, master of astronomy and music, in the year 1453; Sir Richard Lee, mayor, who gave the said parsonage to the Grocers; Rowland Hill, mayor 1549; Sir Thomas Pope, first treasurer of the augmentations, with his wife Dame Margaret; Sir John Cootes, mayor 1542; Sir John Yorke, knight, merchant-tailor, 1549; Edward Jackman, sheriff 1564; Richard Achley, grocer; Dr. Owyn, physician to King Henry VIII.; John Kirby, grocer, 1578; and others.
From the stock market and this parish church, heading east into Lombard Street, there are about four or five houses on each side, including the south side of Woolchurch, where you find Bearbinder Lane. A part of this lane belongs to the Walbrooke ward. Further down in the street called Walbrooke, there’s a fairly new church dedicated to St. Stephen, which was recently constructed on the east side; the old church used to be on the west side, where the vicarage now stands, making it much closer to the brook, right on its bank. Robert Chichley, who was mayor in 1428, during the 6th year of Henry VI's reign, donated a plot of land to this parish of St. Stephen measuring two hundred and eight and a half feet in length and sixty-six feet in width, to build their new church and churchyard. In the 7th year of Henry VI, Chichley, one of the founders, laid the first stone for himself and the second for William Stoddon, the mayor, whose funds were used to buy the land for the church and churchyard from the Grocers for two hundred marks, which had previously been rented out for twenty-six marks a year. Robert Whittingham, a draper, laid the third stone, followed by Henry Barton, then the mayor. Chichley contributed more, donating one hundred pounds for the construction and covered all the expenses for the timber work on the processional way, and also paid for the lead himself; he provided all the timber for the roofing of the two side aisles and took care of its transportation. This church was completed in 1439, measuring sixty-seven feet in width and one hundred and twenty-five feet in length, with the churchyard being ninety feet long and thirty-seven feet wide. Robert Whittingham, made a Knight of the Bath in 1432, purchased the patronage of this church from John, Duke of Bedford, who was the uncle of Henry VI, and in the 2nd year of Edward IV’s reign, it was given to Richard Lee, the then mayor. Inside this church, there are monuments to Thomas Southwell, the first parson of this new church, who is buried in the choir; John Dunstable, a master of astronomy and music, who passed away in 1453; Sir Richard Lee, the mayor who gave that vicarage to the Grocers; Rowland Hill, mayor in 1549; Sir Thomas Pope, the first treasurer of the augmentations, along with his wife, Dame Margaret; Sir John Cootes, mayor in 1542; Sir John Yorke, knight and merchant-tailor in 1549; Edward Jackman, sheriff in 1564; Richard Achley, a grocer; Dr. Owyn, who was the physician to King Henry VIII; John Kirby, a grocer who died in 1578; and others.
Lower down from this parish church be divers fair houses, namely, one wherein of late Sir Richard Baker, a knight of Kent, was lodged, and wherein dwelt Master Thomas Gore, a merchant famous for hospitality. On the west side of this Walbrooke street, over against the Stocks’ market, is a part of the high street called the Poultrie, on the south side west till over against St. Mildrede’s church, and the Skalding wike is of this ward. Then down again Walbrooke street some small distance, is[205] Buckles bury, a street so called of Buckle, that sometime was owner thereof, part of which street on both sides, three or four houses, to the course of the brook, is of this ward, and so down Walbrooke street to the south corner; from thence west down Budge row some small distance, to an alley, and through that alley south by the west end of St. John’s church upon Walbrooke, by the south side and east end of the same again to Walbrooke corner.
Lower down from this parish church are several nice houses, including one where Sir Richard Baker, a knight from Kent, recently stayed, and another where Master Thomas Gore, a well-known merchant for his hospitality, lived. On the west side of Walbrooke street, across from the Stocks’ market, there’s a section of the high street called Poultry, on the south side that stretches west until it’s across from St. Mildrede’s church, and the Skalding wike is part of this ward. Continuing down Walbrooke street for a short distance, there’s Bucklesbury, named after Buckle, who once owned it. Along both sides of this street, there are three or four houses next to the brook, which is part of this ward, and then you continue down Walbrooke street to the south corner. From there, head west down Budge Row for a bit until you reach an alley, and go through that alley south by the west end of St. John’s church onto Walbrooke, then along the south side and east end of the same back to the corner of Walbrooke.
This parish church is called St. John upon Walbrooke, because the west end thereof is on the very bank of Walbrooke, by Horseshew bridge, in Horseshew bridge street. This church was also lately new built; for about the year 1412, license was granted by the mayor and commonalty to the parson and parish, for enlarging thereof, with a piece of ground on the north part of the choir, twenty-one feet in length, seventeen feet and three inches in breadth, and on the south side of the choir one foot of the common soil. There be no monuments in this church of any account, only I have learned, William Cobarton, skinner, who gave lands to that church, was there buried 1410, and John Stone, tailor, one of the sheriffs 1464, was likewise buried there.
This parish church is called St. John upon Walbrooke because its west end sits right on the bank of Walbrooke, by Horseshew Bridge, on Horseshew Bridge Street. The church was recently rebuilt; around 1412, the mayor and community granted permission to the parson and parish to expand it, acquiring a piece of land on the north side of the choir measuring twenty-one feet long and seventeen feet three inches wide, plus one foot of common soil on the south side of the choir. There are no significant monuments in this church, but I've learned that William Cobarton, a skinner who donated land to the church, was buried here in 1410, and John Stone, a tailor and one of the sheriffs in 1464, was also buried here.
On the south side of Walbrooke ward, from Candlewicke street, in the mid way betwixt London stone and Walbrooke corner, is a little lane with a turnpike in the midst thereof, and in the same a proper parish church, called St. Mary Bothaw, or Boatehaw by the Erber; this church being near unto the Downegate on the river of Thames, hath the addition of Boathaw or Boat haw, of near adjoining to a haw or yard, wherein of old time boats were made, and landed from Downegate to be mended, as may be supposed, for other reason I find none why it should be so called. Within this church, and the small cloister adjoining, divers noblemen and persons of worship have been buried, as appeareth by arms in the windows, the defaced tombs, and print of plates torn up and carried away: there remain only of John West, esquire, buried in the year 1408; Thomas Huytley, esquire, 1539, but his monument is defaced since; Lancelot Bathurst, etc.
On the south side of Walbrooke ward, from Candlewicke street, halfway between London stone and Walbrooke corner, there's a small lane with a tollgate in the middle, and in this lane stands a nice parish church called St. Mary Bothaw, or Boatehaw by the river. This church is close to Downegate on the River Thames and has the name Boathaw or Boat haw because it used to be near a yard where boats were built and repaired, as one might guess; I can't find any other reason for the name. Inside this church and the small cloister next to it, several noblemen and respected individuals have been buried, as shown by the coats of arms in the windows, the worn tombs, and the remnants of plates that have been ripped out and taken away: only the tombs of John West, esquire, buried in 1408, and Thomas Huytley, esquire, 1539, remain, though his monument has since been damaged; Lancelot Bathurst, etc.
The Erbar is an ancient place so called, but not of Walbrooke ward, and therefore out of that lane to Walbrooke corner, and then down till over against the south corner of St. John’s church upon Walbrooke. And this is all that I can say of Walbrooke ward. It hath an alderman, and his deputy, common councillors eleven, constables nine, scavengers[206] six, for the wardmote inquest thirteen, and a beadle. It is taxed to the fifteen in London to £33 5s.[186]
The Erbar is an old location, but it’s not part of Walbrooke ward, so it’s not down that lane to Walbrooke corner, but rather continues until it’s opposite the south corner of St. John’s Church on Walbrooke. That’s all I can share about Walbrooke ward. It has an alderman, a deputy, eleven common councillors, nine constables, six scavengers, thirteen for the wardmote inquest, and a beadle. It’s taxed at £33 5s. for the fifteen in London.[206]
DOWNEGATE WARD
Downegate ward beginneth at the south end of Walbrooke ward over against the east corner of St. John’s church upon Walbrooke, and descendeth on both the sides to Downegate on the Thames, and is so called of that down going or descending thereunto; and of this Downgate the ward taketh name. This ward turneth into Thames street westward, some ten houses on a side to the course of Walbrooke, but east in Thames street on both sides to Ebgate lane, or Old Swan, the land side whereof hath many lanes turning up, as shall be shown when I come to them.
Downegate ward starts at the south end of Walbrooke ward, across from the east corner of St. John’s church on Walbrooke, and slopes down on both sides to Downegate on the Thames. It gets its name from this downward sloping location. This ward extends into Thames Street westward, with about ten houses on each side along the course of Walbrooke, while to the east in Thames Street, it reaches both sides up to Ebgate Lane, or Old Swan. The land side has many lanes branching off, which I will explain when I get to them.
But first to begin with the high street called Dowgate; at the upper end thereof is a fair conduit of Thames water, castellated, and made in the year 1568, at charges of the citizens, and is called the conduit upon Downegate. The descent of this street is such, that in the year 1574, on the 4th of September, in the afternoon, there fell a storm of rain, where through the channels suddenly arose, and ran with such a swift course towards the common shores, that a lad of eighteen years old, minding to have leapt over the channel near unto the said conduit, was taken with the stream, and carried from thence towards the Thames with such a violence, that no man with staves or otherwise could stay him, till he came against a cart wheel that stood in the said watergate, before which time he was drowned, and stark dead.
But first, let's start with the high street called Dowgate; at the upper end, there's a nice fountain of Thames water, built like a castle, and made in the year 1568, at the expense of the citizens. It's called the conduit upon Downegate. The slope of this street is such that on September 4th, 1574, in the afternoon, a storm hit, causing the channels to suddenly fill up and flow so rapidly toward the common shores that an eighteen-year-old boy, intending to jump over the channel near the fountain, was swept away by the current and carried toward the Thames with such force that no one, using sticks or otherwise, could stop him until he hit a cartwheel that was in the water. By that time, he had drowned and was completely lifeless.
On the west side of this street is the Tallow-chandlers’ hall, a proper house, which company was incorporated in the 2nd year of Edward IV.
On the west side of this street is the Tallow Chandlers’ hall, a proper building, which was incorporated in the 2nd year of Edward IV.
Somewhat lower standeth the Skinners’ hall, a fair house, which was sometime called Copped hall, by Downegate, in the parish of St. John upon Walbrooke. In the 19th year of Edward II., Ralph Cobham possessed it with five shops, etc.
Somewhat lower stands the Skinners’ hall, a fine building, which was once called Copped hall, by Downegate, in the parish of St. John upon Walbrooke. In the 19th year of Edward II., Ralph Cobham owned it along with five shops, etc.
This company of Skinners in London were incorporate by Edward III. in the 1st of his reign; they had two brotherhoods of Corpus Christi, viz. one at St. Mary Spittle, the other at St. Mary Bethlem without Bishopsgate. Richard II., in the 18th of his reign, granted them to make their two brotherhoods[207] one, by the name of the fraternity of Corpus Christi. Of Skinners, divers royal persons were named to be founders and brethren of this fraternity, to wit, kings six, dukes nine, earls two, lords one. Kings, Edward III., Richard II., Henry IV., Henry V., Henry VI., and Edward IV. This fraternity had also once every year, on Corpus Christi day afternoon, a procession passed through the principal streets of the city, wherein was borne more than one hundred torches of wax (costly garnished) burning light, and above two hundred clerks and priests, in surplices and copes, singing. After the which were the sheriffs’ servants, the clerks of the compters, chaplains for the sheriffs, the mayor’s sergeants, the counsel of the city, the mayor and aldermen in scarlet, and then the Skinners in their best liveries. Thus much to stop the tongues of unthankful men, such as used to ask, Why have ye not noted this, or that? and give no thanks for what is done.
This group of Skinners in London was established by Edward III in the first year of his reign. They had two brotherhoods dedicated to Corpus Christi, one at St. Mary Spittle and the other at St. Mary Bethlem outside Bishopsgate. Richard II, in the eighteenth year of his reign, allowed them to unite their two brotherhoods[207] into one, calling it the Fraternity of Corpus Christi. Notable royal figures were appointed as founders and members of this fraternity, including six kings, nine dukes, two earls, and one lord. The kings included Edward III, Richard II, Henry IV, Henry V, Henry VI, and Edward IV. This fraternity also held an annual procession on the afternoon of Corpus Christi day, which passed through the main streets of the city. Over a hundred wax torches adorned with decorations were lit, accompanied by more than two hundred clerks and priests in surplices and copes, singing. Following them were the sheriffs’ servants, the clerks of the compters, chaplains for the sheriffs, the mayor’s sergeants, the city council members, the mayor and aldermen in scarlet, and finally the Skinners in their finest outfits. This was largely to silence the criticisms of ungrateful individuals who would ask why certain things were not acknowledged while neglecting to express gratitude for what had been accomplished.
Then lower down was a challenge of priests, called Jesus’ Commons, a house well furnished with brass, pewter, napery, plate, etc., besides a fair library well stored with books, all which of old time was given to a number of priests that should keep commons there, and as one left his place, by death or otherwise, another should be admitted into his room, but this order within this thirty years being discontinued, the said house was dissolved and turned to tenements.
Then lower down was a challenge of priests, called Jesus’ Commons, a house well furnished with brass, pewter, linens, dishes, etc., along with a nice library stocked with books. This was originally given to a group of priests to share meals there, and as one left his position, due to death or other reasons, another would take his place. However, this practice was discontinued within the last thirty years, and the house was closed and converted into rental units.
Down lower have ye Elbow lane; and at the corner thereof was one great stone house, called Olde hall; it is now taken down, and divers fair houses of timber placed there. This was sometime pertaining to William de Pont le Arch, and by him given to the priory of St. Mary Overy in Southwark, in the reign of Henry I. In this Elbow lane is the Innholders’ hall, and other fair houses; this lane runneth west, and suddenly turneth south into Thames street, and therefore of that bending is called Elbow lane. On the east side of this Downegate street is the great old house before spoken of, called the Erber, near to the church of St. Mary Bothaw; Geffrey Scroope held it by the gift of Edward III., in the 14th of his reign; it belonged since to John Nevell, Lord of Rabie, then to Richard Nevell, Earl of Warwick; Nevell, Earl of Salisburie, was lodged there 1457; then it came to George Duke of Clarence, and his heirs male, by the gift of Edward IV., in the 14th of his reign. It was lately new built by Sir Thomas Pullison, mayor, and was afterward inhabited by Sir Francis Drake, that famous mariner. Next to this great house is a lane turning to Bush lane (of old[208] time called Carter lane, of carts and carmen having stables there), and now called Chequer lane, or Chequer alley, of an inn called the Chequer.
Down lower you have Elbow Lane, and at its corner was a large stone house called Old Hall; it has now been taken down, and several nice timber houses have been built there. This used to belong to William de Pont le Arch, who gave it to the Priory of St. Mary Overy in Southwark during the reign of Henry I. In Elbow Lane, there is the Innholders’ Hall and several other nice houses; this lane runs west and suddenly bends south into Thames Street, which is why it's called Elbow Lane. On the east side of Downegate Street is the large old house mentioned earlier, called the Erber, close to the church of St. Mary Bothaw; Geoffrey Scroope held it with the gift of Edward III in the 14th year of his reign; it later belonged to John Nevell, Lord of Rabie, then to Richard Nevell, Earl of Warwick. Nevell, Earl of Salisbury, stayed there in 1457; then it went to George, Duke of Clarence, and his male heirs, by the gift of Edward IV in the 14th year of his reign. It was recently rebuilt by Sir Thomas Pullison, mayor, and was later occupied by Sir Francis Drake, the famous sailor. Next to this large house is a lane that turns into Bush Lane (formerly known as Carter Lane, due to carts and carmen having stables there), now called Chequer Lane or Chequer Alley, named after an inn called the Chequer.
In Thames street, on the Thames side, west from Downegate, is Greenewich lane, of old time so called, and now Frier lane, of such a sign there set up. In this lane is the Joiners’ hall, and other fair houses.
In Thames Street, on the Thames side, west of Downegate, is Greenwich Lane, which was once called that and is now known as Friar Lane, as indicated by a sign there. In this lane is the Joiners’ Hall and other nice houses.
Then is Grantham’s lane, so called of John Grantham, sometime mayor, and owner thereof, whose house was very large and strong, built of stone, as appeareth by gates arched, yet remaining. Ralph Dodmer, first a brewer, then a mercer, mayor 1529, dwelt there, and kept his mayoralty in that house; it is now a brewhouse as it was afore.
Then there's Grantham’s Lane, named after John Grantham, who was once the mayor and the owner of the property. His house was quite large and sturdy, built of stone, as seen by the arched gates that are still there. Ralph Dodmer, who started as a brewer and then became a mercer, was mayor in 1529 and lived there, conducting his mayoral duties from that house. It’s now a brewhouse, just like it used to be.
Then is Dowgate, whereof is spoken in another place. East from this Dowgate is Cosin lane, named of William Cosin that dwelt there in the 4th of Richard II., as divers his predecessors, father, grandfather, etc. had done before him. William Cosin was one of the sheriffs in the year 1306. That house standeth at the south end of the lane, having an old and artificial conveyance of Thames water into it, and is now a dyehouse called Lambard’s messuage. Adjoining to that house there was lately erected an engine to convey Thames water unto Downegate conduit aforesaid.
Then there’s Dowgate, which is mentioned elsewhere. East of Dowgate is Cosin Lane, named after William Cosin who lived there in the 4th year of Richard II, just like several of his ancestors, including his father and grandfather. William Cosin was one of the sheriffs in 1306. That house is at the south end of the lane, featuring an old and elaborate system for bringing Thames water into it, and is currently a dyehouse known as Lambard’s place. Next to that house, a new engine was recently built to channel Thames water to the Downegate conduit mentioned earlier.
Next to this lane, on the east, is the Steelyard, as they term it, a place for merchants of Almaine, that used to bring hither as well wheat, rye, and other grain, as cables, ropes, masts, pitch, tar, flax, hemp, linen cloth, wainscots, wax, steel, and other profitable merchandises. Unto these merchants, in the year 1259, Henry III., at the request of his brother Richard, Earl of Cornewell, king of Almaine, granted that all and singular the merchants, having a house in the city of London, commonly called Guilda Aula Theutonicorum, should be maintained and upholden through the whole realm, by all such freedoms, and free usages, or liberties, as by the king and his noble progenitors’ time they had and enjoyed, etc. Edward I. renewed and confirmed that charter of liberties granted by his father. And in the 10th year of the same Edward, Henry Wales being mayor, a great controversy did arise between the said mayor, and the merchants of the Haunce of Almaine, about the reparations of Bishopsgate, then likely to fall, for that the said merchants enjoyed divers privileges in respect of maintaining the said gate, which they now denied to repair; for the appeasing of which controversy the king sent his writ to the treasurer and barons[209] of his Exchequer, commanding that they should make inquisition thereof; before whom the merchants being called, when they were not able to discharge themselves, sith they enjoyed the liberties to them granted for the same, a precept was sent to the mayor and sheriffs to distrain the said merchants to make reparations, namely, Gerard Marbod, alderman of the Haunce, Ralph de Cussarde, a citizen of Colen, Ludero de Denevar, a burgess of Trivar, John of Aras, a burgess of Trivon, Bartram of Hamburdge, Godestalke of Hundondale, a burgess of Trivon, John de Dele, a burgess of Munstar, then remaining in the said city of London, for themselves and all other merchants of the Haunce, and so they granted two hundred and ten marks sterling to the mayor and citizens, and undertook that they and their successors should from time to time repair the said gate, and bear the third part of the charges in money and men to defend it when need were. And for this agreement the said mayor and citizens granted to the said merchants their liberties, which till of late they have enjoyed, as namely, amongst other, that they might lay up their grain which they brought into this realm in inns, and sell it in their garners, by the space of forty days after they had laid it up, except by the mayor and citizens they were expressly forbidden, because of dearth, or other reasonable occasions. Also they might have their aldermen as they had been accustomed, foreseeing always that he were of the city, and presented to the mayor and aldermen of the city, so oft as any should be chosen, and should take an oath before them to maintain justice in their courts, and to behave themselves in their office according to law, and as it stood with the customs of the city. Thus much for their privileges; whereby it appeareth that they were great merchants of corn brought out of the east parts hither, insomuch that the occupiers of husbandry in this land were inforced to complain of them for bringing in such abundance when the corn of this realm was at such an easy price; whereupon it was ordained by parliament, that no person should bring into any part of this realm, by way of merchandise, wheat, rye, or barley, growing out of the said realm, when the quarter of wheat exceed not the price of 6s. 8d., rye 4s. the quarter, and barley 3s. the quarter, upon forfeiture the one half to the king, the other half to the seizor thereof. These merchants of Haunce had their Guildhall in Thames street in place aforesaid by the said Cosin lane. Their hall is large built of stone, with three arched gates towards the street, the middlemost whereof is far bigger than the other, and is seldom[210] opened, the other two be mured up; the same is now called the old hall.
Next to this lane on the east is the Steelyard, as they call it, a place for merchants from Germany who used to bring here not only wheat, rye, and other grains but also cables, ropes, masts, pitch, tar, flax, hemp, linen cloth, wainscots, wax, steel, and other valuable goods. In 1259, King Henry III, at the request of his brother Richard, Earl of Cornwall and King of Germany, granted that all merchants who had a house in the city of London, commonly referred to as Guilda Aula Theutonicorum, should be supported throughout the entire realm by all the freedoms and privileges that had been enjoyed since the time of the king and his noble ancestors. Edward I confirmed that charter of liberties granted by his father. In the 10th year of Edward's reign, Henry Wales being the mayor, a significant dispute arose between the mayor and the merchants of the Hanse of Germany regarding the repairs of Bishopsgate, which was at risk of collapse, as the merchants enjoyed various privileges concerning the maintenance of the gate, which they now refused to repair. To resolve this dispute, the king sent a writ to the treasurer and barons[209] of his Exchequer, ordering them to investigate the matter. When the merchants were summoned and unable to defend themselves since they enjoyed the liberties granted to them, a directive was sent to the mayor and sheriffs to compel the merchants to make repairs, specifically Gerard Marbod, alderman of the Hanse, Ralph de Cussarde, a citizen of Cologne, Ludero de Denevar, a burgess of Trivar, John of Aras, a burgess of Trivon, Bartram of Hamburg, Godestalke of Hundondale, a burgess of Trivon, and John de Dele, a burgess of Munster, who were then in the city of London, representing themselves and all other merchants of the Hanse. They agreed to pay two hundred and ten marks sterling to the mayor and citizens and committed themselves and their successors to repair the gate regularly and cover a third of the costs in money and manpower as needed. In exchange for this agreement, the mayor and citizens granted the merchants their liberties, which they continued to enjoy, including the right to store their grain brought into the realm in inns and sell it from their granaries for forty days after storage unless expressly prohibited by the mayor and citizens due to scarcity or other reasonable reasons. They could also have their aldermen as before, provided that the alderman was from the city, presented to the mayor and aldermen whenever a new one was chosen, and took an oath before them to uphold justice in their courts and act according to the law and the customs of the city. This information about their privileges shows that they were significant merchants of grain imported from the east, to the extent that local farmers had to complain about the influx of produce when corn prices were low. Consequently, Parliament ordained that no one could import wheat, rye, or barley grown outside the realm as merchandise when the price of a quarter of wheat exceeded 6s. 8d., rye 4s. per quarter, and barley 3s. per quarter, with half of the penalty going to the king and the other half to the seizer. The Hanse merchants had their Guildhall on Thames Street near Cosin lane. Their hall is large and made of stone, featuring three arched gates facing the street, with the middle gate being much larger than the others and rarely opened, while the other two are walled up; it is now referred to as the old hall.
Of later time, to wit, in the 6th of Richard II., they hired one house next adjoining to their old hall, which sometime belonged to Richard Lions, a famous lapidary, one of the sheriffs of London in the 49th of Edward III., and in the 4th of Richard II., by the rebels of Kent, drawn out of that house and beheaded in West Cheap. This also was a great house with a large wharf on the Thames, and the way thereunto was called Windgoose, or Wildgoose lane, which is now called Windgoose alley, for that the same alley is for the most part built on by the stilyard merchants.
Of late, in the 6th year of Richard II., they rented a house next to their old hall, which once belonged to Richard Lions, a well-known gem cutter and one of the sheriffs of London in the 49th year of Edward III. In the 4th year of Richard II., he was taken from that house by the Kentish rebels and executed in West Cheap. This was also a large house with a big wharf on the Thames, and the road to it was called Windgoose or Wildgoose lane, which is now known as Windgoose alley, because this alley is mostly occupied by the stilyard merchants.
The abbot of St. Alban’s had a messuage here with a key, given to him in the 34th of Henry VI. Then is one other great house, which sometime pertained to John Rainwell, stockfish-monger, mayor, and it was by him given to the mayor and commonalty, to the end that the profits thereof should be disposed in deeds of piety; which house, in the 15th of Edward IV., was confirmed unto the said merchants, in manner following, namely:—“It is ordayned by our soveraigne lord and his parliament, that the said marchants of Almaine, being of the companie called the Guildhall Teutonicorum (or the Flemish gild), that now be, or hereafter shall be, shall have, hold, and enjoy, to them and their successors for ever, the said place called the Steel house, yeelding to the said mayor and communaltie an annuall rent of £70 3s. 4d. etc.”
The abbot of St. Alban’s had a property here with a key, given to him in the 34th year of Henry VI. There is also another large house that once belonged to John Rainwell, a fishmonger and mayor, which he gave to the mayor and community so that the profits from it could be used for charitable deeds. This house, in the 15th year of Edward IV, was confirmed to the merchants in the following way: “It is ordained by our sovereign lord and his parliament that the merchants of Almaine, part of the company called the Guildhall Teutonicorum (or the Flemish guild), who are currently here or will be in the future, shall have, hold, and enjoy the place known as the Steel house for themselves and their successors forever, paying to the mayor and community an annual rent of £70 3s. 4d. etc.”
In the year 1551, and the 5th of Edward VI., through complaint of the English merchants, the liberty of the steelyard merchants was seized into the king’s hands, and so it resteth.
In 1551, during the reign of Edward VI, due to complaints from English merchants, the freedom of the steelyard merchants was taken over by the king, and it remains that way.
Then is Church lane, at the west end of Alhallowes church, called Alhallowes the More in Thames street, for a difference from Alhallowes the Less in the same street; it is also called Alhallowes ad fœnum in the Ropery, because hay sold near thereunto at Hay wharf, and ropes of old time made and sold in the high street. This is a fair church, with a large cloister on the south side thereof about their churchyard, but foully defaced and ruinated.
Then there's Church Lane, at the west end of Alhallowes Church, known as Alhallowes the More on Thames Street, to distinguish it from Alhallowes the Less on the same street; it's also called Alhallowes ad fœnum in the Ropery because hay was sold nearby at Hay Wharf, and ropes were made and sold in the high street back in the day. This is an impressive church, with a large cloister on the south side of its churchyard, but it’s unfortunately been badly damaged and fallen into disrepair.
The church also hath had many fair monuments, but now defaced. There remaineth in the choir some plates on grave stones—namely, of William Lichfield, D.D., who deceased the year 1447: he was a great student, and compiled many books, both moral and divine, in prose and in verse, namely, one intituled The Complaint of God unto Sinful Man. He made in his time three thousand and eighty-three sermons, as appeared[211] by his own handwriting, and were found when he was dead. One other plate there is of John Brickles, draper, who deceased in the year 1451; he was a great benefactor to that church, and gave by his testament certain tenements to the relief of the poor, etc. Nicholas Loven and William Peston founded chantries there.
The church also had many beautiful monuments, but now they're ruined. In the choir, there are still some plates on grave stones—specifically, of William Lichfield, D.D., who died in 1447. He was a dedicated scholar and wrote many books, both moral and religious, in prose and verse, including one titled The Complaint of God unto Sinful Man. He delivered three thousand and eighty-three sermons during his lifetime, as shown by his own writings, which were found after his death. There’s also a plate for John Brickles, a draper who died in 1451; he was a great supporter of that church and left certain properties in his will to help the poor, among other things. Nicholas Loven and William Peston established chantries there.
At the east end of this church goeth down a lane called Hay wharf lane, now lately a great brewhouse, built there by one Pot; Henry Campion, esquire, a beer-brewer, used it, and Abraham his son now possesseth it. Then was there one other lane, sometime called Woolfe’s gate, now out of use; for the lower part thereof upon the bank of Thames is built by the late Earl of Shrewsburie, and the other end is built on and stopped up by the chamberlain of London. John Butler, draper, one of the sheriffs in the year 1420, dwelt there; he appointed his house to be sold, and the price thereof to be given to the poor: it was of Alhallowes parish the less. Then is there the said parish church of Alhallowes called the Less, and by some Alhallowes on the Cellars, for it standeth on vaults; it is said to be built by Sir John Poultney, sometime mayor. The steeple and choir of this church standeth on an arched gate, being the entry to a great house called Cold Harbrough. The choir of late being fallen down, is now again at length, in the year 1594, by the parishioners new built. Touching this Cold Harbrough, I find, that in the 13th of Edward II., Sir John Abel, knight, demised or let unto Henry Stow, draper, all that his capital messuage called the Cold Harbrough, in the parish of All Saints ad fœnum, and all the appurtenances within the gate, with the key which Robert Hartford, citizen, son to William Hartford, had, and ought; and the foresaid Robert paid for it the rent of thirty-three shillings the year. This Robert Hartford being owner thereof, as also of other lands in Surrey, deceasing without issue male, left two daughters his coheirs, to wit, Idonia, married to Sir Ralph Bigot, and Maude, married to Sir Stephen Cosenton, knights, between whom the said house and lands were parted. After the which, John Bigot, son to the said Sir Ralph, and Sir John Cosenton, did sell their moieties of Cold Harbrough unto John Poultney, son of Adam Poultney, the 8th of Edward III. This Sir John Poultney dwelling in this house, and being four times mayor, the said house took the name of Poultney’s inn. Notwithstanding this, Sir John Poultney, the 21st of Edward III., by his charter, gave and confirmed to Humfrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Essex, his whole tenement called Cold[212] Harbrough, with all the tenements and key adjoining, and appurtenances, sometime pertaining to Robert de Hereford, on the way called Hay wharf lane, etc., for one rose at Midsummer, to him and to his heirs for all services, if the same were demanded. This Sir John Poultney, deceased 1349, and left issue, by Margaret his wife, William Poultney, who died without issue, and Margaret his mother was married to Sir Nicholas Lovel, knight, etc. Philip S. Cleare gave two messuages pertaining to this Cold Harbrough in the Roperie, towards the enlarging of the parish church and churchyard of All Saints, called the Less, in the 20th of Richard II.
At the east end of this church, there’s a lane called Hay Wharf Lane, which has recently become a large brewhouse built by a man named Pot. Henry Campion, a beer brewer, used it, and now his son Abraham owns it. There was another lane, once known as Woolfe’s Gate, which is no longer in use; the lower part on the Thames bank was built on by the late Earl of Shrewsbury, and the other end has been built over and closed off by the chamberlain of London. John Butler, a draper and one of the sheriffs in 1420, lived there; he arranged for his house to be sold, with the proceeds going to the poor: it was part of the parish of Alhallowes the Less. Then there’s the parish church of Alhallowes, also called Alhallowes on the Cellars, since it’s built on vaults; it’s said to have been built by Sir John Poultney, a former mayor. The steeple and choir of this church stand on an arched gate, which serves as the entrance to a large house called Cold Harbrough. The choir, which had recently collapsed, was rebuilt by the parishioners in 1594. Regarding Cold Harbrough, I found that in the 13th year of Edward II, Sir John Abel, a knight, leased to Henry Stow, a draper, his main house called Cold Harbrough, located in the parish of All Saints ad fœnum, along with all the amenities at the gate, including the key that Robert Hartford, a citizen and son of William Hartford, owned and was entitled to; Robert paid an annual rent of thirty-three shillings for it. Robert Hartford, who owned this and other lands in Surrey, passed away without male heirs, leaving two daughters as co-heirs: Idonia, who married Sir Ralph Bigot, and Maude, who married Sir Stephen Cosenton, both knights, who then divided the house and lands between them. After that, John Bigot, son of Sir Ralph, and Sir John Cosenton sold their shares of Cold Harbrough to John Poultney, son of Adam Poultney, during the 8th year of Edward III. Sir John Poultney lived in this house and served as mayor four times, which led to it being called Poultney’s Inn. Despite this, in the 21st year of Edward III, Sir John Poultney, through his charter, granted and confirmed to Humfrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Essex, his entire property known as Cold Harbrough, along with all adjoining properties and amenities that once belonged to Robert de Hereford, located along Hay Wharf Lane, etc., for the nominal payment of one rose each Midsummer, to him and his heirs for all services, if any were required. Sir John Poultney passed away in 1349 and had issue with his wife Margaret, William Poultney, who died without heirs, and his mother, Margaret, later married Sir Nicholas Lovel, a knight, etc. Philip S. Cleare donated two properties related to Cold Harbrough in the Roperie for the expansion of the parish church and churchyard of All Saints, known as the Less, in the 20th year of Richard II.
In the year 1397, the 21st of Richard II., John Holland, Earl of Huntingdon, was lodged there, and Richard II., his brother dined with him: it was then counted a right fair and stately house; but in the next year following I find that Edmond, Earl of Cambridge, was there lodged, notwithstanding the said house still retained the name of Poultney’s inn, in the reign of Henry VI., the 26th of his reign. It belonged since to H. Holland, Duke of Excester, and he was lodged there in the year 1472. In the year 1485, Richard III., by his letters patent, granted and gave to John Writh, alias Garter, principal king of arms of Englishmen, and to the rest of the king’s heralds and pursuivants of arms, all that messuage, with the appurtenances, called Cold Harbrough, in the parish of All Saints the Little in London, and their successors for ever. Dated at Westminster the 2nd of March, anno regni primo, without fine or fee. How the said heralds departed therewith I have not read; but in the reign of Henry VIII. the Bishop of Durham’s house near Charing cross, being taken into the king’s hand, Cuthbert Tunstal, Bishop of Durham, was lodged in this Cold Harbrough; since the which time it hath belonged to the Earls of Shrewsburie, by composition (as is supposed) from the said Cuthbert Tunstall. The last deceased earl took it down, and in place thereof built a great number of small tenements, now letten out for great rents to people of all sorts.
In the year 1397, during the reign of Richard II, John Holland, Earl of Huntingdon, stayed there, and Richard II, his brother, had dinner with him. It was considered a very nice and grand house at the time; however, the following year, I found that Edmond, Earl of Cambridge, was also staying there, even though the house still kept the name Poultney’s Inn during the reign of Henry VI, in the 26th year of his reign. It later belonged to H. Holland, Duke of Exeter, who stayed there in 1472. In 1485, Richard III granted a property called Cold Harbrough, located in the parish of All Saints the Little in London, to John Writh, also known as Garter, the principal king of arms for England, along with the other kings of arms and heralds. This was dated at Westminster on March 2nd, in the first year of his reign, without any fee or charge. I haven't read how those heralds left with it; however, in the reign of Henry VIII, when the Bishop of Durham's house near Charing Cross was taken into the king's possession, Cuthbert Tunstall, the Bishop of Durham, was housed at Cold Harbrough. Since then, it has belonged to the Earls of Shrewsbury, likely due to an agreement made with Cuthbert Tunstall. The last earl who passed away demolished it and built many small tenements in its place, which are now rented out at high prices to all kinds of people.
Then is the Dyers’ hall, which company was made a brotherhood or guild, in the 4th of Henry VI., and appointed to consist of a guardian or warden, and a commonalty, the 12th of Edward IV. Then be there divers large brewhouses and others, till you come to Ebgate lane, where that ward endeth in the east. On the north side of Thames street be divers lanes also; the first is at the south end of Elbow lane, before spoken of, west from Downegate, over against Greenwich lane: then be divers fair[213] houses for merchants and others all along that side. The next lane east from Downegate is called Bush lane, which turneth up to Candlewicke street, and is of Downegate ward. Next is Suffolke lane, likewise turning up to Candlewicke street. In this lane is one notable grammar school, founded in the year 1561 by the master, wardens, and assistants of the Merchant-Tailors, in the parish of St. Laurence Poultney; Richard Hilles, sometime master of that company, having before given £500 towards the purchase of a house, called the manor of the Rose, sometime belonging to the Duke of Buckingham, wherein the said school is kept. Then is there one other lane which turneth up to St. Laurence hill, and to the south-west corner of St. Laurence churchyard; then one other lane called Poultney lane, that goeth up of this ward to the south-east corner of St. Laurence churchyard, and so down again, and to the west corner of St. Martin Orgar lane, and over against Ebgate lane; and this is all of Downgate ward, the thirteenth in number lying east from the water-course of Walbrook, and hath not any one house on the west side of the said brook. It hath an alderman, his deputy, common councillors nine, constables eight, scavengers five, for the wardmote inquest fourteen, and a beadle. It is taxed to the fifteen eight-and-twenty pounds.[187]
Then there's the Dyers' hall, which became a brotherhood or guild in the 4th year of Henry VI, and was organized to include a guardian or warden, along with a common group, in the 12th year of Edward IV. There are various large breweries and others until you reach Ebgate lane, where that ward ends in the east. On the north side of Thames street, there are also several lanes; the first is at the south end of Elbow lane, mentioned earlier, to the west of Downegate, opposite Greenwich lane. Then there are several fine houses for merchants and others all along that side. The next lane east of Downegate is called Bush lane, which leads up to Candlewicke street, and is part of the Downegate ward. Next is Suffolke lane, also leading up to Candlewicke street. In this lane is a notable grammar school, founded in 1561 by the master, wardens, and assistants of the Merchant-Tailors in the parish of St. Laurence Poultney. Richard Hilles, who was once the master of that company, previously donated £500 towards purchasing a property called the manor of the Rose, which once belonged to the Duke of Buckingham, where the school is held. Then there’s another lane that leads up to St. Laurence hill, and to the south-west corner of St. Laurence churchyard; then another lane called Poultney lane, which goes up from this ward to the south-east corner of St. Laurence churchyard, and then back down, leading to the west corner of St. Martin Orgar lane, across from Ebgate lane; this makes up the entirety of Downgate ward, the thirteenth in number, lying east from the water source of Walbrook, with no houses on the west side of the brook. It has an alderman, a deputy, nine common councilors, eight constables, five scavengers, fourteen for the wardmote inquest, and a beadle. It is taxed at twenty-eight pounds for the fifteen.
WARDS ON THE WEST SIDE OF WALBROOKE, AND FIRST OF VINTRY WARD
Now I am to speak of the other wards, twelve in number, all lying on the west side of the course of Walbrooke. And first of Vintry ward, so called of vintners, and of the vintry, a part of the bank of the river of Thames, where the merchants of Burdeaux craned their wines out of lighters and other vessels, and there landed and made sale of them within forty days after, until the 28th of Edward I., at which time the said merchants complained that they could not sell their wines, paying poundage, neither hire houses or cellars to lay them in; and it was redressed by virtue of the king’s writ, directed to the mayor and sheriffs of London, dated at Carlaveroke, or Carlisle, since the which time many fair and large houses, with vaults and cellars for stowage of wines, and lodging of the Burdeaux merchants have been built in place where before time were cooks’ houses; for Fitzstephen, in the reign of Henry II., writeth, that upon the[214] river’s side, between the wine in ships, and the wine to be sold in taverns, was a common cookery or cooks’ row, etc., as in another place I have set down; whereby it appeareth, that in those days (and till of late time) every man lived by his professed trade, not any one interrupting another: the cooks dressed meat, and sold no wine, and the taverner sold wine, but dressed no meat for sale, etc.
Now I’m going to talk about the other wards, which number twelve, all located on the west side of the Walbrooke. First is Vintry ward, named after vintners and the vintry, a part of the bank of the Thames River where merchants from Bordeaux unloaded their wines from lighters and other vessels and sold them there within forty days. This continued until the 28th year of Edward I, when those merchants complained they couldn’t sell their wines or pay the poundage and couldn’t afford to rent houses or cellars to store them. The situation was addressed through a royal writ directed to the mayor and sheriffs of London, dated in Carlaveroke or Carlisle. Since then, many large and fine houses with vaults and cellars for storing wines and lodging Bordeaux merchants have been built where there were once cookhouses. Fitzstephen, during the reign of Henry II, wrote that along the river, between the wine in ships and the wine sold in taverns, there was a common cookery or cooks’ row, as noted elsewhere. This shows that in those days (and until recently), everyone lived according to their specific trade without interfering with each other: the cooks prepared food and didn’t sell wine, while the tavern keepers sold wine but didn’t prepare food for sale, etc.
This ward beginneth in the east at the west end of Downegate ward, as the water-course of Walbrooke parteth them, to wit, at Grantham’s lane, on the Thames side, and at Elbow lane on the land side; it runneth along in Thames street west some three houses beyond the Old Swanne, a brewhouse, and on the land side some three houses west beyond St. James’ at Garlicke Hith. In breadth this ward stretcheth from the Vintry, north to the wall of the west gate of the Tower Royall; the other north part is of Cordwayner street ward. Out of this Royal street, by the south gate of Tower Royall, runneth a small street east to St. John’s upon Walbrooke, which street is called Horshew bridge, of such a bridge sometime over the brook there, which is now vaulted over. Then from the said south gate west, runneth one other street, called Knightriders’ street, by St. Thomas Apostle’s church on the north side, and Wringwren lane by the said church, at the west end thereof, and to the east end of the Trinitie church in the said Knightriders’ street, where this ward endeth on that south side the street; but on the north side it runneth no further than the corner against the new built tavern and other houses, in a plot of ground where sometime stood Ormond place; yet have ye one other lane lower down in Royall street, stretching from over against St. Michael’s church, to, and by the north side of St. James’ church by Garlicke Hith; this is called Kerion lane. And thus much for the bounds of Vintry ward. Now, on the Thames’ side, west from Grantham’s lane, have ye Herber lane, or Brikels’ lane, so called of John Brikels, sometime owner thereof.
This ward starts in the east at the west end of Downegate ward, where the waterway of Walbrooke separates them, specifically at Grantham’s Lane on the Thames side and at Elbow Lane on the land side. It runs west along Thames Street for about three houses beyond the Old Swanne, a brewhouse, and three houses west beyond St. James’ at Garlicke Hith on the land side. This ward stretches in width from Vintry, north to the wall of the west gate of the Tower Royal; the northern part belongs to Cordwayner Street ward. From the south gate of the Tower Royal, a small street runs east to St. John’s on Walbrooke, known as Horshew Bridge, named after a bridge that used to cross the brook there, which is now covered. Then, from that south gate running west, there’s another street called Knightriders’ Street, located by St. Thomas Apostle’s church on the north side, with Wringwren Lane at the west end of the church, leading to the east end of Trinity Church in Knightriders’ Street, where this ward ends on the south side of the street. But on the north side, it doesn’t go further than the corner opposite the newly built tavern and other houses, in an area where Ormond Place used to stand; however, there’s another lane further down in Royal Street, stretching from across St. Michael’s church to the north side of St. James’ church by Garlicke Hith, called Kerion Lane. And that’s the boundary of Vintry ward. Now, on the Thames side, west from Grantham’s Lane, you have Herber Lane, or Brikels’ Lane, named after John Brikels, who used to own it.
Then is Simpson’s lane, of one Simpson, or Emperor’s head lane, of such a sign. Then the Three Cranes’ lane, so called not only of a sign of three cranes at a tavern door, but rather of three strong cranes of timber placed on the Vintry wharf by the Thames side, to crane up wines there, as is afore showed. This lane was of old time, to wit, the 9th of Richard II., called The Painted Tavern lane, of the tavern being painted.
Then there's Simpson's Lane, named after one Simpson, or Emperor’s Head Lane, after a sign. Then you have Three Cranes’ Lane, which is named not just for a sign featuring three cranes at a tavern door, but more so for three large wooden cranes placed on the Vintry wharf by the Thames, used to lift wines as mentioned earlier. This lane was historically known, specifically in the 9th year of Richard II's reign, as Painted Tavern Lane, because the tavern was painted.
Then next over against St. Martin’s church, is a large house built of stone and timber, with vaults for the stowage of wines,[215] and is called the Vintry. There dwelt John Gisers, vintner, mayor of London, and constable of the Tower, and then was Henry Picard, vintner, mayor. In this house Henry Picard feasted four kings in one day (as in my Summary I have showed). Then next is Vanner’s lane, so called of one Vanner that was owner thereof; it is now called Church lane, of the coming up from the wharf to St. Martin’s church. Next is Brode lane, for that the same is broader for the passage of carts from the Vintrie wharf, than be the other lanes. At the north-west corner of this lane is the Parish Clerks’ hall, lately by them purchased, since they lost their old hall in Bishopsgate street. Next is Spittle lane, of old time so called, since Stodie’s lane, of the owner thereof named Stodie. Sir John Stodie, vintner, mayor in the year 1357, gave it with all the quadrant wherein Vintners’ hall now standeth, with the tenements round about unto the Vintners; the Vintners built for themselves a fair hall, and also thirteen alms houses there for thirteen poor people, which are kept of charity rent free.
Then next to St. Martin’s church, there’s a large house made of stone and timber, with cellars for storing wine,[215] known as the Vintry. John Gisers, a wine merchant, mayor of London, and constable of the Tower lived there, as did Henry Picard, also a vintner and mayor. In this house, Henry Picard hosted four kings in one day (as I've shown in my Summary). Next is Vanner’s lane, named after a man named Vanner who owned it; it’s now called Church lane, leading from the wharf to St. Martin’s church. Following that is Brode lane, which is wider to allow carts to pass through from the Vintry wharf than the other lanes. At the north-west corner of this lane is the Parish Clerks’ hall, recently purchased by them after they lost their old hall on Bishopsgate street. Next is Spittle lane, an old name, formerly referred to as Stodie’s lane, named after its owner, Stodie. Sir John Stodie, a vintner and mayor in 1357, gifted it along with the area where Vintners’ hall now stands, and the properties surrounding it to the Vintners. The Vintners built a beautiful hall for themselves, along with thirteen alms houses for thirteen poor people, which are maintained out of charity and are rent-free.
The Vintners in London were of old time called Merchant-vintners of Gascoyne; and so I read them in the records of Edward II., the 11th year, and Edward III., the 9th year: they were as well Englishmen as strangers born beyond the seas, but then subjects to the kings of England, great Burdeaux merchants of Gascoyne and French wines, divers of them were mayors of this city, namely John Adrian, vintner, Reginold at conduit, John Oxenford, Hen. Picard, that feasted the kings of England, France, Scotland, and Cypres, John Stodie, that gave Stodie’s lane to the Vintners; which four last named were mayors in the reign of Edward III.; and yet Gascoyne wines were then to be sold at London not above four pence, nor Rhenish wine above six pence the gallon. I read of sweet wines, that in the 50th of Edward III., John Peachie, fishmonger, was accused, for that he procured a license for the only sale of them in London; which notwithstanding he justified by law, he was imprisoned and fined. More, I read, that in the 6th of Henry VI., the Lombards corrupting their sweet wines, when knowledge thereof came to John Rainwell, mayor of London, he in divers places of the city commanded the heads of the butts and other vessels in the open streets to be broken, to the number of one hundred and fifty, so that the liquor running forth, passed through the city like a stream of rain water, in the sight of all the people, from whence there issued a most loathsome savour.
The winemakers in London were once known as Merchant-vintners of Gascony; and I found this in the records from the 11th year of Edward II and the 9th year of Edward III. They included both Englishmen and foreigners born overseas, who were subjects of the kings of England, and large merchants of Bordeaux, dealing in Gascony and French wines. Several of them served as mayors of this city, specifically John Adrian the vintner, Reginold at the conduit, John Oxenford, and Henry Picard, who hosted kings from England, France, Scotland, and Cyprus. John Stodie, who donated Stodie's Lane to the Vintners, was also among them; these last four were mayors during the reign of Edward III. At that time, Gascony wines sold in London for no more than four pence, and Rhenish wine for no more than six pence per gallon. I also found records of sweet wines, where in the 50th year of Edward III, John Peachie, a fishmonger, was accused of obtaining a license for the exclusive sale of these wines in London. Although he defended his actions legally, he was imprisoned and fined. Furthermore, I read that in the 6th year of Henry VI, when the Lombards were found to be tainting their sweet wines, John Rainwell, the mayor of London, ordered the destruction of the heads of the barrels and other containers in various parts of the city. This resulted in about one hundred and fifty containers being broken in the streets, causing the liquid to flow through the city like rainwater, visible to all the people, and creating a foul smell.
I read, in the reign of Henry VII., that no sweet wines were[216] brought into this realm but Malmesies by the Longabards, paying to the king for his license six shillings and eight pence of every butt, besides twelve pence for bottle large. I remember within this fifty-four years Malmsey not to be sold more than one penny halfpenny the pint. For proof whereof, it appeareth in the church book of St. Andrew Undershafte, that in the year 1547 I. G. and S. K., then churchwardens, for eighty pints of Malmsey spent in the church, after one penny halfpenny the pint, paid at the year’s end for the same ten shillings. More, I remember that no sacks were sold but Rumney, and that for medicine more than for drink, but now many kinds of sacks are known and used. And so much for wines.
I read that during the reign of Henry VII, the only sweet wines brought into this country were Malmseys from the Longobards, who paid the king six shillings and eight pence for a license for each butt, plus twelve pence for a large bottle. I recall that about fifty-four years ago, Malmsey was sold for no more than one and a half pence per pint. To prove this, it’s recorded in the church book of St. Andrew Undershaft that in 1547, I. G. and S. K., the churchwardens at the time, paid ten shillings for eighty pints of Malmsey consumed in the church, at the rate of one and a half pence per pint. Also, I remember that Rumney was the only sack sold, primarily for medicinal use rather than drinking, but now there are many types of sacks that are recognized and used. And that’s all for wines.
For the Vintry, to end therewith, I read, that in the reign of Henry IV., the young prince Henry, Thomas Duke of Clarence, John Duke of Bedford, and Humfrey Duke of Glocester, the king’s sons, being at supper among the merchants of London in the Vintry, in the house of Lewes John, Henry Scogan sent to them a ballad beginning thus:—
For the Vintry, to conclude this, I read that during the reign of Henry IV, the young prince Henry, Thomas Duke of Clarence, John Duke of Bedford, and Humfrey Duke of Gloucester, the king's sons, were having dinner with the merchants of London in the Vintry, at the house of Lewes John, when Henry Scogan sent them a ballad that started like this:—
I your father, called unworthy,
Here’s the following ballad for you,
Written by my own hand quite clumsily,
Even though I may not respectfully I have written to your estates, and I ask you. Mine uncunning, taketh benignly,
"For goodness' sake, listen to what I'm saying."
Then follow in like metre twenty-three staves, containing a persuasion from losing of time follily in lust and vice, but to spend the same in virtue and godliness, as ye may read in Geffrey Chawcer’s works lately printed. The successors of those vintners and wine-drawers, that retailed by the gallons, pottle, quart, and pint, were all incorporated by the name of Wine-tunners[188] in the reign of Edward III., and confirmed in the 15th of Henry VI.
Then follow in the same meter twenty-three stanzas urging not to waste time foolishly on lust and vice, but to spend it in virtue and godliness, as you can read in Geoffrey Chaucer’s recently printed works. The successors of the vintners and wine-sellers, who sold by the gallons, pottle, quart, and pint, were all organized under the name of Wine-tunners[188] during the reign of Edward III. and confirmed in the 15th year of Henry VI.
Next is Palmer’s lane, now called Anchor lane; the Plumbers have their hall there, but are tenants to the Vintners. Then is Worcester house, sometime belonging to the Earls of Worcester, now divided into many tenements; the Fruiterers have their hall there. Then is the Old Swan, a great brewhouse. And this is all on the Thames’ side that I can note in this ward.
Next is Palmer's Lane, now called Anchor Lane; the Plumbers have their hall there, but they're tenants of the Vintners. Then there's Worcester House, once owned by the Earls of Worcester, now divided into many apartments; the Fruiterers have their hall there. Then there's the Old Swan, a big brewhouse. And this is everything on the Thames side that I can mention in this ward.
On the land side is the Royall street and Paternoster lane, I think of old time called Arches; for I read that Robert de Suffolke gave to Walter Darford his tenement with the appurtenance in the lane called Les Arches, in the parish of St. Michael de Paternoster church, between the wall of the field called Winchester field on the east, and the same lane on the West, etc. More, I read of a stone house called Sto da de Winton juxta Stenden bridge, which in that lane was over Walbrooke water.
On the land side is Royal Street and Paternoster Lane, which I think was once called Arches; because I read that Robert de Suffolk gave Walter Darford his property with the associated rights in the lane called Les Arches, in the parish of St. Michael de Paternoster Church, between the wall of the field known as Winchester Field on the east and the same lane on the west, etc. Additionally, I read about a stone house called Sto da de Winton near Stenden Bridge, which was located in that lane over Walbrooke water.
Then is the fair parish church of St. Michael called Paternoster church in the Royall. This church was new built, and made a college of St. Spirit and St. Mary, founded by Richard Whitington, mercer, four times mayor, for a master, four fellows—masters of art, clerks, conducts, chorists, etc., and an alms house called God’s house, or hospital, for thirteen poor men, one of them to be tutor, and to have sixteen pence the week; the other twelve, each of them to have fourteen pence the week for ever, with other necessary provisions, a hutch with three locks, a common seal, etc. These were bound to pray for the good estate of Richard Whitington and Alice his wife, their founders, and for Sir William Whitington, knight, and Dame Joan his wife, and for Hugh Fitzwaren, and Dame Molde his wife, the fathers and mothers of the said Richard Whitington and Alice his wife, for King Richard II., and Thomas of Woodstocke, Duke of Glocester, special lords and promoters of the said Richard Whitington, etc. The license for this foundation was granted by King Henry IV., the 11th of his reign, and in the 12th of the same king’s reign, the mayor and commonalty of London granted to Richard Whitington a vacant piece of ground, thereon to build his college in the Royall, all which was confirmed by Henry VI., the 3rd of his reign, to John Coventrie, Jenkin Carpenter, and William Grove, executors to Richard Whitington. This foundation was again confirmed by parliament, the 10th of Henry VI., and was suppressed by the statute of Edward VI.
Then there's the beautiful parish church of St. Michael, commonly known as Paternoster Church in the Royal. This church was newly built and turned into a college of St. Spirit and St. Mary, founded by Richard Whitington, a mercer who served as mayor four times. It was established for a master, four fellows—masters of art, clerks, conductors, choristers, and an almshouse called God’s House, or hospital, for thirteen poor men, one of whom would be a tutor and receive sixteen pence a week; the other twelve would each receive fourteen pence a week forever, along with other necessary provisions, including a box with three locks, a common seal, and so on. These individuals were required to pray for the well-being of Richard Whitington and his wife, Alice, their founders, as well as for Sir William Whitington, knight, and his wife, Dame Joan, and for Hugh Fitzwaren and his wife, Dame Molde, the parents of Richard Whitington and Alice, for King Richard II., and Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester, special lords and supporters of Richard Whitington, and others. The license for this foundation was granted by King Henry IV in the 11th year of his reign, and in the 12th year of the same king’s reign, the mayor and common people of London granted Richard Whitington a vacant piece of land to build his college in the Royal, all of which was confirmed by Henry VI in the 3rd year of his reign to John Coventrie, Jenkin Carpenter, and William Grove, executors for Richard Whitington. This foundation was further confirmed by parliament in the 10th year of Henry VI, but was eventually suppressed by the statute of Edward VI.
The alms houses, with the poor men, do remain, and are paid by the Mercers. This Richard Whitington was in this church three times buried: first by his executors under a fair monument;[218] then in the reign of Edward VI., the parson of that church, thinking some great riches (as he said) to be buried with him, caused his monument to be broken, his body to be spoiled of his leaden sheet, and again the second time to be buried; and in the reign of Queen Mary the parishioners were forced to take him up, to lap him in lead as afore, to bury him the third time, and to place his monument, or the like, over him again, which remaineth, and so he resteth. Thomas Windford, alderman, was buried in this church 1448; Arnold Macknam, vintner, a merchant of Burdeaux, 1457; Sir Heere Tanke, or Hartancleux, knight of the garter, born in Almayne, a noble warrior in Henry V. and Henry VI. days; Sir Edmond Mulshew, knight, near to Thomas Cokham, recorder of London; the Lady Kyme; Sir William Oldhall, knight, 1460; William Barnocke; Sir John Yong, grocer, mayor 1466; Agnes, daughter to Sir John Yong, first married to Robert Sherington, after to Robert Mulleneux, then to William Cheyney, esquire; John Having, gentleman; William Roswell, esquire; William Postar, clerk of the crown, 1520; Sir William Bayly, draper, mayor 1533, with Dame Katherine his wife, leaving sixteen children; John Haydon, mercer, sheriff 1582, who gave legacies to the thirteen alms men, and otherwise, for a lecture.
The almshouses, along with the poor men, are still there, funded by the Mercers. Richard Whittington was buried in this church three times: first by his executors under a beautiful monument; [218] then during Edward VI's reign, the parson of that church, believing there to be great wealth (as he claimed) buried with him, had his monument destroyed, his body stripped of its leaden shroud, and he was buried again. Lastly, in Queen Mary's reign, the parishioners had to exhume him to wrap him in lead again and bury him for the third time, placing a monument or something similar over him once more, which still remains, so he rests. Thomas Windford, alderman, was buried in this church in 1448; Arnold Macknam, a vintner and merchant from Bordeaux, in 1457; Sir Heere Tanke, also known as Hartancleux, a knight of the garter, born in Germany, a noble warrior during the reigns of Henry V and Henry VI; Sir Edmond Mulshew, knight, near Thomas Cokham, recorder of London; the Lady Kyme; Sir William Oldhall, knight, in 1460; William Barnocke; Sir John Yong, a grocer and mayor in 1466; Agnes, daughter of Sir John Yong, first married to Robert Sherington, then to Robert Mulleneux, and finally to William Cheyney, esquire; John Having, gentleman; William Roswell, esquire; William Postar, clerk of the crown, in 1520; Sir William Bayly, draper, mayor in 1533, with his wife Dame Katherine, leaving behind sixteen children; and John Haydon, mercer and sheriff in 1582, who made bequests to the thirteen almshouse men and for a lecture.
At the upper end of this street is the Tower Royall, whereof that street taketh name. This Tower and great place was so called of pertaining to the kings of this realm, but by whom the same was first built, or of what antiquity continued, I have not read more than that in the reign of Edward I., the 2nd, 4th, and 7th years, it was the tenement of Symon Beawmes; also, that in the 36th of Edward III., the same was called the Royall, in the parish of St. Michael de Paternoster, and that in the 43rd of his reign, he gave it by the name of his inn, called the Royall, in the city of London, in value twenty pounds by year, unto his college of St. Stephen at Westminster; notwithstanding, in the reign of Richard II. it was called the Queen’s Wardrobe, as appeareth by this that followeth:—King Richard having in Smithfield overcome and dispersed his rebels, he, his lords, and all his company, entered the city of London, with great joy, and went to the lady princess his mother, who was then lodged in the Tower Royall, called the Queen’s Wardrobe, where she had remained three days and two nights, right sore abashed; but when she saw the king her son she was greatly rejoiced, and said, “Ah, son! what great sorrow have I suffered for you this day!” The king answered and said, “Certainly, madam, I know it[219] well; but now rejoice, and thank God, for I have this day recovered mine heritage, and the realm of England, which I had near hand lost.”
At the top of this street is the Royal Tower, which is where the street gets its name. This Tower and great place was named because it belonged to the kings of this realm, but I haven't read who built it first or how long it has been here. I do know that during the reign of Edward I, in the 2nd, 4th, and 7th years, it was the property of Simon Beawmes; also, that in the 36th year of Edward III, it was called the Royal, located in the parish of St. Michael de Paternoster. In the 43rd year of his reign, he gave it, under the name of his inn called the Royal, in the city of London, valued at twenty pounds a year, to his college of St. Stephen at Westminster. However, during the reign of Richard II, it was known as the Queen’s Wardrobe, as shown by the following: King Richard, having defeated and scattered his rebels in Smithfield, entered the city of London with great joy, accompanied by his lords and all his company. They went to see his mother, the princess, who was then staying in the Royal Tower, known as the Queen’s Wardrobe, where she had been for three days and two nights, feeling very embarrassed. But when she saw the king her son, she was incredibly happy and said, “Ah, son! What great sorrow have I suffered for you today!” The king replied, “Indeed, madam, I understand that very well; but now rejoice and thank God, for I have today regained my heritage and the realm of England, which I nearly lost.”
This tower seemeth to have been at that time of good defence; for when the rebels had beset the Tower of London, and got possession thereof, taking from thence whom they listed, as in my Annals I have shown, the princess being forced to fly, came to this Tower Royal, where she was lodged, and remained safe, as ye have heard; and it may be also supposed that the king himself was at that time lodged there. I read, that in the year 1386, Lyon King of Armonie, being chased out of his realm by the Tartarians, received innumerable gifts of the king and of his nobles, the king then lying in the Royall, where he also granted to the said king of Armonie, a charter of a thousand pounds by year during his life. This for proof may suffice that kings of England have been lodged in this tower, though the same of later time have been neglected, and turned into stabling for the king’s horses, and now letten out to divers men, and divided into tenements.
This tower seems to have been well defended at that time. When the rebels surrounded the Tower of London and took control of it, capturing whoever they wanted, as I detailed in my Annals, the princess, forced to flee, came to this Royal Tower, where she found refuge and stayed safe, as you've heard. It's also likely that the king himself was staying there at that time. I read that in the year 1386, Lyon, King of Armenia, was chased out of his kingdom by the Tartars and received countless gifts from the king and his nobles, who were then at the Royal Tower. The king also granted the King of Armenia a charter for a thousand pounds a year for the rest of his life. This serves as proof that kings of England have stayed in this tower, although in more recent times it has been neglected, turned into stables for the king’s horses, and is now being rented out to various people, divided into separate units.
In Horsebridge street is the Cutlars’ hall. Richard de Wilehale, 1295, confirmed to Paul Butelar this house and edifices in the parish of St. Michael Paternoster church and St. John’s upon Walbrooke, which sometime Lawrens Gisors and his son Peter Gisors did possess, and afterward Hugonis de Hingham, and lieth between the tenement of the said Richard towards the south, and the lane called Horseshew bridge towards the north, and between the way called Paternoster church on the west, and the course of Walbrooke on the east, paying yearly one clove of Gereflowers at Easter, and to the prior and convent of St. Mary Overy six shillings. This house sometime belonged to Simon Dolesly, grocer, mayor 1359. They of this company were of old time divided into three arts or sorts of workmen: to wit, the first were smiths, forgers of blades, and therefore called bladers, and divers of them proved wealthy men, as namely, Walter Nele, blader, one of the sheriffs the 12th of Edward III., deceased 1352, and buried in St. James’ Garlicke Hith; he left lands to the mending of high ways about London, betwixt Newgate and Wicombe, Aldgate and Chelmesford, Bishopsgate and Ware, Southwark and Rochester, etc. The second were makers of hafts, and otherwise garnishers of blades. The third sort were sheathmakers, for swords, daggers, and knives. In the 10th of Henry IV. certain ordinances were made betwixt the bladers and the other cutlers; and in the 4th[220] of Henry VI. they were all three companies drawn into one fraternity or brotherhood by the name of Cutlers.
In Horsebridge Street is the Cutlars' Hall. Richard de Wilehale, in 1295, confirmed to Paul Butelar the ownership of this house and buildings in the parish of St. Michael Paternoster Church and St. John's upon Walbrooke, which had once belonged to Lawrens Gisors and his son Peter Gisors, and later to Hugonis de Hingham. It is situated between Richard's property to the south and the lane called Horseshew Bridge to the north, and between the path leading to Paternoster Church on the west and the course of Walbrooke on the east. It pays a yearly rent of one clove of garlic at Easter, and to the prior and convent of St. Mary Overy, six shillings. This house once belonged to Simon Dolesly, a grocer, who was mayor in 1359. The members of this company were historically divided into three types of craftsmen: the first were smiths, makers of blades, and were therefore called bladers. Many of them became wealthy, including Walter Nele, a blader who was one of the sheriffs in the 12th year of Edward III, who died in 1352 and was buried in St. James' Garlicke Hith. He left land for the upkeep of roads around London, between Newgate and Wicombe, Aldgate and Chelmsford, Bishopsgate and Ware, Southwark and Rochester, etc. The second group consisted of those who made handles and decorated blades. The third group were sheath makers for swords, daggers, and knives. In the 10th year of Henry IV, certain regulations were established between the bladers and the other cutlers; and in the 4th year of Henry VI, all three groups were united into one fraternity or brotherhood under the name of Cutlers.
Then is Knightriders’ street, so called (as is supposed) of knights well armed and mounted at the Tower Royall, riding from thence through that street west to Creed lane, and so out at Ludgate towards Smithfield, when they were there to tourney, joust, or otherwise to show activities before the king and states of the realm.
Then is Knightriders’ street, supposedly named for knights who were well-armed and mounted at the Tower Royal, riding from there through that street west to Creed lane, and then out at Ludgate towards Smithfield, when they were there to tournament, joust, or otherwise showcase their skills before the king and the nobles of the realm.
In this street is the parish church of St. Thomas Apostle, by Wringwren lane, a proper church, but monuments of antiquity be there none, except some arms in the windows, as also in the stone work, which some suppose to be of John Barns, mercer, mayor of London in the year 1371, a great builder thereof; H. Causton, merchant, was a benefactor, and had a chantry there about 1396; T. Roman, mayor 1310, had also a chantry there 1319; Fitzwilliams, also a benefactor, had a chantry there. More, Sir William Littlesbery, alias Horne (for King Edward IV. so named him, because he was a most excellent blower in a horn); he was a Salter and merchant of the staple, mayor of London in the year 1487, and was buried in this church, having appointed by his testament the bells to be changed for four new bells of good tune and sound, but that was not performed; he gave five hundred marks to the repairing of highways betwixt London and Cambridge; his dwelling-house, with a garden and appurtenances in the said parish to be sold, and bestowed in charitable actions, as his executors would answer before God; his house, called the George, in Bred street, he gave to the Salters, they to find a priest in the said church, to have £6 13s. 4d. the year, to every preacher at Paul’s cross and at the Spittle four pence for ever; to the prisoners of Newgate, Ludgate, Marshalsey, and King’s Bench, in victuals, ten shillings at Christmas, and ten shillings at Easter for ever; which legacies are not performed. William Shipton, William Champneis, and John de Burford, had chantries there; John Martin, butcher, one of the sheriffs, was buried there 1533; etc. Then west from the said church, on the same side, was one great messuage, sometime called Ipres inn, of William Ipres, a Fleming, the first builder thereof. This William was called out of Flanders, with a number of Flemings, to the aid of King Stephen against Maude the empress, in the year 1138, and grew in favour with the said king for his services, so far that he built this his house near Tower Royall, in the which tower it seemeth the king was then lodged, as in the heart of the city, for his more safety.
In this street is the parish church of St. Thomas Apostle, next to Wringwren Lane. It's a proper church, but there are no ancient monuments, except for some coats of arms in the windows and the stonework. Some think these belong to John Barns, a mercer and mayor of London in 1371, who was a major builder of the church. H. Causton, a merchant, was a benefactor and had a chantry there around 1396; T. Roman, who was mayor in 1310, also had a chantry there in 1319. Fitzwilliams, another benefactor, had a chantry there as well. Sir William Littlesbery, also known as Horne (because King Edward IV named him so, as he was an excellent horn blower), was a salter and a merchant of the staple, serving as mayor of London in 1487. He was buried in this church and had instructed in his will that the bells be replaced with four new bells of good tone and sound, but that didn't happen. He donated five hundred marks for repairing the roads between London and Cambridge; he ordered his house, along with a garden and other properties in the parish, to be sold and the money used for charitable actions, as his executors would account for before God. His house, called the George, on Bred Street, was given to the Salters, who were to fund a priest in the church with £6 13s. 4d. a year, and give four pence to every preacher at Paul’s Cross and at the Spital forever; to the prisoners of Newgate, Ludgate, Marshalsea, and King’s Bench, he allocated ten shillings for food at Christmas and another ten shillings at Easter forever. These legacies have not been fulfilled. William Shipton, William Champneis, and John de Burford had chantries there; John Martin, a butcher and one of the sheriffs, was buried there in 1533. West of the church, on the same side, was a large property once known as Ipres Inn, built by William Ipres, a Fleming. This William was called from Flanders, along with several Flemings, to aid King Stephen against Empress Maude in 1138, and he gained the king's favor for his services to the extent that he built this house near Tower Royal, where it seems the king was then staying, for greater safety in the heart of the city.
Robert, Earl of Gloucester, brother to the empress, being taken, was committed to the custody of this William, to be kept in the castle of Rochester, till King Stephen was also taken, and then the one was delivered in exchange for the other, and both set free. This William of Ipres gave Edredes hithe, now called the Queen’s hithe, to the prior and canons of the Holy Trinity in London: he founded the abbey of Boxley in Kent, etc. In the first of Henry II., the said William, with all the other Flemings, fearing the indignation of the new king, departed the land; but it seemeth that the said William was shortly called back again, and restored both to the king’s favour and to his old possessions here, so that the name and family continued long after in this realm, as may appear by this which followeth.
Robert, Earl of Gloucester, the empress's brother, was captured and put in the custody of this William, who kept him in the castle of Rochester until King Stephen was also captured. Then they exchanged one for the other, and both were set free. This William of Ipres gave Edredes hithe, now known as the Queen’s hithe, to the prior and canons of the Holy Trinity in London. He founded the abbey of Boxley in Kent, among other things. In the first year of Henry II, this William, along with all the other Flemings, left the country for fear of the new king’s anger. However, it seems that this William was soon called back and restored to the king’s favor as well as his former possessions here, ensuring that his name and family continued for a long time in this realm, as can be seen from what follows.
In the year 1377, the 51st of Edward III., the citizens of London, minding to have destroyed John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, and Henry Percie, marshal (for cause shown in my Annals), sought up and down, and could not find them, for they were that day to dine with John of Ipres at his inn, which the Londoners wist not of, but thought the duke and marshal had been at the Savoy, and therefore posted thither; but one of the duke’s knights seeing these things, came in great haste to the place where the duke was, and after that he had knocked and could not be let in, he said to Haveland the porter, “If thou love my lord and thy life, open the gate;” with which words he gat entry, and with great fear he tells the duke, that without the gate were infinite numbers of armed men, and unless he took great heed that day would be his last; with which words the duke leapt so hastily from his oisters, that he hurt both his legs against the form: wine was offered, but he could not drink for haste, and so fled with his fellow Henry Percie out at a back gate, and entering the Thames, never stayed rowing until they came to a house near the manor of Kennington, where at that time the princess lay with Richard the young prince, before whom he made his complaint, etc.
In the year 1377, during the reign of Edward III, the citizens of London, wanting to kill John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, and Henry Percie, the marshal (for reasons explained in my Annals), searched everywhere for them but couldn’t find them. They were having dinner with John of Ipres at his inn, which the Londoners didn’t know, so they thought the duke and the marshal were at the Savoy and went there instead. However, one of the duke’s knights, seeing what was happening, hurried to where the duke was. After knocking and not getting in, he told Haveland, the porter, “If you care for my lord and your life, open the gate.” With those words, he was let in and, very worried, informed the duke that there were countless armed men outside, and if he wasn't careful, it could be his last day. Hearing this, the duke jumped up so quickly from his seat that he hurt both his legs against the bench. He was offered wine, but he was in too much of a rush to drink. So, he and Henry Percie escaped through a back gate and, once they got into the Thames, they didn’t stop rowing until they reached a house near the manor of Kennington, where at that time the princess was with Richard, the young prince. He made his complaint before them, etc.
On the other side, I read of a messuage called Ringed hall. King Henry VIII., the 32nd of his reign, gave the same, with four tenements adjoining, unto Morgan Philip, alias Wolfe, in the parish of St. Thomas Apostles, in London, etc.
On the other side, I read about a property called Ringed Hall. King Henry VIII, during the 32nd year of his reign, granted it, along with four nearby tenements, to Morgan Philip, also known as Wolfe, in the parish of St. Thomas Apostles, in London, etc.
Over against Ipres inn, in Knight riders street, at the corner towards St. James at Garlicke hithe, was sometime a great house built of stone and called Ormond place, for that it sometimes belonged to the Earls of Ormond. King Edward IV., in the 5th of his reign, gave to Elizabeth his wife the manor of Green[222]wich, with the tower and park, in the county of Kent. He also gave this tenement called Ormond place, with all the appurtenances to the same, situate in the parish of St. Trinitie in Knight riders street, in London. This house is now lately taken down, and divers fair tenements are built there, the corner house whereof is a tavern. Then lower down in Royall street is Kerion lane, of one Kerion sometime dwelling there. In this lane be divers fair houses for merchants, and amongst others is the Glaziers’ hall.
Across from Ipres Inn, on Knight Riders Street, at the corner leading to St. James at Garlicke Hithe, there used to be a large stone house known as Ormond Place, which once belonged to the Earls of Ormond. King Edward IV, in the fifth year of his reign, gave his wife Elizabeth the manor of Greenwich, along with the tower and park in Kent. He also granted this property called Ormond Place, along with all its appurtenances, located in the parish of St. Trinity on Knight Riders Street in London. This house has recently been demolished, and several nice buildings have been constructed there, the corner building of which is a tavern. Further down in Royal Street is Kerion Lane, named after a man named Kerion who once lived there. This lane features various beautiful houses for merchants, and among them is the Glaziers' Hall.
At the south corner of Royall street is the fair parish church of St. Martin called in the Vintry, sometime called St. Martin de Beremand church. This church was new built about the year 1399 by the executors of Mathew Columbars a stranger born, a Burdeaux merchant of Gascoyne and French wines; his arms remain yet in the east window, and are between a cheveron, three columbins. There lie buried in this church—Sir John Gisors, mayor 1311; Henry Gisors, his son, 1343, and John Gisors, his brother, 1350; he gave to his son Thomas his great mansion-house called Gisors hall, in the parish of St. Mildred, in Bread street. This Thomas had issue, John and Thomas; John made a feoffment, and sold Gisors hall and other his lands in London, about the year 1386; Thomas deceased 1395. Henry Vennar; Bartholomew de la Vauch; Thomas Cornwalles, one of the sheriffs 1384; John Cornwalles, esquire, 1436; John Mustrell, vintner, 1424; William Hodson; William Castleton; John Gray; Robert Dalusse, barber, in the reign of Edward IV., with this epitaph:
At the south corner of Royall Street stands the beautiful parish church of St. Martin, located in the Vintry, which was once known as St. Martin de Beremand church. This church was newly built around 1399 by the executors of Mathew Columbars, a foreign-born Bordeaux merchant dealing in Gascon and French wines; his coat of arms still appears in the east window, featuring a chevron and three doves. Buried in this church are—Sir John Gisors, mayor in 1311; his son Henry Gisors, who died in 1343; and his brother John Gisors, who passed away in 1350. He gave his son Thomas his large mansion known as Gisors Hall, located in the parish of St. Mildred on Bread Street. This Thomas had two sons, John and Thomas; John made a feoffment and sold Gisors Hall and other lands in London around 1386; Thomas died in 1395. Henry Vennar; Bartholomew de la Vauch; Thomas Cornwalles, one of the sheriffs in 1384; John Cornwalles, esquire, in 1436; John Mustrell, a vintner, in 1424; William Hodson; William Castleton; John Gray; Robert Dalusse, a barber during the reign of Edward IV, with this epitaph:
Naked, then dressed, weak in the end,
It shows by Robert Dalusse and his wife, Alison,
"Christ, save them from the power of the devil.”
Sir Raph Austrie, fishmonger, new roofed this church with timber, covered it with lead, and beautifully glazed it: he deceased 1494, and was there buried with his two wives; Raph Austrie, his son, gentleman; William Austrie, and other of that name; Bartrand, wife to Grimond Descure, esquire, a Gascoyne and merchant of wines, 1494; Thomas Batson; Alice Fowler, daughter and heir to John Howton, wife to John Hulton; James Bartlet, and Alice his wife; William Fennor; Roger Cotton; Robert Stocker; John Pemberton; Philip de Plasse; John Stapleton; John Mortimer; William Lee; William Hamsteed; William Stoksbie, and Gilbert March, had chantries there.
Sir Raph Austrie, a fishmonger, renovated this church with new timber, covered it with lead, and adorned it with beautiful glass windows. He passed away in 1494 and was buried here alongside his two wives. Raph Austrie, his son, a gentleman; William Austrie and others of that name; Bartrand, the wife of Grimond Descure, an esquire, a Gascon and wine merchant, also in 1494; Thomas Batson; Alice Fowler, the daughter and heir of John Howton, wife of John Hulton; James Bartlet and his wife Alice; William Fennor; Roger Cotton; Robert Stocker; John Pemberton; Philip de Plasse; John Stapleton; John Mortimer; William Lee; William Hamsteed; William Stoksbie; and Gilbert March had chapels here.
Then is the parish church of St. James, called at Garlick[223] hithe, or Garlicke hive; for that of old time, on the bank of the river of Thames, near to this church, garlick was usually sold. This is a proper church, whereof Richard Rothing, one of the sheriffs 1326, is said to be the new builder, and lieth buried in the same: so was Waltar Nele, blader, one of the sheriffs 1337; John of Oxenford, vintner, mayor 1341. I read, in the 1st of Edward III., that this John of Oxenford gave to the priory of the Holy Trinity in London two tofts of land, one mill, fifty acres of land, two acres of wood, with the appurtenances, in Kentish town, in value 20s. 3d. by year. Richard Goodcheape, John de Cressingham, and John Whitthorne, and before them, Galfrid Moncley, 1281, founded a chantry there.
Then there's the parish church of St. James, known at Garlick
Monuments remaining there: Robert Gabeter, esquire, mayor of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1310; John Gisors; William Tiligham; John Stanley; Lord Strange, eldest son of the Earl of Derby, 1503; Nicholas Statham; Robert de Luton, 1361; Richard Lions, a famous merchant of wines, and a lapidary, sometime one of the sheriffs, beheaded in Cheape by Wat Tyler and other rebels in the year 1381; his picture on his gravestone, very fair and large, is with his hair rounded by his ears, and curled; a little beard forked; a gown, girt to him down to his feet, of branched damask, wrought with the likeness of flowers; a large purse on his right side, hanging in a belt from his left shoulder; a plain hood about his neck covering his shoulders, and hanging back behind him. Sir John Wrotch, fishmonger, mayor 1361, deceased 1407; Thomas Stonarde, of Oxfordshire; John Bromer, fishmonger, alderman 1474; the Lady Stanley, mother to the Lord Strange; the Countess of Huntingdon; the Lady Harbert; Sir George Stanley; Gilbert Bovet, 1398; a Countess of Worcester, and one of her children; William More, vintner, mayor 1395; William Venor, grocer, mayor 1389; Robert Chichley, mayor 1421; James Spencer, vintner, mayor 1543; Richard Plat, brewer, founded a free school there 1601.
Monuments that are still there: Robert Gabeter, esquire, mayor of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1310; John Gisors; William Tiligham; John Stanley; Lord Strange, the eldest son of the Earl of Derby, 1503; Nicholas Statham; Robert de Luton, 1361; Richard Lions, a well-known wine merchant and lapidary, who was once one of the sheriffs and was beheaded in Cheape by Wat Tyler and other rebels in 1381; his image on his gravestone is very beautiful and large, with his hair rounded by his ears and curled; a small forked beard; a gown tied around his waist, reaching down to his feet, made of patterned damask, decorated with flowers; a large purse on his right side, hanging from a belt over his left shoulder; a simple hood around his neck covering his shoulders and hanging down his back. Sir John Wrotch, fishmonger, mayor 1361, died 1407; Thomas Stonarde, from Oxfordshire; John Bromer, fishmonger, alderman 1474; the Lady Stanley, mother of the Lord Strange; the Countess of Huntingdon; the Lady Harbert; Sir George Stanley; Gilbert Bovet, 1398; a Countess of Worcester, along with one of her children; William More, vintner, mayor 1395; William Venor, grocer, mayor 1389; Robert Chichley, mayor 1421; James Spencer, vintner, mayor 1543; Richard Plat, brewer, who founded a free school there in 1601.
And thus an end of Vintry ward, which hath an alderman, with a deputy, common councillors nine, constables nine, scavengers four, wardmote inquest fourteen, and a beadle. It is taxed to the fifteen[189] at £6 13s. 4d.
And so we come to the end of Vintry ward, which has an alderman, a deputy, nine common councillors, nine constables, four scavengers, fourteen wardmote inquest members, and a beadle. It is assessed for the fifteen[189] at £6 13s. 4d.
CORDWAINER STREET WARD
The next is Cordwainer street ward, taking that name of cordwainers, or shoemakers, curriers, and workers of leather, dwelling there; for it appeareth in the records of Henry VI., the 9th of his reign, that an order was taken then for cordwainers and curriers in Corney street and Sopars lane.
The next is Cordwainer Street Ward, named after the cordwainers, or shoemakers, curriers, and leatherworkers who live there; for it appears in the records of Henry VI, in the 9th year of his reign, that an order was issued at that time for cordwainers and curriers in Corney Street and Sopars Lane.
This ward beginneth in the east, on the west side of Walbrook, and turneth west through Budge row (a street so called of the Budge furre, and of skinners dwelling there), then up by St. Anthony’s church through Aetheling (or Noble street), as Leland termeth it, commonly called Wathling street, to the Red Lion, a place so called of a great lion of timber placed there at a gate, entering a large court, wherein are divers fair and large shops, well furnished with broad cloths and other draperies of all sorts, to be sold: and this is the farthest west part of this ward.
This ward starts in the east, on the west side of Walbrook, and goes west through Budge Row (named after Budge fur, because of the skinners who live there), then continues past St. Anthony’s church along Aetheling (or Noble Street), which Leland refers to as, commonly known as Wathling Street, to the Red Lion, a place named after a large timber lion located at a gate leading into a big courtyard, where there are several nice, spacious shops stocked with broadcloth and various draperies for sale; this is the farthest west part of this ward.
On the south side of this street from Budge row lieth a lane turning down by the west gate of the Tower Royal, and to the south end of the stone wall beyond the said gate is of this ward, and is accounted a part of the Royal street: against this west gate of the Tower Royal is one other lane that runneth west to Cordwainer street, and this is called Turnebase lane; on the south side whereof is a piece of Wringwren lane, to the north-west corner of St. Thomas Church the Apostle. Then again, out of the high street called Wathling, is one other street, which runneth thwart the same; and this is Cordwainer street, whereof the whole ward taketh name. This street beginneth by West Cheape, and St. Mary Bow church is the head thereof on the west side, and it runneth down south through that part which of later time was called Hosier lane, now Bow lane, and then by the west end of Aldmary church to the new built houses, in place of Ormond house, and so to Garlicke hill, or hithe, to St. James’ church. The upper part of this street towards Cheape was called Hosier lane, of hosiers dwelling there in place of shoemakers; but now those hosiers being worn out by men of other trades (as the hosiers had worn out the shoemakers), the same is called Bow lane of Bow church. On the west side of Cordewainers street is Basing lane, right over against Turnebasse lane. This Basing lane west to the back gate of the Red Lion, in Wathling street, is of this Cordwainers street ward.
On the south side of this street, near Budge Row, there’s a lane that heads down by the west gate of the Tower Royal. At the south end of the stone wall beyond that gate is part of this ward, which is considered part of the Royal Street. Opposite the west gate of the Tower Royal is another lane that runs west to Cordwainer Street, called Turnebase Lane. On the south side of this lane is a section of Wringwren Lane, near the northwest corner of St. Thomas Church the Apostle. Additionally, from the main street called Wathling, there’s another street that crosses it, which is Cordwainer Street, giving its name to the entire ward. This street starts at West Cheape, with St. Mary Bow Church on the west side, and runs south through what was recently known as Hosier Lane, now Bow Lane. It then continues by the west end of Aldmary Church to the newly built houses that replaced Ormond House, leading to Garlicke Hill, or Hithe, to St. James’ Church. The upper part of this street near Cheape used to be called Hosier Lane because hosiers lived there instead of shoemakers. However, as the hosiers have been replaced by other trades (just like they replaced shoemakers), it is now called Bow Lane after Bow Church. On the west side of Cordwainer Street is Basing Lane, directly across from Turnebase Lane. Basing Lane extends west to the back gate of the Red Lion on Wathling Street, and it is part of the Cordwainers Street ward.
Now again, on the north side of the high street in Budge row, by the east end of St. Anthonie’s church, have ye St. Sithes lane, so called of St. Sithes church (which standeth against the north end of that lane), and this is wholly of Cordwainers street ward: also the south side of Needlers lane, which reacheth from the north end of St. Sithes lane west to Sopar’s lane; then west from St. Anthonies church is the south end of Sopar’s lane, which lane took that name, not of soap-making, as some have supposed, but of Alen le Sopar, in the 9th of Edward II. I have not read or heard of soap-making in this city till within this fourscore years; that John Lame, dwelling in Grasse street, set up a boiling-house for this city, of former time, was served of white soap in hard cakes (called Castell soap, and other), from beyond the seas, and of grey soap,[190] speckled with white, very sweet and good, from Bristow, sold here for a penny the pound, and never above a penny farthing, and black soap for a halfpenny the pound. Then in Bow lane (as they now call it) is Goose lane, by Bow church. William Essex, mercer, had tenements there in the 26th of Edward III.
Now, again, on the north side of the high street in Budge Row, by the east end of St. Anthony’s church, you have St. Sithe's Lane, named after St. Sithe's church (which sits at the north end of that lane), and this is all part of the Cordwainers Street ward. Also, the south side of Needlers Lane stretches from the north end of St. Sithe's Lane west to Sopar’s Lane; then west of St. Anthony's church is the south end of Sopar’s Lane, which got its name, not from soap-making, as some have thought, but from Alen le Sopar, in the 9th year of Edward II. I haven't read or heard of soap-making in this city until the last eighty years; that John Lame, who lived on Grasse Street, set up a boiling house for this city, back in the day, which was supplied with white soap in hard cakes (called Castell soap and others), imported from abroad, and also grey soap, speckled with white, very sweet and good, from Bristol, sold here for a penny a pound, and never more than a penny farthing, and black soap for a halfpenny a pound. Then, in Bow Lane (as they currently call it), there is Goose Lane, by Bow church. William Essex, a mercer, owned properties there in the 26th year of Edward III.
Then from the south end of Bow lane, by Wathling street, till over against the Red Lion: and these be the bounds of Cordwainer street ward.
Then from the south end of Bow Lane, by Watling Street, to across from the Red Lion: and these are the boundaries of Cordwainer Street ward.
Touching monuments therein, first you have the fair parish church of St. Anthonies in Budge row, on the north side thereof. This church was lately re-edified by Thomas Knowles, grocer, mayor, and by Thomas Knowles, his son, both buried there, with epitaphs, of the father thus:
Touching the monuments there, first you have the nice parish church of St. Anthony's on Budge Row, on the north side. This church was recently rebuilt by Thomas Knowles, a grocer and mayor, and by his son Thomas Knowles, both of whom are buried there, with epitaphs, the father's reading:
Thomas Knowles, made of flesh and bone;
Grocer and councilman, forty years, Shiriffe, and twice mayor truly.
And so he shouldn't have to lie alone,
Here lies his good wife Joan with him. They were together sixty years, And they had nineteen children together,” etc.
Thomas Holland, mercer, was there buried 1456; Thomas Windent, mercer, alderman, and Katherine his wife; Thomas Hind, mercer, 1528; he was a benefactor to this church, to Aldermarie church, and to Bow; Hugh Acton, merchant-tailor, buried 1520; he gave thirty-six pounds to the repairing of the steeple of this church. Simon Street, grocer, lieth in the church[226] wall toward the south; his arms be three colts, and his epitaph thus:
Thomas Holland, a mercer, was buried there in 1456; Thomas Windent, a mercer and alderman, along with his wife Katherine; Thomas Hind, a mercer, in 1528; he was a benefactor to this church, Aldermarie church, and Bow; Hugh Acton, a merchant-tailor, was buried in 1520; he donated thirty-six pounds for the repair of the steeple of this church. Simon Street, a grocer, lies in the wall of the church[226] toward the south; his coat of arms features three colts, and his epitaph reads as follows:
I was once a grocer in London,
The king’s way is more than twenty years old,
Simon Streete stopped by my house,
And good friendship would gladly follow; So in heaven, eternal life,
Jesus send me, and my wife Agnes: Kerlie Merlie, my words were though,
And Thanks be to God I added to that:
I passed on to God in the year of grace,
“It was fourteen hundred,” etc.
William Dauntsey, mercer, one of the sheriffs, buried 1542. Henry Collet, mercer, mayor, a great benefactor to this church; the pictures of him, his wife, ten sons, and ten daughters, remain in the glass window on the north side of the church; but the said Henry Collet was buried at Stebunhith. Henry Halton, grocer, one of the sheriffs, deceased 1415; Thomas Spight, merchant-tailor, 1533; and Roger Martin, mercer, mayor, deceased 1573. John Grantham and Nicholas Bull had chantries there.
William Dauntsey, a mercer and one of the sheriffs, was buried in 1542. Henry Collet, a mercer and mayor, was a significant benefactor to this church; his portrait, along with those of his wife, ten sons, and ten daughters, is displayed in the glass window on the north side of the church, but Henry Collet was buried at Stebunhith. Henry Halton, a grocer and one of the sheriffs, passed away in 1415; Thomas Spight, a merchant-tailor, died in 1533; and Roger Martin, a mercer and mayor, passed away in 1573. John Grantham and Nicholas Bull had chantries there.
Next on the south side of Budge row, by the west corner thereof, and on the east side of Cordwainer street, is one other fair church called Aldemarie church, because the same was very old, and elder than any church of St. Marie in the city, till of late years the foundation of a very fair new church was laid there by Henry Keble, grocer, mayor, who deceased 1518, and was there buried in a vault by him prepared, with a fair monument raised over him on the north side the choir, now destroyed and gone: he gave by his testament one thousand pounds towards the building up of that church, and yet not permitted a resting-place for his bones there. Thomas Roman, mayor 1310, had a chantry there. Richard Chawcer,[191] vintner, gave to that church his tenement and tavern, with the appurtenance, in the Royal street, the corner of Kerion lane, and was there buried 1348. John Briton; Ralph Holland, draper, one of the sheriffs, deceased 1452; William Taylor, grocer, mayor, deceased 1483: he discharged that ward of fifteens to be paid by the poor. Thomas Hinde, mercer, buried in St. Anthonies, gave ten fodder of lead to the covering of the middle aisle of this Aldemarie church. Charles Blunt, Lord Montjoy, was buried there about the year 1545; he made or glazed the east[227] window, as appeareth by his arms: his epitaph, made by him in his lifetime, thus:
Next, on the south side of Budge Row, at the west corner, and on the east side of Cordwainer Street, is another nice church called Aldemarie Church because it's very old and older than any St. Marie church in the city. Recently, the foundation for a beautiful new church was laid there by Henry Keble, a grocer and mayor, who passed away in 1518 and was buried in a vault he had prepared, with a fine monument built over him on the north side of the choir, which is now destroyed. He left one thousand pounds in his will to help build that church but wasn't allowed a resting place for his remains there. Thomas Roman, mayor in 1310, had a chantry there. Richard Chawcer, a vintner, gave his property and tavern, along with the appurtenances, at the corner of Royal Street and Kerion Lane to that church and was buried there in 1348. John Briton; Ralph Holland, a draper and one of the sheriffs, who passed away in 1452; and William Taylor, a grocer and mayor, who died in 1483, also contributed to its history. He relieved that ward from paying fifteens owed by the poor. Thomas Hinde, a mercer buried in St. Anthonies, donated ten fodder of lead to cover the middle aisle of Aldemarie Church. Charles Blunt, Lord Montjoy, was buried there around 1545; he made or glazed the east window, as shown by his arms. His epitaph, composed during his lifetime, reads as follows:
The fatal end that brought us there as duty required:
I have fulfilled my duty to my country through an honorable injury,
"My soul has departed; Christ has redeemed it, and the purpose of man is fulfilled."
Sir William Laxton, grocer, mayor, deceased 1556, and Thomas Lodge, grocer, mayor 1583, were buried in the vault of Henry Keble, whose bones were unkindly cast out, and his monument pulled down;[192] in place whereof monuments are set up of the later buried. William Blunt, Lord Mountjoy, buried there 1594, etc.
Sir William Laxton, grocer and former mayor, passed away in 1556, and Thomas Lodge, also a grocer and mayor in 1583, were buried in the vault of Henry Keble, whose remains were disrespectfully removed, and his monument demolished;[192] in its place, monuments have been erected for those buried later. William Blunt, Lord Mountjoy, was buried there in 1594, etc.
At the upper end of Hosier lane, toward Westcheape, is the fair parish church of St. Mary Bow. This church, in the reign of William Conqueror, being the first in this city built on arches of stone, was therefore called New Marie church, of St. Marie de Arcubus,[193] or Le Bow, in West Cheaping; as Stratford bridge being the first built (by Matilde the queen, wife to Henry I.) with arches of stone, was called Stratford le Bow; which names to the said church and bridge remaineth till this day. The court of the Arches is kept in this church, and taketh name of the place, not the place of the court; but of what antiquity or continuation that court hath there continued I cannot learn.
At the upper end of Hosier Lane, toward West Cheape, is the beautiful parish church of St. Mary Bow. This church, built during the reign of William the Conqueror, was the first in the city to be constructed on stone arches, so it was called New Marie church, or St. Marie de Arcubus,[193] or Le Bow, in West Cheaping; just like Stratford bridge, which was the first built (by Matilda, the wife of Henry I.) with stone arches, was called Stratford le Bow. These names have remained for both the church and the bridge to this day. The court of the Arches is held in this church, and it takes its name from the location rather than the court itself; however, I cannot find out how long this court has been held there.
This church is of Cordwainer street ward, and for divers accidents happening there, hath been made more famous than any other parish church of the whole city or suburbs. First, we read, that in the year 1090, and the 3rd of William Rufus, by tempest of wind, the roof of the church of St. Marie Bow, in Cheape, was overturned, wherewith some persons were slain, and four of the rafters, of twenty-six feet in length, with such violence were pitched in the ground of the high street, that scantly four feet of them remained above ground, which were[228] fain to be cut even with the ground, because they could not be plucked out (for the city of London was not then paved, and a marish ground).
This church is in the Cordwainer Street ward, and due to various events that occurred there, it has become more well-known than any other parish church in the entire city or suburbs. First, we read that in the year 1090, during the reign of William Rufus, a fierce windstorm hit, causing the roof of St. Mary Bow Church in Cheapside to collapse, resulting in some fatalities. Four of the rafters, each twenty-six feet long, were driven into the ground on the high street with such force that only about four feet were left above ground, which had to be cut flush with the ground because they couldn't be pulled out (since London was not paved at that time and the area was marshy).
In the year 1196, William Fitz Osbert, a seditious tailor, took the steeple of Bow, and fortified it with munitions and victuals, but it was assaulted, and William with his accomplices were taken, though not without bloodshed, for he was forced by fire and smoke to forsake the church; and then, by the judges condemned, he was by the heels drawn to the Elms in Smithfield, and there hanged with nine of his fellows; where, because his favourers came not to deliver him, he forsook Mary’s son (as he termed Christ our Saviour), and called upon the devil to help and deliver him. Such was the end of this deceiver, a man of an evil life, a secret murderer, a filthy fornicator, a pollutor of concubines, and (amongst other his detestable facts) a false accuser of his elder brother,[194] who had in his youth brought him up in learning, and done many things for his preferment.
In 1196, William Fitz Osbert, a rebellious tailor, took over the Bow steeple, arming it with weapons and supplies. However, it was attacked, and William and his accomplices were captured, though not without a fight, as he was forced out of the church by fire and smoke. After being condemned by the judges, he was dragged by the heels to the Elms in Smithfield, where he was hanged along with nine of his companions. Because his supporters did not come to rescue him, he turned away from Christ, whom he referred to as Mary’s son, and called on the devil for help. This marked the end of this deceiver, a man of wicked life, a hidden murderer, a shameless fornicator, a corruptor of concubines, and, among other despicable acts, a false accuser of his older brother,[194] who had raised him and done many things to support his advancement.
In the year 1271, a great part of the steeple of Bow fell down, and slew many people, men and women. In the year 1284, the 13th of Edward I., Laurence Ducket, goldsmith, having grievously wounded one Ralph Crepin in Westcheape, fled into Bow church; into the which in the night time entered certain evil persons, friends unto the said Ralph, and slew the said Laurence lying in the steeple, and then hanged him up, placing him so by the window as if he had hanged himself, and so was it found by inquisition; for the which fact Laurence Ducket, being drawn by the feet, was buried in a ditch without the city; but shortly after, by relation of a boy, who lay with the said Laurence at the time of his death, and had hid him there for fear, the truth of the matter was disclosed; for the which cause, Jordan Goodcheape, Ralph Crepin, Gilbert Clarke, and Geffrey Clarke, were attainted; a certain woman named Alice, that was chief causer of the said mischief, was burnt, and to the number of sixteen men were drawn and hanged, besides others that being richer, after long imprisonment, were hanged by the purse.
In 1271, a large part of the Bow steeple collapsed, killing many people, both men and women. In 1284, during the reign of Edward I, Laurence Ducket, a goldsmith, seriously injured a man named Ralph Crepin in Westcheape and fled to Bow church. That night, some men, who were friends of Ralph, entered the church and killed Laurence while he was inside the steeple. They hung him up in a way that made it look like he had hanged himself, and that’s how it was reported by the investigation. Because of this, Laurence Ducket was dragged by his feet and buried in a ditch outside the city. However, shortly after, a boy who had been with Laurence at the time of his death revealed the truth because he had hidden there out of fear. As a result, Jordan Goodcheape, Ralph Crepin, Gilbert Clarke, and Geffrey Clarke were convicted. A woman named Alice, who was the main instigator of the incident, was burned, and sixteen men were hanged, in addition to others who were richer and were hanged after being imprisoned for a long time.
The church was interdicted, the doors and windows were stopped up with thorns, but Laurence was taken up, and honestly buried in the churchyard.
The church was closed off, the doors and windows were blocked with thorns, but Laurence was taken away and buried properly in the churchyard.
The parish church of St. Mary Bow, by mean of incroachment[229] and building of houses, wanting room in their churchyard for burial of the dead, John Rotham, or Rodham, citizen and tailor, by his testament, dated the year 1465, gave to the parson and churchwardens a certain garden in Hosier lane to be a churchyard, which so continued near a hundred years; but now is built on, and is a private man’s house. The old steeple of this church was by little and little re-edified, and new built up, at the least so much as was fallen down, many men giving sums of money to the furtherance thereof; so that at length, to wit, in the year 1469, it was ordained by a common council that the Bow bell should be nightly rung at nine of the clock. Shortly after, John Donne, mercer, by his testament, dated 1472, according to the trust of Reginald Longdon, gave to the parson and churchwardens of St. Mary Bow two tenements, with the appurtenances, since made into one, in Hosier lane, then so called, to the maintenance of Bow bell, the same to be rung as aforesaid, and other things to be observed, as by the will appeareth.
The parish church of St. Mary Bow, due to encroachment[229] and the construction of houses, ran out of space in their churchyard for burying the dead. John Rotham, also known as Rodham, a citizen and tailor, through his will dated 1465, donated a garden on Hosier Lane to the parson and churchwardens to serve as a churchyard, which was used for almost a hundred years; however, it has now been built over and turned into a private residence. The old steeple of this church was gradually restored and rebuilt, at least as much as had fallen down, with many people contributing funds to help this project. Eventually, in 1469, a common council decided that the Bow bell should be rung every night at nine o'clock. Soon after, John Donne, a mercer, through his will dated 1472, in accordance with the wishes of Reginald Longdon, bequeathed two properties, which were later merged into one, on Hosier Lane, to the parson and churchwardens of St. Mary Bow for the maintenance of the Bow bell, to be rung as mentioned, along with other conditions outlined in the will.
This bell being usually rung somewhat late, as seemed to the young men ’prentices, and other in Cheape, they made and set up a rhyme against the clerk, as followeth:
This bell was usually rung pretty late, or at least that’s how it seemed to the young apprentices and others in Cheape, so they came up with a rhyme mocking the clerk, which went like this:
"For your late actions, your head will take some hits.”
Whereunto the clerk replying, wrote,
The clerk replied and wrote,
"You can ring the Bow bell whenever you want."
Robert Harding, goldsmith, one of the sheriffs 1478, gave to the new work of that steeple forty pounds; John Haw, mercer, ten pounds; Doctor Allen, four pounds; Thomas Baldry, four pounds, and other gave other sums, so that the said work of the steeple was finished in the year 1512. The arches or bowes thereupon, with the lanthorns, five in number, to wit, one at each corner, and one on the top in the middle upon the arches, were also afterward finished of stone, brought from Caen in Normandy, delivered at the Customers key for 4s. 8d. the ton; William Copland, tailor, the king’s merchant, and Andrew Fuller, mercer, being churchwardens 1515 and 1516. It is said that this Copland gave the great bell, which made the fifth in the ring, to be rung nightly at nine of the clock. This bell was first rung as a knell at the burial of the same Copland. It appeareth that the lanthorns on the top of this steeple were meant to have been glazed, and lights in them placed nightly[230] in the winter, whereby travellers to the city might have the better sight thereof, and not to miss of their ways.
Robert Harding, a goldsmith and one of the sheriffs in 1478, donated forty pounds to the new work on that steeple; John Haw, a mercer, donated ten pounds; Doctor Allen gave four pounds; Thomas Baldry also contributed four pounds, and others gave various amounts, so that the work on the steeple was completed in 1512. The arches or bows above, along with five lanterns—one at each corner and one on top in the middle of the arches—were also finished later using stone brought from Caen in Normandy, delivered at the Customs key for 4s. 8d. per ton. William Copland, a tailor and the king’s merchant, and Andrew Fuller, a mercer, served as churchwardens in 1515 and 1516. It is said that Copland donated the great bell, which became the fifth in the ring, to be rung nightly at nine o'clock. This bell was first rung as a requiem at Copland's funeral. It seems that the lanterns on top of this steeple were intended to be glazed, with lights placed in them each night during winter, so that travelers to the city could see it better and not lose their way.[230]
In this parish also was a grammar school, by commandment of King Henry VI., which school was of old time kept in a house for that purpose prepared in the churchyard; but that school being decayed, as others about this city, the school-house was let out for rent, in the reign of Henry VIII., for four shillings the year, a cellar for two shillings the year, and two vaults under the church for fifteen shillings both.
In this parish, there was also a grammar school, established by order of King Henry VI. This school used to be housed in a building specifically made for it in the churchyard. However, since the school had fallen into disrepair, like others in this city, the schoolhouse was rented out during the reign of Henry VIII for four shillings a year, a cellar for two shillings a year, and two vaults under the church for fifteen shillings total.
The monuments in this church be these; namely, of Sir John Coventrie, mercer, mayor 1425; Richard Lambert, alderman; Nicholas Alwine, mercer, mayor 1499; Robert Harding, goldsmith, one of the sheriffs 1478; John Loke, one of the sheriffs 1461; Edward Bankes, alderman, haberdasher, 1566; John Warde; William Pierson, scrivener and attorney in the Common Pleas. In a proper chapel on the south side the church standeth a tomb, elevated and arched.[195] Ade de Buke, hatter, glazed the chapel and most part of the church, and was there buried. All other monuments be defaced. Hawley and Southam had chantries there.
The monuments in this church include the following: Sir John Coventrie, a merchant and mayor in 1425; Richard Lambert, an alderman; Nicholas Alwine, a merchant and mayor in 1499; Robert Harding, a goldsmith and one of the sheriffs in 1478; John Loke, another sheriff in 1461; Edward Bankes, an alderman and haberdasher in 1566; John Warde; and William Pierson, a scrivener and attorney in the Common Pleas. In a dedicated chapel on the south side of the church stands a tomb, raised and arched. Ade de Buke, a hat maker, glazed the chapel and most of the church, and he was buried there. All other monuments have been damaged. Hawley and Southam had chantries there.
Without the north side of this church of St. Mary Bow, towards West Cheape, standeth one fair building of stone, called in record Seldam, a shed, which greatly darkeneth the said church; for by means thereof all the windows and doors on that side are stopped up. King Edward III. upon occasion, as shall be shown in the ward of Cheape, caused this sild or shed to be made, and to be strongly built of stone, for himself, the queen, and other estates to stand in, there to behold the joustings and other shows at their pleasures. And this house for a long time after served to that use, namely, in the reign of Edward III. and Richard II.; but in the year 1410, Henry IV., in the 12th of his reign, confirmed the said shed or building to Stephen Spilman, William Marchford, and John Whateley, mercers, by the name of one New Seldam, shed, or building, with shops, cellars, and edifices whatsoever appertaining, called Crounsilde, or Tamersilde,[196] situate in the mercery in West Cheape, and in the parish of St. Mary de Arcubus in London, etc. Notwithstanding which grant, the kings of England, and other great estates, as well of foreign countries, repairing to this realm, as inhabitants of the same, have usually repaired to[231] this place, therein to behold the shows of this city passing through West Cheape, namely, the great watches accustomed in the night, on the even of St. John Baptist, and St. Peter at Midsummer, the examples whereof were over long to recite, wherefore let it suffice briefly to touch one. In the year 1510, on St. John’s even, at night, King Henry VIII. came to this place, then called the King’s Head in Cheape, in the livery of a yeoman of the guard, with an halbert on his shoulder (and there beholding the watch) departed privily when the watch was done, and was not known to any but to whom it pleased him; but on St. Peter’s night next following, he and the queen came royally riding to the said place, and there with their nobles beheld the watch of the city, and returned in the morning.
Without the north side of St. Mary Bow church, facing West Cheape, stands a beautiful stone building noted in records as Seldam, which heavily shadows the church, as it blocks all the windows and doors on that side. King Edward III, for reasons that will be explained in the West Cheape ward, had this shed built strong and solid for himself, the queen, and other dignitaries to use while watching jousts and other events. For a long time, this building served that purpose, especially during the reigns of Edward III and Richard II. However, in 1410, during the 12th year of his reign, Henry IV confirmed the shed or building to Stephen Spilman, William Marchford, and John Whateley, merchants, under the name New Seldam, along with shops, cellars, and any other structures related, located at Crounsilde or Tamersilde, situated in the mercery on West Cheape and in the St. Mary de Arcubus parish in London, etc. Despite this grant, kings of England, along with various nobles from foreign lands and local residents, have traditionally gathered at this place to watch the city's displays passing through West Cheape. This includes the significant nighttime watches held on the eve of St. John the Baptist and St. Peter's Day in Midsummer, examples of which are too many to list, so let me share just one. In 1510, on St. John’s eve, at night, King Henry VIII visited this place, then known as the King’s Head in Cheape, dressed as a yeoman of the guard, with a halberd on his shoulder, and after quietly observing the watch, he left without anyone recognizing him. But on the following St. Peter’s night, he and the queen arrived elegantly riding to that same location, where they watched the city’s watch with their nobles and returned in the morning.
This church of St. Mary, with the said shed of stone, all the housing in or about Bow church yard, and without on that side the high street of Cheape to the Standard, be of Cordewainer street ward. These houses were of old time but sheds; for I read of no housing otherwise on that side the street, but of divers sheds from Sopar’s lane to the Standard, etc. Amongst other, I read of three shops or sheds by Sopar’s lane, pertaining to the priory of the Holy Trinity within Aldgate; the one was let out for twenty-eight shillings, one other for twenty shillings, and the third for twelve shillings, by the year. Moreover, that Richard Goodchepe, mercer, and Margery his wife, son to Jordaine Goodchepe, did let to John Dalinges the younger, mercer, their shed and chamber in West Cheape, in the parish of St. Mary de Arches for three shillings and four pence by the year. Also the men of Bread street ward contended with the men of Cordwayner street ward for a seld or shed opposite to the Standard, on the south side, and it was found to be of Cordwayner street ward; W. Waldorne being then mayor, the 1st of Henry VI. Thus much for Cordwainer street ward; which hath an alderman, his deputy, common councillors eight, constables eight, scavengers eight, wardmote inquest men fourteen, and a beadle. It standeth taxed to the fifteen in London at £52 16s., in the Exchequer at £52 6s.[197]
This church of St. Mary, along with the stone shed and all the buildings in or around Bow churchyard, and on the side of the high street of Cheapside up to the Standard, belongs to the Cordwainer street ward. These buildings were originally just sheds; I haven’t found any mention of different structures on that side of the street, only various sheds from Sopar’s Lane to the Standard, etc. Among other things, I found mention of three shops or sheds by Sopar’s Lane, related to the priory of the Holy Trinity within Aldgate; one was rented for twenty-eight shillings, another for twenty shillings, and the third for twelve shillings annually. Furthermore, Richard Goodchepe, a mercer, and his wife Margery, son of Jordaine Goodchepe, rented their shed and chamber in West Cheape in the parish of St. Mary de Arches to John Dalinges the younger, a mercer, for three shillings and four pence per year. Also, the men of Bread street ward argued with the men of Cordwainer street ward over a seld or shed opposite to the Standard on the south side, and it was determined to be part of Cordwainer street ward; W. Waldorne was the mayor at the time, during the reign of Henry VI. This is the information for Cordwainer street ward, which has an alderman, a deputy, eight common councillors, eight constables, eight scavengers, fourteen wardmote inquest men, and a beadle. It is assessed for the fifteen in London at £52 16s., and in the Exchequer at £52 6s.
CHEAPE WARD
Next adjoining is Cheape ward, and taketh name of the market there kept, called West Cheping. This ward also beginneth in the east, on the course of Walbrooke in Buckles[232] bury, and runneth up on both the sides to the great conduit in Cheape. Also on the south side of Buckles bury, a lane turning up by St. Sithes church, and by St. Pancrates church, through Needler’s lane, on the north side thereof, and then through a piece of Sopar’s lane, on both sides up to Cheape, be all of Cheape ward.
Next to it is Cheape ward, which gets its name from the market held there, called West Cheping. This ward starts in the east at the course of Walbrooke in Bucklesbury and stretches on both sides up to the great conduit in Cheape. Additionally, on the south side of Bucklesbury, there's a lane that goes up by St. Sithes church and St. Pancrates church, through Needler’s lane on the north side of it, and then through a section of Sopar’s lane, along both sides up to Cheape; all of this is part of Cheape ward.
Then to begin again in the east upon the said course of Walbrooke, is St. Mildred’s church in the Poultrie, on the north side, and over against the said church gate, on the south, to pass up all that high street called the Poultrie, to the great conduit in Cheape, and then Cheape itself, which beginneth by the east end of the said conduit, and stretcheth up to the north-east corner of Bow lane on the south side, and to the Standard on the north side; and thus far to the west is of Cheape ward.
Then to start again in the east along the mentioned route of Walbrooke, is St. Mildred’s church in the Poultry, on the north side. Directly across from the church gate, on the south, you would take the high street called the Poultry, all the way to the large conduit in Cheapside. Cheapside itself begins at the east end of that conduit and stretches up to the northeast corner of Bow Lane on the south side, and to the Standard on the north side. This area to the west is part of Cheapside ward.
On the south side of this high street is no lane turning south out of this ward, more than some portion of Sopar’s lane, whereof I have before written. But on the north side of this high street is Conyhope lane, about one quarter of Old Jury lane on the west side, and on the east side almost as much, to the sign of the Angel. Then is Ironmonger’s lane, all wholly on both sides, and from the north end thereof through Catton street, west to the north end of St. Lawrence lane, and some four houses west beyond the same on that side, and over against Ironmonger’s lane end on the north side of Catton street up by the Guildhall and St. Lawrence church in the Jurie, is altogether of Cheape ward. Then again in Cheape, more towards the west, is of St. Lawrence lane before named, which is all wholly of this ward. And last of all is Hony lane, and up to the Standard on the north side of Cheape. And so stand the bounds of Cheape ward.
On the south side of this main street, there’s no lane turning south out of this area, except for a part of Sopar’s Lane, which I’ve mentioned before. But on the north side of this main street, you’ll find Conyhope Lane, about a quarter of Old Jury Lane on the west side, and almost the same amount on the east side, leading to the sign of the Angel. Next is Ironmonger’s Lane, which is completely on both sides, and from the north end of that lane, it goes through Catton Street, west to the north end of St. Lawrence Lane, and a few houses further west beyond that on that side. Across from the end of Ironmonger’s Lane on the north side of Catton Street, up by the Guildhall and St. Lawrence Church in the Jurie, is all part of Cheape ward. Additionally, in Cheape, further west, there is the previously mentioned St. Lawrence Lane, which is entirely within this ward. Finally, there’s Hony Lane, leading up to the Standard on the north side of Cheape. And that outlines the boundaries of Cheape ward.
Now for antiquities there. First is Buckles bury, so called of a manor and tenements pertaining to one Buckle, who there dwelt and kept his courts. This manor is supposed to be the great stone building, yet in part remaining on the south side of the street, which of late time hath been called the Old Barge, of such a sign hanged out near the gate thereof. This manor or great house hath of long time been divided and letten out into many tenements; and it hath been a common speech, that when Walbrooke did lie open, barges were rowed out of the Thames, or towed up so far, and therefore the place hath ever since been called the Old Barge.
Now for some historical sites. First is Bucklesbury, named after a manor and properties owned by someone named Buckle, who lived there and held his courts. This manor is thought to be the large stone building, still partly standing on the south side of the street, which has recently been called the Old Barge, named for the sign that hangs near its gate. This manor or large house has long been divided and rented out as multiple properties; it's commonly said that when Walbrooke was open, barges would be rowed out of the Thames or towed up that far, so the place has been called the Old Barge ever since.
Also on the north side of this street, directly over against the said Buckles bury, was one ancient and strong tower of stone,[233] the which tower King Edward III., in the 18th of his reign, by the name of the king’s house, called Cornette stoure in London, did appoint to be his Exchange of money there to be kept. In the 29th he granted it to Frydus Guynysane and Landus Bardoile, merchants of Luke, for twenty pounds the year. And in the 32nd he gave the same tower to his college or free chapel of St. Stephen at Westminster, by the name of Cernet’s Tower at Buckles bury in London. This tower of late years was taken down by one Buckle, a grocer, meaning in place thereof to have set up and built a goodly frame of timber; but the said Buckle greedily labouring to pull down the old tower, a part thereof fell upon him, which so sore bruised him that his life was thereby shortened, and another that married his widow set up the new prepared frame of timber, and finished the work.
Also on the north side of this street, directly across from Buckles bury, there was an ancient and strong stone tower,[233] which King Edward III, during the 18th year of his reign, designated as his Money Exchange, calling it Cornette Stoure in London. In the 29th year, he granted it to Frydus Guynysane and Landus Bardoile, merchants from Luke, for twenty pounds a year. In the 32nd year, he gave the same tower to his college or free chapel of St. Stephen at Westminster, referring to it as Cernet’s Tower at Buckles bury in London. Recently, this tower was taken down by a grocer named Buckle, who intended to build a grand timber structure in its place; however, while greedily trying to demolish the old tower, part of it collapsed on him, seriously injuring him and shortening his life. Another man who married his widow completed the new timber structure and finished the project.
This whole street called Buckles bury on both the sides throughout is possessed of grocers and apothecaries towards the west end thereof: on the south side breaketh out one other short lane, called in records Peneritch street; it reacheth but to St. Sythe’s lane, and St. Sythe’s church is the farthest part thereof, for by the west end of the said church beginneth Needlar’s lane, which reacheth to Sopar’s lane, as is aforesaid. This small parish church of St. Sith hath also an addition of Bennet shorne (or Shrog or Shorehog), for by all these names have I read it, but the most ancient is Shorne, wherefore it seemeth to take that name of one Benedict Shorne, sometime a citizen and stock-fishmonger of London, a new builder, repairer, or benefactor thereof, in the reign of Edward II., so that Shorne is but corruptly called Shrog, and more corruptly Shorehog.
This entire street called Bucklesbury is lined with grocers and apothecaries on both sides, especially towards the west end. On the south side, there's another short lane documented as Peneritch Street; it only goes as far as St. Sythe’s Lane, and St. Sythe’s Church is at the end of it. From the west end of this church, Needlar’s Lane begins, which leads to Sopar’s Lane, as mentioned earlier. This small parish church of St. Sith also goes by the additional names of Bennet Shorne (or Shrog or Shorehog), as I've found it referred to by all these names, but the oldest is Shorne. It seems to take that name from a man named Benedict Shorne, who was once a citizen and stock-fishmonger of London, a benefactor or builder during the reign of Edward II, which is why Shorne is incorrectly called Shrog, and even more incorrectly Shorehog.
There lie buried in this church, John Froysh, mercer, mayor 1394; John Rochford and Robert Rochford; John Hold, alderman: Henry Froweke, mercer, mayor 1435; Edward Warrington; John Morrice; John Huntley; Richard Lincoln, fellmonger, 1546; Sir Ralph Warren, mercer, mayor 1553; Sir John Lion, grocer, mayor 1554: these two last have monuments, the rest are all defaced. Edward Hall, gentleman of Greyes inn, common sergeant of this city, and then under-sheriff of the same; he wrote the large chronicles from Richard II. till the end of Henry VIII., and was buried in this church.
There are buried in this church: John Froysh, a mercer, who was mayor in 1394; John Rochford and Robert Rochford; John Hold, an alderman; Henry Froweke, a mercer, who was mayor in 1435; Edward Warrington; John Morrice; John Huntley; Richard Lincoln, a fellmonger, who died in 1546; Sir Ralph Warren, a mercer, who was mayor in 1553; and Sir John Lion, a grocer, who was mayor in 1554. The last two have monuments, but the rest are all worn away. Edward Hall, a gentleman of Gray’s Inn and common sergeant of this city, who later became the undersheriff, wrote detailed chronicles from Richard II to the end of Henry VIII and was buried in this church.
Then in Needelars lane have ye the parish church of St. Pancrate, a proper small church, but divers rich parishioners therein, and hath had of old time many liberal benefactors, but of late such as (not regarding the order taken by her majesty), the least bell in their church being broken, have rather sold the[234] same[198] for half the value than put the parish to charge with new casting; late experience hath proved this to be true, besides the spoil of monuments there. In this church are buried Sir Aker; John Aker; John Barens, mercer, mayor 1370; John Beston and his wife; Robert Rayland; John Hamber; John Gage; John Rowley; John Lambe; John Hadley, grocer, mayor 1379; Richard Gardener, mercer, mayor 1478; John Stockton, mercer, mayor 1470; John Dane, mercer; John Parker; Robert Marshall, alderman, 1439; Robert Corcheforde; Robert Hatfielde; and Robert Hatfield; Nicholas Wilfilde, and Thomas his son; the monuments of all which be defaced and gone. There do remain of Robert Burley, 1360; Richard Wilson, 1525; Robert Packenton, mercer, slain with a gun shot at him in a morning,[199] as he was going to morrow mass from his house in Cheape to St. Thomas of Acars, in the year 1536; the murderer was never discovered, but by his own confession made when he came to the gallows at Banbury to be hanged for felony; T. Wardbury, haberdasher, 1545; James Huish, grocer, 1590; Ambrose Smith, etc. Then is a part of Soper’s lane turning up to Cheape.
Then on Needelars Lane, you have the parish church of St. Pancrate, a nice little church with several wealthy parishioners. It has been supported by many generous benefactors in the past, but recently, some have chosen to sell the smallest bell in their church, which was broken, for half its value rather than bear the cost of recasting it, ignoring the order set by her majesty. Recent events have confirmed this, along with the vandalism of monuments there. Buried in this church are Sir Aker; John Aker; John Barens, a mercer and mayor in 1370; John Beston and his wife; Robert Rayland; John Hamber; John Gage; John Rowley; John Lambe; John Hadley, a grocer and mayor in 1379; Richard Gardener, a mercer and mayor in 1478; John Stockton, a mercer and mayor in 1470; John Dane, a mercer; John Parker; Robert Marshall, an alderman in 1439; Robert Corcheforde; Robert Hatfielde; Robert Hatfield; Nicholas Wilfilde, and his son Thomas; the monuments of all of these have been defaced and are gone. Remaining are those of Robert Burley, 1360; Richard Wilson, 1525; Robert Packenton, a mercer, who was shot in the morning as he was going to Mass from his house in Cheape to St. Thomas of Acars in 1536; the murderer was never found, revealed only by his confession when he came to the gallows at Banbury to be hanged for felony; T. Wardbury, a haberdasher, 1545; James Huish, a grocer, 1590; Ambrose Smith, etc. Then there's a part of Soper's Lane that turns up to Cheape.
By the assent of Stephen Abunden, mayor, the Pepperers in Soper’s lane were admitted to sell all such spices and other wares as grocers now use to sell, retaining the old name of pepperers in Soper’s lane, till at length, in the reign of Henry VI., the same Soper’s lane was inhabited by cordwainers and curriers, after that the pepperers or grocers had seated themselves in a more open street, to wit, in Buckles bury, where they yet remain. Thus much for the south wing of Cheape ward.
By the agreement of Stephen Abunden, the mayor, the Pepperers on Soper’s Lane were allowed to sell all the spices and other goods that grocers typically sell, keeping the old name of Pepperers in Soper’s Lane. Eventually, during the reign of Henry VI, Soper's Lane became home to cordwainers and curriers, after the Pepperers or grocers moved to a more open street, specifically Bucklesbury, where they are still located. This concludes the information regarding the south wing of Cheape ward.
Now to begin again on the bank of the said Walbrooke, at the east end of the high street called the Poultrie, on the north side thereof, is the proper parish church of St. Mildred, which church was new built upon Walbrooke in the year 1457. John Saxton their parson gave thirty-two pounds towards the building of the new choir, which now standeth upon the course of Walbrooke. Lovell and Puery, and Richard Keston, have their arms in the east window as benefactors. The roofing of that church is garnished with the arms of Thomas Archehull, one of the churchwardens in the year 1455, who was there buried; Thomas Morsted, esquire, and chirurgeon to King Henry IV., V., and VI., one of the sheriff’s of London in the year 1436, gave[235] unto this church a parcel of ground, containing in length from the course of Walbrooke toward the west forty-five feet, and in breadth from the church toward the north thirty-five feet, being within the gate called Scalding wike, in the said parish, to make a churchyard wherein to bury their dead. Richard Shore, draper, one of the sheriffs 1505, gave fifteen pounds for making a porch to this church. Salomon Lanuare had a chantry there in the 14th of Edward II. Hugh Game had one other. Buried here, as appeareth by monuments, John Hildye, poulter, 1416; John Kendall, 1468; John Garland, 1476; Robert Bois, 1485, and Simon Lee, poulters, 1487; Thomas Lee of Essex, gentleman: William Hallingridge; Christopher Feliocke, 1494; Robert Draiton, skinner, 1484; John Christopherson, doctor of physic, 1524; William Turner, skinner, 1536; Blase White, grocer, 1558; Thomas Hobson, haberdasher, 1559; William Hobson, haberdasher, 1581; Thomas Tusser, 1580, with this epitaph:—
Now to start over on the bank of the Walbrooke, at the east end of the main street called Poultry, on its north side, is the parish church of St. Mildred. This church was rebuilt on the Walbrooke in 1457. John Saxton, their parishioner, contributed thirty-two pounds to build the new choir that now stands on the Walbrooke. Lovell and Puery, as well as Richard Keston, have their coats of arms in the east window as benefactors. The roof of the church is decorated with the arms of Thomas Archehull, who was one of the churchwardens in 1455 and is buried there; Thomas Morsted, an esquire and surgeon to Kings Henry IV, V, and VI, who was one of London's sheriffs in 1436, donated[235] a piece of land to this church, measuring forty-five feet in length from the Walbrooke to the west and thirty-five feet in width from the church to the north, located within the gate known as Scalding Wike, in the parish, to create a churchyard where they could bury their dead. Richard Shore, a draper and one of the sheriffs in 1505, gave fifteen pounds for building a porch to this church. Salomon Lanuare had a chantry there in the 14th of Edward II. Hugh Game had another one. The following names are found on the monuments indicating those buried here: John Hildye, poulter, 1416; John Kendall, 1468; John Garland, 1476; Robert Bois, 1485; Simon Lee, poulters, 1487; Thomas Lee of Essex, gentleman; William Hallingridge; Christopher Feliocke, 1494; Robert Draiton, skinner, 1484; John Christopherson, doctor of physic, 1524; William Turner, skinner, 1536; Blase White, grocer, 1558; Thomas Hobson, haberdasher, 1559; William Hobson, haberdasher, 1581; Thomas Tusser, 1580, with this epitaph:—
That sometimes made the Points of Agriculture; From him, you can learn; here we must learn. When everything is finished, we sleep and turn to dust,
And yet we hope to go to heaven through Christ,
"Anyone who reads his books will see that his faith was indeed that way."
On the north side of the churchyard remain two tombs of marble, but not known of whom, or otherwise than by tradition it is said, they were of Thomas Monshampe and William, brothers, about 1547, etc.
On the north side of the churchyard, there are two marble tombs, but it's unclear who they belong to. According to tradition, they're said to be Thomas Monshampe and his brother William, from around 1547, etc.
Some four houses west from this parish church of St. Mildred is a prison house pertaining to one of the sheriffs of London, and is called the Compter in the Poultrie. This hath been there kept and continued time out of mind, for I have not read of the original thereof. West from this compter was a proper chapel, called of Corpus Christi, and St. Mary, at Conyhope lane end, in the parish of St. Mildred, founded by one named Ion. Irunnes, a citizen of London, in the reign of Edward III., in which chapel was a guild or fraternity, that might dispend in lands better than twenty pounds by year: it was suppressed by Henry VIII., and purchased by one Thomas Hobson, haberdasher; he turned this chapel into a fair warehouse and shops towards the street, with lodgings over them.
About four houses west of the St. Mildred parish church is a prison belonging to one of the sheriffs of London, known as the Compter in the Poultrie. This prison has been there for as long as anyone can remember; I haven't found any records of its origins. West of this compter was a nice chapel dedicated to Corpus Christi and St. Mary, located at the end of Conyhope Lane in the St. Mildred parish, founded by a man named Ion. Irunnes, a citizen of London during the reign of Edward III. In that chapel, there was a guild or fraternity that could generate over twenty pounds a year from its lands. It was dissolved by Henry VIII and bought by a Thomas Hobson, a haberdasher. He converted the chapel into a large warehouse and shops facing the street, with apartments above them.
Then is Conyhope lane, of old time so called of such a sign of three conies hanging over a poulterer’s stall at the lane’s end. Within this lane standeth the Grocers’ hall, which company being of old time called Pepperers, were first incorporated by[236] the name of Grocers in the year 1345, at which time they elected for custos, or guardian, of their fraternity, Richard Oswin and Laurence Haliwell, and twenty brethren were then taken in to be of their society. In the year 1411, the custos, or guardian, and the brethren of this company, purchased of the Lord Ro. Fitzwaters one plot of ground, with the building thereupon, in the said Conyhope lane, for three hundred and twenty marks, and then laid the foundation of their new common hall.
Then there's Conyhope Lane, which got its name from the sign of three rabbits hanging over a poulterer’s stall at the end of the lane. Inside this lane stands the Grocers’ Hall, which used to be called the Pepperers. They were first incorporated by[236] under the name of Grocers in 1345, when they elected Richard Oswin and Laurence Haliwell as their guardians and welcomed twenty new members to their society. In 1411, the guardian and the members of this company purchased a plot of land with a building on it from Lord Ro. Fitzwaters, located in Conyhope Lane, for three hundred and twenty marks, and then laid the foundation for their new common hall.
About the year 1429, the Grocers had license to purchase five hundred marks land, since the which time, near adjoining unto the Grocers’ hall, the said company had built seven proper houses for seven aged poor alms people. Thomas Knowles, grocer, mayor, gave his tenement in St. Anthonie’s churchyard to the Grocers, towards the relief of the poor brethren in that company. Also H. Keeble, grocer, mayor, gave to the seven alms people six pence the piece weekly forever; which pension is now increased by the masters, to some of them two shillings the piece weekly, and to some of them less, etc. Henry Adie, grocer, 1563, gave one thousand marks to the Grocers to purchase lands. And Sir John Pechie, knight banneret, free of that company, gave them five hundred pounds to certain uses; he built alms houses at Ludingstone in Kent, and was there buried.
Around the year 1429, the Grocers received permission to buy land valued at five hundred marks. Since then, close to the Grocers' hall, the company constructed seven suitable houses for seven elderly poor people. Thomas Knowles, a grocer and mayor, donated his property in St. Anthony's churchyard to the Grocers to help support the poor members of that group. Additionally, H. Keeble, another grocer and mayor, provided each of the seven alms people with six pence a week for life; this amount has since been increased by the masters to two shillings a week for some, and less for others. Henry Adie, a grocer in 1563, contributed one thousand marks to the Grocers to buy land. Sir John Pechie, a knight banneret and a member of that company, donated five hundred pounds for specific purposes; he also built alms houses in Ludingstone, Kent, where he was buried.
West from this Conyhope lane is the Old Jurie, whereof some portion is of Cheape ward, as afore is showed: at the south end of this lane is the parish church of St. Mary Colechurch, named of one Cole that built it; this church is built upon a wall above ground, so that men are forced to go to ascend up thereunto by certain steps. I find no monuments of this church, more than that Henry IV. granted license to William Marshal and others, to found a brotherhood of St. Katherine therein, because Thomas Becket, and St. Edmond, the archbishop, were baptized there. More, I read of Bordhangly lane, to be in that parish. And thus much for the north side of the Poultrie. The south side of the said Poultrie, beginning on the bank of the said brook over against the parish church of St. Mildred, passing up to the great conduit, hath divers fair houses, which were sometimes inhabited by poulters, but now by grocers, haberdashers, and upholsters.
West of Conyhope Lane is the Old Jury, part of Cheape Ward, as mentioned earlier. At the south end of this lane is the parish church of St. Mary Colechurch, named after a man named Cole who built it. This church is situated on a raised wall, so people have to go up steps to enter. I found no monuments in this church, other than that Henry IV granted permission to William Marshal and others to establish a brotherhood of St. Katherine there because Thomas Becket and St. Edmund, the archbishop, were baptized there. I also read about Bordhangly Lane being in that parish. That’s all for the north side of Poultry. The south side of Poultry, starting at the bank of the brook opposite the parish church of St. Mildred and going up to the great conduit, has several nice houses that were once home to poulters but are now occupied by grocers, haberdashers, and upholsterers.
At the west end of this Poultrie, and also of Buckles bury, beginneth the large street of West Cheaping, a market place so called, which street stretcheth west till ye come to the little conduit by Paul’s gate, but not all of Chepe ward. In the east part of this street standeth the great conduit of sweet water,[237] conveyed by pipes of lead under ground from Paddington[200] for the service of this city, castellated with stone, and cisterned in lead, about the year 1285, and again new built and enlarged by Thomas Ilam, one of the sheriffs 1479.
At the west end of Poultry and also of Bucklesbury, the large street of West Cheaping begins, a marketplace that stretches west until you reach the small fountain by Paul's gate, but it doesn't cover all of Chepe ward. On the east side of this street stands the great water conduit, which brings fresh water through lead pipes underground from Paddington for the city's use. It's made of stone and has a lead cistern, built around the year 1285, and it was rebuilt and expanded by Thomas Ilam, one of the sheriffs, in 1479.[237]
About the midst of this street is the Standard in Cheape, of what antiquity the first foundation I have not read. But Henry VI. by his patent dated at Windsor the 21st of his reign, which patent was confirmed by parliament 1442, granted license to Thomas Knolles, John Chichle, and other, executors to John Wels, grocer, sometime mayor of London, with his goods to make new the highway which leadeth from the city of London towards the palace of Westminster, before and nigh the manor of Savoy, parcel of the Duchy of Lancaster, a way then very ruinous, and the pavement broken, to the hurt and mischief of the subjects, which old pavement then remaining in that way within the length of five hundred feet, and all the breadth of the same before and nigh the site of the manor aforesaid, they to break up, and with stone, gravel, and other stuff, one other good and sufficient way there to make for the commodity of the subjects.
About the middle of this street is the Standard in Cheape, of which I haven’t read the details of its ancient foundation. However, Henry VI, in a patent dated at Windsor from the 21st year of his reign, confirmed by parliament in 1442, granted permission to Thomas Knolles, John Chichle, and others, the executors of John Wels, a former mayor of London, to repair the highway leading from the city of London to the palace of Westminster, near the manor of Savoy, a property of the Duchy of Lancaster. The road at that time was in bad condition, with a broken pavement that was causing trouble for the people. The old pavement, which extended for five hundred feet in length and the full width of the road near the manor, was to be removed and replaced with stone, gravel, and other materials to create a new, good quality road for the benefit of the public.
And further, that the Standard in Cheape, where divers executions of the law before time had been performed, which Standard at the present was very ruinous with age, in which there was a conduit, should be taken down, and another competent standard of stone, together with a conduit in the same of new, strongly to be built, for the commodity and honour of the city, with the goods of the said testator, without interruption, etc.
And furthermore, the Standard in Cheape, where various legal executions had previously taken place, which is currently in a state of disrepair due to age and has a conduit, should be taken down. A new stone standard along with a new conduit should be built in its place, for the benefit and honor of the city, using the assets of the said testator, without interruption, etc.
Of executions at the Standard in Cheape, we read, that in the year 1293 three men had their right hands smitten off there, for rescuing of a prisoner arrested by an officer of the city. In the year 1326, the burgesses of London caused Walter Stapleton, Bishop of Excester, treasurer to Edward II., and other, to be beheaded at the standard in Cheape (but this was by Paul’s gate); in the year 1351, the 26th of Edward III., two fishmongers were beheaded at the standard in Cheape, but I read not of their offence; 1381, Wat Tyler beheaded Richard Lions and other there. In the year 1399, Henry IV. caused the blanch charters made by Richard II. to be burnt there. In the year 1450, Jack Cade, captain of the Kentish rebels, beheaded the Lord Say there. In the year 1461, John Davy had his hand stricken off[238] there, because he had stricken a man before the judges at Westminster, etc.
Of executions at the Standard in Cheape, we read that in the year 1293, three men had their right hands chopped off there for rescuing a prisoner arrested by a city officer. In 1326, the citizens of London had Walter Stapleton, Bishop of Exeter, who was the treasurer to Edward II, and others, beheaded at the standard in Cheape (but this was near Paul’s gate); in 1351, during the 26th year of Edward III, two fishmongers were beheaded at the standard in Cheape, but I don’t know what their offense was; in 1381, Wat Tyler beheaded Richard Lions and others there. In 1399, Henry IV ordered the white charters made by Richard II to be burned there. In 1450, Jack Cade, leader of the Kentish rebels, beheaded Lord Say there. In 1461, John Davy had his hand chopped off there because he had struck a man before the judges at Westminster, etc.
Then next is a great cross in West Cheape, which cross was there erected in the year 1290 by Edward I. upon occasion thus:—Queen Elianor his wife died at Hardeby (a town near unto the city of Lincoln), her body was brought from thence to Westminster; and the king, in memory of her, caused in every place where her body rested in the way, a stately cross of stone to be erected, with the queen’s image and arms upon it, as at Grantham, Woborne, Northampton, Stony Stratford, Dunstable, St. Albones, Waltham, West Cheape, and at Charing, from whence she was conveyed to Westminster, and there buried.
Then next is a great cross in West Cheape, which was set up in 1290 by Edward I. for this reason: Queen Eleanor, his wife, died in Hardeby (a town near Lincoln). Her body was brought from there to Westminster, and the king, in her memory, had a grand stone cross built at every place where her body rested along the way, featuring the queen’s image and coat of arms. This was done at Grantham, Woborne, Northampton, Stony Stratford, Dunstable, St. Albones, Waltham, West Cheape, and at Charing, from where she was taken to Westminster and buried.
This cross in West Cheape being like to those other which remain to this day, and being by length of time decayed, John Hatherly, mayor of London, procured, in the year 1441, license of King Henry VI. to re-edify the same in more beautiful manner for the honour of the city, and had license also to take up two hundred fodder of lead for the building thereof of certain conduits, and a common garnery. This cross was then curiously wrought at the charges of divers citizens: John Fisher, mercer, gave six hundred marks toward it; the same was begun to be set up 1484, and finished 1486, the 2nd of Henry VII. It was new gilt over in the year 1522, against the coming of Charles V., emperor; in the year 1553, against the coronation of Queen Anne;[201] new burnished against the coronation of Edward VI.; and again new gilt 1554, against the coming in of King Philip; since the which time the said cross having been presented by divers juries (or inquests of wardmote) to stand in the high way to the let of carriages (as they alleged), but could not have it removed, it followed that in the year 1581, the 21st of June, in the night, the lowest images round about the said cross (being of Christ’s resurrection, of the Virgin Mary, King Edward the Confessor, and such like) were broken and defaced, proclamation was made, that who so would bewray the doers, should have forty crowns, but nothing came to light; the image of the Blessed Virgin, at that time robbed of her Son, and her arms broken, by which she stayed him on her knees; her whole body[239] also was haled with ropes, and left likely to fall, but in the year 1595 was again fastened and repaired; and in the year next following a new misshapen son, as born out of time, all naked, was laid in her arms, the other images remaining broke as afore. But on the east side of the same cross, the steps taken thence, under the image of Christ’s resurrection defaced, was then set up a curiously wrought tabernacle of grey marble, and in the same an image alabaster of Diana, and water conveyed from the Thames prilling from her naked breast for a time, but now decayed.
This cross in West Cheape was similar to others that still stand today, but over time it had fallen into disrepair. In 1441, John Hatherly, the mayor of London, got permission from King Henry VI to rebuild it more beautifully for the city's honor. He also received permission to take two hundred fodder of lead for the construction of certain aqueducts and a common granary. This cross was then intricately crafted at the expense of several citizens: John Fisher, a mercer, contributed six hundred marks toward it. Work on it began in 1484 and was completed in 1486, during the 2nd year of Henry VII's reign. It was newly gilded in 1522 in preparation for the visit of Charles V, the emperor; in 1553, it was renewed for the coronation of Queen Anne; it was again updated for the coronation of Edward VI; and was newly gilded once more in 1554 for the arrival of King Philip. Since that time, the cross had been proposed by various juries (or wardmote inquests) to be moved out of the way of traffic, but they couldn't have it removed. As a result, on June 21, 1581, the lowest images surrounding the cross (including those of Christ’s resurrection, the Virgin Mary, and King Edward the Confessor) were broken and damaged. A proclamation was issued promising forty crowns to anyone who revealed the culprits, but nothing was discovered. The image of the Blessed Virgin was found robbed of her Son, with her arms broken, by which she had held him on her knees. Her entire body was pulled with ropes, leaving it at risk of falling, but in 1595 it was repaired and secured again. The following year, a strangely shaped naked son, as if born out of time, was placed in her arms while the other images remained broken as before. On the east side of the same cross, steps taken from there, under the damaged image of Christ’s resurrection, were set up with a beautifully crafted tabernacle of grey marble, which held an alabaster image of Diana, with water flowing from her naked breast for a time, but that has now decayed.
In the year 1599, the timber of the cross at the top being rotted within the lead, the arms thereof bending, were feared to have fallen to the harming of some people, and therefore the whole body of the cross was scaffolded about, and the top thereof taken down, meaning in place thereof to have set up a piramis; but some of her majesty’s honourable councillors directed their letters to Sir Nicholas Mosley, then mayor, by her highness’ express commandment concerning the cross, forthwith to be repaired, and placed again as it formerly stood, etc.; notwithstanding the said cross stood headless more than a year after: whereupon the said councillors, in greater number, meaning not any longer to permit the continuance of such a contempt, wrote to William Rider, then mayor, requiring him, by virtue of her highness’ said former direction and commandment, that without any further delay to accomplish the same her majesty’s most princely care therein, respecting especially the antiquity and continuance of that monument, an ancient ensign of Christianity, etc. Dated the 24th of December, 1600. After this a cross of timber was framed, set up, covered with lead, and gilded, the body of the cross downward cleansed of dust, the scaffold carried thence. About twelve nights following, the image of Our Lady was again defaced, by plucking off her crown, and almost her head, taking from her her naked child, and stabbing her in the breast, etc. Thus much for the cross in West Cheape.
In 1599, the wood of the cross at the top was rotting within the lead, and its arms were bending, which raised concerns that it might fall and injure someone. As a precaution, the whole cross was scaffolded around, and the top was taken down, with plans to replace it with a pyramid. However, some of the Queen’s honorable councillors sent letters to Sir Nicholas Mosley, who was then the mayor, under the Queen’s direct orders to have the cross repaired and set back up as it originally stood. Despite this, the cross remained without its top for more than a year. Subsequently, the councillors, now in larger numbers and unwilling to allow continued disrespect, wrote to William Rider, who was the mayor at the time, insisting that he act on the Queen’s earlier instructions without any further delay to restore her majesty’s significant concern for this monument, especially considering its historical importance as an ancient symbol of Christianity. This was dated December 24, 1600. After this, a timber cross was built, put up, covered with lead, and gilded, with the base of the cross cleaned of dust and the scaffold removed. About twelve nights later, the image of Our Lady was once again vandalized; her crown was torn off, her head nearly removed, her naked child taken away, and she was stabbed in the breast. This is the account regarding the cross in West Cheape.
Then at the west end of West Cheape street, was sometime a cross of stone, called the Old Cross. Raph Higden, in his Policronicon, saith, that Waltar Stapleton, Bishop of Excester, treasurer to Edward II., was by the burgesses of London beheaded at this cross called the Standard, without the north door of St. Paul’s church; and so is it noted in other writers that then lived. This old cross stood and remained at the east end of the parish church called St. Michael in the corner by Paule’s[240] gate, near to the north end of the old Exchange, till the year 1390, the 13th of Richard II., in place of which old cross then taken down, the said church of St. Michael was enlarged, and also a fair water conduit built about the 9th of Henry VI.
At the west end of West Cheape street, there used to be a stone cross known as the Old Cross. Raph Higden, in his Policronicon, states that Waltar Stapleton, the Bishop of Exeter and treasurer to Edward II, was executed by the citizens of London at this cross, called the Standard, outside the north door of St. Paul's church; this is also mentioned by other contemporary writers. This old cross stood at the east end of the parish church called St. Michael, near the corner by Paul's gate, close to the north end of the old Exchange, until the year 1390, the 13th year of Richard II. In place of this old cross, which was taken down, the church of St. Michael was expanded, and a beautiful water conduit was built around the 9th year of Henry VI.
In the reign of Edward III. divers joustings were made in this street, betwixt Sopar’s lane and the great cross, namely, one in the year 1331, the 21st of September, as I find noted by divers writers of that time. In the middle of the city of London (say they), in a street called Cheape, the stone pavement being covered with sand, that the horses might not slide when they strongly set their feet to the ground, the king held a tournament three days together, with the nobility, valiant men of the realm, and other some strange knights. And to the end the beholders might with the better ease see the same, there was a wooden scaffold erected across the street, like unto a tower, wherein Queen Philippa, and many other ladies, richly attired, and assembled from all parts of the realm, did stand to behold the jousts; but the higher frame, in which the ladies were placed, brake in sunder, whereby they were with some shame forced to fall down, by reason whereof the knights, and such as were underneath, were grievously hurt; wherefore the queen took great care to save the carpenters from punishment, and through her prayers (which she made upon her knees) pacified the king and council, and thereby purchased great love of the people. After which time the king caused a shed to be strongly made of stone, for himself, the queen, and other estates to stand on, and there to behold the joustings, and other shows, at their pleasure, by the church of St. Mary Bow, as is showed in Cordwainer street ward. Thus much for the high street of Cheape.
During the reign of Edward III, several jousts took place on this street, between Sopar’s Lane and the great cross, including one on September 21, 1331, as noted by various writers of the time. They say that in the middle of London, on a street called Cheape, the stone pavement was covered with sand so the horses wouldn’t slip when they pushed off the ground. The king hosted a tournament for three days, attended by nobles, brave men from the realm, and some foreign knights. To give the spectators a better view, a wooden platform was built across the street, resembling a tower, where Queen Philippa and many other richly dressed ladies gathered from all over the realm to watch the jousts. However, the higher structure where the ladies were stationed collapsed, causing them to fall with some embarrassment, and the knights and those below were seriously injured. Because of this, the queen ensured the carpenters wouldn’t face punishment and, through her prayers on her knees, calmed the king and council, earning great affection from the people. Afterwards, the king had a sturdy stone structure built for himself, the queen, and other important figures to watch the jousts and other events at their leisure, located by the church of St. Mary Bow, as noted in Cordwainer Street ward. This is the story of Cheape Street.
Now let us return to the south side of Cheape ward. From the great conduit west be many fair and large houses, for the most part possessed of mercers up to the corner of Cordwainer street, corruptly called Bow lane, which houses in former times were but sheds or shops, with solers[202] over them, as of late one[241] of them remained at Sopar’s lane end, wherein a woman sold seeds, roots, and herbs; but those sheds or shops, by encroachments on the high street, are now largely built on both sides outward, and also upward, some three, four, or five stories high.
Now let’s go back to the south side of Cheape ward. From the large water fountain in the west, there are many nice and spacious houses, mostly owned by merchants, leading up to the corner of Cordwainer street, which is incorrectly called Bow lane. These houses used to be just sheds or shops, with wooden roofs over them, as one of them still was recently at the end of Sopar’s lane, where a woman sold seeds, roots, and herbs. However, those sheds or shops have now been significantly expanded on both sides of the main street and have grown taller, with three, four, or even five stories.
Now of the north side of Cheape street and ward, beginning at the great conduit, and by St. Mary Cole church, where we left. Next thereunto westward is the Mercers’ chapel, sometime an hospital, intituled of St. Thomas of Acon, or Acars, for a master and brethren, “Militia hospitalis,” etc., saith the record of Edward III., the 14th year; it was founded by Thomas Fitzthebald de Heili, and Agnes his wife, sister to Thomas Becket, in the reign of Henry II.; they gave to the master and brethren the lands, with the appurtenances that sometimes were Gilbart Becket’s, father to the said Thomas, in the which he was born, there to make a church. There was a charnel, and a chapel over it, of St. Nicholas and St. Stephen. This hospital was valued to dispend £277 3s. 4d., surrendered the 30th of Henry VIII.: the 21st of October, and was since purchased by the Mercers, by means of Sir Richard Gresham, and was again set open on the eve of St. Michael, 1541, the 33rd of Henry VIII.: it is now called the Mercers’ chapel; therein is kept a free grammar school, as of old time had been accustomed, commanded by parliament.[203] Here be many monuments remaining, but more have been defaced:—James Butler, Earl of Ormond, and Dame Joan his countess, 1428; John Norton, esquire; Stephen Cavendish, draper, mayor 1362; Thomas Cavendish; William Cavendish; Thomas Ganon, called Pike, one of the sheriffs 1410; Hungate, of Yorkshire; Ambrose Cresacre; John Chester, draper; John Trusbut, mercer, 1437; Tho. Norland, sheriff 1483; Sir Edmond Sha, goldsmith, mayor 1482; Sir Thomas Hill, mayor 1485; Thomas Ilam, sheriff 1479;[204] Lancelot Laken, esquire; Raph Tilney, sheriff 1488; Garth, esquire; John Rich; Thomas Butler, Earl of Ormond, 1515; Sir W. Butler, grocer, mayor 1515; W. Browne, mercer, mayor 1513; John Loke, 1519;[205] Sir T. Baldry, mercer, mayor 1523; Sir W. Locke, mercer, sheriff 1548; Sir John Allen, mercer, mayor 1525, deceased 1544; Sir Thomas Leigh, mercer,[242] mayor 1558; Sir Richard Malory, mercer, mayor 1564; Humf. Baskervile, mercer, sheriff 1561; Sir G. Bond, mayor 1587; etc.
Now on the north side of Cheape Street and ward, starting at the big conduit and by St. Mary Cole Church, where we last left off. Next to it, heading west, is the Mercers’ Chapel, which used to be a hospital called St. Thomas of Acon, or Acars, for a master and brethren, as stated in the record of Edward III, in the 14th year. It was founded by Thomas Fitzthebald de Heili and his wife Agnes, who was the sister of Thomas Becket, during the reign of Henry II. They granted the master and brethren lands, along with the appurtenances that once belonged to Gilbart Becket, the father of Thomas, where he was born, to establish a church. There was a charnel house and a chapel above it, dedicated to St. Nicholas and St. Stephen. This hospital was valued at £277 3s. 4d., surrendered on the 30th of Henry VIII, on October 21, and was later purchased by the Mercers, with the help of Sir Richard Gresham. It was reopened on the eve of St. Michael in 1541, the 33rd year of Henry VIII. Now known as the Mercers’ Chapel, it hosts a free grammar school, as was customary in old times, mandated by parliament.[203] Many monuments remain, though many have been damaged:—James Butler, Earl of Ormond, and his countess Dame Joan, 1428; John Norton, esquire; Stephen Cavendish, draper, mayor 1362; Thomas Cavendish; William Cavendish; Thomas Ganon, known as Pike, one of the sheriffs 1410; Hungate, from Yorkshire; Ambrose Cresacre; John Chester, draper; John Trusbut, mercer, 1437; Tho. Norland, sheriff 1483; Sir Edmond Sha, goldsmith, mayor 1482; Sir Thomas Hill, mayor 1485; Thomas Ilam, sheriff 1479;[204] Lancelot Laken, esquire; Raph Tilney, sheriff 1488; Garth, esquire; John Rich; Thomas Butler, Earl of Ormond, 1515; Sir W. Butler, grocer, mayor 1515; W. Browne, mercer, mayor 1513; John Loke, 1519;[205] Sir T. Baldry, mercer, mayor 1523; Sir W. Locke, mercer, sheriff 1548; Sir John Allen, mercer, mayor 1525, deceased 1544; Sir Thomas Leigh, mercer,[242] mayor 1558; Sir Richard Malory, mercer, mayor 1564; Humf. Baskervile, mercer, sheriff 1561; Sir G. Bond, mayor 1587; etc.
Before this hospital, towards the street, was built a fair and beautiful chapel, arched over with stone, and thereupon the Mercers’ hall, a most curious piece of work; Sir John Allen, mercer, being founder of that chapel, was there buried; but since his tomb is removed thence into the body of the hospital church, and his chapel, divided into shops, is letten out for rent.
Before this hospital, facing the street, a beautiful chapel was built with a stone arch, and above it was the Mercers’ hall, a truly remarkable structure. Sir John Allen, a mercer, founded that chapel and was buried there; however, his tomb has since been moved into the main church of the hospital, and his chapel has been divided into shops and is now rented out.
These Mercers were enabled to be a company, and to purchase lands to the value of twenty pounds the year, the 17th of Richard II.; they had three messuages and shops in the parish of St. Martin Oteswitch, in the ward of Bishopsgate, for the sustentation of the poor, and a chantry of the 22nd of Richard II. Henry IV., in the 12th of his reign, confirmed to Stephen Spilman, W. Marchford, and John Whatile, mercers, by the name of one new seldam, shed, or building, with shops, cellars, and edifices whatsoever appertaining called Crownsild, situate in the Mercery in West Cheape, in the parish of St. Mary de Arcubus in London, etc., to be holden in burgage, as all the city of London is, and which were worth by year in all issues, according to the true value of them, £7 13s. 4d., as found by inquisition before T. Knolles, mayor, and escheator in the said city. Henry VI., in the 3rd of his reign, at the request of John Coventrie, John Carpenter, and William Grove, granted to the Mercers to have a chaplain and a brotherhood, for relief of such of their company as came to decay by misfortune on the sea. In the year 1536, on St. Peter’s night, King Henry VIII. and Queen Jane his wife, stood in this Mercers’ hall, then new built, and beheld the marching watch of this city most bravely set out, Sir John Allen, mercer, one of the king’s council, being mayor.
These Mercers were able to organize as a company and buy lands worth twenty pounds a year, on the 17th of Richard II. They owned three houses and shops in the parish of St. Martin Oteswitch, in the ward of Bishopsgate, for supporting the poor, along with a chantry established on the 22nd of Richard II. Henry IV, in the 12th year of his reign, confirmed to Stephen Spilman, W. Marchford, and John Whatile, mercers, under the name of one new seldam, shed, or building, with shops, cellars, and all other related structures called Crownsild, located in the Mercery in West Cheape, in the parish of St. Mary de Arcubus in London, etc., to be held in burgage, just like all the city of London, which was worth a total of £7 13s. 4d. per year, based on its true value, as determined by an inquiry led by T. Knolles, the mayor and escheator in the city. Henry VI, in the 3rd year of his reign, at the request of John Coventrie, John Carpenter, and William Grove, granted the Mercers permission to have a chaplain and a brotherhood to help any members of their company who fell on hard times due to misfortunes at sea. In 1536, on St. Peter’s night, King Henry VIII and Queen Jane, his wife, stood in the newly built Mercers’ hall and watched the city’s marching watch, which was impressively displayed, with Sir John Allen, a mercer and one of the king’s council, serving as mayor.
Next beyond the Mercers’ chapel, and their hall, is Ironmonger lane, so called of ironmongers dwelling there, whereof I read, in the reign of Edward I., etc. In this lane is the small parish church of St. Martin called Pomary, upon what occasion I certainly know not. It is supposed to be of apples growing where houses are now lately built; for myself have seen large void places there. Monuments in that church none to be accounted of.
Next to the Mercers' chapel and their hall is Ironmonger Lane, named after the ironmongers who lived there, of which I read during the reign of Edward I, etc. In this lane is the small parish church of St. Martin known as Pomary, though I’m not sure why. It’s thought to be named for the apples that used to grow where houses are now recently built; I have seen large empty spaces there myself. There are no notable monuments in that church.
Farther west is St. Laurence lane, so called of St. Laurence church, which standeth directly over against the north end thereof. Antiquities in this lane I find none other, than that among many fair houses, there is one large inn for receipt of[243] travellers called Blossoms inn, but corruptly Bosoms inn, and hath to sign St. Laurence the Deacon, in a border of blossoms or flowers.
Farther west is St. Laurence Lane, named after St. Laurence Church, which stands directly across from the north end of it. I don't find any other historical items in this lane, but among many nice houses, there is a large inn for accommodating [243] travelers called Blossoms Inn, though it’s often incorrectly referred to as Bosoms Inn, and it features St. Laurence the Deacon as its sign, surrounded by a border of blossoms or flowers.
Then near to the Standard in Cheape is Honey lane, so called, not of sweetness thereof, being very narrow, and somewhat dark, but rather of often washing and sweeping, to keep it clean. In this lane is the small parish church called Alhallows in Honey lane; there be no monuments in this church worth the noting. I find that John Norman, draper, mayor 1453, was buried there; he gave to the Drapers his tenements on the north side the said church, they to allow for the beam light and lamp, 13s. 4d. yearly from this lane to the Standard. And thus much for Cheape ward in the high street of Cheape, for it stretcheth no farther.
Then close to the Standard in Cheapside is Honey Lane, not named for its sweetness, as it is quite narrow and somewhat dark, but rather due to the constant washing and sweeping to keep it clean. In this lane is the small parish church called All Hallows in Honey Lane; there aren't any noteworthy monuments in this church. I found that John Norman, a draper and mayor in 1453, was buried there; he donated his properties on the north side of the church to the Drapers, who were to provide for the beam light and lamp, 13s. 4d. yearly from this lane to the Standard. And that's all there is to say about Cheapside in the high street, as it doesn’t extend any further.
Now for the north wing of Cheape ward have ye Catte street, corruptly called Catteten street, which beginneth at the north end of Ironmonger lane, and runneth to the west end of St. Lawrence church, as is afore showed.
Now for the north wing of Cheape ward, you have Catte street, wrongly called Catteten street, which starts at the north end of Ironmonger lane and runs to the west end of St. Lawrence church, as mentioned earlier.
On the north side of the street is the Guildhall, wherein the courts for the city be kept, namely, 1. The court of common council; 2. The court of the lord mayor and his brethren the aldermen; 3. The court of hustings; 4. The court of orphans; 5. The court of the sheriff; 6. The court of the wardmote; 7. The court of hallmote; 8. The court of requests, commonly called the court of conscience; 9. The chamberlain’s court for apprentices, and making them free. This Guildhall, saith Robert Fabian, was begun to be built new in the year 1411, the 12th of Henry IV., by Thomas Knoles, then mayor, and his brethren the aldermen: the same was made, of a little cottage, a large and great house, as now it standeth; towards the charges whereof the companies gave large benevolences; also offences of men were pardoned for sums of money towards this work, extraordinary fees were raised, fines, amercements, and other things employed during seven years, with a continuation thereof three years more, all to be employed to this building.
On the north side of the street is the Guildhall, where the city courts are held, including: 1. The court of common council; 2. The court of the lord mayor and his fellow aldermen; 3. The court of hustings; 4. The court for orphans; 5. The court of the sheriff; 6. The court of wardmote; 7. The court of hallmote; 8. The court of requests, often called the court of conscience; 9. The chamberlain’s court for apprentices and for granting them freedom. This Guildhall, according to Robert Fabian, was started in 1411, during the 12th year of Henry IV, by Thomas Knoles, who was the mayor at the time, along with his fellow aldermen: it transformed from a small cottage into the large building we see today. To help cover the costs, the companies made generous donations; also, offenses committed by men were forgiven in exchange for money to support this project. Extra fees were charged, fines, amercements, and other funds were collected over seven years, with an extension of three more years, all dedicated to this construction.
The 1st year of Henry VI., John Coventrie and John Carpenter, executors to Richard Whitington, gave towards the paving of this great hall twenty pounds, and the next year fifteen pounds more, to the said pavement, with hard stone of Purbeck; they also glazed some windows thereof, and of the mayor’s court; on every which windows the arms of Richard Whitington are placed. The foundation of the mayor’s court was laid in the 3rd year of the reign of Henry VI., and of the porch on the south side of the mayor’s court, in the 4th of the[244] said king. Then was built the mayor’s chamber, and the council chamber, with other rooms above the stairs; last of all a stately porch entering the great hall was erected, the front thereof towards the south being beautified with images of stone, such as is showed by these verses following, made about some thirty years since by William Elderton, at that time an attorney in the sheriffs’ courts there:—
The first year of Henry VI, John Coventrie and John Carpenter, executors for Richard Whitington, contributed twenty pounds towards the paving of this great hall, and the following year, they added another fifteen pounds for the same pavement, using hard stone from Purbeck. They also glazed some windows for it and for the mayor’s court; on each of these windows, the arms of Richard Whitington are displayed. The foundation of the mayor’s court was laid in the third year of Henry VI’s reign, and the porch on the south side of the mayor’s court was built in the fourth year of the said king. Following that, the mayor’s chamber and the council chamber were constructed, along with other rooms above the stairs; lastly, a grand porch leading into the great hall was built, with the southern front enhanced with stone images, as described in the following verses written about thirty years ago by William Elderton, who was an attorney in the sheriffs’ courts at that time:—
And nobody should think to stay in town,
I’m sure you’re still in London, though. Seven images in this place and that place; I think very few, if any, will succeed,
Yet every day they reveal themselves,
Every year, thousands of people see them,
But I believe few can tell me where,
Where Jesus Christ stands above:
Law and Learning on either hand,
Discipline in the Devil's neck, And nearby her are three straight, There Justice, Fortitude, and Temperance stand, "Where can you find anything like this in the whole land?"
Divers aldermen glazed the great hall and other courts, as appeareth by their arms in each window. William Hariot, draper, mayor 1481, gave forty pounds to the making of two loovers in the said Guildhall, and towards the glazing thereof. The kitchens and other houses of office adjoining to this Guildhall, were built of later time, to wit, about the year 1501, by procurement of Sir John Sha, goldsmith, mayor (who was the first that kept his feast there); towards the charges of which work the mayor had of the fellowships of the city, by their own agreement, certain sums of money, as of the Mercers forty pounds, the Grocers twenty pounds, the Drapers thirty pounds, and so of the other fellowships through the city, as they were of power. Also widows and other well-disposed persons gave certain sums of money, as the Lady Hill ten pounds, the Lady Austrie ten pounds, and so of many other, till the work was finished, since the which time the mayor’s feasts have been yearly kept there, which before time had been kept in the Tailors’ hall, and in the Grocers’ hall. Nicholas Alwyn, grocer, mayor 1499, deceased 1505, gave by his testament for a hanging of tapestry, to serve for principal days in the Guildhall, £73 6s. 8d. How this gift was performed I have not heard, for executors of our time having no conscience (I speak of my own knowledge) prove more testaments than they perform.
Several older aldermen decorated the great hall and other courtyards, as shown by their coats of arms in each window. William Hariot, a draper and mayor in 1481, donated forty pounds for the creation of two windows in the Guildhall and for its glazing. The kitchens and other utility buildings next to this Guildhall were constructed later, around the year 1501, through the efforts of Sir John Sha, a goldsmith and mayor (who was the first to host his feast there). To fund this work, the mayor received certain amounts of money from the city’s guilds, as agreed upon, including forty pounds from the Mercers, twenty pounds from the Grocers, thirty pounds from the Drapers, and contributions from other guilds in the city as they were able. Additionally, widows and other generous individuals donated money, such as Lady Hill and Lady Austrie, each giving ten pounds, along with many others, until the project was completed. Since then, the mayor’s feasts have been held there annually, whereas they were previously held at the Tailors’ hall and the Grocers’ hall. Nicholas Alwyn, a grocer and mayor in 1499 who passed away in 1505, left in his will £73 6s. 8d. for a tapestry to be used for important occasions in the Guildhall. I haven't heard how this gift was fulfilled, as the executors in our time seem to have little conscience (I speak from my own experience) and manage to prove more wills than they execute.
Now for the chapel or college of our Lady Mary Magdalen, and of All Saints, by the Guildhall, called London college, I[245] read that the same was built about the year 1299, and that Peter Fanelore, Adam Frauncis, and Henry Frowike, citizens, gave one messuage, with the appurtenances, in the parish of St. Fawstar, to William Brampton, custos of the chantry, by them founded in the said chapel with four chaplains, and one other house in the parish of St. Giles without Cripplegate, in the 27th of Edward III., was given to them. Moreover, I find that Richard II., in the 20th of his reign, granted to Stephen Spilman, mercer, license to give one messuage, three shops, and one garden, with the appurtenances, being in the parish of St. Andrew Hubbard, to the custos and chaplains of the said chapel, and to their successors, for their better relief and maintenance for ever.
Now for the chapel or college of our Lady Mary Magdalen, and of All Saints, near the Guildhall, known as London college, I[245] found that it was built around the year 1299. Peter Fanelore, Adam Frauncis, and Henry Frowike, citizens, donated one messuage, along with its appurtenances, in the parish of St. Fawstar, to William Brampton, the custodian of the chantry they established in that chapel with four chaplains. Additionally, another house in the parish of St. Giles without Cripplegate was granted to them in the 27th year of Edward III. Furthermore, I see that Richard II., in the 20th year of his reign, allowed Stephen Spilman, a mercer, to give one messuage, three shops, and one garden, along with its appurtenances, located in the parish of St. Andrew Hubbard, to the custodian and chaplains of the chapel and their successors, for their ongoing support and maintenance forever.
King Henry VI., in the 8th of his reign, gave license to John Barnard, custos, and the chaplains, to build of new the said chapel or college of Guildhall: and the same Henry VI., in the 27th of his reign, granted to the parish clerks in London a guild of St. Nicholas, for two chaplains by them to be kept in the said chapel of St. Mary Magdalen, near unto the Guildhall, and to keep seven alms people. Henry Barton, skinner, mayor, founded a chaplaincy there; Roger Depham, mercer, and Sir William Langford, knight, had also chaplaincies there. This chapel or college had a custos, seven chaplains, three clerks, and four choristers.
King Henry VI, in the 8th year of his reign, gave permission to John Barnard, the custos, and the chaplains to rebuild the chapel or college at Guildhall. In the 27th year of his reign, Henry VI also granted the parish clerks in London a guild of St. Nicholas, allowing them to maintain two chaplains in the chapel of St. Mary Magdalen, located near Guildhall, and to support seven people in need. Henry Barton, a skinner and mayor, established a chaplaincy there; Roger Depham, a mercer, and Sir William Langford, a knight, also had chaplaincies at that location. This chapel or college had a custos, seven chaplains, three clerks, and four choristers.
Monuments there have been sundry, as appeareth by the tombs of marble yet remaining, seven in number, but all defaced. The uppermost in the choir, on the south side thereof, above the revestry door, was the tomb of John Wells, grocer, mayor 1451. The likeness of Wells are graven on the tomb on the revestry door, and other places on that side the choir. Also in the glass window over this tomb, and in the east window, is the likeness of Wells, with hands elevated out of the same Wells, holding scrolls, wherein is written “Mercy!”—the writing in the east window being broken, yet remaineth Wells. I found his arms also in the south glass window; all which do show that the east end and south side the choir of this chapel, and the revestry, were by him both built and glazed. On the north side the choir the tomb of Thomas Knesworth, fishmonger, mayor 1505, who deceased 1515, was defaced, and within these forty-four years again renewed by the Fishmongers. Two other tombs lower there are; the one of a draper, the other of a haberdasher, their names not known. Richard Stomine is written in the window by the haberdasher. Under flat stones do lie[246] divers custos of the chapel, chaplains and officers to the chamber. Amongst others, John Clipstone, priest, sometime custos of the library of the Guildhall, 1457; another of Edmond Alison, priest, one of the custos of the library, 1510, etc. Sir John Langley, goldsmith, mayor 1576, lieth buried in the vault, under the tomb of John Wells before-named. This chapel, or college, valued to dispend £15 8s. 9d. by the year, was surrendered amongst other: the chapel remaineth to the mayor and commonalty, wherein they have service weekly, as also at the election of the mayor, and at the mayor’s feast, etc.
There have been various monuments, as shown by the seven remaining marble tombs, though they are all damaged. The one at the front of the choir, on the south side above the vestry door, belonged to John Wells, a grocer and mayor in 1451. His likeness is carved on the tomb, the vestry door, and other areas on that side of the choir. In the stained glass window above this tomb, and in the east window, is also his image, with his hands raised from the same Well, holding scrolls that say “Mercy!”—the writing in the east window is broken, yet Wells is still depicted. I also found his coat of arms in the south window; all of which indicate that he built and decorated the east end and south side of this chapel, as well as the vestry. On the north side of the choir lies the tomb of Thomas Knesworth, a fishmonger and mayor in 1505, who died in 1515; this tomb was damaged but has been restored by the Fishmongers in the last forty-four years. There are two other lower tombs; one belongs to a draper and the other to a haberdasher, though their names are unknown. Richard Stomine is noted in the window by the haberdasher. Under flat stones rest various custodians of the chapel, chaplains, and chamber officers. Among them are John Clipstone, a priest and former custodian of the Guildhall library in 1457; another is Edmond Alison, a priest and one of the custodians of the library in 1510, and so on. Sir John Langley, a goldsmith and mayor in 1576, is buried in the vault beneath the tomb of John Wells mentioned earlier. This chapel, or college, was valued to have an annual spend of £15 8s. 9d., and was surrendered along with others: the chapel remains for the mayor and community, where they hold weekly services, as well as during the mayor's election and the mayor’s feast, etc.
Adjoining to this chapel, on the south side, was sometime a fair and large library, furnished with books, pertaining to the Guildhall and college. These books, as it is said, were in the reign of Edward VI. sent for by Edward, Duke of Somerset, lord protector, with promise to be restored: men laded from thence three carries with them, but they were never returned. This library was built by the executors of Richard Whittington, and by William Burie: the arms of Whittington are placed on the one side in the stone work, and two letters, to wit, W. and B., for William Bury, on the other side: it is now lofted through, and made a storehouse for clothes.
Adjoining this chapel, on the south side, there used to be a nice, large library that was filled with books belonging to the Guildhall and college. These books, it’s said, were taken during the reign of Edward VI by Edward, Duke of Somerset, who was the lord protector, with a promise that they would be returned. They loaded up three carts with them, but they were never brought back. This library was built by the executors of Richard Whittington and by William Burie: Whittington’s coat of arms is on one side of the stonework, and the letters W. and B., for William Bury, are on the other side. It has now been turned into a loft and is used as a storage area for clothes.
South-west from this Guildhall is the fair parish church of St. Laurence, called in the Jury, because of old time[206] many Jews inhabited thereabout. This church is fair and large, and hath some monuments, as shall be shown. I myself, more than seventy years since,[207] have seen in this church the shank-bone of a man (as it is taken), and also a tooth,[208] of a very great bigness, hanged up for show in chains of iron, upon a pillar of stone; the tooth (being about the bigness of a man’s fist) is long since conveyed from thence: the thigh, or shank-bone, of twenty-five inches in length by the rule, remaineth yet fastened to a post of timber, and is not so much to be noted for the length as for the thickness, hardness, and strength thereof; for when it was hanged on the stone pillar it fretted with moving the said[247] pillar, and was not itself fretted, nor, as seemeth, is not yet lightened by remaining dry; but where or when this bone was first found or discovered I have not heard, and therefore, rejecting the fables of some late writers, I overpass them. Walter Blundell had a chantry there, the 14th of Edward II. There lie buried in this church—Elizabeth, wife to John Fortescue; Katherine Stoketon; John Stratton; Philip Albert; John Fleming; Philip Agmondesham; William Skywith; John Norlong; John Baker; Thomas Alleyne; William Barton, mercer, 1410; William Melrith, mercer, one of the sheriffs, 1425; Simon Bartlet, mercer, 1428; Walter Chartsey, draper, one of the sheriffs 1430; Richard Rich, esquire, of London, the father, and Richard Rich, his son, mercer, one of the sheriffs 1442, deceased 1469, with this epitaph:
Southwest of this Guildhall is the lovely parish church of St. Laurence, referred to in the Jury due to the fact that many Jews used to live nearby. This church is beautiful and large and contains some monuments, as will be mentioned. More than seventy years ago, I myself saw in this church the shank bone of a man (as it is believed) and also a tooth of very large size, displayed in iron chains on a stone pillar; the tooth (about the size of a man's fist) has long since been removed, but the thigh or shank bone, measuring twenty-five inches long by the ruler, is still firmly attached to a wooden post and is notable not just for its length but also for its thickness, density, and strength; when it was hanging on the stone pillar, it caused wear on the pillar due to movement but showed no signs of wear itself, nor, it seems, has it lost weight from being dry for so long; however, I have not heard where or when this bone was first found or discovered, and so, dismissing the tales of some recent writers, I will skip over them. Walter Blundell had a chantry there, during the 14th year of Edward II. Buried in this church are—Elizabeth, the wife of John Fortescue; Katherine Stoketon; John Stratton; Philip Albert; John Fleming; Philip Agmondesham; William Skywith; John Norlong; John Baker; Thomas Alleyne; William Barton, a mercer, 1410; William Melrith, a mercer, one of the sheriffs, 1425; Simon Bartlet, a mercer, 1428; Walter Chartsey, a draper, one of the sheriffs 1430; Richard Rich, esquire, of London, the father, and Richard Rich, his son, a mercer, one of the sheriffs 1442, who died in 1469, with this epitaph:
"Everything that exists is nothing but loving God."
This Richard was father to John, buried in St. Thomas Acars, which John was father to Thomas, father to Richard Lord Ritch, etc.; John Pickering, honourable for service of his prince and for the English merchants beyond the seas, who deceased 1448; Godfrey Bollen, mercer, mayor 1457; Thomas Bollen, his son, esquire, of Norfolk, 1471; John Atkenson, gentleman; Dame Mary St. Maure; John Waltham; Roger Bonifant; John Chayhee; John Abbot; Geffrey Filding, mayor 1452, and Angell his wife; Simon Benington, draper, and Joan his wife; John Marshal, mercer, mayor 1493; William Purchat, mayor 1498; Thomas Burgoyne, gentleman, mercer, 1517; the wife of a master of defence, servant to the Princess of Wales, Duchess of Cornwall, and Countess of Chester;[209] Sir Richard Gresham, mayor 1537; Sir Michell Dormer, mayor 1541; Robert Charsey, one of the sheriffs 1548; Sir William Row, ironmonger, mayor 1593; Samuel Thornhill, 1397. Thus much for Cheape ward, which hath an alderman, his deputy, common councillors eleven, constables eleven, scavengers nine, for the wardmote inquest twelve, and a beadle. It is taxed to the fifteen at £72 16s., and in the Exchequer at £52 11s.[210]
This Richard was the father of John, who is buried in St. Thomas Acars. John was the father of Thomas, who was the father of Richard Lord Ritch, and so on. John Pickering, known for serving his prince and the English merchants overseas, passed away in 1448. Godfrey Bollen, a mercer, was mayor in 1457; Thomas Bollen, his son, was an esquire from Norfolk in 1471. Other notable individuals include John Atkenson, gentleman; Dame Mary St. Maure; John Waltham; Roger Bonifant; John Chayhee; John Abbot; Geffrey Filding, mayor in 1452, and Angell, his wife; Simon Benington, draper, and Joan, his wife; John Marshal, mercer, mayor in 1493; William Purchat, mayor in 1498; Thomas Burgoyne, gentleman, mercer in 1517; the wife of a master of defense, who served the Princess of Wales, Duchess of Cornwall, and Countess of Chester; Sir Richard Gresham, mayor in 1537; Sir Michell Dormer, mayor in 1541; Robert Charsey, one of the sheriffs in 1548; Sir William Row, an ironmonger, mayor in 1593; and Samuel Thornhill in 1397. This is the information for Cheape ward, which has an alderman, a deputy, eleven common councillors, eleven constables, nine scavengers, twelve wardmote inquest members, and a beadle. It is assessed at £72 16s. for the fifteen and £52 11s. in the Exchequer.
COLEMAN STREET WARD
Next to Cheape ward, on the north side thereof, is Coleman street ward, and beginneth also in the east, on the course of Walbrook in Lothbury, and runneth west on the south side to the end of Ironmongers’ lane, and on the north side to the west corner of Bassinges hall street.
Next to Cheape ward, on the north side, is Coleman Street ward, which starts in the east along the path of Walbrook in Lothbury, and runs west on the south side to the end of Ironmongers' Lane, and on the north side to the west corner of Bassinges Hall Street.
On the south side of Lothbury is the street called the Old Jury; the one half, and better on both sides, towards Cheape, is of this ward. On the north side lieth Coleman street, whereof the ward taketh name, wholly on both sides north to London wall, and from that north end along by the wall, and Moregate east, to the course of Walbrook; and again from Coleman street west to the iron grates: and these be the bounds of this ward.
On the south side of Lothbury is the street known as Old Jury; the better part on both sides, towards Cheape, is in this ward. On the north side is Coleman Street, which gives the ward its name, running completely on both sides north to London Wall, and from that northern end along the wall, and Moregate east, to the path of Walbrook; and then from Coleman Street west to the iron grates: these are the boundaries of this ward.
Antiquities to be noted therein are these: First, the street of Lothberie, Lathberie, or Loadberie (for by all these names have I read it), took the name (as it seemeth) of berie, or court of old time there kept, but by whom is grown out of memory. This street is possessed for the most part by founders, that cast candlesticks, chafing-dishes, spice mortars, and such like copper or laton works, and do afterward turn them with the foot, and not with the wheel, to make them smooth and bright with turning and scrating (as some do term it), making a loathsome noise to the by-passers that have not been used to the like, and therefore by them disdainfully called Lothberie.
Antiquities to note here are these: First, the street of Lothberie, Lathberie, or Loadberie (for I have read it by all these names), seems to have taken its name from “berie,” or a court that was once held there, but it’s unclear who established it. This street is mostly filled with metalworkers who cast candlesticks, chafing dishes, spice mortars, and other similar copper or brass items. They then shape these items by foot rather than using a wheel, making them smooth and shiny through turning and scraping (as some call it), which creates a jarring noise for passersby who aren't used to it, leading them to disdainfully refer to it as Lothberie.
On the south side of this street, amongst the founders, be some fair houses and large for merchants, namely, one that of old time was the Jews’ synagogue, which was defaced by the citizens of London, after that they had slain seven hundred Jews, and spoiled the residue of their goods, in the year 1262, the 47th of Henry III. And not long after, in the year 1291, King Edward I. banished the remnant of the Jews out of England, as is afore showed. The said synagogue being so suppressed, certain friars got possession thereof; “for in the year 1257,” saith Mathew Paris, “there were seen in London a new order of friars, called De Pœnitentia Jesu, or Fratres de Sacca, because they were apparelled in sackcloth, who had their house in London, near unto Aldersgate without the gate, and had license of Henry III., in the 54th of his reign, to remove from thence to any other place; and in the 56th he gave unto them this Jews’[249] synagogue; after which time, Elianor the queen, wife to Edward I., took into her protection, and warranted unto the prior and brethren De Penitentia Jesu Christi of London, the said land and building in Colechurch street, in the parish of St. Olave in the Jury, and St. Margaret in Lothbery, by her granted, with consent of Stephen de Fulbourne, under-warden of the Bridge-house, and other brethren of that house, for sixty marks of silver, which they had received of the said prior and brethren of repentance, to the building of the said bridge.” This order of friars gathered many good scholars, and multiplied in number exceedingly, until the council at Lyons, by the which it was decreed, that from that time forth there should be no more orders of begging friars permitted, but only the four orders; to wit, the Dominicke, or preachers, the Minorites, or grey friars, the Carmelites, or white friars, and the Augustines: and so from that time the begging friars deceased, and fell to nothing.
On the south side of this street, among the founders, there are some nice houses that are large enough for merchants, including one that used to be the synagogue for Jews. This synagogue was damaged by the citizens of London after they killed seven hundred Jews and looted the rest of their possessions in 1262, during the 47th year of Henry III's reign. Shortly after, in 1291, King Edward I banished the remaining Jews from England, as mentioned earlier. Once the synagogue was suppressed, some friars took it over; “for in the year 1257,” says Mathew Paris, “a new order of friars appeared in London, called De Pœnitentia Jesu, or Fratres de Sacca, because they wore sackcloth. They had their house in London, near Aldersgate outside the gate, and were granted permission by Henry III, in the 54th year of his reign, to relocate to any other place. In the 56th year, he gave them this Jews’[249] synagogue. After this, Elianor, the queen and wife of Edward I, took the land and building on Colechurch Street in the parish of St. Olave in the Jury and St. Margaret in Lothbury under her protection, promising it to the prior and brothers of De Penitentia Jesu Christi of London, with consent from Stephen de Fulbourne, the under-warden of the Bridge-house, and other brethren of that house, for sixty marks of silver, which they had received from the prior and brothers of repentance for the construction of the bridge.” This order of friars attracted many good scholars and grew significantly in number until the council at Lyons decreed that no more orders of begging friars would be allowed, except for the four orders: the Dominicans, or preachers, the Franciscans, or grey friars, the Carmelites, or white friars, and the Augustinians. From that point on, the begging friars declined and eventually disappeared.
Now it followed, that in the year 1305, Robert Fitzwalter requested and obtained of the said King Edward I., that the same friars of the Sacke might assign to the said Robert their chapel or church, of old time called the Synagogue of the Jews, near adjoining to the then mansion place of the same Robert, which was in place where now standeth the Grocers’ hall; and the said Synagogue was at the north corner of the Old Jury. Robert Large, mercer, mayor in the year 1439, kept his mayoralty in this house, and dwelt there until his dying day. This house standeth, and is of two parishes, as opening into Lothberie, of St. Margaret’s parish, and opening into the Old Jury of St. Olave’s parish. The said Robert Large gave liberally to both these parishes, but was buried at St. Olave’s. Hugh Clopton, mercer, mayor 1492, dwelt in this house, and kept his mayoralty there: it is now a tavern, and hath to sign a windmill. And thus much for this house, sometime the Jews’ synagogue, since a house of friars, then a nobleman’s house, after that a merchant’s house, wherein mayoralties have been kept, and now a wine tavern.
Now, it happened that in the year 1305, Robert Fitzwalter requested and received from King Edward I. permission for the friars of the Sacke to give him their chapel or church, which was an old synagogue of the Jews, located next to Robert's residence at what is now Grocers’ Hall; the synagogue was situated at the north corner of the Old Jury. Robert Large, a mercer and mayor in 1439, held his mayoralty in this house and lived there until he passed away. This house is situated at the intersection of two parishes, opening onto Lothbury, part of St. Margaret’s parish, and onto the Old Jury, part of St. Olave’s parish. Robert Large generously contributed to both parishes but was buried at St. Olave’s. Hugh Clopton, a mercer and mayor in 1492, also lived in this house and served his mayoralty there; it is now a tavern that has a sign with a windmill. Thus, this house has transitioned from being a synagogue for the Jews, to a friars' house, then to a nobleman's residence, then to a merchant's house where mayoralties were held, and is now a wine tavern.
Then is the Old Jurie, a street so called of Jews sometime dwelling there, and near adjoining, in the parishes of St. Olave, St. Michael Basings hall, St. Martin Ironmonger lane, St. Lawrence, called the Jury, and so west to Wood street. William, Duke of Normandy, first brought them from Rouen to inhabit here.
Then there's the Old Jury, a street named after the Jews who once lived there, and nearby, in the parishes of St. Olave, St. Michael Basinghall, St. Martin Ironmonger Lane, St. Lawrence, known as the Jury, and then west to Wood Street. William, Duke of Normandy, was the first to bring them from Rouen to live here.
William Rufus favoured them so far, that he sware by Luke’s[250] face, his common oath, if they could overcome the Christians, he would be one of their sect.
William Rufus supported them to the extent that he swore by Luke’s[250] face, his usual oath, that if they could defeat the Christians, he would join their group.
Henry II. grievously punished them for corrupting his coin.
Henry II severely punished them for ruining his currency.
Richard I. forbad Jews and women to be present at his coronation, for fear of enchantments; for breaking of which commandment many Jews were slain, who being assembled to present the king with some gift, one of them was stricken by a Christian, which some unruly people perceiving, fell upon them, beat them to their houses, and burnt them therein, or slew them at their coming out. Also the Jews at Norwich, St. Edmondsbury, Lincoln, Stamford, and Lynne, were robbed and spoiled; and at York, to the number of five hundred, besides women and children, entered a tower of the castle, proffered money to be in surety of their lives, but the Christians would not take it, whereupon they cut the throats of their wives and children, and cast them over the walls on the Christians’ heads, and then entering the king’s lodging, they burnt both the house and themselves.
Richard I banned Jews and women from attending his coronation, fearing enchantments. As a result of this decree, many Jews were killed. They had gathered to offer a gift to the king, but when one of them was attacked by a Christian, some unruly individuals noticed and attacked them, beating them back to their homes and either burning them inside or killing them as they tried to escape. Additionally, Jews in Norwich, St. Edmondsbury, Lincoln, Stamford, and Lynne were robbed and plundered. In York, about five hundred Jews, not counting women and children, took refuge in a tower of the castle and offered money for their lives, but the Christians rejected it. In response, they killed their wives and children and threw their bodies over the walls onto the Christians below, and then they entered the king’s quarters and set fire to both the house and themselves.
King John, in the 11th of his reign, commanded all the Jews, both men and women, to be imprisoned and grievously punished, because he would have all their money: some of them gave all they had, and promised more, to escape so many kinds of torments, for every one of them had one of their eyes at the least plucked out; amongst whom there was one, which being tormented many ways, would not ransom himself, till the king had caused every day one of his great teeth to be plucked out by the space of seven days, and then gave the king ten thousand marks of silver, to the end they should pull out no more: the said king at that time spoiled the Jews of sixty-six thousand marks.
King John, during the 11th year of his reign, ordered that all Jews, both men and women, be imprisoned and severely punished because he wanted all their money. Some of them gave everything they had and promised more to avoid various forms of torture; each of them had at least one eye taken out. Among them was one person who, after enduring numerous torments, refused to pay for his release until the king ordered one of his large teeth to be extracted each day for seven days. Eventually, he gave the king ten thousand marks of silver to stop the torture. At that time, the king took sixty-six thousand marks from the Jews.
The 17th of this king, the barons brake into the Jews’ houses, rifled their coffers, and with the stone of their houses repaired the gates and walls of London.
On the 17th of this king, the barons broke into the Jews' houses, looted their treasures, and used the stones from their houses to repair the gates and walls of London.
King Henry III., in the 11th of his reign, granted to Semayne, or Balaster, the house of Benonye Mittun the Jew, in the parish of St. Michael Bassinghaughe, in which the said Benonye dwelt, with the fourth part of all his land, in that parish which William Elie held of the fee of Hugh Nevell, and all the land in Coleman street belonging to the said Benonye, and the fourth part of the land in the parish of St. Lawrence, which was the fee of T. Buckerell, and were escheated to the king for the murder which the said Benonye committed in the city of London, to[251] hold to the said Semaine, and his heirs, of the king, paying at Easter a pair of gilt spurs, and to do the service thereof due unto the lord’s court. In like manner, and for like services, the king granted to Guso for his homage the other part of the lands of the said Bononye in St. Michael’s parish, which lands that Paynter held, and was the king’s escheat, and the lands of the said Bononye in the said parish, which Waltar Turnar held, and fifteen feet of land, which Hugh Harman held, with fifteen iron ells of land, and half in the front of Ironmonger lane, in the parish of St. Martin, which were the said Bononies of the fee of the hospital of St. Giles, and which Adam the smith held, with two stone-houses, which were Moses’, the Jew of Canterbury, in the parish of St. Olave, and which are of the fee of Arnold le Reus, and are the king’s escheats as before said.
King Henry III, in the 11th year of his reign, granted to Semayne, or Balaster, the house of Benonye Mittun the Jew, located in the parish of St. Michael Bassinghaugh, where the said Benonye lived, along with a fourth of all his land in that parish which William Elie held from the fee of Hugh Nevell. He also granted all the land on Coleman street that belonged to Benonye, and a fourth of the land in the parish of St. Lawrence, which was the fee of T. Buckerell, and had reverted to the king due to the murder committed by Benonye in the city of London, to[251] hold for Semayne and his heirs, from the king, paying a pair of gilt spurs at Easter and performing the due service for the lord’s court. Similarly, and for similar services, the king granted to Guso, in exchange for his homage, the other part of Benonye's lands in St. Michael’s parish, which Paynter held and was the king’s escheat, as well as the lands of Benonye in that parish which Waltar Turnar held, fifteen feet of land that Hugh Harman held, along with fifteen iron ells of land, and half of the front on Ironmonger Lane in the parish of St. Martin, which were Benonye's from the fee of the hospital of St. Giles, and which Adam the smith held, along with two stone houses that belonged to Moses, the Jew of Canterbury, in the parish of St. Olave, which are from the fee of Arnold le Reus, and are the king’s escheats as previously mentioned.
The 16th of the said Henry, the Jews in London built a synagogue, but the king commanded it should be dedicated to our Blessed Lady, and after gave it to the brethren of St. Anthonie of Vienna, and so was it called St. Anthonie’s hospital: this Henry founded a church and house for converted Jews in New street, by the Temple, whereby it came to pass that in short time there was gathered a great number of converts. The 20th of this Henry, seven Jews were brought from Norwich, which had stolen a christened child, had circumcised, and minded to have crucified him at Easter, wherefore their bodies and goods were at the king’s pleasure: the 26th, the Jews were constrained to pay to the king twenty thousand marks, at two terms in the year, or else to be kept in perpetual prison: the 35th, he taketh inestimable sums of money of all rich men, namely, of Aaron, a Jew, born at York, fourteen thousand marks for himself and ten thousand marks for the queen; and before he had taken of the same Jew as much as in all amounted to thirty thousand marks of silver, and two hundred marks of gold to the queen: in the 40th, were brought up to Westminster two hundred and two Jews from Lincoln, for crucifying of a child named Hugh; eighteen of them were hanged: the 43rd, a Jew at Tewkesbery fell into a privy on the Saturday, and would not that day be taken out for reverence of his Sabbath; wherefore Richard Clare, Earl of Gloucester, kept him there till Monday, that he was dead: the 47th, the barons slew the Jews at London seven hundred; the rest were spoiled, and their synagogue defaced, because one Jew would have forced a Christian to have paid more than two pence for the loan of twenty shillings a week.
On the 16th of Henry’s reign, the Jews in London built a synagogue, but the king ordered it to be dedicated to our Blessed Lady, and later gave it to the Brothers of St. Anthony of Vienna, thus it became known as St. Anthony’s hospital. Henry established a church and residence for converted Jews on New Street, by the Temple, leading to a significant number of converts in a short time. On the 20th of his reign, seven Jews were brought from Norwich for stealing a baptized child, whom they had circumcised and intended to crucify at Easter, which led to their bodies and goods being at the king’s discretion. On the 26th, the Jews were forced to pay the king twenty thousand marks, in two installments per year, or face perpetual imprisonment. On the 35th, he exacted enormous sums of money from wealthy individuals, particularly from Aaron, a Jew originally from York, who paid fourteen thousand marks for himself and ten thousand marks for the queen; in total, he had taken thirty thousand marks of silver and two hundred marks of gold from the same Jew for the queen. In the 40th year, two hundred and two Jews from Lincoln were brought to Westminster for the crucifixion of a child named Hugh; eighteen of them were hanged. In the 43rd, a Jew in Tewkesbury fell into a privy on a Saturday and refused to be pulled out that day out of respect for his Sabbath, so Richard Clare, Earl of Gloucester, left him there until Monday, by which time he had died. In the 47th year, the barons killed seven hundred Jews in London; the others were looted, and their synagogue was destroyed because one Jew tried to make a Christian pay more than two pence for borrowing twenty shillings a week.
The 3rd of Edward I., in a parliament at London, usury was forbidden to the Jews; and that all usurers might be known, the king commanded that every usurer should wear a table on his breast, the breadth of a paveline, or else to avoid the realm. The 6th of the said King Edward a reformation was made for clipping of the king’s coin, for which offence two hundred and sixty-seven Jews were drawn and hanged; three were English Christians, and other were English Jews: the same year the Jews crucified a child at Northampton, for the which fact many Jews at London were drawn at horse-tails and hanged. The 11th of Edward I., John Perkham, Archbishop of Canterbury, commanded the Bishop of London to destroy all the Jews’ synagogues in his diocese. The 16th of the said Edward, all the Jews in England were in one day apprehended by precept from the king, but they redeemed themselves for twelve thousand pounds of silver; notwithstanding, in the 19th of his reign, he banished them all out of England, giving them only to bear their charge, till they were out of his realm: the number of Jews then expulsed were fifteen thousand and sixty persons. The king made a mighty mass of money of their houses, which he sold, and yet the commons of England had granted and gave him a fifteenth of all their goods to banish them: and thus much for the Jews.
On the 3rd of Edward I., during a parliament in London, usury was banned for the Jews. To identify all usurers, the king ordered that every usurer must wear a badge on their chest, the size of a paveline, or leave the kingdom. On the 6th of Edward I., a reform was made regarding the clipping of the king’s coin, for which two hundred and sixty-seven Jews were drawn and hanged; three were English Christians, and the rest were English Jews. That same year, Jews crucified a child in Northampton, resulting in many Jews in London being drawn at horse-tails and hanged. In the 11th year of Edward I., John Perkham, the Archbishop of Canterbury, instructed the Bishop of London to destroy all the Jews’ synagogues in his diocese. On the 16th of the same Edward, all the Jews in England were arrested in one day by the king’s order, but they managed to redeem themselves for twelve thousand pounds of silver. However, in the 19th year of his reign, he banished all Jews from England, allowing them only to take what they could carry until they left his realm; the number of Jews banished was fifteen thousand and sixty individuals. The king made a significant amount of money from selling their properties, and yet the common people of England had granted and contributed a fifteenth of all their goods to facilitate their banishment. And thus concludes the matter concerning the Jews.
In this said street, called the Old Jury, is a proper parish church of St. Olave Upwell, so called in record, 1320. John Brian, parson of St. Olave Upwell, in the Jury, founded there a chantry, and gave two messuages to that parish, the 16th of Edward II., and was by the said king confirmed. In this church,[211] to the commendation of the parsons and parishioners, the monuments of the dead remain less defaced than in many other: first, of William Dikman, fereno or ironmonger, one of the sheriffs of London 1367; Robert Haveloke, ironmonger, 1390; John Organ, mercer, one of the sheriffs 1385; John Forest, vicar of St. Olave’s, and of St. Stephen, at that time as a chapel annexed to St. Olave, 1399; H. Friole, tailor, 1400; T. Morsted, esquire, chirurgeon to Henry IV., V., and VI., one of the sheriffs, 1436: he built a fair new aisle to the enlargement of this church, on the north side thereof, wherein he lieth buried, 1450; Adam Breakspeare, chaplain, 1411; William Kerkbie, mercer, 1465; Robert Large, mercer, mayor 1440; he gave to that church two hundred pounds; John Belwine, founder, 1467; Gabriel Rave,[253] fuller, 1511; Wentworth, esquire, 1510; Thomas Michell, ironmonger, 1527; Giles Dewes, servant to Henry VII. and to Henry VIII., clerk of their libraries, and schoolmaster for the French tongue to Prince Arthur and to the Lady Mary, 1535; Richard Chamberlaine, ironmonger, one of the sheriffs, 1562; Edmond Burlacy, mercer, 1583; John Brian, etc.
On this street, known as the Old Jury, there is a parish church dedicated to St. Olave Upwell, recorded since 1320. John Brian, the parson of St. Olave Upwell in the Jury, established a chantry there and donated two properties to the parish on the 16th year of Edward II's reign, which was confirmed by the king. In this church,[211] the monuments of the deceased are preserved better than in many others: first, William Dikman, an ironmonger and one of London's sheriffs in 1367; Robert Haveloke, ironmonger, 1390; John Organ, a mercer and one of the sheriffs in 1385; John Forest, vicar of St. Olave’s and St. Stephen's, which was then a chapel attached to St. Olave, in 1399; H. Friole, tailor, 1400; T. Morsted, esquire and surgeon to Henry IV, V, and VI, also a sheriff in 1436, who built a lovely new aisle to expand the church on its north side where he is buried, 1450; Adam Breakspeare, chaplain, 1411; William Kerkbie, mercer, 1465; Robert Large, mercer and mayor in 1440, who donated two hundred pounds to the church; John Belwine, founder, 1467; Gabriel Rave,[253] fuller, 1511; Wentworth, esquire, 1510; Thomas Michell, ironmonger, 1527; Giles Dewes, a servant to Henry VII and Henry VIII, their library clerk, and French teacher to Prince Arthur and Lady Mary, 1535; Richard Chamberlaine, ironmonger and one of the sheriffs in 1562; Edmond Burlacy, mercer, 1583; John Brian, etc.
From this parish church of St. Olave, to the north end of the Old Jewry, and from thence west to the north end of Ironmongers’ lane, and from the said corner into Ironmongers’ lane, almost to the parish church of St. Martin, was of old time one large building of stone, very ancient, made in place of Jews’ houses, but of what antiquity, or by whom the same was built, or for what use, I have not learnt, more than that King Henry VI., in the 16th of his reign, gave the office of being porter or keeper thereof unto John Stent for term of his life, by the name of his principal palace in the Old Jury: this was in my youth called the old Wardrobe, but of later time the outward stone wall hath been by little and little taken down, and divers fair houses built thereupon, even round about.
From the parish church of St. Olave, to the north end of Old Jewry, and then west to the north end of Ironmongers’ Lane, and from that corner into Ironmongers’ Lane, almost to the parish church of St. Martin, there used to be one large stone building, very old, that replaced the houses of Jews. I haven't learned much about its history, who built it, or what it was used for, other than that King Henry VI, in the 16th year of his reign, granted the position of porter or keeper to John Stent for life, referring to it as his principal palace in Old Jewry. In my youth, this was called the old Wardrobe, but in more recent times, the outer stone wall has been gradually taken down, and several nice houses have been built around it.
Now for the north side of this Lothburie, beginning again at the east end thereof, upon the water-course of Walbrooke, have ye a proper parish church called St. Margaret, which seemeth to be newly re-edified and built about the year 1440; for Robert Large gave to the choir of that church one hundred shillings and twenty pounds for ornaments; more, to the vaulting over the water-course of Walbrook by the said church, for the enlarging thereof two hundred marks.
Now on the north side of Lothbury, starting again at the east end, along the watercourse of Walbrook, there's a nice parish church called St. Margaret, which looks to have been recently rebuilt around the year 1440. Robert Large donated one hundred shillings and twenty pounds for the church's choir ornaments; additionally, he contributed two hundred marks for the vaulting over the Walbrook watercourse by the church to expand it.
There be monuments in this church,—of Reginald Coleman, son to Robert Coleman, buried there 1483: this said Robert Coleman may be supposed the first builder or owner of Coleman street, and that St. Stephen’s church, then built in Coleman street, was but a chapel belonging to the parish church of St. Olave in the Jury; for we read (as afore) that John Forest, vicar of St. Olave’s, and of the chapel annexed of St. Stephen, deceased in the year 1399.[212] Hugh Clopton, mercer, mayor, deceased 1496; John Dimocke, Anselme Becker, John Julian, and William Ilford, chantries there; Sir Brian Tewke, knight, treasurer of the chamber to King Henry VIII., and Dame Grisilde his wife, that deceased after him, were there buried 1536; John Fetiplace, draper, esquire, 1464, and Joan his wife; Sir Hugh Witch, mercer, mayor, son to Richard Witch, entombed there 1466: he gave to his third wife three thousand[254] pounds, and to maids’ marriages five hundred marks; Sir John Leigh, 1564, with this epitaph:
There are monuments in this church—of Reginald Coleman, son of Robert Coleman, who was buried here in 1483. Robert Coleman is believed to be the first builder or owner of Coleman Street, and St. Stephen’s Church, which was then built on Coleman Street, was probably just a chapel belonging to the parish church of St. Olave in the Jury. We read (as mentioned earlier) that John Forest, the vicar of St. Olave’s and the attached chapel of St. Stephen, died in 1399.[212] Hugh Clopton, a mercer and mayor, died in 1496; John Dimocke, Anselme Becker, John Julian, and William Ilford, associated with chantries here; Sir Brian Tewke, knight and treasurer of the chamber to King Henry VIII., and his wife Dame Grisilde, who died after him, were buried here in 1536; John Fetiplace, a draper and esquire, 1464, and his wife Joan; Sir Hugh Witch, a mercer and mayor, son of Richard Witch, was interred here in 1466: he gave his third wife three thousand[254] pounds and five hundred marks for maidens’ marriages; Sir John Leigh, 1564, with this epitaph:
No power, no fame, no prince's love, no struggle, Though you will search foreign lands through travel,
No loyal service to the country soil,
Can life extend one minute of an hour,
But eventually, death will assert its power; For Sir John Leigh to various known countries,
A noble knight, highly regarded by his prince, By witnessing a lot, I’ve gained significant experience,
Though he seemed safe on the seas and certain on land, Yet here he lies too soon, oppressed by death,
"His fame still lives, and his soul rests in heaven."
By the west end of this parish church have ye a fair water conduit, built at the charges of the city in the year 1546. Sir Martin Bowes being mayor, two fifteens were levied of the citizens toward the charges thereof. This water is conveyed in great abundance from divers springs lying betwixt Hoxton and Iseldon.
By the west end of this parish church, there is a nice water fountain, built at the city's expense in 1546. Sir Martin Bowes was the mayor, and two fifteens were collected from the citizens to help cover the costs. This water comes abundantly from various springs located between Hoxton and Islington.
Next is the Founders’ hall, a proper house, and so to the south-west corner of Bassinges hall street, have ye fair and large houses for merchants; namely, the corner house at the end of Bassinges hall street; an old piece of work, built of stone, sometime belonging to a certain Jew named Mansere, the son of Aaron, the son of Coke the Jew, the 7th of Edward I.; since to Rahere de Sopar’s lane, then to Simon Francis. Thomas Bradbery, mercer, kept his mayoralty there; deceased 1509. Part of this house hath been lately employed as a market-house for the sale of woollen bays, watmols, flannels, and such like. Alderman Bennet now possesseth it.
Next is the Founders’ Hall, a proper building, and in the southwest corner of Bassinges Hall Street, there are nice and spacious houses for merchants; specifically, the corner house at the end of Bassinges Hall Street, an old stone structure that once belonged to a Jew named Mansere, the son of Aaron, the son of Coke the Jew, in the 7th year of Edward I. It later went to Rahere de Sopar’s Lane, and then to Simon Francis. Thomas Bradbery, a mercer, served his term as mayor there; he passed away in 1509. Part of this house has recently been used as a market for selling woollen bays, watmols, flannels, and similar items. Alderman Bennet currently owns it.
On this north side against the Old Jury is Coleman street, so called of Coleman, the first builder and owner thereof; as also of Colechurch, or Coleman church, against the great conduit in Cheape. This is a fair and large street, on both sides built with divers fair houses, besides alleys, with small tenements in great number. On the east side of this street, almost at the north end thereof, is the Armourers’ hall, which company of armourers were made a fraternity or guild of St George, with a chantry in the chapel of St. Thomas in Paule’s church, in the 1st of Henry VI. Also on the same side is King’s alley and Love lane, both containing many tenements; and on the west side, towards the south end, is the parish church of St. Stephen, wherein the monuments are defaced: notwithstanding, I find that William Crayhag founded a chantry there in the reign of Edward II., and was[255] buried there:[213] also John Essex, the 35th of Edward III.; Adam Goodman, the 37th of Edward III.; William King, draper, sometime owner of King’s alley, the 18th of Richard II.; John Stokeling, the 10th of Henry VI.; John Arnold, leather-seller, the 17th of Henry VI.; Thomas Bradberie, mercer, mayor, the 1st of Henry VIII.; his tomb remaineth on the north side the choir; Richard Hamney, 1418; Kirnigham, 1468; Sir John Garme; Richard Colsel; Edmond Harbeke, currier; all these were benefactors, and buried there. This church was sometime a synagogue of the Jews, then a parish church, then a chapel to St. Olave’s in the Jury, until the 7th of Edward IV., and was then incorporated a parish church.
On the north side by the Old Jury is Coleman Street, named after Coleman, its first builder and owner, as well as Coleman Church, located near the large water conduit in Cheapside. This is a wide and spacious street, lined with various beautiful houses on both sides, along with numerous alleys and smaller tenements. On the east side of this street, near the northern end, is the Armourers' Hall, where the armourers' guild was established as a fraternity of St. George, with a chantry in the chapel of St. Thomas at Paul's Church during the first year of Henry VI's reign. Also on this side are King's Alley and Love Lane, both featuring many tenements. On the west side, toward the southern end, is the parish church of St. Stephen, which has suffered from damage to its monuments. Nonetheless, it's known that William Crayhag established a chantry there during the reign of Edward II and was buried there; also, John Essex during the 35th year of Edward III; Adam Goodman in the 37th year of Edward III; William King, a draper and former owner of King's Alley, in the 18th year of Richard II; John Stokeling in the 10th year of Henry VI; John Arnold, a leather-seller, in the 17th year of Henry VI; Thomas Bradberie, a mercer and mayor, in the first year of Henry VIII; his tomb remains on the north side of the choir; Richard Hamney in 1418; Kirnigham in 1468; Sir John Garme; Richard Colsel; Edmond Harbeke, a currier; all these were benefactors and are buried there. This church was once a synagogue for the Jews, later became a parish church, and then a chapel to St. Olave's in the Jury until the 7th year of Edward IV, when it was then incorporated as a parish church.
By the east end of this church is placed a cock of sweet water, taken of the main pipe that goeth into Lothberie. Also in London wall, directly against the north end of Coleman street, is a conduit of water, made at the charges of Thomas Exmew, goldsmith, mayor 1517. And let here be the end of this ward, which hath an alderman, his deputy, common councillors four, constables four, scavengers four, of the wardmote inquest thirteen, and a beadle. It is taxed to the fifteen at £15 16s. 9d.[214]
At the east end of this church, there’s a fountain of fresh water supplied by the main pipe that leads into Lothbury. Also, on London Wall, directly across from the north end of Coleman Street, there’s a water conduit built at the expense of Thomas Exmew, a goldsmith and mayor in 1517. This marks the boundary of this ward, which has an alderman, a deputy, four common councillors, four constables, four scavengers, thirteen members of the wardmote inquest, and a beadle. It is assessed for the tax at £15 16s. 9d.[214]
BASSINGS HALL WARD
The next adjoining to Coleman street, on the west side thereof, is Bassings hall ward, a small thing, and consisteth of one street called Bassings hall street, of Bassings hall, the most principal house whereof the ward taketh name. It beginneth in the south by the late spoken market-house called the Bay hall, which is the last house of Coleman street ward. This street runneth from thence north down to London wall, and some little distance, both east and west, against the said hall; and this is the bound of Bassings hall ward.
The area next to Coleman Street on the west side is Bassinghall Ward, which is small and consists of one street called Bassinghall Street, named after the main building in the ward. It starts in the south near the recently mentioned market-house called the Bay Hall, which is the last building in Coleman Street Ward. This street runs north from there down to London Wall, extending a little distance both east and west against the hall; this marks the boundary of Bassinghall Ward.
Monuments on the east side thereof, amongst divers fair houses for merchants, have ye three halls of companies; namely, the Masons’ hall for the first, but of what antiquity that company is I have not read. The next is the Weavers’ hall, which company hath been of great antiquity in this city, as appeareth by a charter of Henry II., in these words, Rex omnibus ad quos, etc., to be Englished thus:—“Henrie, king of England, duke of[256] Normandie, and of Guian, Earl of Anjou, to the bishop, justices, shiriffes, barons, ministers, and all his true lieges of London, sendeth greeting: Know ye that we have granted to the weavers in London their guild, with all the freedomes and customes that they had in the time of King Henrie my grandfather, so that none but they intermit within the citie of their craft but he be of their guild, neither in Southwark, or other places pertaining to London, otherwise than it was done in the time of King Henrie my grandfather; wherefore I will and straightly commaund that over all lawfully they may treate, and have all aforesaid, as well in peace, free, worshipfull, and wholy, as they had it, freer, better, worshipfullier, and wholier, than in the time of King Henrie my grandfather, so that they yeeld yearely to mee two markes of gold at the feast of St. Michaell; and I forbid that any man to them do any unright, or disseise, upon paine of ten pound. Witnes, Thomas of Canterburie, Warwicke fili Gar, Chamberlaine at Winchester.”[215] Also I read, that the same Henry II., in the 31st of his reign, made a confirmation to the weavers that had a guild or fraternity in London, wherein it appeareth that the said weavers made woollen cloth, and that they had the correction thereof; but amongst other articles in that patent, it was decreed, that if any man made cloth of Spanish wool, mixed with English wool, the portgrave, or principal magistrate of London, ought to burn it, etc.
Monuments on the east side, alongside several beautiful merchant houses, include three company halls: the first is the Masons’ hall, although I haven't read about the company's history. The next is the Weavers’ hall, which has a long-standing history in this city, as shown by a charter from Henry II., reading as follows: Rex omnibus ad quos, translated as: “Henry, King of England, Duke of Normandy, and of Guian, Earl of Anjou, to the bishop, justices, sheriffs, barons, ministers, and all his loyal subjects of London, sends greetings: Know that we have granted the weavers in London their guild, with all the freedoms and customs they had during the time of King Henry my grandfather, so that only they can practice their craft within the city, and not others who aren't part of their guild, whether in Southwark or any other places related to London, just as it was done during the time of King Henry my grandfather; therefore, I will and strictly command that they can treat and possess all the mentioned rights lawfully, in peace and completely, even better and more honorably than they did during the time of King Henry my grandfather, provided they pay me two marks of gold every year at the feast of St. Michael; and I forbid anyone from doing them any wrong or dispossessing them, under pain of ten pounds. Witness: Thomas of Canterbury, Warwick son of Gar, Chamberlain at Winchester.”[215] I also read that the same Henry II., in the 31st year of his reign, confirmed the weavers who had a guild or fraternity in London, which shows that these weavers made woolen cloth and had the authority to regulate it; however, among other stipulations in that patent, it was decreed that if anyone made cloth from Spanish wool mixed with English wool, the portgrave, or chief magistrate of London, should burn it, etc.
Moreover, in the year 1197,[216] King Richard I., at the instance of Hubert, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Justicier of England, ordained that the woollen cloths in every part of this realm should be in breadth two yards within the lists, and as good in the midst as in the sides, etc. King Henry III. granted that they should not be vexed, for the burels, or cloth listed, according to the constitution made for breadth of cloth the 9th of his reign, etc. Richard II., in the 3rd of his reign, granted an order of agreement between the weavers of London, Englishmen, and aliens, or strangers born, brought in by Edward III.
Moreover, in the year 1197,[216] King Richard I, at the request of Hubert, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Chief Justice of England, ordered that woolen cloths throughout the realm should have a width of two yards within the limits, and be of equal quality in the middle as on the sides, etc. King Henry III granted that they should not be distressed, as the burels, or listed cloth, was covered by the regulation established for cloth width during the 9th year of his reign, etc. Richard II, in the 3rd year of his reign, approved an agreement between the weavers of London, both English and foreign-born, introduced by Edward III.
Lower down is the Girdlers’[217] hall, and this is all touching the east side of this ward.
Lower down is the Girdlers’[217] hall, and this is all along the east side of this area.
On the west side, almost at the south end thereof, is Bakewell[257] hall, corruptly called Blackewall hall: concerning the original whereof I have heard divers opinions, which I overpass as fables without colour of truth; for though the same seemed a building of great antiquity, yet in mine opinion the foundation thereof was first laid since the conquest of William, Duke of Normandie; for the same was built upon vaults of stone, which stone was brought from Caen in Normandie, the like of that of Paule’s church, built by Mauritius and his successors, bishops of London; but that this house hath been a temple or Jewish synagogue (as some have fantasied) I allow not, seeing that it had no such form of roundness, or other likeness, neither had it the form of a church, for the assembly of Christians, which are built east and west, but contrariwise the same was built north and south, and in form of a nobleman’s house; and therefore the best opinion in my judgment is, that it was of old time belonging to the family of the Bassings, which was in this realm a name of great antiquity and renown, and that it bare also the name of that family, and was called therefore Bassings haugh, or hall; whereunto I am the rather induced, for that the arms of that family were of old time so abundantly placed in sundry parts of that house, even in the stone-work, but more especially on the walls of the hall, which carried a continual painting of them on every side, so close together as one escutcheon could be placed by another, which I myself have often seen and noted before the old building was taken down: these arms were a gyronny of twelve points, gold and azure. Of the Bassinges therefore, builders of this house and owners of the ground near adjoining, that ward taketh the name, as Coleman street ward of Coleman, and Faringden ward of William and Nicholas Faringden, men that were principal owners of those places.
On the west side, almost at the southern end, is Bakewell[257] hall, mistakenly called Blackewall hall. I've heard various opinions about its origins, but I consider them to be unfounded stories; even though it looks like an ancient building, I believe its foundation was laid after William, Duke of Normandy, conquered the area. It was built on stone vaults made of stone brought from Caen in Normandy, similar to the stone used in Paul's church, which was built by Mauritius and his successors, bishops of London. However, I reject the idea that this house served as a temple or Jewish synagogue, as some have suggested. It doesn't have any round shape or other features that match a synagogue, nor does it resemble a church for Christian gatherings, which are typically oriented east and west. Instead, it was built north and south, resembling a nobleman's residence. Therefore, I believe it originally belonged to the Bassing family, who were historically significant in this realm. It likely took their name, being called Bassings haugh or hall. I lean towards this idea because the arms of the Bassing family were prominently displayed throughout the house, especially on the walls of the hall, where they were painted closely together all around. I have seen this myself before the old building was demolished: their arms were a gyronny of twelve points, gold and blue. Thus, the ward takes the name from the Bassing family, the builders of the house and owners of the surrounding land, similar to how Coleman Street ward is named after Coleman, and Faringden ward is named after William and Nicholas Faringden, who were the main owners of those areas.
And of old time the most noble persons that inhabited this city were appointed to be principal magistrates there, as was Godfrey de Magun (or Magnavile), portgrave, or sheriff, in the reign of William Conqueror, and of William Rufus; Hugh de Buch, in the reign of Henry I.; Auberie de Vere, Earl of Oxford; after him, Gilbert Becket, in the reign of King Stephen; after that, Godfrey de Magnavile, the son of William, the son of Godfrey de Magnavile, Earls of Essex, were portgraves or sheriffs of London and Middlesex. In the reign of Henry II., Peter Fitzwalter; after him, John Fitznigel, etc.; so likewise in the reign of King John, the 16th of his reign, a time of great troubles, in the year 1214, Salomon Bassing and Hugh Bassing, barons of this realm, as may be supposed, were sheriffs; and the[258] said Salomon Bassing was mayor in the year 1216, which was the 1st of Henry III. Also Adam Bassing, son to Salomon (as it seemeth), was one of the sheriffs in the year 1243, the 28th of Henry III.
In ancient times, the most esteemed individuals residing in this city were chosen to be the main magistrates, such as Godfrey de Magun (or Magnavile), the portgrave or sheriff, during the reign of William the Conqueror and William Rufus; Hugh de Buch in the reign of Henry I.; Auberie de Vere, Earl of Oxford; then Gilbert Becket during King Stephen's reign; followed by Godfrey de Magnavile, the son of William, who was the son of Godfrey de Magnavile, Earls of Essex, serving as portgraves or sheriffs of London and Middlesex. During Henry II.'s reign, Peter Fitzwalter took over, followed by John Fitznigel, and so on. Similarly, in King John's reign, specifically in the 16th year of his rule, amidst significant troubles in 1214, Salomon Bassing and Hugh Bassing, barons of this realm, were sheriffs; and Salomon Bassing served as mayor in 1216, which was the first year of Henry III. Additionally, Adam Bassing, presumably Salomon’s son, was one of the sheriffs in 1243, the 28th year of Henry III.
Unto this Adam de Bassing King Henry III., in the 31st of his reign, gave and confirmed certain messuages in Aldermanbury, and in Milke street (places not far from Bassinges hall), the advowson of the church at Bassinges hall, with sundry liberties and privileges.
To this Adam de Bassing, King Henry III, in the 31st year of his reign, granted and confirmed certain houses in Aldermanbury and Milk Street (locations not far from Bassing's Hall), the right to present to the church at Bassing's Hall, along with various liberties and privileges.
This man was afterwards mayor in the year 1251, the 36th of Henry III.; moreover, Thomas Bassing was one of the sheriffs 1269; Robert Bassing, sheriff, 1279; and William Bassing was sheriff 1308, etc.; for more of the Bassings in this city I need not note, only I read of this family of Bassinges in Cambridgeshire,[218] called Bassing at the bourn, and more shortly Bassing bourn, and gave arms, as is afore showed, and was painted about this old hall. But this family is worn out, and hath left the name to the place where they dwelt. Thus much for this Bassings hall.
This man later became mayor in 1251, the 36th year of Henry III.; additionally, Thomas Bassing was one of the sheriffs in 1269; Robert Bassing served as sheriff in 1279; and William Bassing was sheriff in 1308, and so on; I don’t need to mention more about the Bassings in this city, only that I read about this Bassing family in Cambridgeshire,[218] called Bassing at the bourn, and more commonly Bassingbourn, which had a coat of arms, as mentioned earlier, and was depicted around this old hall. However, this family has faded away and has left their name to the place where they lived. That's all for this Bassing's hall.
Now how Blakewell hall took that name is another question; for which I read that Thomas Bakewell dwelt in this house in the 36th of Edward III.; and that in the 20th of Richard II., the said king, for the sum of fifty pounds, which the mayor and commonalty had paid into the hanaper, granted licence so much as was in him to John Frosh, William Parker, and Stephen Spilman (citizens and mercers), that they, the said messuage called Bakewell hall, and one garden, with the appurtenances, in the parish of St. Michael of Bassings haugh, and of St. Laurence in the Jurie of London, and one messuage, two shops, and one garden, in the said parish of St. Michael, which they held of the king in burghage, might give and assign to the mayor and commonalty for ever. This Bakewell hall, thus established, hath been long since employed as a weekly market-place for all sorts of woollen cloths, broad and narrow, brought from all parts of this realm, there to be sold. In the 21st of Richard II., R. Whittington, mayor, and in the 22nd, Drengh Barringtine being mayor, it was decreed that no foreigner or stranger should sell any woollen cloth but in the Bakewell hall, upon pain of forfeiture thereof.
Now, how Blakewell Hall got its name is another story; I read that Thomas Bakewell lived in this house during the 36th year of Edward III. Then, in the 20th year of Richard II, the king granted permission, for the sum of fifty pounds that the mayor and the community had paid into the hanaper, to John Frosh, William Parker, and Stephen Spilman (citizens and merchants), allowing them to give the mansion known as Bakewell Hall, along with one garden and its associated rights, located in the parish of St. Michael of Bassingshaugh, and St. Laurence in the Jurie of London, as well as one mansion, two shops, and one garden in the same parish of St. Michael, which they held of the king as burghage, to the mayor and community forever. This Bakewell Hall, thus established, has long been used as a weekly marketplace for all types of woolen cloth, both broad and narrow, brought from all over the kingdom to be sold. In the 21st year of Richard II, R. Whittington was mayor, and in the 22nd, Drengh Barringtine was mayor. It was decreed that no foreigner or stranger should sell any woolen cloth except in Bakewell Hall, under penalty of losing it.
This house of late years growing ruinous, and in danger of falling, Richard May, merchant-tailor, at his decease gave towards the new building of the outward part thereof three hundred pounds, upon condition that the same should be performed within three years after his decease; whereupon the old Bakewell hall was taken down, and in the month of February next following, the foundation of a new, strong, and beautiful storehouse being laid, the work thereof was so diligently applied, that within the space of ten months after, to the charges of two thousand five hundred pounds, the same was finished in the year 1588.
This house, which had become quite dilapidated and was at risk of collapsing, was bequeathed three hundred pounds by Richard May, a merchant tailor, upon his death. This money was intended for the rebuilding of the exterior, provided that the work was completed within three years after his passing. As a result, the old Bakewell hall was demolished, and in February of the following year, the foundation for a new, sturdy, and attractive storehouse was laid. The work was so diligently pursued that within ten months, at a cost of two thousand five hundred pounds, it was completed in the year 1588.
Next beyond this house be placed divers fair houses for merchants and others, till ye come to the back gate of Guildhall, which gate and part of the building within the same is of this ward. Some small distance beyond this gate the coopers have their common hall. Then is the parish church of St. Michaell, called St. Michaell at Bassings hall, a proper church lately re-edified or new built, whereto John Barton, mercer, and Agnes his wife, were great benefactors, as appeareth by his mark placed throughout the whole roof of the choir and middle aisle of the church: he deceased in the year 1460, and was buried in the choir, with this epitaph:
Next to this house, there are several nice homes for merchants and others, until you reach the back gate of Guildhall, which is part of this ward. A little way past this gate, the coopers have their common hall. Then there's the parish church of St. Michael, known as St. Michael at Basinghall, a beautiful church that has recently been rebuilt. John Barton, a mercer, and his wife Agnes were major benefactors, as shown by his mark displayed throughout the entire roof of the choir and the main aisle of the church. He passed away in 1460 and was buried in the choir, with this epitaph:
Sometimes in London, citizen and merchant, And Ienet, his wife, along with their children, Beene turned to earth as you can see:
Friends, be free whatever you are,
Pray for vs we pray for you,
As you can see vs in this extent,
You will be another day.
Frances Cooke, John Martin, Edward Bromflit, esquire, of Warwickshire, 1460; Richard Barnes, Sir Roger Roe, Roger Velden, 1479; Sir James Yarford, mercer, mayor, deceased 1526, buried under a fair tomb with his lady in a special chapel by him built on the north side of the choir; Sir John Gresham, mercer, mayor, deceased 1554; Sir John Ailife, chirurgeon, then a grocer, one of the sheriffs 1548; Nicholas Bakhurst, one of the sheriffs 1577; Wolston Dixi, skinner, mayor, 1585, etc. Thus have you noted one parish church of St. Michaell, Bakewell hall, a market-place for woollen cloths; the Masons’ hall, Weavers’ hall, Cordellers’ hall, and Coopers’ hall. And thus I end this ward, which hath an alderman, his deputy, for common council four, constables two, scavengers two, for the wardmote inquest[260] seventeen, and a beadle. It is taxed to the fifteen in London at seven pounds, and likewise in the Exchequer at seven pounds.
Frances Cooke, John Martin, Edward Bromflit, esquire, from Warwickshire, 1460; Richard Barnes, Sir Roger Roe, Roger Velden, 1479; Sir James Yarford, merchant, mayor, passed away 1526, buried under a beautiful tomb with his wife in a special chapel he built on the north side of the choir; Sir John Gresham, merchant, mayor, passed away 1554; Sir John Ailife, surgeon, who was a grocer, one of the sheriffs in 1548; Nicholas Bakhurst, one of the sheriffs in 1577; Wolston Dixi, skinner, mayor, 1585, etc. Thus, you have noted one parish church of St. Michael, Bakewell Hall, a marketplace for woolen cloth; the Masons' Hall, Weavers' Hall, Cordwainers' Hall, and Coopers' Hall. And this concludes my account of this ward, which has an alderman, a deputy, four common council members, two constables, two scavengers, seventeen for the wardmote inquest[260] and a beadle. It is taxed for the fifteen in London at seven pounds, and similarly in the Exchequer at seven pounds.
CRIPPLESGATE WARD
The next ward is called of Cripplesgate, and consisteth of divers streets and lanes, lying as well without the gate and wall of the city as within: first within the wall, on the east part thereof, towards the north, it runneth to the west side of Bassings hall ward, and towards the south it joineth to the ward of Cheape. It beginneth at the west end of St. Laurence church in the Jurie, on the north side, and runneth west to a pump, where sometime was a well with two buckets, at the south corner of Aldermanburie street; which street runneth down north to Gayspurre lane, and so to London wall, which street and lane are wholly on both sides of this ward, and so be some few houses on both the sides from Gayspurre lane, by and against the wall of the city, east to the grates made for the water-course of the channels, and west to Cripplesgate. Now on the south side, from over against the west end of St. Laurence church to the pump, and then by Milke street south unto Cheape, which Milke street is wholly on both the sides of Cripplegate ward, as also without the south end of Milke street, a part of West Cheape, to wit, from the Standard to the Cross, is all of Cripplegate ward. Then down Great Wood street, which is wholly of this ward on both the sides thereof; so is Little Wood street, which runneth down to Cripplegate.
The next area is called Cripplegate, and it consists of various streets and lanes, both inside and outside the city walls. First, inside the walls on the east side, heading north, it runs to the west side of Basinghall Ward and to the south, it connects to Cheapside. It starts at the west end of St. Laurence Church in the Jury, on the north side, and runs west to a pump, where there used to be a well with two buckets, at the south corner of Aldermanbury Street; this street runs north to Gayspur Lane, leading to the London Wall. This street and lane are fully lined with buildings on both sides within this ward, and there are just a few houses along both sides from Gayspur Lane, right up against the city wall, extending east to the grates made for the watercourse and west to Cripplegate. Now, on the south side, from across the west end of St. Laurence Church to the pump, it continues down Milk Street south to Cheapside. Milk Street is fully within Cripplegate Ward on both sides, also including the southern end of Milk Street, which is part of West Cheapside, specifically from the Standard to the Cross, all belonging to Cripplegate Ward. Then down Great Wood Street, which is entirely within this ward on both sides; the same goes for Little Wood Street, which runs down to Cripplegate.
Out of this Wood street be divers lanes; namely, on the east side is Lad lane, which runneth east to Milke street corner; down lower in Wood street is Love lane, which lieth by the south side of St. Alban’s church in Wood street, and runneth down to the Conduit in Aldermanburie street. Lower down in Wood street is Addle street, out of the which runneth Phillip lane down to London wall. These be the lanes on the east side.
Out of this Wood street, there are several lanes; on the east side is Lad Lane, which runs east to the corner of Milk Street; further down in Wood Street is Love Lane, which lies by the south side of St. Alban’s Church in Wood Street, and runs down to the Conduit in Aldermanbury Street. Lower down in Wood Street is Addle Street, from which Phillip Lane runs down to London Wall. These are the lanes on the east side.
On the west side of Wood street is Huggen lane, by the south side of St. Michael’s church, and goeth through to Guthuruns lane. Then lower is Maiden lane, which runneth west to the north end of Gutherons lane, and up the said lane on the east side thereof, till against Kery lane, and back again: then the said Maiden lane, on the north side, goeth up to Staining lane, and up a part thereof, on the east side, to the farthest north part of Haberdashers’ hall, and back again to Wood street;[261] and there lower down to Silver street, which is of this ward, till ye come to the east end of St. Olave’s church, on the south side, and to Munkes well street on the north side; then down the said Munkes well street on the east side thereof, and so to Cripplegate, do make the bounds of this ward within the walls.
On the west side of Wood Street is Huggen Lane, next to the south side of St. Michael’s Church, which leads to Gutheruns Lane. Further down is Maiden Lane, which goes west to the north end of Gutherons Lane. It continues up that lane on the east side, until it reaches Kery Lane, and then back again. Then, Maiden Lane, on the north side, goes up to Staining Lane, and a part of it on the east side, to the farthest north part of Haberdashers’ Hall, and back again to Wood Street;[261] and there it continues down to Silver Street, which is part of this ward, until you reach the east end of St. Olave’s Church on the south side, and Munkes Well Street on the north side. Then it goes down Munkes Well Street on the east side and leads to Cripplegate, marking the boundaries of this ward within the walls.
Without Cripplegate, Fore street runneth thwart before the gate, from against the north side of St. Giles church, along to More lane end, and to a Postern lane end, that runneth betwixt the town ditch on the south, and certain gardens on the north, almost to Moregate; at the east of which lane is a pot-maker’s house, which house, with all other the gardens, houses, and alleys, on that side the Morefields, till ye come to a bridge and cow-house near unto Fensburie court, is all of Cripplegate ward; then to turn back again through the said Postern lane to More lane, which More lane, with all the alleys and buildings there, is of this ward; after that is Grub street, more than half thereof to the straitening of the street; next is Whitecrosse street, up to the end of Bech lane, and then Redcrosse street wholly, with a part of Golding lane, even to the posts there placed, as a bounder.
Without Cripplegate, Fore Street runs across in front of the gate, starting from the north side of St. Giles Church, extending to More Lane and to a Postern Lane end, which runs between the town ditch on the south and some gardens on the north, almost reaching Moregate; to the east of this lane is a potter’s house, which, along with all the other gardens, houses, and alleys on that side of the Moorfields, up to a bridge and cowhouse near Finsbury Court, is part of Cripplegate Ward; then to turn back through Postern Lane to More Lane, which More Lane, along with all the alleys and buildings there, is also part of this ward; afterward is Grub Street, more than half of which is narrowed; next is Whitecross Street, up to the end of Beech Lane, and then Redcross Street entirely, along with a portion of Golding Lane, right up to the posts set there as a boundary.
Then is Bech lane before spoken of, on the east side of the Red Crosse and the Barbican street, more than half thereof toward Aldersgate street; and so have you all the bounds of Cripplegate ward without the walls.
Then there's Bech Lane mentioned earlier, on the east side of Red Cross and Barbican Street, more than halfway down toward Aldersgate Street; and that's the complete boundary of Cripplegate Ward outside the walls.
Now for antiquities and ornaments in this ward to be noted: I find first, at the meeting of the corners of the Old Jurie, Milke street, Lad lane, and Aldermanburie, there was of old time a fair well with two buckets, of late years converted to a pump. How Aldermanbury street took that name many fables have been bruited, all which I overpass as not worthy the counting; but to be short, I say, this street took the name of Alderman’s burie (which is to say a court), there kept in their bery, or court, but now called the Guildhall; which hall of old time stood on the east side of the same street, not far from the west end of Guildhall, now used. Touching the antiquity of this old Alderman’s burie or court, I have not read other than that Richard Renery, one of the sheriffs of London in the 1st of Richard I., which was in the year of Christ 1189, gave to the church of St. Mary at Osney, by Oxford, certain ground and rents in Aldermanbery of London, as appeareth by the register of that church, as is also entered into the hoistinges of the Guildhall in London. This old bery court or hall continued, and the courts of the mayor and aldermen were continually holden there,[262] until the new bery court, or Guildhall that now is, was built and finished; which hall was first begun to be founded in the year 1411, and was not fully finished in twenty years after. I myself have seen the ruins of the old court hall in Aldermanbery street, which of late hath been employed as a carpenter’s yard, etc.
Now for the historical sites and decorations in this area to be noted: I first found, at the intersection of the Old Jury, Milk Street, Lad Lane, and Aldermanbury, there used to be a beautiful well with two buckets, which in recent years has been turned into a pump. There are many stories about how Aldermanbury Street got its name, but I’ll skip those because they aren’t worth mentioning; to be brief, this street was named after Alderman’s bury (meaning a court), where they held their court, but it's now referred to as Guildhall. This hall once stood on the east side of the same street, not far from the west end of the current Guildhall. Regarding the history of this old Alderman's bury or court, I have not read anything other than that Richard Renery, one of the sheriffs of London in the first year of Richard I, in the year 1189, gave certain land and rents in Aldermanbury of London to the church of St. Mary at Osney, near Oxford, as shown in that church's register, and it is also recorded in the records of the Guildhall in London. This old bury court or hall persisted, and the courts of the mayor and aldermen were constantly held there,[262] until the new bury court, or current Guildhall, was built and finished; this hall was first started in the year 1411 and was not fully completed until twenty years later. I have seen the remnants of the old court hall on Aldermanbury Street, which has recently been used as a carpenter’s yard, etc.
In this Aldermanbery street be divers fair houses on both the sides, meet for merchants or men of worship, and in the midst thereof is a fair conduit, made at the charges of William Eastfield, sometime mayor, who took order as well for water to be conveyed from Teyborne, and for the building of this Conduit, not far distant from his dwelling-house, as also for a Standard of sweet water, to be erected in Fleet street, all which was done by his executors, as in another place I have showed.
On Aldermanbery Street, there are several nice houses on both sides, suitable for merchants or respected individuals. In the center, there's a beautiful fountain funded by William Eastfield, a former mayor. He arranged for water to be brought from Tyburn and for the construction of this fountain, which is not far from his home, as well as for a public fountain of fresh water to be set up in Fleet Street. All of this was carried out by his executors, as I have mentioned elsewhere.
Then is the parish church of St. Mary Aldermanbury, a fair church, with a churchyard, and cloister adjoining; in the which cloister is hanged and fastened a shank-bone of a man (as is said), very great, and larger by three inches and a half than that which hangeth in St. Lawrence church in the Jury, for it is in length twenty-eight inches and a half of assise, but not so hard and steele-like as the other, for the same is light, and somewhat pory and spongy. This bone is said to be found amongst the bones of men removed from the charnel-house of Powles, or rather from the cloister of Powles church; of both which reports I doubt, for that the late Reyne Wolfe, stationer (who paid for the carriage of those bones from the charnel to the Morefields), told me of some thousands of carrie loads and more to be conveyed, whereof he wondered, but never told me of any such bone in either place to be found; neither would the same have been easily gotten from him if he had heard thereof, except he had reserved the like for himself, being the greatest preserver of antiquities in those parts for his time.[219] True it is, that this bone (from whence soever it came) being of a man (as the form showeth), must needs be monstrous, and more than after the proportion of five shank-bones of any man now living amongst us.
Then there's the parish church of St. Mary Aldermanbury, a lovely church with a churchyard and an adjoining cloister. In this cloister, there's a very large human shank bone (or so it's said) that's three and a half inches longer than the one hanging in St. Lawrence church in the Jury, measuring twenty-eight and a half inches. However, it's not as hard and steel-like as the other; it's lighter and somewhat porous and spongy. This bone is said to have been found among the bones of people moved from the charnel house of St. Paul's, or rather from the cloister of St. Paul's church. I have doubts about both claims, as the late Reyne Wolfe, a stationer who paid for the transportation of those bones from the charnel to the Moorgate, mentioned thousands of cartloads being moved but never told me about finding such a bone in either place. I also don't think he would have shared that information even if he had known, unless he wanted to keep it for himself, as he was the greatest preserver of antiquities in those parts during his time. It's true that this bone, wherever it came from, being from a man (as the shape indicates), must indeed be monstrous and exceeds the size of five shank bones of any man living among us now.
There lie buried in this church—Simon Winchcombe, esquire, 1391; Robert Combarton, 1422; John Wheatley, mercer, 1428; Sir William Estfild, knight of the bath, mayor 1438, a great benefactor to that church, under a fair monument: he also built their steeple, changed their old bells into five tuneable bells, and gave one hundred pounds to other works of that church. Moreover, he caused the Conduit in Aldermanbury, which he had begun, to be performed at his charges, and water to be conveyed by pipes of lead from Tyborne to Fleet street, as I have said: and also from High Berie to the parish of St. Giles without Cripplegate, where the inhabitants of those parts incastellated the same in sufficient cisterns. John Midleton, mercer, mayor 1472; John Tomes, draper, 1486; William Bucke, tailor, 1501; Sir William Browne, mayor 1507; Dame Margaret Jeninges, wife to Stephen Jeninges, mayor 1515; a widow named Starkey, sometime wife to Modie; Raffe Woodcock, grocer, one of the sheriffs 1586; Dame Mary Gresham, wife to Sir John Gresham, 1538; Thomas Godfrey, remembrancer of the office of the first fruits, 1577.
There are several people buried in this church—Simon Winchcombe, esquire, 1391; Robert Combarton, 1422; John Wheatley, mercer, 1428; Sir William Estfild, knight of the bath, mayor 1438, a major benefactor to the church, under a beautiful monument: he also built the steeple, replaced the old bells with five harmonious ones, and donated one hundred pounds for other projects at the church. Additionally, he completed the Conduit in Aldermanbury, which he had started, and arranged for water to be transported via lead pipes from Tybourne to Fleet Street, as mentioned earlier; and also from High Berie to the parish of St. Giles outside Cripplegate, where residents of those areas stored it in adequate cisterns. John Midleton, mercer, mayor 1472; John Tomes, draper, 1486; William Bucke, tailor, 1501; Sir William Browne, mayor 1507; Dame Margaret Jeninges, wife of Stephen Jeninges, mayor 1515; a widow named Starkey, formerly wife of Modie; Raffe Woodcock, grocer, one of the sheriffs 1586; Dame Mary Gresham, wife of Sir John Gresham, 1538; Thomas Godfrey, remembrancer of the office of the first fruits, 1577.
Beneath this church have ye Gay spur lane, which runneth down to London wall, as is afore showed. In this lane, at the north end thereof, was of old time a house of nuns; which house being in great decay, William Elsing, mercer, in the year of Christ 1329, the 3rd of Edward III., began in place thereof the foundation of an hospital for sustentation of one hundred blind men; towards the erection whereof he gave his two houses in the parishes of St. Alphage, and our Blessed Lady in Aldermanbury, near Cripplegate.[220] This house was after called a priory, or hospital, of St. Mary the Virgin, founded in the year 1332 by W. Elsing, for canons regular; the which William became the first prior there. Robert Elsing, son to the said William, gave to the hospital twelve pounds by the year, for the finding of three priests: he also gave one hundred shillings towards the inclosing of the new churchyard without Aldgate, and one hundred shillings to the inclosing of the new churchyard without Aldersgate; to Thomas Elsing, his son, eighty pounds, the rest of his goods to be sold and given to the poor. This house, valued £193 15s. 5d., was surrendered the eleventh of May, the 22nd of Henry VIII.
Beneath this church is Gay Spur Lane, which runs down to London Wall, as previously mentioned. At the north end of this lane, there used to be a convent for nuns. As this convent fell into disrepair, William Elsing, a mercer, started the foundation of a hospital in its place in the year 1329, during the reign of Edward III. He donated his two houses located in the parishes of St. Alphage and Our Blessed Lady in Aldermanbury, near Cripplegate, to fund the hospital for the support of one hundred blind men.[220] This hospital later became known as the Priory, or Hospital, of St. Mary the Virgin, founded in 1332 by W. Elsing for regular canons, and William himself became the first prior. Robert Elsing, William’s son, contributed twelve pounds a year for the support of three priests. He also donated one hundred shillings for the fencing of the new churchyard outside Aldgate, and one hundred shillings for the fencing of the new churchyard outside Aldersgate. He gave his son Thomas Elsing eighty pounds, with the rest of his goods to be sold and given to the poor. This house, valued at £193 15s. 5d., was surrendered on May 11, during the 22nd year of Henry VIII.
The monuments that were in this church defaced:—Thomas Cheney, son to William Cheney; Thomas, John, and William[264] Cheney; John Northampton, draper, mayor 1381; Edmond Hungerford; Henry Frowike; Joan, daughter to Sir William Cheney, wife to William Stoke; Robert Eldarbroke, esquire, 1460; Dame Joan Ratcliffe; William Fowler; William Kingstone; Thomas Swineley, and Helen his wife, etc. The principal aisle of this church towards the north was pulled down, and a frame of four houses set up in place: the other part, from the steeple upward, was converted into a parish church of St. Alphage; and the parish church which stood near unto the wall of the city by Cripplesgate was pulled down, the plot thereof made a carpenter’s yard, with saw-pits. The hospital itself, the prior and canons’ house, with other lodgings, were made a dwelling-house; the churchyard is a garden plot, and a fair gallery on the cloister; the lodgings for the poor are translated into stabling for horses.
The monuments in this church were damaged: Thomas Cheney, son of William Cheney; Thomas, John, and William Cheney; John Northampton, a draper and mayor in 1381; Edmond Hungerford; Henry Frowike; Joan, daughter of Sir William Cheney, married to William Stoke; Robert Eldarbroke, esquire, 1460; Dame Joan Ratcliffe; William Fowler; William Kingstone; Thomas Swineley, and his wife Helen, etc. The main aisle of this church on the north side was torn down, and a structure of four houses was built in its place. The upper part, from the steeple up, was turned into a parish church of St. Alphage; the parish church near the city wall by Cripplesgate was demolished, and the land was converted into a carpenter's yard with saw pits. The hospital itself, along with the prior and canons’ house and other accommodations, became a residential house; the churchyard was turned into a garden plot, and a nice gallery was added to the cloister; the facilities for the poor were transformed into stables for horses.
In the year 1541, Sir John Williams, master of the king’s jewels, dwelling in this house on Christmas even at night, about seven of the clock, a great fire began in the gallery thereof, which burned so sore, that the flame firing the whole house, and consuming it, was seen all the city over, and was hardly quenched, whereby many of the king’s jewels were burnt, and more embezzled (as was said).[221] Sir Rowland Heyward, mayor, dwelt in this Spittle, and was buried there 1593; Richard Lee, alias Clarenciaux king of arms, 1597.
In 1541, Sir John Williams, the king's master of jewels, was staying in this house on Christmas Eve at around 7 PM when a large fire started in the gallery. The flames spread so badly that the entire house was engulfed, and it could be seen from all over the city. It was difficult to put out, resulting in many of the king's jewels being burned and even more being stolen (or so it was said).[221] Sir Rowland Heyward, the mayor, lived in this Spittle and was buried here in 1593; Richard Lee, also known as Clarenciaux king of arms, in 1597.
Now to return to Milk street, so called of milk sold there,[222] there be many fair houses for wealthy merchants and other; amongst the which I read, that Gregory Rokesley, chief assay master of the king’s mints, and mayor of London in the year 1275, dwelt in this Milk street, in a house belonging to the priory of Lewes in Sussex, whereof he was tenant at will, paying twenty shillings by the year, without[223] other charge: such were the rents of those times.
Now back to Milk Street, named for the milk sold there,[222] there are many beautiful houses for wealthy merchants and others; among them, I read that Gregory Rokesley, the chief assay master of the king’s mints and mayor of London in 1275, lived on this Milk Street, in a house that belonged to the priory of Lewes in Sussex, where he was a tenant at will, paying twenty shillings a year, without[223] any other charges: that was the kind of rent in those days.
In this Milke street is a small parish church of St. Marie Magdalen, which hath of late years been repaired. William Browne, mayor 1513, gave to this church forty pounds, and was buried there; Thomas Exmew, mayor 1528, gave forty pounds, and was buried there; so was John Milford, one of the sheriffs, 1375; John Olney, mayor 1475; Richard Rawson, one of the sheriffs 1476; Henry Kelsey; Sir John Browne, mayor[265] 1497; Thomas Muschampe, one of the sheriffs 1463; Sir William Cantilo, knight, mercer, 1462; Henry Cantlow, mercer, merchant of the Staple, who built a chapel, and was buried there 1495; John West, alderman, 1517; John Machell, alderman, 1558; Thomas Skinner, clothworker, mayor 1596.
In Milke Street, there's a small parish church of St. Marie Magdalen that has been recently renovated. William Browne, mayor in 1513, donated forty pounds to this church and was buried there. Thomas Exmew, mayor in 1528, also gave forty pounds and was buried there; so was John Milford, one of the sheriffs in 1375; John Olney, mayor in 1475; Richard Rawson, one of the sheriffs in 1476; Henry Kelsey; Sir John Browne, mayor in 1497; Thomas Muschampe, one of the sheriffs in 1463; Sir William Cantilo, knight and mercer, in 1462; Henry Cantlow, a mercer and merchant of the Staple, who built a chapel and was buried there in 1495; John West, alderman in 1517; John Machell, alderman in 1558; and Thomas Skinner, clothworker and mayor in 1596.[265]
Then next is Wood street, by what reason so called I know not. True it is, that of old time, according to a decree made in the reign of Richard I., the houses in London were built of stone for defence of fire; which kind of building was used for two hundred years or more, but of later time for the winning of ground taken down, and houses of timber set up in place. It seemeth therefore that this street hath been of the latter building, all of timber (for not one house of stone hath been known there), and therefore called Wood street; otherwise it might take the name of some builder or owner thereof.
Then next is Wood Street, but I don’t know why it’s called that. It’s true that in the past, according to a decree made during the reign of Richard I, houses in London were built of stone to protect against fire. This type of building was used for over two hundred years, but more recently, to claim more land, they have been torn down, and timber houses were built instead. It seems that this street has been entirely constructed with timber (since no stone houses are known to exist there), which is why it’s called Wood Street; otherwise, it might have been named after a builder or owner.
Thomas Wood, one of the sheriffs in the year 1491, dwelt there; he was an especial benefactor towards the building of St. Peter’s church at Wood street end; he also built the beautiful front of houses in Cheape over against Wood street end, which is called Goldsmiths’ row, garnished with the likeness of woodmen; his predecessors might be the first builders, owners, and namers of this street after their own name.
Thomas Wood, one of the sheriffs in 1491, lived there; he was a key supporter of the construction of St. Peter’s church at the end of Wood Street. He also built the attractive row of houses on Cheapside across from Wood Street, known as Goldsmiths’ Row, which features carvings of woodmen. His predecessors may have been the first builders, owners, and namesakes of this street.
On the east side of this street is one of the prison houses pertaining to the sheriffs of London, and is called the Compter in Wood street, which was prepared to be a prison house in the year 1555; and on the eve of St. Michael the Archangel, the prisoners that lay in the Compter in Bread street were removed to this Compter in Wood street. Beneath this Compter is Lad lane, or Ladle lane, for so I find it of record in the parish of St. Michaell Wood street; and beneath that is Love lane, so called of wantons.
On the east side of this street is one of the prisons operated by the sheriffs of London, known as the Compter in Wood Street. It was set up as a prison in 1555, and on the eve of St. Michael the Archangel, the prisoners from the Compter in Bread Street were transferred to this Compter in Wood Street. Below this Compter is Lad Lane, or Ladle Lane, as it is recorded in the parish of St. Michael Wood Street; and beneath that is Love Lane, named after those seeking romance.
By this lane is the parish church of St. Alban, which hath the monuments of Sir Richard Illingworth, baron of the exchequer; Thomas Chatworth, grocer, mayor 1443; John Woodcocke, mayor 1405; John Collet, and Alice his wife; Ralph Thomas; Ralph and Richard, sons of Ralph Illingworth, which was son to Sir Richard Illingworth, baron of the exchequer; Thomas, son of Sir Thomas Fitzwilliams; Thomas Halton, mercer, mayor 1450; Thomas Ostrich, haberdasher, 1483; Richard Swetenham, esquire; and William Dunthorne, town-clerk of London, with this epitaph:
By this lane is the parish church of St. Alban, which has the memorials of Sir Richard Illingworth, baron of the exchequer; Thomas Chatworth, grocer, mayor in 1443; John Woodcocke, mayor in 1405; John Collet and his wife Alice; Ralph Thomas; Ralph and Richard, sons of Ralph Illingworth, who was the son of Sir Richard Illingworth, baron of the exchequer; Thomas, son of Sir Thomas Fitzwilliams; Thomas Halton, mercer, mayor in 1450; Thomas Ostrich, haberdasher, 1483; Richard Swetenham, esquire; and William Dunthorne, town clerk of London, with this epitaph:
" This illness comes and suddenly old age
[266] Your death, through which our Dunthorn fell with Wilelm.
I don't think anyone has been unaware, the most deserving (I say),
Here is the Doctor of Arts, as well as the most celebrated one of this,
He was the city's cleric, the first, and second to none,
By his character, talent, and dedication, you can't say anything against him,
When nature grants something good, a pious person is humble,
Patient, skilled, enduring, grateful above all else,
Quique faced overwhelming worries and various challenges,
Anxiety consumes life while it breathes in the air,
This grim grave lies peacefully at rest.
Simon Morsted; Thomas Pikehurst, esquire; Richard Take; Robert Ashcombe; Thomas Lovet, esquire, sheriff of Northamptonshire 1491; John Spare; Katheren, daughter to Sir Thomas Mirley, knight;[224] William Linchdale, mercer, 1392; John Penie, mercer, 1450; John Thomas, mercer, 1485; Christopher Hawse, mercer, one of the sheriffs 1503; William Skarborough, vintner; Simon de Berching; Sir John Cheke, knight, schoolmaster to King Edward VI., deceased 1557; do lie here.
Simon Morsted; Thomas Pikehurst, esquire; Richard Take; Robert Ashcombe; Thomas Lovet, esquire, sheriff of Northamptonshire 1491; John Spare; Katheren, daughter of Sir Thomas Mirley, knight;[224] William Linchdale, mercer, 1392; John Penie, mercer, 1450; John Thomas, mercer, 1485; Christopher Hawse, mercer, one of the sheriffs 1503; William Skarborough, vintner; Simon de Berching; Sir John Cheke, knight, schoolmaster to King Edward VI., passed away 1557; lie here.
Then is Adle street, the reason of which name I know not, for at this present it is replenished with fair buildings on both sides; amongst the which there was sometime the Pinners’ hall, but that company being decayed, it is now the Plaisterers’ hall.
Then there's Adle Street, which I don't know why it's called that, because right now it's lined with nice buildings on both sides; among them was once the Pinners' hall, but since that group has declined, it's now the Plaisterers' hall.
Not far from thence is the Brewers’ hall, a fair house, which company of Brewers was incorporated by King Henry VI., in the 16th of his reign, confirmed by the name of St. Mary and St. Thomas the Martyr, the 19th of Edward IV.
Not far from there is the Brewers' hall, a nice building, which the Brewers' company was incorporated by King Henry VI during the 16th year of his reign and confirmed under the name of St. Mary and St. Thomas the Martyr, in the 19th year of Edward IV.
From the West end of this Adle street, Little Wood street runneth down to Cripplesgate: and somewhat east from the Sun tavern, against the wall of the city, is the Curriers’ hall.
From the west end of this Adle street, Little Wood street runs down to Cripplesgate; and a bit east from the Sun tavern, near the city wall, is the Curriers’ hall.
Now, on the west side of Wood street, have ye Huggen lane, so called of one Hugan that of old time dwelt there: he was called Hugan in the lane, as I have read in the 34th of Edward I. This lane runneth down by the south side of St. Michael’s church in Wood street, and so growing very narrow by means of late encroachments to Guthuron’s lane.
Now, on the west side of Wood Street, there’s Huggen Lane, named after a man named Hugan who lived there long ago. He was referred to as Hugan in the lane, as I’ve read in the 34th year of Edward I. This lane runs down along the south side of St. Michael’s Church in Wood Street and is becoming quite narrow due to recent expansions into Guthuron’s Lane.
The parish church of St. Michael in Wood street is a proper thing, and lately well repaired. John Ive, parson of this church, John Forster, goldsmith, and Peter Fikelden, tailor, gave two messuages, and two shops, with solars, cellars, and other edifices, in the same parish and street, and in Ladle lane, to the reparations of the church, chancel, and other works of charity, the 16th of Richard II.
The parish church of St. Michael on Wood Street is in good condition and has recently been restored. John Ive, the vicar of this church, along with John Forster, a goldsmith, and Peter Fikelden, a tailor, donated two houses and two shops, with upper rooms, cellars, and other buildings in the same parish and street, as well as in Ladle Lane, for the repairs of the church, chancel, and other charitable works on the 16th of Richard II.
The monuments here be of William Bambrough, the son of Henry Bambrough of Skardborough, 1392; William Turner,[267] waxchandler, 1400; John Peke, goldsmith, 1441; William Taverner, girdler, 1454; William Mancer, ironmonger, 1465; John Nash, 1466, with an epitaph; John Allen, timbermonger, 1441; Robert Draper, 1500; John Lamberde, draper, alderman, one of the sheriffs of London, who deceased 1554, and was father to[225] William Lambarde, esquire, well known by sundry learned books that he hath published; John Medley, chamberlain of London; John Marsh, esquire, mercer, and common sergeant of London, etc. There is also (but without any outward monument) the head of James, the fourth king of Scots of that name, slain at Flodden field, and buried here by this occasion: After the battle the body of the said king being found, was enclosed in lead, and conveyed from thence to London, and so to the monastery of Shene in Surrey, where it remained for a time, in what order I am not certain; but since the dissolution of that house, in the reign of Edward VI., Henry Grey, Duke of Suffolk, being lodged, and keeping house there, I have been shown the same body so lapped in lead, close to the head and body, thrown into a waste room amongst the old timber, lead, and other rubble. Since the which time workmen there, for their foolish pleasure, hewed off his head; and Launcelot Young,[226] master glazier to her majesty, feeling a sweet savour to come from thence, and seeing the same dried from all moisture, and yet the form remaining, with the hair of the head, and beard red, brought it to London to his house in Wood street, where for a time he kept it for the sweetness, but in the end caused the sexton of that church to bury it amongst other bones taken out of their charnel, etc.
The monuments here belong to William Bambrough, the son of Henry Bambrough from Scarborough, 1392; William Turner,[267] a wax chandler, 1400; John Peke, a goldsmith, 1441; William Taverner, a girdler, 1454; William Mancer, an ironmonger, 1465; John Nash, 1466, with an epitaph; John Allen, a timber merchant, 1441; Robert Draper, 1500; John Lamberde, a draper and alderman, one of the sheriffs of London, who passed away in 1554 and was the father to[225] William Lambarde, esquire, well known for various learned books he published; John Medley, chamberlain of London; John Marsh, esquire, mercer, and common sergeant of London, etc. There is also (but without any visible monument) the head of James, the fourth king of Scots of that name, who was killed at Flodden Field and buried here as a result: After the battle, the body of the king was found, enclosed in lead, and taken from there to London, and then to the monastery of Shene in Surrey, where it stayed for a time, though I'm not certain of the specifics; but since the dissolution of that house during Edward VI's reign, Henry Grey, Duke of Suffolk, who was residing and managing the place there, showed me the same body wrapped in lead, close to the head and body, tossed into a storage room among old timber, lead, and other debris. Since then, workers there, out of foolish enjoyment, sawed off his head; and Launcelot Young,[226] the master glazier for her majesty, noticing a sweet smell coming from there and seeing the remains dried out yet still recognizable, with the hair of the head and beard red, took it to his home in Wood Street, where he kept it for a while because of the sweetness, but eventually had the sexton of that church bury it among other bones removed from their charnel, etc.
I read in divers records of a house in Wood street, then called Black hall, but no man at this day can tell thereof.
I read in various records about a house on Wood Street, then known as Black Hall, but no one today can tell anything about it.
On the north side of this St. Michael’s church is Mayden lane, now so called, but of old time Ingene lane, or Ing lane. In this lane the Waxchandlers have their common hall, on the south side thereof; and the Haberdashers have their like hall on the north side, at Stayning lane end. This company of the Haberdashers, or Hurrers, of old time so called, were incorporated a brotherhood of St. Katherine, the 26th of Henry VI., and so confirmed by Henry VII., the 17th of his reign, the Cappers and Hat merchants, or Hurrers, being one company of Haberdashers.
On the north side of St. Michael’s Church is Mayden Lane, which is what it's called now, but used to be known as Ingene Lane or Ing Lane. In this lane, the Waxchandlers have their common hall on the south side, while the Haberdashers have theirs on the north side, at the end of Stayning Lane. The Haberdashers, also called Hurrers, were originally incorporated as the Brotherhood of St. Katherine on the 26th year of Henry VI.'s reign, and this was confirmed by Henry VII. in the 17th year of his reign, with the Cappers and Hat merchants, or Hurrers, being one group within the Haberdashers.
Down lower in Wood street is Silver street (I think of silversmiths dwelling there), in which be divers fair houses.
Down lower on Wood Street is Silver Street (I think of silversmiths living there), which has several nice houses.
And on the north side thereof is Monkeswell street, so called of a well at the north end thereof, where the Abbot of Garendon had a house, or cell, called St. James in the wall by Cripplesgate, and certain monks of their house were the chaplains there, wherefore the well (belonging to that cell, or hermitage) was called Monks’ well, and the street, of the well, Monkswell street.
And on the north side is Monkeswell Street, named after a well at its north end, where the Abbot of Garendon had a house, or cell, called St. James by Cripplesgate. Some monks from that house served as chaplains there, which is why the well (belonging to that cell, or hermitage) was called Monks' Well, and the street, after the well, became Monkswell Street.
The east side of this street, down against London wall, and the south side thereof to Cripplesgate, be of Cripplesgate ward, as is afore shown. In this street, by the corner of Monkswell street, is the Bowyers’ hall. On the east side of Monkswell street be proper alms houses, twelve in number founded by Sir Ambrose Nicholas, salter, mayor 1575, wherein be placed twelve poor and aged people rent free, having each of them seven pence the week, and once the year, each of them five sacks of charcoal, and one quarter of a hundred fagots, of his gift, for ever.
The east side of this street, along London Wall, and the south side to Cripplegate, are part of Cripplegate Ward, as mentioned earlier. On this street, at the corner of Monkwell Street, is the Bowyers’ Hall. On the east side of Monkwell Street, there are twelve proper almshouses founded by Sir Ambrose Nicholas, a salter who was mayor in 1575. In these almshouses, twelve poor and elderly individuals live rent-free, each receiving seven pence a week and, once a year, five sacks of charcoal and a quarter of a hundred firewood bundles as a gift for life.
Then, in Little Wood street be seven proper chambers in an alley on the west side, founded for seven poor people therein to dwell rent free, by Henry Barton, skinner, mayor 1416. Thus much for the monuments of this ward within the walls.
Then, on Little Wood Street, there are seven decent rooms in an alley on the west side, established for seven poor people to live in rent-free, by Henry Barton, a skinner and mayor in 1416. This is all there is to say about the monuments of this ward within the walls.
Now, without the postern of Cripplesgate, first is the parish church of St. Giles, a very fair and large church, lately repaired, after that the same was burnt in the year 1545, the 37th of Henry VIII., by which mischance the monuments of the dead in this church are very few: notwithstanding I have read of these following:—Alice, William, and John, wife and sons to T. Clarell; Agnes, daughter to Thomas Niter, gentleman; William Atwell; Felix, daughter to Sir Thomas Gisors, and wife to Thomas Travars; Thomas Mason, esquire; Edmond Wartar, esquire; Joan, wife to John Chamberlaine, esquire, daughter to Roger Lewkner; William Fryer; John Hamberger, esquire; Hugh Moresbye; Gilbert Prince, alderman; Oliver Cherley, gentleman; Sir John Wright or Writhesley, alias Garter king-at-arms; Joan, wife to Thomas Writhesley, Garter, daughter and heir to William Hal, esquire; John Writhesley, the younger, son to Sir John Writhesley and Alianor; Alianor, second wife to John Writhesley, daughter and heir to Thomas Arnold, sister and heir to Richard Arnold, esquire; John, her son and heir; Margaret, with her daughter; John Brigget; Thomas Ruston, gentleman; John Talbot, esquire, and Katheren his wife; Thomas Warfle, and Isabel his wife; Thomas Lucie, gentleman, 1447; Ralph Rochford, knight, 1409; Edmond Watar, esquire; Elizabeth, wife to Richard Barnes, sister and heir to Richard Malgrave,[269] esquire, of Essex; Richard Gowre, and John Gowre, esquires; John Baronie, of Millain, 1546; Sir Henry Grey, knight, son and heir to George Grey, Earl of Kent, 1562; Reginald Grey, Earl of Kent; Richard Choppin, tallowchandler, one of the sheriffs 1530; John Hamber, esquire, 1573; Thomas Hanley, alias Clarenciaux king-at-arms; Thomas Busby, cooper, who gave the Queen’s Head tavern to the relief of the poor in the parish, 1575; John Whelar, goldsmith, 1575; Richard Bolene, 1563; William Bolene, 1575; W. Bolene, physician, 1587; Robert Crowley, vicar there—all these four under one old stone in the choir; the learned John Foxe, writer of the Acts and Monuments of the English Church, 1587; the skilful Robert Glover, alias Sommerset herald, 1588.
Now, without the Cripplesgate entrance, first is the parish church of St. Giles, a very nice and large church, recently renovated after it was burned down in 1545, during the 37th year of Henry VIII’s reign. Because of this unfortunate event, there are very few monuments to the dead in this church. However, I have read about the following:—Alice, William, and John, wife and sons of T. Clarell; Agnes, daughter of Thomas Niter, gentleman; William Atwell; Felix, daughter of Sir Thomas Gisors, and wife of Thomas Travars; Thomas Mason, esquire; Edmond Wartar, esquire; Joan, wife of John Chamberlaine, esquire, daughter of Roger Lewkner; William Fryer; John Hamberger, esquire; Hugh Moresbye; Gilbert Prince, alderman; Oliver Cherley, gentleman; Sir John Wright or Writhesley, also known as Garter king-at-arms; Joan, wife of Thomas Writhesley, Garter, daughter and heir of William Hal, esquire; John Writhesley, the younger, son of Sir John Writhesley and Alianor; Alianor, second wife of John Writhesley, daughter and heir of Thomas Arnold, sister and heir of Richard Arnold, esquire; John, her son and heir; Margaret, with her daughter; John Brigget; Thomas Ruston, gentleman; John Talbot, esquire, and Katheren his wife; Thomas Warfle, and Isabel his wife; Thomas Lucie, gentleman, 1447; Ralph Rochford, knight, 1409; Edmond Watar, esquire; Elizabeth, wife of Richard Barnes, sister and heir of Richard Malgrave,[269] esquire, of Essex; Richard Gowre, and John Gowre, esquires; John Baronie, of Millain, 1546; Sir Henry Grey, knight, son and heir of George Grey, Earl of Kent, 1562; Reginald Grey, Earl of Kent; Richard Choppin, tallowchandler, one of the sheriffs in 1530; John Hamber, esquire, 1573; Thomas Hanley, also known as Clarenciaux king-at-arms; Thomas Busby, cooper, who donated the Queen’s Head tavern for the benefit of the poor in the parish, 1575; John Whelar, goldsmith, 1575; Richard Bolene, 1563; William Bolene, 1575; W. Bolene, physician, 1587; Robert Crowley, vicar there—all these four under one old stone in the choir; the learned John Foxe, writer of the Acts and Monuments of the English Church, 1587; the skilled Robert Glover, also known as Somerset herald, 1588.
There was in this church of old time a fraternity, or brotherhood, of Our Blessed Lady, or Corpus Christi, and St. Giles, founded by John Belancer, in the reign of Edward III., the 35th year of his reign.
There was in this church a brotherhood dedicated to Our Blessed Lady, or Corpus Christi, and St. Giles, founded by John Belancer during the reign of Edward III, in the 35th year of his rule.
Some small distance from the east end of this church is a water conduit, brought in pipes of lead from Highbery, by John Middleton, one of the executors to Sir William Eastfield, and of his goods; the inhabitants adjoining castellated it of their own cost and charges about the year 1483.
Some distance away from the east side of this church is a water supply, brought in lead pipes from Highbery by John Middleton, one of the executors for Sir William Eastfield and his estate. The local residents fortified it at their own expense around the year 1483.
There was also a bosse of clear water in the wall of the churchyard, made at the charges of Richard Whitington, sometimes mayor, and was like to that of Bilinsgate: of late the same was turned into an evil pump, and so is clean decayed.
There was also a fountain of clear water in the wall of the churchyard, built at the expense of Richard Whitington, who was once mayor, and it was similar to that at Billingsgate. Recently, it was turned into a filthy pump, and now it's completely fallen into disrepair.
There was also a fair pool of clear water near unto the parsonage, on the west side thereof, which was filled up in the reign of Henry VI., the spring was coped in, and arched over with hard stone, and stairs of stone to go down to the spring on the bank of the town ditch: and this was also done of the goods, and by the executors of Richard Whitington.
There was also a clean pool of water close to the parsonage, on its west side, which was filled during the reign of Henry VI. The spring was enclosed and arched over with hard stone, with stone steps leading down to the spring by the town ditch. This was also done using the funds from Richard Whitington's estate, managed by his executors.
In White Crosse street King Henry V. built one fair house, and founded there a brotherhood of St. Giles, to be kept, which house had sometime been an hospital of the French order, by the name of St. Giles without Cripplesgate, in the reign of Edward I., the king having the jurisdiction, and appointing a custos thereof for the precinct of the parish of St. Giles, etc. patent Richard II., the 15th year; which hospital being suppressed, the lands were given to the brotherhood for the relief of the poor.
In White Crosse Street, King Henry V built a nice house and established a brotherhood of St. Giles there. This house used to be a hospital of the French order, known as St. Giles without Cripplegate, during the reign of Edward I. The king had jurisdiction over it and appointed a custodian for the parish of St. Giles, etc., as documented in Richard II's patent from the 15th year of his reign. After the hospital was closed down, the lands were given to the brotherhood to help the poor.
One alley of divers tenements over against the north wall of St. Giles’ churchyard, was appointed to be alms houses for the[270] poor, wherein they dwelt rent free, and otherwise were relieved; but the said brotherhood was suppressed by Henry VIII.; since which time Sir John Gresham, mayor, purchased the lands, and gave part thereof to the maintenance of a free school which he had founded at Holt, a market town in Norfolk.
One alley of various tenements against the north wall of St. Giles' churchyard was designated as almshouses for the[270]poor, where they lived rent-free and received other assistance; however, this brotherhood was dissolved by Henry VIII. After that, Sir John Gresham, the mayor, bought the lands and donated part of them for the upkeep of a free school he had established in Holt, a market town in Norfolk.
In Red Cross street, on the west side from St. Giles’ churchyard up to the said cross, be many fair houses built outward, with divers alleys turning into a large plot of ground, called the Jews’ Garden, as being the only place appointed them in England, wherein to bury their dead, till the year 1177, the 24th of Henry II., that it was permitted to them (after long suit to the king and parliament at Oxford) to have a special place assigned them in every quarter where they dwelt. This plot of ground remained to the said Jews till the time of their final banishment out of England, and is now turned into fair garden plots and summer-houses for pleasure.
In Red Cross Street, on the west side of St. Giles’ churchyard up to the cross, there are many nice houses built facing the street, with various alleys leading to a large area of land known as the Jews’ Garden. This was the only designated place for them in England to bury their dead until the year 1177, during the reign of Henry II. At that time, after a lengthy appeal to the king and parliament in Oxford, they were allowed to have a specific burial place in each area where they lived. This land remained for the Jews until their final expulsion from England and has since been converted into beautiful gardens and summerhouses for enjoyment.
On the east side of this Red Cross street be also divers fair houses, up to the cross. And there is Beech lane, peradventure so called of Nicholas de la Beech, lieutenant of the Tower of London, put out of that office in the 13th of Edward III. This lane stretcheth from the Red Cross street to White Cross street, replenished, not with beech trees, but with beautiful houses of stone, brick, and timber. Amongst the which was of old time a great house, pertaining to the Abbot of Ramsey, for his lodging when he repaired to the city: it is now called Drewry house, of Sir Drewe Drewrie, a worshipful owner thereof.
On the east side of Red Cross Street, there are also several fine houses leading up to the cross. There’s Beech Lane, possibly named after Nicholas de la Beech, who was the lieutenant of the Tower of London before he lost that position in the 13th year of Edward III. This lane stretches from Red Cross Street to White Cross Street, filled not with beech trees, but with beautiful houses made of stone, brick, and timber. Among these was once a large house belonging to the Abbot of Ramsey, used for his stay when he came to the city; it is now called Drewry House, after Sir Drewe Drewrie, its respectable owner.
On the north side of this Beech lane, towards White Cross street, the Drapers of London have lately built eight alms houses of brick and timber, for eight poor widows of their own company, whom they have placed there rent free, according to the gift of Lady Askew, widow to Sir Christopher Askew, sometime draper, and mayor 1533.
On the north side of Beech Lane, near White Cross Street, the Drapers of London have recently constructed eight alms houses made of brick and timber for eight poor widows from their organization. They have provided these homes rent-free, in accordance with the donation from Lady Askew, the widow of Sir Christopher Askew, who was a draper and mayor in 1533.
Then in Golding lane, Richard Gallard of Islington, esquire, citizen and painter-stainer of London, founded thirteen alms houses for so many poor people placed in them rent free; he gave to the poor of the same alms houses two pence the piece weekly, and a load of charcoal amongst them yearly for ever: he left fair lands about Islington to maintain his foundation. Thomas Hayes, sometime chamberlain of London, in the latter time of Henry VIII., married Elizabeth, his daughter and heir; which Hayes and Elizabeth had a daughter named Elizabeth, married to John Ironmonger, of London, mercer, who now hath the order of the alms people.
Then on Golding Lane, Richard Gallard of Islington, a gentleman and citizen and painter-stainer of London, established thirteen alms houses for as many poor people who lived in them rent-free. He provided each of the needy in those alms houses with two pence each week, and a load of charcoal every year, forever; he also left good land around Islington to fund his foundation. Thomas Hayes, who was once the chamberlain of London in the later years of Henry VIII., married Elizabeth, his daughter and heir; this Hayes and Elizabeth had a daughter named Elizabeth who married John Ironmonger, a mercer from London, who now oversees the order of the alms people.
On the west side of the Red Cross is a street, called the Barbican, because sometime there stood, on the north side thereof, a burgh-kenin, or watch-tower, of the city, called in some language a barbican, as a bikening is called a beacon; this burgh-kenning, by the name of the Manor of Base court, was given by Edward III. to Robert Ufford, Earl of Suffolk, and was lately appertaining to Peregrine Bartie, Lord Willoughby of Ersby.
On the west side of the Red Cross is a street called the Barbican, because at one time there was a watchtower on its north side known in some language as a barbican, similar to how a watchtower is called a beacon; this watchtower, named the Manor of Base Court, was granted by Edward III to Robert Ufford, Earl of Suffolk, and was recently owned by Peregrine Bartie, Lord Willoughby of Ersby.
Next adjoining to this is one other great house, called Garter house, sometime built by Sir Thomas Writhe, or Writhesley, knight, alias Garter principal king-of-arms, second son of Sir John Writhe, knight, alias Garter, and was uncle to the first Thomas, Earl of Southampton, knight of the Garter, and chancellor of England; he built this house, and in the top thereof a chapel, which is dedicated by the name of St. Trinitatis in Alto.
Next to this is another large house called Garter House, which was once built by Sir Thomas Writhe, or Writhesley, knight, also known as the principal king-of-arms for the Garter. He was the second son of Sir John Writhe, knight, also known as Garter, and the uncle of the first Thomas, Earl of Southampton, who was a knight of the Garter and chancellor of England. He built this house and on the top of it a chapel, dedicated to St. Trinitatis in Alto.
Thus much for that part of Cripplegate ward without the wall, whereof more shall be spoken in the suburb of that part. This ward hath an alderman, and his deputy, within the gate, common council eight, constables nine, scavengers twelve, for wardmote inquest fifteen, and a beadle. Without the gate it hath also a deputy, common council two, constables four, scavengers four, wardmote inquest seventeen, and a beadle. It is taxed in London to the fifteen at forty pound.[227]
Thus much for that part of Cripplegate ward outside the wall, more will be discussed in the suburb of that area. This ward has an alderman and his deputy within the gate, eight members of the common council, nine constables, twelve scavengers, fifteen for the wardmote inquest, and a beadle. Outside the gate, it also has a deputy, two members of the common council, four constables, four scavengers, seventeen for the wardmote inquest, and a beadle. It is taxed in London for the fifteen at forty pounds.[227]
ALDERSGATE WARD
The next is Aldersgate ward, taking name of that north gate of the city. This ward also consisteth of divers streets and lanes, lying as well within the gate and wall as without. And first to speak of that part within the gate, thus it is.
The next is Aldersgate ward, named after the northern gate of the city. This ward also consists of various streets and lanes, located both inside and outside the gate and wall. To begin with the area inside the gate, here's how it is.
The east part thereof joineth unto the west part of Cripplegate ward in Engain lane, or Maiden lane. It beginneth on the north side of that lane, at Stayning lane end, and runneth up from the Haberdashers’ hall to St. Mary Staining church, and by the church, east, winding almost to Wood street; and west through Oate lane, and then by the south side of Bacon house in Noble street, back again by Lilipot lane, which is also of that ward, to Maiden lane, and so on that north side west to St. John Zacharies church, and to Foster lane.
The eastern part connects to the western part of Cripplegate ward on Engain Lane or Maiden Lane. It starts on the north side of that lane, at the end of Stayning Lane, and extends from the Haberdashers’ Hall to St. Mary Staining Church, then curves eastward toward Wood Street. To the west, it goes through Oate Lane, and then by the south side of Bacon House on Noble Street, returning through Lilipot Lane, which is also part of that ward, to Maiden Lane, and continues west along that north side to St. John Zachary's Church and to Foster Lane.
Now on the south side of Engain or Maiden lane is the west[272] side of Guthuruns lane to Kery lane, and Kery lane itself (which is of this ward), and back again into Engain lane, by the north side of the Goldsmiths’ hall to Foster lane: and this is the east wing of this ward. Then is Foster lane almost wholly of this ward, beginneth in the south toward Cheap, on the east side by the north side of St. Foster’s church, and runneth down north-west by the west end of Engain lane, by Lilipot lane and Oate lane to Noble street, and through that by Shelly house (of old time so called, as belonging to the Shelleys); Sir Thomas Shelley, knight, was owner thereof in the 1st of Henry IV. It is now called Bacon house, because the same was new built by Sir Nicholas Bacon, lord keeper of the great seal. Down on that side, by Sergeant Fleetwood’s house, recorder of London, who also new built it, to St. Olave’s church in Silver street, which is by the north-west end of this Noble street.
Now on the south side of Engain or Maiden Lane is the west side of Guthuruns Lane to Kery Lane, and Kery Lane itself (which is part of this ward), and back into Engain Lane, by the north side of Goldsmiths' Hall to Foster Lane: and this is the east wing of this ward. Then, Foster Lane is almost entirely in this ward, starting in the south by Cheap, on the east side near the north side of St. Foster’s Church, and running down northwest by the west end of Engain Lane, along Lilipot Lane and Oate Lane to Noble Street, and through that to Shelly House (formerly named as it belonged to the Shelleys); Sir Thomas Shelley, knight, owned it in the 1st of Henry IV. It’s now called Bacon House because it was rebuilt by Sir Nicholas Bacon, the lord keeper of the great seal. Continuing down that side, past Sergeant Fleetwood’s house, the recorder of London, who also rebuilt it, to St. Olave’s Church on Silver Street, which is near the northwest end of Noble Street.
Then again in Foster lane this ward beginneth on the west side thereof, over against the south-west corner of St. Foster’s church, and runneth down by St. Leonard’s church, by Pope lane end, and by St. Ann’s lane end, which lane is also of this ward, north to the stone wall by the wall of the city, over against Bacon house, which stone wall, and so down north to Cripplegate on that side, is of Faringdon ward.
Then again in Foster Lane, this ward starts on the west side, across from the southwest corner of St. Foster’s Church, and runs down past St. Leonard’s Church, along the end of Pope Lane, and by the end of St. Ann’s Lane, which lane is also part of this ward. It continues north to the stone wall by the city wall, opposite Bacon House. This stone wall, and then straight down north to Cripplegate on that side, belongs to Faringdon Ward.
Then have ye the main street of this ward, which is called St. Martin’s lane, including St. Martin, on the east side thereof, and so down on both the sides to Aldersgate. And these be the bounds of this ward within the wall and gate.
Then you have the main street of this ward, called St. Martin’s Lane, which includes St. Martin on the east side, and continues down both sides to Aldersgate. These are the boundaries of this ward within the wall and gate.
Without the gate the main street called Aldersgate street runneth up north on the east side to the west end of Howndes ditch, or Barbican street; a part of which street is also of this ward. And on the west side to Long lane, a part whereof is likewise of this ward. Beyond the which Aldersgate street is Goswell street up to the bars.
Without the gate, the main street known as Aldersgate Street runs north on the east side to the west end of Houndes Ditch, or Barbican Street; a section of which is also part of this ward. And on the west side, it leads to Long Lane, a part of which is also within this ward. Beyond Aldersgate Street is Goswell Street up to the bars.
And on this west side of Aldersgate street, by St. Buttolph’s church is Briton street, which runneth west to a pump, and then north to the gate which entereth the churchyard, sometime pertaining to the priory of St. Bartholomew on the east side; and on the west side towards St. Bartholomew’s Spittle, to a pair of posts there fixed. And these be the bounds of this Aldersgate ward without.
And on the west side of Aldersgate Street, next to St. Buttolph’s Church, is Briton Street, which runs west to a pump, and then north to the gate that leads into the churchyard, which used to belong to the priory of St. Bartholomew on the east side; and on the west side, towards St. Bartholomew’s Spittle, there's a pair of posts fixed there. These are the boundaries of the Aldersgate ward beyond.
The antiquities be these, first in Stayning lane, of old time so called, as may be supposed, of painter-stainers dwelling there.
The antiques are these, first in Stayning Lane, historically referred to as such, presumably because of the painter-stainers living there.
On the east side thereof, adjoining to the Haberdashers’ hall, be ten alms houses, pertaining to the Haberdashers, wherein[273] be placed ten alms people of that company, every of them having eight pence the piece every Friday for ever, by the gift of Thomas Huntlow, haberdasher, one of the sheriffs in the year 1539. More, Sir George Baron gave them ten pounds by the year for ever.
On the east side, next to the Haberdashers’ hall, there are ten almshouses owned by the Haberdashers, where[273] ten poor people from that group live. Each of them receives eight pence every Friday forever, thanks to a donation from Thomas Huntlow, a haberdasher and one of the sheriffs in 1539. Additionally, Sir George Baron donated ten pounds a year forever.
Then is the small parish church of St. Mary, called Stayning, because it standeth at the north end of Stayning lane. In the which church, being but newly built, there remains no monument worth the noting.
Then there is the small parish church of St. Mary, called Stayning, because it stands at the north end of Stayning Lane. In this church, which has just been built, there are no notable monuments.
Then is Engain lane, or Mayden lane, and at the north-west corner thereof the parish church of St. John Zachary; a fair church, with the monuments well preserved, of Thomas Lichfield, who founded a chantry there in the 14th of Edward II.; of Sir Nicholas Twiford, goldsmith, mayor 1388, and Dame Margery his wife, of whose goods the church was made and new built, with a tomb for them, and others of their race, 1390; Drugo Barentine, mayor 1398; he gave fair lands to the Goldsmiths; he dwelt right against the Goldsmiths’ hall; between the which hall and his dwelling house he built a gallery thwarting the street, whereby he might go from one to the other; he was buried in this church, and Christian his wife, 1427; John Adis, goldsmith, 1400, and Margaret his wife; John Francis, goldsmith, mayor 1400, and Elizabeth his wife, 1450; I. Sutton, goldsmith, one of the sheriffs 1413; Bartholomew Seman, goldbeater, master of the king’s mints within the Tower of London and the town of Calice, 1430;[228], John Hewet, esquire, 1500; William Breakespere, goldsmith, 1461; Christopher Eliot, goldsmith, 1505; Bartholomew Reade, goldsmith, mayor 1502, was buried in the Charterhouse, and gave to this, his parish church, one hundred pounds; his wife was buried here with a fair monument, her picture in habit of a widow; Thomas Keyton Lorimar, 1522; William Potken, esquire, 1537; John Cornish, with an epitaph, 1470; Robert Fenruther, goldsmith, one of the sheriffs in the year 1512.
Then there's Engain Lane, or Maiden Lane, and at the northwest corner is the parish church of St. John Zachary; it's a beautiful church with well-preserved monuments for Thomas Lichfield, who founded a chantry there in the 14th year of Edward II; Sir Nicholas Twiford, a goldsmith and mayor in 1388, and his wife Dame Margery, whose wealth helped make and rebuild the church, along with a tomb for them and others from their family in 1390; Drugo Barentine, mayor in 1398, who donated good lands to the Goldsmiths; he lived directly across from the Goldsmiths’ hall; between the hall and his house, he built a gallery crossing the street so he could walk from one to the other; he was buried in this church, along with his wife Christian, in 1427; John Adis, a goldsmith from 1400, and his wife Margaret; John Francis, goldsmith and mayor in 1400, and his wife Elizabeth, from 1450; I. Sutton, a goldsmith and one of the sheriffs in 1413; Bartholomew Seman, a goldbeater and master of the king’s mints within the Tower of London and in the town of Calais, in 1430; [228]; John Hewet, esquire, in 1500; William Breakespere, a goldsmith from 1461; Christopher Eliot, a goldsmith from 1505; Bartholomew Reade, a goldsmith and mayor in 1502, who was buried in the Charterhouse and donated one hundred pounds to his parish church; his wife was buried here with a beautiful monument, her portrait in widow's dress; Thomas Keyton Lorimar, in 1522; William Potken, esquire, in 1537; John Cornish, with an epitaph from 1470; Robert Fenruther, a goldsmith and one of the sheriffs in 1512.
On the east side of this Foster lane, at Engain lane end, is the Goldsmiths’ hall, a proper house, but not large; and, therefore, to say that Bartholomew Read, goldsmith, mayor in the year 1502, kept such a feast in this hall, as some have fabuled,[229] is far incredible, and altogether impossible, considering the smallness of the hall, and number of the guests, which, as they say, were more than a hundred persons of great estate. For the messes and dishes of meats to them served, the paled park in[274] the same hall furnished with fruitful trees, beasts of venery, and other circumstances of that pretended feast, well weighed, Westminster hall would hardly have sufficed; and, therefore, I will overpass it, and note somewhat of principal goldsmiths.
On the east side of Foster Lane, at the end of Engain Lane, is the Goldsmiths’ Hall, a decent building, though not very large. Therefore, it’s hard to believe that Bartholomew Read, a goldsmith and mayor in 1502, hosted a feast there as some have claimed,[229] especially given the size of the hall and the number of guests, which was said to be over a hundred people of high status. Considering the variety of dishes served and the park surrounding the hall filled with fruitful trees, game animals, and other details of that alleged feast, it’s likely that even Westminster Hall wouldn’t have been sufficient. So, I will skip over that and focus on some notable goldsmiths.
First I read, that Leofstane, goldsmith, was provost of this city in the reign of Henry I. Also, that Henry Fitz Alewin Fitz Leafstane, goldsmith, was mayor of London in the 1st of Richard I., and continued mayor twenty-four years. Also that Gregory Rocksly, chief say-master of all the king’s mints within England, (and therefore by my conjecture) a goldsmith, was mayor in the 3rd of Edward I., and continued mayor seven years together. Then, William Faringdon, goldsmith, alderman of Faringdon ward, one of the sheriffs 1281, the 9th of Edward I., who was a goldsmith, as appeareth in record, as shall be shown in Faringdon ward. Then Nicholas Faringdon his son, goldsmith, alderman of Faringdon ward, four times mayor in the reign of Edward II., etc. For the rest of latter time are more manifestly known, and therefore I leave them. The men of this mystery were incorporated or confirmed in the 16th of Richard II.
First, I read that Leofstane, a goldsmith, was the provost of this city during the reign of Henry I. Also, Henry Fitz Alewin Fitz Leafstane, another goldsmith, was the mayor of London in the first year of Richard I. and held the position for twenty-four years. Additionally, Gregory Rocksly, the chief master of all the king’s mints in England (and therefore, I assume, a goldsmith), was mayor in the third year of Edward I and served for seven consecutive years. Then, William Faringdon, a goldsmith and alderman of Faringdon ward, was one of the sheriffs in 1281, the ninth year of Edward I, and he is recorded as a goldsmith, as will be shown in Faringdon ward. Next, Nicholas Faringdon, his son and also a goldsmith, served as alderman of Faringdon ward and was mayor four times during the reign of Edward II, etc. The rest of the more recent history is better known, so I’ll skip over that. The goldsmiths of this trade were incorporated or confirmed in the 16th year of Richard II.
Then at the north end of Noble street is the parish church of St. Olave in Silver street, a small thing, and without any noteworthy monuments.
Then at the north end of Noble Street is the parish church of St. Olave on Silver Street, a small building that doesn’t have any significant monuments.
On the west side of Foster lane is the small parish church of St. Leonard’s, for them of St. Martin’s le Grand. A number of tenements being lately built in place of the great collegiate church of St. Martin, that parish is mightily increased. In this church remain these monuments. First, without the church is graven in stone on the east end, John Brokeitwell, an especial re-edifier, or new builder thereof. In the choir, graven in brass, Robert Purfet, grocer, 1507; Robert Trapis, goldsmith, 1526, with this epitaph:—
On the west side of Foster Lane is the small parish church of St. Leonard’s, for those from St. Martin’s le Grand. Recently, several buildings have been constructed where the great collegiate church of St. Martin used to stand, significantly increasing the parish's size. Inside this church are these monuments. First, outside the church, there is a stone engraving on the east end for John Brokeitwell, a significant restorer or new builder of it. In the choir, there are brass engravings for Robert Purfet, grocer, 1507; Robert Trapis, goldsmith, 1526, with this epitaph:—
And the crowd devoutly sang,
And the meat merrily eaten,
Then Robert Trips, along with his wives, And children are forgotten.”
Then in Pope lane, so called of one Pope that was owner thereof, on the north side of the parish church of St. Anne in the Willows, so called, I know not upon what occasion, but some say of willows growing thereabouts; but now there is no such void place for willows to grow, more than the churchyard, wherein do grow some high ash trees.
Then on Pope Lane, named after a man named Pope who owned the land, on the north side of the parish church of St. Anne in the Willows—I’m not sure how it got that name, but some say it’s because willows used to grow there. Now, though, there isn’t any open space for willows to grow, except for the churchyard, where some tall ash trees are growing.
This church, by casualty of fire in the year 1548, was burnt, so far as it was combustible, but since being newly repaired, there remain a few monuments of antiquity: of Thomas Beckhenton, clerk of the pipe, was buried there 1499; Raph Caldwell, gentleman, of Grays inn, 1527; John Lord Sheffelde; John Herenden, mercer, esquire, 1572, these verses on an old stone:—[230]
This church was burned in a fire in 1548, damaging everything that could burn. However, after being refurbished, a few historical markers still remain: Thomas Beckhenton, clerk of the pipe, was buried there in 1499; Raph Caldwell, a gentleman from Gray's Inn, in 1527; John Lord Sheffield; John Herenden, a mercer and esquire, in 1572, with these lines on an old stone:—[230]
Qu an Tris di c vul stra
os guis ti ro um nere uit
h san Chris mi T mu la
William Gregory, skinner, mayor of London in the year 1451, was there buried, and founded a chantry, but no monument of him remaineth.
William Gregory, a furrier and the mayor of London in 1451, was buried there and established a chantry, but no monument for him remains.
Then in St. Martin’s lane was of old time a fair and large college of a dean and secular canons or priests, and was called St. Martin’s le Grand, founded by Ingelricus and Edwardus his brother, in the year of Christ 1056, and confirmed by William the Conqueror, as appeareth by his charter dated 1068. This college claimed great privileges of sanctuary and otherwise, as appeareth in a book, written by a notary of that house about the year 1442, the 19th of Henry VI., wherein, amongst other things, is set down and declared, that on the 1st of September, in the year aforesaid, a soldier, prisoner in Newgate, as he was led by an officer towards the Guildhall of London, there came out of Panyer alley five of his fellowship, and took him from the officer, brought him into sanctuary at the west door of St. Martin’s church, and took grithe of that place; but the same day Philip Malpas and Rob. Marshall, then sheriffs of London, with many other, entered the said church, and forcibly took out with them the said five men thither fled, led them fettered to the Compter, and from thence, chained by the necks, to Newgate; of which violent taking the dean and chapter in large manner complained to the king, and required him, as their patron, to defend their privileges, like as his predecessors had done, etc. All which complaint and suit the citizens by their counsel, Markam, sergeant at the law, John Carpenter, late common clerk of the city, and other, learnedly answered, offering to prove that the said place of St. Martin had no such immunity or liberty as was pretended; namely, Carpenter[276] offered to lose his livelihood, if that church had more immunity than the least church in London. Notwithstanding, after long debating of this controversy, by the king’s commandment, and assent of his council in the starred chamber, the chancellor and treasurer sent a writ unto the sheriffs of London, charging them to bring the said five persons with the cause of their taking and withholding afore the king in his Chancery, on the vigil of Allhallows. On which day the said sheriffs, with the recorder and counsel of the city, brought and delivered them accordingly, afore the said lords; whereas the chancellor, after he had declared the king’s commandment, sent them to St. Martin’s, there to abide freely, as in a place having franchises, whiles them liked, etc.
Then in St. Martin’s Lane, there used to be a large college with a dean and secular canons or priests, called St. Martin’s le Grand. It was founded by Ingelricus and his brother Edward in the year 1056 and confirmed by William the Conqueror, as stated in his charter from 1068. This college had significant privileges, including sanctuary rights, as noted in a book written by a notary from that house around the year 1442, in the 19th year of Henry VI. In this book, it details an incident from September 1st of that year, where a soldier imprisoned in Newgate was being led by an officer to the Guildhall of London. Five of his fellow soldiers came out of Panyer Alley, rescued him from the officer, brought him into sanctuary through the west door of St. Martin’s church, and claimed protection there. However, that same day, Philip Malpas and Rob. Marshall, who were the sheriffs of London at the time, entered the church with many others, forcefully took the five men back, led them in chains to the Compter, and then from there, chained by the neck, to Newgate. The dean and chapter complained extensively to the king about this violent action, asking him as their patron to defend their privileges, just as his predecessors had done. The citizens responded to this complaint through their counsel, Markam, a sergeant at law, John Carpenter, the former common clerk of the city, and others, who argued that St. Martin's did not have the immunity or privileges that were claimed. Carpenter even stated he would give up his livelihood if that church had more freedom than the smallest church in London. Despite this, after a lengthy debate over the matter, the king commanded, with the consent of his council in the starred chamber, that the chancellor and treasurer send a writ to the sheriffs of London, instructing them to bring the five individuals along with the reasons for their capture before the king in his Chancery on the eve of All Hallows. On that day, the sheriffs, along with the recorder and counsel of the city, brought and presented the men before the lords; the chancellor then declared the king's command and ordered them to remain at St. Martin’s, where they could stay freely as if in a place of franchise for as long as they liked.
Thus much out of that book have I noted concerning the privilege of that place challenged in these days, since the which time, to wit, in the year 1457, the 36th of the said Henry VI., an ordinance was made by the king and his council concerning the said sanctuary men in St. Martin’s le Grand, whereof the articles are set down in the book of K., within the chamber of the Guildhall, in the lease 299.
Thus, I have noted quite a bit from that book regarding the privilege of the place being claimed these days. Since then, in the year 1457, during the reign of Henry VI., an ordinance was created by the king and his council about the sanctuary men in St. Martin’s le Grand. The details are recorded in the book of K., located in the chamber of the Guildhall, in lease 299.
This college was surrendered to King Edward VI., the 2nd of his reign, in the year of Christ 1548; and the same year the college church being pulled down, in the east part thereof a large wine tavern was built, and with all down to the west, and throughout the whole precinct of that college, many other houses were built and highly prized, letten to strangers born, and other such, as there claimed benefit of privileges granted to the canons serving God day and night (for so be the words in the charter of William the Conqueror), which may hardly be wrested to artificers, buyers and sellers, otherwise than is mentioned in the 21st of St. Matthew’s Gospel.
This college was handed over to King Edward VI during the second year of his reign, in the year 1548. In that same year, when the college church was torn down, a large wine tavern was built in the eastern part, and throughout the western side and the entire area of the college, many other valuable houses were constructed and rented out to strangers and others who claimed the benefits of the privileges granted to the canons serving God day and night (as stated in the charter of William the Conqueror). These privileges cannot easily be applied to craftsmen, buyers, and sellers, except as mentioned in the 21st chapter of the Gospel of Matthew.
Lower down on the west side of St. Martin’s lane, in the parish of St. Anne, almost by Aldersgate, is one great house, commonly called Northumberland house; it belonged to H. Percy. King Henry IV., in the 7th of his reign, gave this house, with the tenements thereunto appertaining, to Queen Jane his wife, and then it was called her Wardrobe: it is now a printing house.
Further down the west side of St. Martin’s Lane, in the parish of St. Anne, close to Aldersgate, is a large house, commonly known as Northumberland House; it used to belong to H. Percy. King Henry IV, in the 7th year of his reign, gave this house, along with the associated properties, to his wife, Queen Jane, and it was then referred to as her Wardrobe. Now, it is a printing house.
Without Aldersgate, on the east side of Aldersgate street, is the Cooks’ hall; which Cooks (or Pastelars) were admitted to be a company, and to have a master and wardens, in the 22nd of Edward IV. From thence along into Houndsditch, or Barbican street, be many fair houses. On the west side also be[277] the like fair buildings till ye come to Long lane, and so to Goswell street.
Without Aldersgate, on the east side of Aldersgate Street, is the Cooks’ Hall; the Cooks (or Pastelars) were recognized as a company with a master and wardens in the 22nd year of Edward IV. From there, continuing along into Houndsditch or Barbican Street, there are many nice houses. On the west side, there are similar nice buildings until you reach Long Lane, and then to Goswell Street.
In Briton street, which took that name of the dukes of Brittany lodging there, is one proper parish church of St. Buttolph, in which church was sometime a brotherhood of St. Fabian and Sebastian, founded in the year 1377, the 51st of Edward III., and confirmed by Henry IV., in the 6th of his reign. Then Henry VI., in the 24th of his reign, to the honour of the Trinity, gave license to Dame Joan Astley, sometime his nurse, to R. Cawod and T. Smith, to found the same a fraternity, perpetually to have a master and two custoses, with brethren and sisters, etc. This brotherhood was endowed with lands more than thirty pounds by the year, and was suppressed by Edward VI. There lie buried, John de Bath, weaver, 1390; Philip at Vine, capper, 1396; Benet Gerard, brewer, 1403; Thomas Bilsington founded a chantry there, and gave to that church a house, called the Helmet upon Cornhill; John Bradmore, chirurgeon, Margaret and Katheren his wives, 1411; John Michaell, sergeant-at-arms, 1415; Allen Bret, carpenter, 1425; Robert Malton, 1426; John Trigilion, brewer, 1417; John Mason, brewer, 1431; Rob. Cawood, clerk of the pipe in the king’s exchequer, 1466; Ri. Emmessey; John Walpole; I. Hartshorne, esquire, servant to the king, 1400, and other of that family, great benefactors to that church; W. Marrow, grocer, mayor, and Katherine his wife, were buried there about 1468. The Lady Ann Packington, widow, late wife to Jo. Packinton, knight, chirographer of the court of the common pleas; she founded alms houses near unto the White Fryers’ church in Fleet street: the Clothworkers in London have oversight thereof.
On Briton Street, named after the dukes of Brittany who lived there, is a notable parish church of St. Buttolph. This church once housed a brotherhood of St. Fabian and Sebastian, founded in 1377, during the 51st year of Edward III's reign, and confirmed by Henry IV in the 6th year of his rule. Later, Henry VI, in the 24th year of his reign, granted permission to Dame Joan Astley, who had been his nurse, to R. Cawod and T. Smith, to establish the same fraternity, which was to have a master and two custodians, along with brethren and sisters, forever. This brotherhood was provided with lands that generated more than thirty pounds a year and was dissolved by Edward VI. Notable burials include John de Bath, a weaver, who died in 1390; Philip at Vine, a capper, in 1396; Benet Gerard, a brewer, in 1403; Thomas Bilsington, who founded a chantry there and donated a house called the Helmet upon Cornhill to the church; John Bradmore, a surgeon, along with his wives Margaret and Katheren, in 1411; John Michaell, a sergeant-at-arms, in 1415; Allen Bret, a carpenter, in 1425; Robert Malton in 1426; John Trigilion, a brewer, in 1417; John Mason, a brewer, in 1431; Rob. Cawood, the clerk of the pipe in the king’s exchequer, in 1466; Ri. Emmessey; John Walpole; I. Hartshorne, an esquire and servant to the king, in 1400, and other members of that family, who were great benefactors to the church; W. Marrow, a grocer and mayor, and his wife Katherine, were buried there around 1468. Lady Ann Packington, a widow and the former wife of Jo. Packinton, knight, who was chirographer of the court of the common pleas, founded almshouses near the White Fryers' church in Fleet Street, which are overseen by the Clothworkers in London.
And thus an end of this ward; which hath an alderman, his deputy, common councillors five, constables eight, scavengers nine, for the wardmote inquest fourteen, and a beadle. It is taxed to the fifteen in London seven pounds, and[231] in the exchequer six pounds nineteen shillings.
And so this ward comes to a close; it has an alderman, his deputy, five common councilors, eight constables, nine scavengers, fourteen for the wardmote inquest, and a beadle. It's assessed at seven pounds for the fifteen in London, and[231] in the treasury, it's six pounds and nineteen shillings.
FARINGDON WARD INFRA, OR WITHIN
On the south side of Aldersgate ward lieth Faringdon ward, called infra or within, for a difference from another ward of that name, which lieth without the walls of the city, and is therefore called Faringdon extra. These two wards of old time were but one, and had also but one alderman, till the 17th of[278] Richard II., at which time the said ward, for the greatness thereof, was divided into twain, and by parliament ordered to have two aldermen, and so it continueth till this day. The whole great ward of Farindon, both infra and extra, took name of W. Farindon, goldsmith, alderman of that ward, and one of the sheriffs of London in the year 1281, the 9th of Edward I. He purchased the Aldermanry of this ward, as by the abstract of deeds, which I have read thereof, may appear.
On the south side of Aldersgate ward lies Faringdon ward, called infra or "within," to distinguish it from another ward of the same name that lies outside the city walls and is therefore called Faringdon extra. These two wards were originally just one and had only one alderman until the 17th of [278] in the reign of Richard II, when this ward was divided into two due to its size, and an act of parliament assigned it two aldermen, which continues to this day. The entire large ward of Faringdon, both infra and extra, got its name from W. Farindon, a goldsmith, who was the alderman of that ward and one of the sheriffs of London in 1281, during the 9th year of Edward I's reign. He acquired the Aldermanry of this ward, as can be seen in the abstract of deeds I have reviewed.
“Thomas de Arderne, son and heir to Sir Ralph Arderne, knight, granted to Ralph le Feure, citizen of London, one of the sheriffs in the year 1277, all the aldermanry, with the appurtenances within the city of London, and the suburbs of the same between Ludgate and Newgate, and also without the same gates: which aldermanry, Ankerinus de Averne held during his life, by the grant of the said Thomas de Arderna, to have and to hold to the said Ralph, and to his heirs, freely without all challenge, yielding therefore yearly to the said Thomas and his heirs one clove[232] or slip of gilliflowers, at the feast of Easter, for all secular service and customs, with warranty unto the said Ralph le Fevre and his heirs, against all people, Christians and Jews, in consideration of twenty marks, which the said Ralph le Fevre did give beforehand, in name of a gersum[233] or fine, to the said Thomas, etc., dated the 5th of Edward I. Witness, G. de Rokesley, maior; R. Arrar, one of the shiriffes; H. Wales, P. le Taylor, T. de Basing, I. Horne, N. Blackthorn, aldermen of London.” After this, John le Fevre, son and heir to the said Ralph le Fevre, granted to William Farindon, citizen and goldsmith of London, and to his heirs, the said aldermanry, with the appurtenances, for the service thereunto belonging, in the 7th of Edward I., in the year of Christ 1279. This aldermanry descended to Nicholas Farindon, son to the said William, and to his heirs; which Nicholas Farindon, also a goldsmith, was four times mayor, and lived many years after; for I have read divers deeds, whereunto he was a witness, dated the year 1360:[279] he made his testament 1361, which was fifty-three years after his first being mayor, and was buried in St. Peter’s church in Cheape. So this ward continued under the government of William Faringdon the father, and Nicholas his son, by the space of eighty-two years, and retaineth their name until this present day.
“Thomas de Arderne, son and heir of Sir Ralph Arderne, knight, granted to Ralph le Feure, a citizen of London and one of the sheriffs in 1277, all the rights to the aldermanry, including its appurtenances within the city of London and its suburbs between Ludgate and Newgate, as well as outside those gates. This aldermanry was held by Ankerinus de Averne during his lifetime, by the grant of Thomas de Arderne, to be held by Ralph and his heirs, free from any challenges, in exchange for a yearly payment of one clove[232] or a slip of gilliflowers, on Easter, for all secular services and customs. The grant included a warranty for Ralph le Fevre and his heirs against all people, Christians and Jews, in consideration of twenty marks, which Ralph le Fevre paid upfront as a gersum[233]. This was dated the 5th year of Edward I. Witnessed by G. de Rokesley, mayor; R. Arrar, one of the sheriffs; H. Wales, P. le Taylor, T. de Basing, I. Horne, N. Blackthorn, aldermen of London.” After this, John le Fevre, son and heir of the said Ralph le Fevre, granted to William Farindon, a citizen and goldsmith of London, and to his heirs, the same aldermanry and its appurtenances, for the associated service, in the 7th year of Edward I, which was in the year 1279. This aldermanry was passed down to Nicholas Farindon, son of William, and his heirs; Nicholas, also a goldsmith, served as mayor four times and lived many years afterward. I have read various deeds where he was a witness, dated in 1360:[279] he made his will in 1361, which was fifty-three years after his first mayoral term, and he was buried in St. Peter’s church in Cheape. Thus, this ward was governed by William Faringdon the father and Nicholas his son for a span of eighty-two years, and retains their name to this day.
This ward of Faringdon within the walls is bounded thus: Beginning in the east, at the great cross in Westcheape, from whence it runneth west. On the north side from the parish church of St. Peter, which is at the south-west corner of Wood street, on to Guthurun’s lane, and down that lane to Hugon lane on the east side, and to Kery lane on the west.
This ward of Faringdon within the walls is bounded as follows: Starting in the east at the big cross in Westcheape, it runs west. On the north side, it extends from St. Peter's Parish Church, located at the southwest corner of Wood Street, to Guthurun's Lane, and then down that lane to Hugon Lane on the east side and to Kery Lane on the west.
Then again into Cheape and to Foster lane, and down that lane on the east side, to the north side of St. Foster’s church, and on the west, till over against the south-west corner of the said church, from whence down Foster lane and Noble street is all of Aldersgate street ward, till ye come to the stone wall, in the west side of Noble street, as is afore showed. Which said wall, down to Nevil’s inn or Windsor house, and down Monkes well street, on that west side, then by London wall to Cripplegate, and the west side of that same gate is all of Faringdon ward.
Then again through Cheape and onto Foster Lane, and down that lane on the east side, to the north side of St. Foster’s Church, and along the west, until you reach the southwest corner of that church. From there, continue down Foster Lane and Noble Street, which makes up all of Aldersgate Street ward, until you get to the stone wall on the west side of Noble Street, as mentioned earlier. This wall goes down to Nevil’s Inn or Windsor House and down Monkeswell Street on that west side, then by London Wall to Cripplegate, and the west side of that gate is all of Faringdon ward.
Then back again into Cheape, and from Foster lane end to St. Martin’s lane end, and from thence through St. Nicholas shambles, by Penticost lane and Butchers’ alley, and by Stinking lane through Newgate market to Newgate; all which is the north side of Faringdon ward.
Then back again into Cheape, and from Foster Lane to St. Martin’s Lane, and from there through St. Nicholas Shambles, by Penticost Lane and Butchers’ Alley, and by Stinking Lane through Newgate Market to Newgate; all of which is the north side of Faringdon Ward.
On the south, from against the said great cross in Cheape west to Fridayes street, and down that street on the east side, till over against the north-east corner of St. Mathew’s church; and on the west side, till the south corner of the said church.
On the south, from the great cross in Cheape west to Fridayes Street, and down that street on the east side, until directly across from the northeast corner of St. Mathew’s Church; and on the west side, until the southeast corner of the church.
Then again along Cheape to the old Exchange, and down that lane (on the east side) to the parish church of St. Augustine, which church, and one house next adjoining in Watheling street, be of this ward, and on the west side of this lane, to the east arch or gate by St. Augustine’s church, which entereth the south churchyard of St. Paules, which arch or gate was built by Nicholas Faringdon about the year 1361, and within that gate, on the said north side, to the gate that entereth the north churchyard, and all the north churchyard is of this Faringdon ward.
Then I walked along Cheape to the old Exchange, and down that lane (on the east side) to the parish church of St. Augustine. This church, along with one house next to it on Watheling Street, is part of this ward. On the west side of this lane, there’s the east arch or gate by St. Augustine’s church, which leads into the south churchyard of St. Paul’s. This arch or gate was built by Nicholas Faringdon around the year 1361, and within that gate, on the north side, is the gate that leads into the north churchyard, which is all part of this Faringdon ward.
Then again into Cheape, and from the north end of the Old Exchange, west by the north gate of Paules churchyard, by Pater noster row, by the two lanes out of Paules church, and[280] to a sign of the Golden Lion, which is some twelve houses short of Ave Mary lane; the west side of which lane is of this ward.
Then back into Cheapside, and from the north end of the Old Exchange, heading west by the north gate of St. Paul’s churchyard, through Paternoster Row, and by the two lanes out of St. Paul’s church, and[280] to the sign of the Golden Lion, which is about twelve houses before Ave Maria Lane; the west side of that lane belongs to this ward.
Then at the south end of Ave Mary lane is Creed lane; the west side whereof is also of this ward.
Then at the south end of Ave Mary Lane is Creed Lane; the west side of which also belongs to this ward.
Now betwixt the south end of Ave Mary lane and the north end of Creede lane, is the coming out of Paules churchyard on the east, and the high street called Bowier row to Ludgate on the west, which way to Ludgate is of this ward. On the north side whereof is St. Martin’s church, and on the south side a turning into the Blacke friars.
Now between the south end of Ave Mary Lane and the north end of Creede Lane, you find the entrance to St. Paul's churchyard on the east, and the main street called Bowier Row leading to Ludgate on the west, which is part of this ward. On the north side is St. Martin’s church, and on the south side, there’s a turn leading to Blackfriars.
Now to turn up again to the north end of Ave Mary lane, there is a short lane which runneth west some small distance, and is there closed up with a gate into a great house: and this is called Amen lane.
Now to look again at the north end of Ave Mary Lane, there's a short lane that runs west for a bit, and it's closed off by a gate leading to a big house; this is called Amen Lane.
Then on the north side of Pater noster row, beginning at the Conduit over against the Old Exchange lane end, and going west by St. Michael’s church; at the west end of which church is a small passage through towards the north: and beyond this church some small distance is another passage, which is called Paniar alley, and cometh out against St. Martin’s lane end.
Then on the north side of Paternoster Row, starting at the Conduit across from the Old Exchange lane, and going west by St. Michael’s church; at the west end of that church is a small passage that leads north: and further beyond this church is another small passage, called Paniar Alley, which opens up at the end of St. Martin’s Lane.
Then further west in Pater noster row is Ivie lane, which runneth north to the west end of St. Nicholas shambles; and then west Pater noster row, till over against the Golden Lion, where the ward endeth for that street.
Then further west on Pater Noster Row is Ivy Lane, which runs north to the west end of St. Nicholas Shambles; and then west on Pater Noster Row, until across from the Golden Lion, where the street ends.
Then about some dozen houses (which is of Baynard’s castle ward) to Warwick lane end; which Warwick lane stretcheth north to the high street of Newgate market. And the west side of Warwick lane is of this Faringdon ward; for the east side of Warwick lane, of Ave Marie lane, and of Creede lane, with the west end of Pater noster row, are all of Baynardes castle ward.
Then, about a dozen houses (which are in the Baynard's Castle ward) up to the end of Warwick Lane; this Warwick Lane stretches north to the main street of Newgate Market. The west side of Warwick Lane is part of Faringdon ward; while the east side of Warwick Lane, along with Ave Marie Lane, Creede Lane, and the west end of Paternoster Row, all belong to Baynard's Castle ward.
Yet to begin again at the said Conduit by the Old Exchange, on the north side thereof is a large street that runneth up to Newgate, as is aforesaid. The first part, or south side whereof, from the Conduit to the shambles, is called Bladder street. Then on the back side of the shambles be divers slaughter-houses, and such like, pertaining to the shambles; and this is called Mount Godard street. Then is the shambles itself, and then Newgate market; and so the whole street, on both sides up to Newgate, is of this ward; and thus it is wholly bounded.
Yet to start again at the mentioned Conduit by the Old Exchange, on the north side is a large street that runs up to Newgate, as mentioned earlier. The first part, or south side, from the Conduit to the shambles, is called Bladder Street. Then, at the back of the shambles, there are various slaughterhouses and similar establishments related to the shambles, and this area is called Mount Godard Street. Next is the shambles itself, followed by Newgate Market; and so the entire street, on both sides up to Newgate, belongs to this ward, and that is its complete boundary.
Monuments in this ward be these: First, the great cross in Westcheape street, but in the ward of Faringdon; the which[281] cross was first erected in that place by Edward I., as before is showed in Westcheape street.
Monuments in this district include the following: First, the large cross on Westcheape street, although it's technically in the Faringdon ward; this cross was originally put up there by Edward I., as previously mentioned in Westcheape street.
At the south-west corner of Wood street is the parish church of St. Peter the Apostle by the said cross, a proper church lately new built. John Sha, goldsmith, mayor, deceased 1508, appointed by his testament the said church and steeple to be newly built of his goods, with a flat roof; notwithstanding, Thomas Wood, goldsmith, one of the sheriffs 1491, is accounted principal benefactor, because the roof of the middle aisle is supported by images of woodmen. I find to have been buried in this church—Nicholas Farendon, mayor; Richard Hadley, grocer, 1592; John Palmer, fishmonger, 1500; William Rus, goldsmith, sheriff 1429; T. Atkins, esquire, 1400; John Butler, sheriff 1420;[234] Henry Warley, alderman 1524; Sir John Monday, goldsmith, mayor, deceased 1537; Augustine Hinde, cloth-worker, one of the sheriffs in the year 1550, whose monument doth yet remain, the others be gone; Sir Alexander Auenon, mayor 1570.
At the southwest corner of Wood Street is the parish church of St. Peter the Apostle by the aforementioned cross, a nice church that was recently rebuilt. John Sha, a goldsmith and mayor who passed away in 1508, specified in his will that the church and steeple be newly constructed using his assets, with a flat roof. However, Thomas Wood, a goldsmith and one of the sheriffs from 1491, is considered the main benefactor because the roof of the central aisle is supported by images of woodmen. I found that the following individuals are buried in this church: Nicholas Farendon, mayor; Richard Hadley, grocer, 1592; John Palmer, fishmonger, 1500; William Rus, goldsmith, sheriff 1429; T. Atkins, esquire, 1400; John Butler, sheriff 1420;[234] Henry Warley, alderman 1524; Sir John Monday, goldsmith, mayor, who died in 1537; Augustine Hinde, cloth worker and one of the sheriffs in 1550, whose monument still remains, while the others have disappeared; Sir Alexander Auenon, mayor 1570.
The long shop, or shed, incroaching on the high street before this church wall was licensed to be made in the year 1401, yielding to the chamber of London thirty shillings and four pence yearly for the time, but since thirteen shillings and four pence. Also the same shop was letten by the parish for three pounds at the most many years since.
The long shop, or shed, extending into the high street in front of this church wall was authorized for construction in the year 1401, paying the chamber of London thirty shillings and four pence each year at that time, but now it pays thirteen shillings and four pence. Additionally, the same shop was rented by the parish for up to three pounds many years ago.
Then is Guthurun’s lane, so called of Guthurun, sometime owner thereof. The inhabitants of this lane of old time were goldbeaters, as doth appear by records in the Exchequer; for the Easterling money was appointed to be made of fine silver, such as men made into foil, and was commonly called silver of Guthurun’s lane, etc. The Embroiderers’ hall is in this lane. John Throwstone, embroiderer, then goldsmith, sheriff, deceased 1519, gave forty pounds towards the purchase of this hall. Hugon lane on the east side, and Kery lane (called of one Kery) on the west.
Then there’s Guthurun’s Lane, named after Guthurun, who once owned it. Long ago, the people living on this lane were goldbeaters, as can be seen in records at the Exchequer; the Easterling money was made from fine silver, which was crafted into foil, and it was commonly referred to as the silver from Guthurun’s Lane, etc. The Embroiderers’ Hall is located on this lane. John Throwstone, who was an embroiderer and later a goldsmith and sheriff, passed away in 1519 and donated forty pounds to help purchase this hall. Hugon Lane is on the east side, and Kery Lane (named after a man named Kery) is on the west.
Then in the high street on the same north side is the Saddlers’ hall, and then Fauster lane (so called) of St. Fauster’s, a fair church lately new built. Henry Coote, goldsmith, one of the sheriffs, deceased 1509, built St. Dunston’s chapel there. John Throwstone, one of the sheriffs, gave to the building thereof one hundred pounds by his testament. John Browne, sergeant painter, alderman, deceased 1532, was a great benefactor, and was there buried. William Trist, cellarer to the king, 1425,[282] John Standelfe,[235] goldsmiths, lie buried there; Richard Galder, 1544; Agnes, wife to William Milborne, chamberlain of London, 1500, etc.
Then on the main street on the same north side is the Saddlers’ Hall, followed by Fauster Lane (named after St. Fauster), where a beautiful church was recently built. Henry Coote, a goldsmith and one of the sheriffs who passed away in 1509, built St. Dunston’s Chapel there. John Throwstone, another sheriff, left one hundred pounds in his will for its construction. John Browne, a sergeant painter and alderman who died in 1532, was a great benefactor and is buried there. William Trist, the king's cellarer, 1425, [282] John Standelfe, [235] goldsmiths, are buried there; Richard Galder, 1544; Agnes, the wife of William Milborne, chamberlain of London, 1500, and others.
Then down Foster lane and Noble street, both of Aldersgate street ward, till ye come to the stone wall which incloseth a garden plot before the wall of the city, on the west side of Noble street, and is of this Faringdon ward. This garden-plot, containing ninety-five ells in length, nine ells and a half in breadth, was by Adam de Burie, mayor, the alderman, and citizens of London, letten to John de Nevill, Lord of Raby, Radulph and Thomas his sons, for sixty years, paying 6s. 8d. the year, dated the 48th of Edward III., having in a seal pendant on the one side, the figure of a walled city and of St. Paul, a sword in his right hand, and in the left a banner; three leopards about that seal, on the same side, written, Sigillum Baronium Londoniarum. On the other side, the like figure of a city, a bishop sitting on an arch; the inscription, Me : que : te : peperi : ne : Cesses : Thoma : tueri. Thus much for the barons of London, their common seal at that time. At the north end of this garden-plot is one great house built of stone and timber, now called the Lord Windsor’s house, of old time belonging to the Nevils; as in the 19th of Richard II. it was found by inquisition of a jury, that Elizabeth Nevil died, seised of a great messuage in the parish of St. Olave, in Monk’s well street in London, holden of the king in free burgage, which she held of the gift of John Nevell of Raby her husband, and that John Latimer was next son and heir to the said Elizabeth.
Then down Foster Lane and Noble Street, both in the Aldersgate Street ward, until you reach the stone wall that encloses a garden plot in front of the city wall, on the west side of Noble Street, which is in the Faringdon ward. This garden plot, measuring ninety-five yards in length and nine and a half yards in width, was leased by Adam de Burie, the mayor, the alderman, and the citizens of London to John de Nevill, Lord of Raby, and his sons Radulph and Thomas, for sixty years, paying 6s. 8d. a year, dated the 48th year of Edward III. It has a seal hanging from one side, depicting a walled city and St. Paul, who is holding a sword in his right hand and a banner in his left; there are three leopards around that seal, with the inscription, Sigillum Baronium Londoniarum. On the other side, there’s a similar image of a city, with a bishop sitting on an arch; the inscription reads, Me : que : te : peperi : ne : Cesses : Thoma : tueri. This was the common seal for the barons of London at that time. At the north end of this garden plot is a large house made of stone and timber, now known as Lord Windsor’s house, which once belonged to the Nevils. In the 19th year of Richard II, it was discovered by a jury that Elizabeth Nevil died owning a large messuage in the parish of St. Olave, on Monk’s Well Street in London, held of the king in free burgage, which she received as a gift from her husband John Nevell of Raby, and that John Latimer was the next son and heir of Elizabeth.
In this west side is the Barbers-Chirurgeons’ hall. This company was incorporated by means of Thomas Morestede, esquire, one of the sheriffs of London 1436, chirurgeon to the kings of England, Henry IV., V., and VI.: he deceased 1450. Then Jaques Fries, physician to Edward IV., and William Hobbs, physician and chirurgeon for the same king’s body, continuing the suit the full time of twenty years, Edward IV., in the 2nd of his reign, and Richard, Duke of Gloucester, became founders of the same corporation in the name of St. Cosme and St. Damiane. The first assembly of that craft was Roger Strippe, W. Hobbs, T. Goddard, and Richard Kent; since the which time they built their hall in that street, etc.
In the west side, there's the Barbers’ and Chirurgeons’ hall. This organization was established by Thomas Morestede, an esquire and one of the sheriffs of London in 1436, who served as a surgeon for the kings of England: Henry IV, V, and VI. He passed away in 1450. Then Jaques Fries, a physician to Edward IV, and William Hobbs, a physician and surgeon for the same king, pursued the cause for a full twenty years. In the second year of his reign, Edward IV, along with Richard, Duke of Gloucester, became the founders of this corporation under the names of St. Cosmas and St. Damian. The first assembly of that group included Roger Strippe, W. Hobbs, T. Goddard, and Richard Kent; since then, they have built their hall on that street, etc.
At the north corner of this street, on the same side, was sometime an hermitage, or chapel of St. James, called in the wall, near Cripplegate: it belonged to the abbey and convent of[283] Garadon, as appeareth by a record, the 27th of Edward I., and also the 16th of Edward III. William de Lions was hermit there, and the abbot and convent of Geredon found two chaplains, Cistercian monks of their house, in this hermitage; one of them for Aymor de Valence, Earl of Pembroke, and Mary de Saint Paule, his countess.
At the north corner of this street, on the same side, there used to be a hermitage or chapel of St. James, located in the wall near Cripplegate. It belonged to the abbey and convent of[283] Garadon, as noted in a record from the 27th year of Edward I, and also in the 16th year of Edward III. William de Lions was the hermit there, and the abbot and convent of Geredon supported two chaplains, Cistercian monks from their house, in this hermitage; one of them was for Aymor de Valence, Earl of Pembroke, and Mary de Saint Paule, his countess.
Of these monks, and of a well pertaining to them, the street took that name, and is called Monks’ well street. This hermitage, with the appurtenances, was in the reign of Edward VI. purchased from the said king by William Lambe, one of the gentlemen of the king’s chapel, citizen and cloth-worker of London: he deceased in the year 1577, and then gave it to the clothworkers of London, with other tenements, to the value of fifty pounds the year, to the intent they shall hire a minister to say divine service there, etc.
Of these monks, and of a well associated with them, the street got its name and is called Monks’ Well Street. This hermitage, along with its belongings, was purchased during the reign of Edward VI by William Lambe, one of the gentlemen of the king’s chapel, a citizen and cloth-worker from London. He passed away in 1577 and then donated it to the clothworkers of London, along with other properties worth fifty pounds a year, with the intention that they would hire a minister to conduct divine service there, etc.
Again to the high street of Cheape, from Fauster lane end to St. Martin’s, and by that lane to the shambles or flesh-market, on the north side whereof is Penticost lane, containing divers slaughter-houses for the butchers.
Again to the main street of Cheape, from Fauster lane to St. Martin’s, and down that lane to the meat market, on the north side of which is Penticost lane, home to several slaughterhouses for the butchers.
Then was there of old time a proper parish church of St. Nicholas, whereof the said flesh-market took the name, and was called St. Nicholas’ shambles. This church, with the tenements and ornaments, was by Henry VIII. given to the mayor and commonalty of the city, towards the maintenance of the new parish church then to be erected in the late dissolved church of the Grey Friars; so was this church dissolved and pulled down. In place whereof, and of the churchyard, many fair houses are now built in a court with a well, in the midst whereof the church stood.
Then, in the past, there was a proper parish church of St. Nicholas, from which the nearby flesh-market got its name, referred to as St. Nicholas’ shambles. This church, along with its properties and offerings, was given by Henry VIII to the mayor and the citizens of the city to support the construction of a new parish church in the recently dissolved Grey Friars church. As a result, this church was dismantled. In its place, along with the churchyard, many nice houses have now been built around a courtyard with a well, where the church used to stand.
Then is Stinking lane, so called, or Chick lane, at the east end of the Grey Friars church, and there is the Butchers’ hall.
Then there’s Stinking Lane, also known as Chick Lane, at the east end of Grey Friars Church, and there’s the Butchers’ Hall.
In the 3rd of Richard II. motion was made that no butcher should kill no flesh within London, but at Knightsbridge, or such like distance of place from the walls of the city.
In the 3rd of Richard II, it was proposed that no butcher should slaughter any animals within London, except at Knightsbridge or some similar distance from the city walls.
Then the late dissolved church of the Grey Friars; the original whereof was this:
Then the recently dissolved church of the Grey Friars; the original of which was this:
The first of this order of friars in England, nine in number, arrived at Dover; five of them remained at Canterburie, the other four came to London, were lodged at the preaching friars in Oldborne for the space of fifteen days, and then they hired a house in Cornhill of John Trevers, one of the sheriffs of London. They built there little cells, wherein they inhabited; but shortly[284] after, the devotion of citizens towards them, and the number of the friars so increased, that they were by the citizens removed to a place in St. Nicholas’ shambles; which John Ewin, mercer, appropriated unto the commonalty, to the use of the said friars, and himself became a lay brother amongst them. About the year 1225, William Joyner built their choir, Henry Walles the body of the church, Walter Potter, alderman, the chapter house, Gregorie Rokesley their dorter; Bartholomew of the Castle made the refectory, Peter de Heliland made the infirmitory, Bevis Bond, king of heralds, made the study, etc.
The first group of friars in England, nine in total, arrived at Dover; five of them stayed in Canterbury, while the other four went to London. They were accommodated at the preaching friars in Oldborne for fifteen days, and then they rented a house in Cornhill from John Trevers, one of the sheriffs of London. They built small cells to live in, but soon after, the citizens' devotion to them and the growing number of friars led to them being moved by the citizens to a location in St. Nicholas’ shambles. There, John Ewin, a mercer, allocated it for the common good to benefit the friars and became a lay brother among them. Around the year 1225, William Joyner built their choir, Henry Walles constructed the main part of the church, Walter Potter, an alderman, built the chapter house, Gregorie Rokesley created their dormitory, Bartholomew of the Castle made the refectory, Peter de Heliland designed the infirmary, and Bevis Bond, the king of heralds, developed the study, etc.
Margaret, queen, second wife to Edward I., began the choir of their new church in the year 1306; to the building whereof, in her lifetime, she gave two thousand marks, and one hundred marks by her testament. John Britaine, Earl of Richmond, built the body of the church to the charges of three hundred pounds, and gave many rich jewels and ornaments to be used in the same; Marie, Countess of Pembroke, seventy pounds. Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, bestowed twenty great beams out of his forest of Tunbridge, and twenty pounds sterling. Lady Helianor le Spencer, Lady Elizabeth de Burgh, sister to Gilbert de Clare, gave sums of money; and so did divers citizens; as Arnald de Tolinea, one hundred pounds; Robert, Baron Lisle, who became a friar there, three hundred pounds; Bartholomew de Almaine, fifty pounds. Also Philippa, queen, wife to Edward III., gave sixty-two pounds; Isabell, queen, mother to Edward III., gave threescore and ten pounds. And so the work was done within the space of twenty-one years, 1337. This church was furnished with windows made at the charges of divers persons. The Lady Margaret Segrave, Countess of Norfolk, bare the charges of making the stalls in the choir, to the value of three hundred and fifty marks, about the year 1380. Richard Whittington, in the year 1429, founded the library, which was in length one hundred and twenty-nine feet, and in breadth thirty-one, all sealed with wainscot, having twenty-eight desks and eight double settles of wainscot; which in the next year following was altogether finished in building, and within three years after furnished with books, to the charges of five hundred and fifty-six pounds ten shillings; whereof Richard Whittington bare four hundred pounds; the rest was borne by Doctor Thomas Winchelsey, a friar there; and for the writing out of D. Nicholas de Lira, his works, in two volumes, to be chained there, one hundred marks, etc. The ceiling of the choir at divers men’s charges, two hundred marks, and the painting[285] at fifty marks; their conduit head and water-course given them by William Tailor, tailor to Henry III., etc.
Margaret, queen and second wife of Edward I, started the choir of their new church in 1306. During her lifetime, she contributed two thousand marks and an additional one hundred marks in her will. John Britaine, Earl of Richmond, constructed the main part of the church and spent three hundred pounds on it, also donating many valuable jewels and decorations to be used there. Marie, Countess of Pembroke, contributed seventy pounds. Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, provided twenty large beams from his Tunbridge forest and gave twenty pounds sterling. Lady Helianor le Spencer and Lady Elizabeth de Burgh, Gilbert de Clare's sister, also donated money, as did several city residents, including Arnald de Tolinea with one hundred pounds, and Robert, Baron Lisle, who became a friar there, with three hundred pounds, as well as Bartholomew de Almaine, who gave fifty pounds. Additionally, Philippa, queen and wife of Edward III, donated sixty-two pounds, and Isabell, queen and mother of Edward III, contributed seventy pounds. The construction was completed in twenty-one years, by 1337. This church was equipped with windows funded by various people. Lady Margaret Segrave, Countess of Norfolk, covered the costs of the choir stalls, worth three hundred and fifty marks, around 1380. In 1429, Richard Whittington established the library, measuring one hundred twenty-nine feet long and thirty-one feet wide, all paneled with wooden boards, containing twenty-eight desks and eight double benches. The following year, the construction was entirely finished, and within three years, it was stocked with books at a cost of five hundred fifty-six pounds ten shillings, with Richard Whittington covering four hundred pounds. The remaining amount was provided by Doctor Thomas Winchelsey, a friar there, along with one hundred marks for transcribing the works of D. Nicholas de Lira in two volumes to be chained there. The choir ceiling was funded by various individuals for two hundred marks, and the painting cost fifty marks; the water supply and conduit were provided by William Tailor, tailor to Henry III, etc.
This whole church containeth in length three hundred feet, of the feet of St. Paule; in breadth eighty-nine feet, and in height from the ground to the roof sixty-four feet and two inches, etc. It was consecrated 1325, and at the general suppression was valued at thirty-two pounds nineteen shillings, surrendered the 12th of November 1538, the 30th of Henry VIII., the ornaments and goods being taken to the king’s use. The church was shut up for a time, and used as a storehouse for goods taken prizes from the French; but in the year 1546, on the 3rd of January, was again set open. On the which day preached at Paule’s cross the Bishop of Rochester, where he declared the king’s gift thereof to the city for the relieving of the poor. Which gift was by patent—of St. Bartholomew’s Spittle, lately valued at three hundred and five pounds six shillings and seven pence, and surrendered to the king; of the said church of the Grey Friars, and of two parish churches, the one of St. Nicholas in the shambles, and the other of St. Ewines in Newgate market, which were to be made one parish church in the said Friars church; and in lands he gave for maintenance for the said church, with divine service, reparations, etc., five hundred marks by year for ever.
This entire church measures three hundred feet long, eighty-nine feet wide, and sixty-four feet two inches high from the ground to the roof. It was consecrated in 1325 and was valued at thirty-two pounds nineteen shillings during the general suppression. It was surrendered on November 12, 1538, in the 30th year of Henry VIII, with the decorations and goods taken for the king’s use. The church was closed for a period and used as a storehouse for goods seized from the French; however, on January 3, 1546, it reopened. On that day, the Bishop of Rochester preached at Paul’s Cross, announcing the king’s gift to the city to help the poor. This gift was through a patent—from St. Bartholomew’s Spital, recently valued at three hundred five pounds six shillings and seven pence, which was surrendered to the king; from the church of the Grey Friars; and from two parish churches, one dedicated to St. Nicholas in the shambles and the other to St. Ewin in Newgate Market, which were to be combined into one parish church within the Grey Friars church. In addition, he provided five hundred marks a year forever for the maintenance of the church, including divine services and repairs.
The 13th of January, the 38th of Henry VIII., an agreement was made betwixt the king and the mayor[236] and commonalty of London, dated the 27th of December, by which the said gift of the Grey Friars church, with all the edifices and ground, the fratry, the library, the dortor, and chapter-house, the great cloister and the lesser, tenements, gardens, and vacant grounds, lead, stone, iron, etc., the hospital of St. Bartholomew in West Smithfield, the church of the same, the lead, bells, and ornaments of the same hospital, with all the messuages, tenements, and appurtenances; the parishes of St. Nicholas and of St. Ewin, and so much of St. Sepulcher’s parish as is within Newgate, were made one parish church in the Gray Friars church, and called Christ’s church, founded by Henry VIII.
On January 13th, during the 38th year of Henry VIII's reign, an agreement was made between the king and the mayor[236] and the common people of London, dated December 27th. This agreement involved the gift of the Grey Friars church, along with all its buildings and land, including the fratry, library, dormitory, chapter house, the large and small cloisters, tenements, gardens, and vacant lands, as well as materials like lead, stone, and iron. It also included the hospital of St. Bartholomew in West Smithfield, the church of the same, along with its lead, bells, and decorations, and all associated properties; the parishes of St. Nicholas and St. Ewin, and the portion of St. Sepulcher’s parish that falls within Newgate, were combined into one parish church at Grey Friars, named Christ’s Church, established by Henry VIII.
The vicar of Christ’s church was to have twenty-six pounds thirteen shillings and four pence the year; the vicar of St. Bartholomew thirteen pounds six shillings and eight pence; the visitor of Newgate (being a priest), ten pounds; and other five priests in Christ’s church, all to be helping in Divine service,[286] ministering the sacraments and sacramentals; the five priests to have eight pounds the piece, two clerks six pounds each, a sexton four pounds. Moreover, he gave them the hospital of Bethelem; with the laver of brass in the cloister, by estimation eighteen feet in length, and two feet and a half in depth; and the water-course of lead, to the said Friar house belonging, containing by estimation in length eighteen acres.
The vicar of Christ’s church was to receive £26.13.4 a year; the vicar of St. Bartholomew £13.6.8; the chaplain of Newgate (who was a priest), £10; and five other priests in Christ’s church, all assisting in Divine service, administering the sacraments and sacramentals; the five priests to receive £8 each, two clerks £6 each, and a sexton £4. Additionally, he gave them the hospital of Bethlehem; with the brass basin in the cloister, estimated to be 18 feet long and 2.5 feet deep; and the lead water-course, belonging to the Friar house, estimated to be 18 acres in length.[286]
In the year 1552 began the repairing of the Grey Friars house for the poor fatherless children; and in the month of November the children were taken into the same, to the number of almost four hundred. On Christmas day, in the afternoon, while the lord mayor and aldermen rode to Paules, the children of Christ’s hospital stood, from St. Lawrence lane end in Cheape towards Paules, all in one livery of russet cotton, three hundred and forty in number; and in Easter next they were in blue at the Spittle, and so have continued ever since.
In 1552, the Grey Friars house was renovated for the poor orphaned children. In November, nearly four hundred children moved in. On Christmas Day in the afternoon, while the lord mayor and aldermen rode to St. Paul’s, the children of Christ’s Hospital stood in a line from the end of St. Lawrence Lane in Cheapside towards St. Paul’s, all dressed in the same russet cotton uniform, totaling three hundred and forty. The following Easter, they wore blue at the Spittle, and they’ve kept that tradition ever since.
The defaced monuments in this church were these; First in the choir, of the Lady Margaret, daughter to Philip, king of France, and wife to Edward I., foundress of this new church, 1317; of Isabel, queen, wife to Edward II., daughter to Philip, king of France, 1358; John of the Tower; Queen of Scots, wife to David Bruce, daughter to Edward II., died in Hartford castle, and was buried by Isabel her mother 1362; William Fitzwarren, baron, and Isabel his wife, sometime Queen of Man; Isabel, daughter to Edward III., wedded to the Lord Courcy of France, after created Earl of Bedford; Elianor, wife to John, Duke of Britaine: Beatrix, Duchess of Britaine, daughter to Henry III.; Sir Robert Lisle, baron; the Lady Lisle, and Margaret de Rivers, Countess of Devon, all under one stone; Roger Mortimer, Earl of March, beheaded 1329; Peter, Bishop of Carbon in Hungary, 1331; Gregory Rocksley, mayor, 1282; Sir John Devereux, knight, 1385; John Hastings, Earl of Pembroke, 1389; Margaret, daughter to Thomas Brotharton, Earl Marshal; she was Duchess of Norfolk, and Countess Marshal and Lady Segrave, 1389; Richard Havering, knight, 1388; Robert Trisilian, knight justice, 1308; Geffrey Lucy, son of Geffrey Lucy; John Anbry, son to John, mayor of Norwich, 1368; John Philpot, knight, mayor of London, and the Lady Jane Samford his wife, 1384; John, Duke of Bourbon and Anjou, Earl of Claremond, Montpensier, and Baron Beaujeu, who was taken prisoner at Agincourt, kept prisoner eighteen years, and deceased 1433; Robert Chalons, knight, 1439; John Chalons; Margaret, daughter to Sir John Philpot, first married to T. Santlor, esquire,[287] and after to John Neyband, esquire; Sir Nicholas Brimbar, mayor of London, buried 1386; Elizabeth Nevel, wife to John, son and heir to Ralph, Earl of Westmoreland, and mother to Ralph, Earl of Westmoreland, and daughter to Thomas Holland, Earl of Kent, 1423; Edward Burnell, son to the Lord Burnell. In Allhallows chapel: James Fines, Lord Say, 1450, and Helinor his wife, 1452; John Smith, Bishop of Landafe, 1478; John, Baron Hilton; John, Baron Clinton; Richard Hastings, knight, Lord of Willowby and Welles; Thomas Burdet, esquire, beheaded 1477; Robert Lisle, son and heir to the Lord Lisle. In our Lady’s chapel: John Gisors, of London, knight; Hunfrey Stafford, esquire, of Worcestershire, 1486; Robert Bartram, Baron of Bothell; Ralph Barons, knight; William Apleton, knight; Reynold de Cambrey, knight; Thomas Beaumont, son and heir to Henry Lord Beaumont; John Butler, knight; Adam de Howton, knight, 1417; Bartholomew Caster, knight of London; Reinfride Arundele, knight, 1460; Thomas Covil, esquire, 1422. In the ’Postles chapel: Walter Blunt, knight of the Garter, and Lord Mountjoy, treasurer of England, son and heir to T. Blunt, knight, treasurer of Normandy,[237] 1474; E. Blunt, Lord Mountjoy, 1475; Alice Blunt Mountjoy, sometime wife to William Brown, mayor of London, and daughter to H. Kebel, mayor 1521; Anne Blunt, daughter to John Blunt, knight; Lord Mountjoy, 1480; Sir Allen Cheinie, knight, and Sir T. Greene, knight; William Blunt, esquire, son and heir to Walter Blunt,[238] captain of Gwynes, 1492; Elizabeth Blunt, wife to Robert Curson, knight, 1494; Bartholomew Burwashe, and John Burwashe his son; John Blunt, Lord Mountjoy, captain of Gwins and Hams, 1485; John Dinham, baron, sometime treasurer of England, knight of the Garter, 1501; Elianor, Duchess of Buckingham, 1530; John Blunt, knight, 1531; Rowland Blunt, esquire, 1509; Robert Bradbury, 1489; Nicholas Clifton, knight; Francis Chape; two sons of Allayne Lord Cheiney, and John, son and heir to the same; Lord Allaine Cheinie, knight; John Robsart, knight of the Garter, 1450; Alleyne Cheiney, knight; Thomas Malory, knight, 1470; Thomas Young, a justice of the bench, 1476; John Baldwin, fellow of Gray’s inn, and common sergeant of London, 1469; Walter Wrotsley, knight of Warwickshire, 1473; Steven Jenins, mayor, 1523; Thomas a Par, and John Wiltwater, slain at[288] Barnet, 1471; Nicholas Poynes, esquire, 1512; Robert Elkenton, knight, 1460; John Water, alias Yorke herald, 1520; John More, alias Norroy king of arms, 1491; George Hopton, knight, 1489. Between the choir and the altar: Ralph Spiganel, knight; John Moyle, gentleman, of Gray’s inn, 1495; William Huddy, knight, 1501; John Cobham, a baron of Kent; John Mortain, knight; John Deyncort, knight; John Norbery, esquire, high treasurer of England; Henry Norbery, his son, esquire; John Southlee, knight; Thomas Sakvile; Thomas Lucy, knight; 1525; Robert de la Rivar, son to Mauricius de la Rivar, Lord of Tormerton, 1457; John Malmaynas, esquire, and Thomas Malmaynas, knight; Hugh Acton, tailor, 1530; Nicholas Malmains; Hugh Parsal, knight, 1490; Alexander Kirketon, knight, etc. In the body of the church: William Paulet, esquire of Somersetshire, 1482; John Moyle, gentleman, 1530; Peter Champion, esquire, 1511; John Hart, gentleman, 1449; Alice Lat Hungerford, hanged at Tiborne for murdering her husband, 1523; Edward Hall, gentleman, of Gray’s inn, 1470; Richard Churchyard, gentleman, fellow of Gray’s inn, 1498; John Bramre, gentleman, of Gray’s inn, 1498; John Mortimar, knight, beheaded 1423; Henry Frowike, alderman; Renauld Frowike; Philip Pats, 1518; William Porter, sergeant at arms, 1515; Thomas Grantham, gentleman, 1511; Edmond Rotheley, gentleman, 1470; Henry Roston, gentleman, of Gray’s inn, 1485; Nicholas Montgomery, gentleman, son to John Montgomery, of Northamptonshire, 1485; Sir Bartholomew Emfield, knight; Sir Barnard St. Peter, knight; Sir Ralph Sandwich, knight, custos of London; Sir Andrew Sakevile, knight; John Treszawall, gentleman and tailor of London, 1520. All these and five times so many more have been buried there, whose monuments are wholly defaced; for there were nine tombs of alabaster and marble, environed with strikes of iron in the choir, and one tomb in the body of the church, also coped with iron, all pulled down, besides sevenscore grave-stones of marble, all sold for fifty pounds, or thereabouts, by Sir Martin Bowes, goldsmith and alderman of London. Of late time buried there, Walter Hadden, doctor, etc. From this church west to Newgate is of this ward.
The damaged monuments in this church include the following: First in the choir, there's the memorial for Lady Margaret, daughter of Philip, king of France, and wife of Edward I, who founded this new church in 1317; Isabel, queen and wife of Edward II, daughter of Philip, king of France, 1358; John of the Tower; Queen of Scots, wife of David Bruce and daughter of Edward II, who died in Hartford Castle and was buried beside her mother Isabel in 1362; William Fitzwarren, baron, and his wife Isabel, once Queen of Man; Isabel, daughter of Edward III, who married Lord Courcy of France, later created Earl of Bedford; Elianor, wife of John, Duke of Britaine; Beatrix, Duchess of Britaine, daughter of Henry III; Sir Robert Lisle, baron; Lady Lisle and Margaret de Rivers, Countess of Devon, all under one stone; Roger Mortimer, Earl of March, beheaded in 1329; Peter, Bishop of Carbon in Hungary, 1331; Gregory Rocksley, mayor, 1282; Sir John Devereux, knight, 1385; John Hastings, Earl of Pembroke, 1389; Margaret, daughter of Thomas Brotharton, Earl Marshal; she was Duchess of Norfolk, Countess Marshal, and Lady Segrave, 1389; Richard Havering, knight, 1388; Robert Trisilian, knight-justice, 1308; Geffrey Lucy, son of Geffrey Lucy; John Anbry, son of John, mayor of Norwich, 1368; John Philpot, knight, mayor of London, and his wife Lady Jane Samford, 1384; John, Duke of Bourbon and Anjou, Earl of Claremond, Montpensier, and Baron Beaujeu, who was taken prisoner at Agincourt, held captive for eighteen years, and died in 1433; Robert Chalons, knight, 1439; John Chalons; Margaret, daughter of Sir John Philpot, first married to T. Santlor, esquire, and then to John Neyband, esquire; Sir Nicholas Brimbar, mayor of London, buried in 1386; Elizabeth Nevel, wife of John, son and heir to Ralph, Earl of Westmoreland, mother to Ralph, Earl of Westmoreland, and daughter of Thomas Holland, Earl of Kent, 1423; Edward Burnell, son of Lord Burnell. In Allhallows chapel: James Fines, Lord Say, 1450, and his wife Helinor, 1452; John Smith, Bishop of Landafe, 1478; John, Baron Hilton; John, Baron Clinton; Richard Hastings, knight, Lord of Willowby and Welles; Thomas Burdet, esquire, beheaded in 1477; Robert Lisle, son and heir to Lord Lisle. In Our Lady’s chapel: John Gisors, knight of London; Hunfrey Stafford, esquire, of Worcestershire, 1486; Robert Bartram, Baron of Bothell; Ralph Barons, knight; William Apleton, knight; Reynold de Cambrey, knight; Thomas Beaumont, son and heir to Henry Lord Beaumont; John Butler, knight; Adam de Howton, knight, 1417; Bartholomew Caster, knight of London; Reinfride Arundele, knight, 1460; Thomas Covil, esquire, 1422. In the Apostles chapel: Walter Blunt, knight of the Garter and Lord Mountjoy, treasurer of England, son and heir to T. Blunt, knight, treasurer of Normandy, 1474; E. Blunt, Lord Mountjoy, 1475; Alice Blunt Mountjoy, once wife to William Brown, mayor of London, and daughter to H. Kebel, mayor in 1521; Anne Blunt, daughter of John Blunt, knight; Lord Mountjoy, 1480; Sir Allen Cheinie, knight, and Sir T. Greene, knight; William Blunt, esquire, son and heir to Walter Blunt, captain of Gwynes, 1492; Elizabeth Blunt, wife of Robert Curson, knight, 1494; Bartholomew Burwashe, and his son John Burwashe; John Blunt, Lord Mountjoy, captain of Gwins and Hams, 1485; John Dinham, baron, formerly treasurer of England, knight of the Garter, 1501; Elianor, Duchess of Buckingham, 1530; John Blunt, knight, 1531; Rowland Blunt, esquire, 1509; Robert Bradbury, 1489; Nicholas Clifton, knight; Francis Chape; two sons of Allayne Lord Cheiney, and John, son and heir to the same; Lord Allaine Cheinie, knight; John Robsart, knight of the Garter, 1450; Alleyne Cheiney, knight; Thomas Malory, knight, 1470; Thomas Young, a justice of the bench, 1476; John Baldwin, fellow of Gray’s Inn, and common sergeant of London, 1469; Walter Wrotsley, knight of Warwickshire, 1473; Steven Jenins, mayor, 1523; Thomas a Par, and John Wiltwater, killed at Barnet, 1471; Nicholas Poynes, esquire, 1512; Robert Elkenton, knight, 1460; John Water, alias Yorke herald, 1520; John More, alias Norroy king of arms, 1491; George Hopton, knight, 1489. Between the choir and the altar: Ralph Spiganel, knight; John Moyle, gentleman of Gray’s Inn, 1495; William Huddy, knight, 1501; John Cobham, a baron of Kent; John Mortain, knight; John Deyncort, knight; John Norbery, esquire, high treasurer of England; Henry Norbery, his son, esquire; John Southlee, knight; Thomas Sakvile; Thomas Lucy, knight, 1525; Robert de la Rivar, son of Mauricius de la Rivar, Lord of Tormerton, 1457; John Malmaynas, esquire, and Thomas Malmaynas, knight; Hugh Acton, tailor, 1530; Nicholas Malmains; Hugh Parsal, knight, 1490; Alexander Kirketon, knight, etc. In the body of the church: William Paulet, esquire of Somersetshire, 1482; John Moyle, gentleman, 1530; Peter Champion, esquire, 1511; John Hart, gentleman, 1449; Alice Lat Hungerford, hanged at Tyburn for murdering her husband, 1523; Edward Hall, gentleman of Gray’s Inn, 1470; Richard Churchyard, gentleman, fellow of Gray’s Inn, 1498; John Bramre, gentleman of Gray’s Inn, 1498; John Mortimar, knight, beheaded in 1423; Henry Frowike, alderman; Renauld Frowike; Philip Pats, 1518; William Porter, sergeant at arms, 1515; Thomas Grantham, gentleman, 1511; Edmond Rotheley, gentleman, 1470; Henry Roston, gentleman of Gray’s Inn, 1485; Nicholas Montgomery, gentleman, son of John Montgomery, of Northamptonshire, 1485; Sir Bartholomew Emfield, knight; Sir Barnard St. Peter, knight; Sir Ralph Sandwich, knight, custos of London; Sir Andrew Sakevile, knight; John Treszawall, gentleman and tailor of London, 1520. All these, and five times as many more, have been buried there, whose monuments are completely destroyed; there were nine alabaster and marble tombs, surrounded by iron railings in the choir, and one tomb in the body of the church, also fenced with iron, all taken down, besides seventy marble gravestones, all sold for about fifty pounds by Sir Martin Bowes, goldsmith and alderman of London. Recently buried there, Walter Hadden, doctor, etc. From this church west to Newgate is part of this ward.
Now for the south side of this ward, beginning again at the cross in Cheape, from thence to Friday street, and down that street on the west side, till over against the north-west corner of St. Matthew’s church; and on the west side, to the south corner of the said church, which is wholly in the ward of Faring[289]don. This church hath these few monuments: Thomas Pole, goldsmith, 1395; Robert Johnson, goldsmith, alderman; John Twiselton, goldsmith, alderman, 1525; Ralph Allen, grocer, one of the sheriffs, deceased 1546; Anthony Gamage, ironmonger, one of the sheriffs, deceased 1579; Anthony Cage; John Mabbe, chamberlain of London, etc. Allen at Condit, and Thomas Warlingworth, founded a chantry there. Sir Nicholas Twiford, goldsmith, mayor, gave to that church a house, with the appurtenances, called the Griffon on the Hope, in the same street.[239]
Now for the south side of this ward, starting again at the cross in Cheape, then to Friday Street, and down that street on the west side, until we reach the north-west corner of St. Matthew’s Church; and on the west side, to the south corner of the church, which is fully in the Farringdon ward. This church has these few memorials: Thomas Pole, goldsmith, 1395; Robert Johnson, goldsmith, alderman; John Twiselton, goldsmith, alderman, 1525; Ralph Allen, grocer, one of the sheriffs, died 1546; Anthony Gamage, ironmonger, one of the sheriffs, died 1579; Anthony Cage; John Mabbe, chamberlain of London, etc. Allen at Condit and Thomas Warlingworth established a chantry there. Sir Nicholas Twiford, goldsmith and mayor, donated a house to that church, with the appurtenances, called the Griffon on the Hope, in the same street.[289]
From this Friday street, west to the Old Exchange, a street so called of the king’s exchange there kept, which was for the receipt of bullion to be coined. For Henry III., in the 6th of his reign, wrote to the Scabines and men of Ipre, that he and his council had given prohibition, that none, Englishmen or other, should make change of plate or other mass of silver, but only in his Exchange at London, or at Canterbury. Andrew Buckerell then had to farm the Exchange of England, and was mayor of London in the reign of Henry III. John Somercote had the keeping of the king’s Exchange over all England. In the 8th of Edward I., Gregory Rockesly was keeper of the said Exchange for the king. In the 5th of Edward II., William Hausted was keeper thereof; and in the 18th, Roger de Frowicke, etc.
From this Friday street, heading west to the Old Exchange, a street named after the king's exchange where transactions took place for receiving bullion to be minted. For Henry III., in the 6th year of his reign, wrote to the officials and people of Ipre, stating that he and his council had ordered that no one, whether English or otherwise, should exchange metal or any mass of silver, except at his Exchange in London or at Canterbury. Andrew Buckerell was then in charge of England's Exchange and served as the mayor of London during Henry III's reign. John Somercote oversaw the king's Exchange throughout England. In the 8th year of Edward I., Gregory Rockesly was the keeper of that Exchange for the king. In the 5th year of Edward II., William Hausted held that position; and in the 18th year, it was Roger de Frowicke, etc.
These received the old stamps, or coining-irons, from time to time, as the same were worn, and delivered new to all the mints in London, as more at large in another place I have noted.
These received the old stamps, or coining irons, occasionally as they became worn out, and provided new ones to all the mints in London, as I have mentioned in more detail elsewhere.
This street beginneth by West Cheape in the north, and runneth down south to Knightriders street; that part thereof which is called Old Fish street, but the very housing and office of the Exchange and coinage was about the midst thereof, south from the east gate that entereth Paules churchyard, and on the west side in Baynard’s castle ward.
This street starts at West Cheape in the north and runs down south to Knightriders Street. The section called Old Fish Street is in that area, while the actual buildings and operations of the Exchange and coinage were located roughly in the middle, south of the east gate that leads into Paul's churchyard, and on the west side, in Baynard's Castle Ward.
On the east side of this lane, betwixt West Cheape and the church of St. Augustine, Henry Walles, mayor (by license of Edward I.), built one row of houses, the profits rising of them to be employed on London bridge.
On the east side of this lane, between West Cheape and the church of St. Augustine, Henry Walles, the mayor (with permission from Edward I.), built a row of houses, with the profits from them intended to be used for London Bridge.
The parish church of St. Augustine, and one house next adjoining in Watheling street, is of this ward called Faringdon. This is a fair church, and lately well repaired, wherein be monuments remaining—of H. Reade, armourer, one of the sheriffs 1450; Robert Bellesdon, haberdasher, mayor 1491; Sir Townley William Dere, one of the sheriffs 1450; Robert Raven, haber[290]dasher, 1500; Thomas Apleyard, gentleman, 1515; William Moncaster, merchant-tailor, 1524; William Holte, merchant-tailor, 1544, etc.
The parish church of St. Augustine, along with a neighboring house on Watheling Street, is part of the Faringdon ward. This is a beautiful church that has recently been well restored, and it contains monuments for H. Reade, an armor maker and one of the sheriffs in 1450; Robert Bellesdon, a haberdasher and mayor in 1491; Sir Townley William Dere, another sheriff in 1450; Robert Raven, a haberdasher in 1500; Thomas Apleyard, a gentleman in 1515; William Moncaster, a merchant tailor in 1524; and William Holte, also a merchant tailor in 1544, among others.
Then is the north churchyard of Paules, in the which standeth the cathedral church, first founded by Ethelbert, king of Kent, about the year of Christ 610: he gave thereto lands as appeareth:
Then there is the northern churchyard of St. Paul's, where the cathedral church stands, first founded by Ethelbert, king of Kent, around the year 610 AD: he provided lands for it as shown:
“Ædelbertus Rex, Deo inspirante, pro animæ suæ remedio dedit episcopo Melito terram quæ appellatur Tillingeham ad monasterii sui solatium, scilicet monasterium Sancti Pauli: et ego Rex Æthelbertus ita firmiter concedo tibi presuli Melito potestatem ejus habendi & possidendi ut in perpetuum in monasterii utilitate permaneat,” etc. Athelstan, Edgar, Edward the Confessor, and others, also gave lands thereunto. William the Conqueror gave to the church of St. Paule, and to Mauricius, then bishop, and his successors, the castle of Stortford, with the appurtenances, etc. He also confirmed the gifts of his predecessors in these words: “W. Rex Angl. concedo Deo et S. Paulo in perpetuum, 24 Hidas quas Rex Æthelbert dedit S. Paulo juxta London,” etc. The charter of King William the Conqueror, exemplified in the Tower, englished thus:
“King Ædelbert, inspired by God, gave the bishop Melito the land known as Tillingham for the comfort of his monastery, specifically the monastery of Saint Paul: and I, King Æthelbert, firmly grant you, Bishop Melito, the power to hold and possess it so that it remains forever for the benefit of the monastery,” etc. Athelstan, Edgar, Edward the Confessor, and others also contributed lands to it. William the Conqueror gave the church of St. Paul, and to Mauritius, then bishop, and his successors, the castle of Stortford, along with its appurtenances, etc. He also confirmed the gifts of his predecessors with these words: “W. King of England, grant to God and St. Paul forever, 24 hides which King Æthelbert gave to St. Paul near London,” etc. The charter of King William the Conqueror, exemplified in the Tower, translated as:
“William, by the grace of God, king of Englishmen, to all his welbeloued French and English people, greeting: Know ye that I do giue vnto God and the church of S. Paule of London, and to the rectors and seruitors of the same, in all their lands which the church hath, or shall have, within borough and without, sack and sock, thole and theam, infangthefe and grithbriche, and all freeships, by strand and by land, on tide and off tide, and all the rights that into them christendome byrath, on morth sprake, and on unright hamed, and on unright work, of all that bishoprick on mine land, and on each other man’s land. For I will that the church in all things be as free as I would my soul to be in the day of judgement. Witnesses: Osmund, our Chancellor; Lanfrank, the Archbishop of Canterbury; and T. Archbishop of York; Roger, Earle of Shrewesbury; Alane, the county; Geffrey de Magnavilla; and Ralph Peuerel.”
“William, by the grace of God, king of the English, to all his beloved French and English people, greetings: Know that I give to God and the church of St. Paul of London, and to the rectors and servants of the same, in all their lands which the church has or will have, within the borough and beyond, the rights of sack and sock, thole and theam, infangthefe and grithbriche, and all freeman's rights, by sea and by land, at high tide and low tide, and all the rights that pertain to them in Christendom regarding theft, harm, and wrongful acts, on all that bishopric on my land, and on every other man's land. For I want the church to be completely free in all things, just as I would want my soul to be on the day of judgment. Witnesses: Osmund, our Chancellor; Lanfrank, the Archbishop of Canterbury; T., Archbishop of York; Roger, Earl of Shrewsbury; Alane, the county; Geoffrey de Magnaville; and Ralph Peuerel.”
In the year 1087, this church of St. Paule was burnt with fire, and therewith the most part of the city; which fire began at the entry of the west gate, and consumed the east gate. Mauricius the bishop began therefore the foundation of a new church of St. Paule, a work that men of that time judged would never have been finished, it was to them so wonderful for length and breadth; and also the same was built upon arches (or vaults) of stone, for defence of fire, which was a manner of work before[291] that time unknown to the people of this nation, and then brought in by the French; and the stone was fetched from Caen in Normandy.
In 1087, St. Paul's Church was burned down, along with most of the city. The fire started at the west gate and spread to the east gate. Bishop Mauricius then began the construction of a new St. Paul's Church, a project that people at the time thought would never be completed due to its sheer size and scale. It was built on stone arches (or vaults) for fire protection, a technique that was unknown to the people of this nation before and was introduced by the French; the stone was sourced from Caen in Normandy.[291]
This Mauricius deceased in the year 1107. Richard Beamor succeeded him in the bishopric, who did wonderfully increase the said church, purchasing of his own cost the large streets and lanes about it, wherein were wont to dwell many lay people; which ground he began to compass about with a strong wall of stone and gates. King Henry I. gave to the said Richard so much of the moat (or wall) of the castle, on the Thames side, to the south, as should be needful to make the said wall of the church, and so much as should suffice to make a wall without the way on the north side, etc.
This Mauricius passed away in 1107. Richard Beamor took over as bishop and greatly improved the church, using his own funds to buy the broad streets and lanes around it, where many laypeople used to live. He started to surround the area with a strong stone wall and gates. King Henry I granted Richard enough of the moat (or wall) from the castle on the southern side by the Thames to be necessary for constructing the church wall, as well as sufficient material to build a wall along the northern side, etc.
It should seem that this Richard inclosed but two sides of the said church or cemetery of St. Paule, to wit, the south and north side; for King Edward II., in the 10th of his reign, granted that the said churchyard should be inclosed with a wall where it wanted, for the murders and robberies that were there committed. But the citizens then claimed the east part of the churchyard to be the place of assembly to their folkemotes, and that the great steeple there situate was to that use, their common bell, which being there rung, all the inhabitants of the city might hear and come together. They also claimed the west side, that they might there assemble themselves together, with the lord of Baynard’s castle, for view of their armour, in defence of the city. This matter was in the Tower of London referred to Harvius de Stanton, and his fellow justices itinerants; but I find not the decision or judgment of that controversy.
It seems that Richard only enclosed the south and north sides of the church or cemetery of St. Paul. King Edward II, in the 10th year of his reign, allowed the churchyard to be enclosed with a wall where it was lacking due to the murders and robberies that took place there. However, the citizens then claimed the eastern part of the churchyard as their gathering place for folkmotes, and that the large steeple located there served as their common bell, which, when rung, would alert all city residents to come together. They also claimed the west side so they could gather there with the lord of Baynard’s castle to inspect their armor for the city's defense. This issue was referred to Harvius de Stanton and his fellow justices at the Tower of London, but I couldn’t find the decision or resolution of that dispute.
True it is, that Edward III., in the 17th of his reign, gave commandment for the finishing of that wall, which was then performed, and to this day it continueth; although now on both the sides (to wit, within and without) it be hidden with dwelling-houses. Richard Beamer deceased in the year 1127, and his successors in process of time performed the work begun.
True, Edward III, in the 17th year of his reign, ordered the completion of that wall, which was then finished and still stands today; although now on both sides (that is, inside and outside) it is covered by houses. Richard Beamer died in the year 1127, and his successors eventually completed the work he started.
The steeple of this church was built and finished in the year 1222; the cross on the said steeple fell down, and a new was set up in the year 1314. The new work of Pauls (so called) at the east end above the choir, was begun in the year 1251.
The steeple of this church was completed in 1222; the cross on that steeple fell down, and a new one was put up in 1314. The new work of Pauls (as it’s called) at the east end above the choir started in 1251.
Henry Lacy, Earl of Lincoln, constable of Chester, and custos of England, in his time was a great benefactor to this work, and was there buried in the year 1310. Also Ralph Baldocke, Bishop of London, in his lifetime gave two hundred marks to the building of the said new work, and left much by his testa[292]ment towards the finishing thereof: he deceased in the year 1313, and was buried in the Lady chapel. Also the new work of Paules, to wit, the cross aisles, were begun to be new built in the year 1256.
Henry Lacy, Earl of Lincoln, the constable of Chester, and custodian of England, was a major supporter of this project during his time and was buried there in 1310. Ralph Baldock, Bishop of London, contributed two hundred marks to the construction of the new project and left a significant amount in his will for its completion: he passed away in 1313 and was buried in the Lady chapel. Additionally, the new work at St. Paul's, specifically the cross aisles, began construction in 1256.
The 1st of February, in the year 1444, about two of the clock in the afternoon, the steeple of Paules was fired by lightning, in the midst of the shaft or spire, both on the west side and on the south; but by labour of many well-disposed people the same to appearance was quenched with vinegar, so that all men withdrew themselves to their houses, praising God; but between eight and nine of the clock in the same night the fire burst out again more fervently than before, and did much hurt to the lead and timber, till by the great labour of the mayor and people that came thither, it was thoroughly quenched.
On February 1, 1444, around 2 PM, the steeple of St. Paul's was struck by lightning, igniting the shaft or spire on both the west and south sides. However, thanks to the efforts of many concerned individuals, the fire seemed to be extinguished with vinegar, prompting everyone to return home, giving thanks to God. But between 8 and 9 PM that same night, the fire reignited, burning even more fiercely than before, causing significant damage to the lead and timber until, through the hard work of the mayor and the people who gathered, it was completely extinguished.
This steeple was repaired in the year 1462, and the weather-cock again erected. Robert Godwin winding it up, the rope brake, and he was destroyed on the pinnacles, and the cock was sore bruised; but Burchwood (the king’s plumber) set it up again: since the which time, needing reparation, it was both taken down and set up in the year 1553; at which time it was found to be of copper, gilt over; and the length from the bill to the tail being four feet, and the breadth over the wings three feet and a half, it weighed forty pounds; the cross from the bowl to the eagle (or cock) was fifteen feet and six inches, of assize; the length thereof overthwart was five feet and ten inches, and the compass of the bowl was nine feet and one inch.
This steeple was repaired in 1462, and the weather vane was put up again. While Robert Godwin was winding it up, the rope broke, and he was killed up on the pinnacles, and the vane was badly damaged; however, Burchwood (the king's plumber) fixed it again. Since then, needing repairs, it was taken down and put back up in 1553; at that time, it was found to be made of copper, covered in gold. It measured four feet from the beak to the tail, three and a half feet across the wings, and weighed forty pounds. The cross from the bowl to the eagle (or vane) was fifteen feet and six inches long; the width across was five feet and ten inches, and the circumference of the bowl was nine feet and one inch.
The inner body of this cross was oak, the next cover was lead, and the uttermost was of copper, red varnished. The bowl and eagle, or cock, were of copper, and gilt also.
The inside of this cross was made of oak, the next layer was lead, and the outermost covering was bright red varnished copper. The bowl and the eagle, or rooster, were also made of copper and gold-plated.
The height of the steeple was five hundred and twenty feet, whereof the stone-work is two hundred and sixty feet, and the spire was likewise two hundred and sixty feet: the length of the whole church is two hundred and forty tailors’ yards, which make seven hundred and twenty feet; the breadth thereof is one hundred and thirty feet, and the height of the body of that church is one hundred and fifty feet. This church hath a bishop, a dean, a precentor, chancellor, treasurer, and five archdeacons; to wit, of London, Middlesex, Essex, Colchester, and St. Albans: it hath prebendaries thirty, canons twelve, vicars choral six, etc.
The steeple is five hundred and twenty feet tall, with the stonework being two hundred and sixty feet and the spire also two hundred and sixty feet. The entire church is two hundred and forty tailors' yards long, which is seven hundred and twenty feet; it is one hundred and thirty feet wide, and the height of the main part of the church is one hundred and fifty feet. This church has a bishop, a dean, a precentor, a chancellor, a treasurer, and five archdeacons: specifically, of London, Middlesex, Essex, Colchester, and St. Albans. It has thirty prebendaries, twelve canons, six vicars choral, and so on.
The college of petty canons there was founded by King Richard II. in honour of Queen Anne his wife, and of her progenitors, in the 17th of his reign. Their hall and lands were[293] then given unto them, as appeareth by the patent; Master Robert Dokesworth then being master thereof. In the year 1408, the petty canons then building their college, the mayor and commonalty granted them their water-courses, and other easements.
The college of petty canons was established by King Richard II in honor of his wife, Queen Anne, and her ancestors, during the 17th year of his reign. Their hall and lands were[293] subsequently given to them, as shown by the patent; Master Robert Dokesworth was the master at that time. In 1408, while the petty canons were constructing their college, the mayor and community granted them their water rights and other easements.
There was also one great cloister, on the north side of this church, environing a plot of ground, of old time called Pardon churchyard; whereof Thomas More, dean of Paules, was either the first builder, or a most especial benefactor, and was buried there. About this cloister was artificially and richly painted the Dance of Machabray, or Dance of Death, commonly called the Dance of Paul’s; the like whereof was painted about St. Innocent’s cloister at Paris, in France. The metres, or poesy of this dance, were translated out of French into English by John Lidgate, monk of Bury,[240] and with the picture of death leading all estates, painted about the cloister, at the special request and at the dispence of Jenken Carpenter, in the reign of Henry VI. In this cloister were buried many persons, some of worship, and others of honour; the monuments of whom, in number and curious workmanship, passed all other that were in that church.
There was also a large cloister on the north side of this church, surrounding a piece of land that was once known as Pardon churchyard. Thomas More, the dean of Paules, was either the first builder or a significant benefactor and he was buried there. Around this cloister, the Dance of Machabray, or Dance of Death, commonly called the Dance of Paul’s, was artistically and richly painted; a similar painting was found around St. Innocent’s cloister in Paris, France. The verses of this dance were translated from French to English by John Lidgate, a monk from Bury,[240] and featured the picture of death leading all social standings, painted around the cloister at the special request and expense of Jenken Carpenter, during the reign of Henry VI. Many people were buried in this cloister, some notable and others of high status; the monuments to them, both in number and intricate design, surpassed all others in that church.
Over the east quadrant of this cloister was a fair library, built at the costs and charges of Walter Sherington, chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, in the reign of Henry VI., which hath been well furnished with fair written books in vellum, but few of them now do remain there. In the midst of this Pardon churchyard was also a fair chapel, first founded by Gilbert Becket, portgrave and principal magistrate of this city, in the reign of King Stephen, who was there buried.
Over the east side of this cloister was a beautiful library, funded by Walter Sherington, chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, during the reign of Henry VI. It was well stocked with beautifully written books on vellum, but only a few of them remain today. In the middle of this Pardon churchyard was also a lovely chapel, originally established by Gilbert Becket, the portgrave and chief magistrate of this city, during King Stephen's reign, where he was buried.
Thomas Moore, dean of Paul’s before named, re-edified or new built this chapel, and founded three chaplains there, in the reign of Henry V.
Thomas Moore, the dean of Paul's mentioned earlier, rebuilt this chapel and established three chaplains there during the reign of Henry V.
In the year 1549, on the 10th of April, the said chapel, by commandment of the Duke of Somerset, was begun to be pulled down, with the whole cloister, the Dance of Death, the tombs and monuments; so that nothing thereof was left but the bare plot of ground, which is since converted into a garden for the petty canons. There was also a chapel at the north door of Paules, founded by the same Walter Sherrington, by license of Henry VI., for two, three, or four chaplains, endowed with forty[294] pounds, by the year. This chapel also was pulled down in the reign of Edward VI., and in place thereof a fair house built.
In 1549, on April 10th, the chapel was ordered to be demolished by the Duke of Somerset, along with the entire cloister, the Dance of Death, and the tombs and monuments. As a result, nothing remained except for the bare ground, which has since been turned into a garden for the petty canons. There was also a chapel at the north door of St. Paul's, founded by Walter Sherrington with permission from Henry VI., for two, three, or four chaplains, funded with forty[294] pounds a year. This chapel was also demolished during the reign of Edward VI., and a nice house was built in its place.
There was furthermore a fair chapel of the Holy Ghost in Paules church, on the north side, founded in the year 1400 by Roger Holmes, chancellor and prebendary of Paules, for Adam Berie, alderman, mayor of London 1364, John Wingham and others, for seven chaplains, and called Holme’s college. Their common hall was in Paul’s churchyard, on the south side, near unto a carpenter’s yard. This college was, with others, suppressed in the reign of Edward VI. Then under the choir of Paules is a large chapel, first dedicated to the name of Jesu, founded, or rather confirmed, the 37th of Henry VI., as appeareth by his patent thereof, dated at Croydone, to this effect: “Many liege men, and Christian people, having begun a fraternitie and guild, to the honour of the most glorious name of Jesus Christ our Saviour, in a place called the Crowdes of the cathedrall church of Paul’s in London, which hath continued long time peaceably till now of late; whereupon they have made request, and we have taken upon us the name and charge of the foundation, to the laud of Almightie God, the Father, the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost, and especially to the honour of Jesu, in whose honour the fraternitie was begun,” etc.
There was also a fair chapel dedicated to the Holy Ghost in St. Paul's Church, located on the north side. It was founded in 1400 by Roger Holmes, who was the Chancellor and Prebendary of St. Paul's, for Adam Berie, an alderman and the mayor of London in 1364, John Wingham, and others, to support seven chaplains. This was known as Holmes's College. Their common hall was in the churchyard of St. Paul's, on the south side, near a carpenter's yard. This college, along with others, was dissolved during the reign of Edward VI. Under the choir of St. Paul's is a large chapel, originally dedicated to the name of Jesus, founded or rather confirmed in the 37th year of Henry VI, as stated in his patent, dated at Croydon, which goes like this: "Many loyal subjects and Christian people have formed a fraternity and guild in honor of the glorious name of Jesus Christ our Savior, in a place called the Crowdes of the cathedral church of St. Paul in London, which has peacefully existed for a long time until recently; therefore, they have made a request, and we have taken on the name and responsibility of the foundation, to the glory of Almighty God, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, and especially in honor of Jesus, for whose glory the fraternity was established," etc.
The king ordained William Say, then dean of Paules, to be the rector, and Richard Ford (a remembrancer in the Exchequer), and Henry Bennis (clerk of his privy seal), the guardians of those brothers and sisters; they and their successors to have a common seal, license to purchase lands or tenements to the value of forty pounds by the year, etc.
The king appointed William Say, who was then the dean of St. Paul's, to be the rector, and Richard Ford (a remembrancer in the Exchequer) and Henry Bennis (clerk of his privy seal) as the guardians of those brothers and sisters; they and their successors were allowed to have a common seal and the authority to purchase lands or properties worth up to forty pounds a year, etc.
This foundation was confirmed by Henry VII., the 22nd of his reign, to Doctor Collet, then dean of Paules, rector there, etc.; and by Henry VIII., the 27th of his reign, to Richard Pace, then dean of Paules, etc.
This foundation was confirmed by Henry VII., the 22nd year of his reign, to Doctor Collet, who was then the dean of Paul's, rector there, etc.; and by Henry VIII., the 27th year of his reign, to Richard Pace, who was then the dean of Paul's, etc.
At the west end of this Jesus chapel, under the choir of Paules, also was a parish church of St. Faith, commonly called St. Faith under Paul’s, which served for the stationers and others dwelling in Paule’s churchyard, Paternoster row, and the places near adjoining. The said chapel of Jesus being suppressed in the reign of Edward VI., the parishioners of St. Faith’s church were removed into the same, as to a place more sufficient for largeness and lightsomeness, in the year 1551, and so it remaineth.
At the west end of this Jesus chapel, under the choir of Paul’s, there was also a parish church of St. Faith, often referred to as St. Faith under Paul’s. It served the stationers and others living in Paul’s churchyard, Paternoster Row, and nearby areas. When the chapel of Jesus was closed during the reign of Edward VI, the parishioners of St. Faith’s church were moved into it, as it was a larger and brighter space, in the year 1551, and it remains that way.
Then was there on the north side of this churchyard a large charnel house for the bones of the dead, and over it a chapel of an old foundation, such as followeth. In the year 1282, the[295] 10th of Edward I., it was agreed, that Henry Walles, mayor, and the citizens, for the cause of shops by them built, without the wall of the churchyard, should assign to God and to the church of St. Paul ten marks of rent by the year for ever, towards the new building of a chapel of the Blessed Virgin Mary, and also to assign five marks of yearly rent to a chaplain to celebrate there.
Then, on the north side of this churchyard, there was a large charnel house for the bones of the dead, and above it was a chapel of an old foundation, as follows. In the year 1282, the[295] 10th of Edward I, it was decided that Henry Walles, the mayor, and the citizens, due to the shops they had built outside the churchyard wall, would allocate ten marks of annual rent forever to God and to the church of St. Paul, for the new construction of a chapel dedicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary, and they would also allocate five marks of yearly rent to a chaplain to hold services there.
Moreover, in the year 1430, the 8th of Henry VI., license was granted to Jenkin Carpenter (executor to Richard Whittington) to establish upon the said charnel a chaplain, to have eight marks by the year. Then was also in this chapel two brotherhoods. In this chapel were buried Robert Barton, Henry Barton, mayor, and Thomas Mirfin, mayor, all skinners, and were entombed with their images of alabaster over them, grated or coped about with iron before the said chapel, all which were pulled down in the year 1549: the bones of the dead, couched up in a charnel under the chapel, were conveyed from thence into Finsbery field (by report of him who paid for the carriage[241]), amounting to more than one thousand cart-loads, and there laid on a moorish ground; in short space after raised, by soilage of the city upon them, to bear three windmills. The chapel and charnel were converted into dwelling-houses, warehouses, and sheds before them, for stationers, in place of the tombs.
Moreover, in the year 1430, during the reign of Henry VI, permission was granted to Jenkin Carpenter (executor of Richard Whittington) to appoint a chaplain for the charnel, with an annual salary of eight marks. At that time, there were also two brotherhoods in this chapel. Here were buried Robert Barton, Henry Barton, mayor, and Thomas Mirfin, mayor, all skinners, and they were entombed with alabaster images above them, enclosed with iron grates or copings in front of the chapel. All of this was torn down in 1549. The bones of the deceased, stored in a charnel beneath the chapel, were removed to Finsbury Field (according to the person who paid for the transportation[241]), amounting to more than a thousand cartloads, and were laid on a marshy ground; shortly after, they were covered by soil from the city, creating the foundation for three windmills. The chapel and charnel were converted into living spaces, warehouses, and sheds for stationers, replacing the tombs.
In the east part of this churchyard standeth Paules school, lately new built, and endowed in the year 1512 by John Collet, doctor of divinity and dean of Paules, for one hundred and fifty-three poor men’s children, to be taught free in the same school; for which he appointed a master, a surmaster, or usher, and a chaplain, with large stipends for ever, committing the oversight thereof to the masters, wardens, and assistants of the mercers in London, because he was[242] son to Henry Collet, mercer, sometime mayor. He left to these mercers lands to the yearly value of one hundred and twenty pounds, or better.
In the eastern part of this churchyard stands St. Paul’s School, recently built and established in 1512 by John Collet, a doctor of divinity and dean of St. Paul’s, for one hundred and fifty-three poor children's education, to be taught for free at the school. He appointed a headmaster, an assistant master, and a chaplain, with generous salaries for each, placing the oversight of the school in the hands of the masters, wardens, and assistants of the mercers in London, because he was the son of Henry Collet, a mercer and former mayor. He granted these mercers lands valued at an annual income of one hundred and twenty pounds or more.
Near unto this school, on the north side thereof, was of old time a great and high clochier, or bell-house, four square, built of stone, and in the same a most strong frame of timber, with four bells, the greatest that I have heard; these were called Jesus’ bells, and belonged to Jesus’ chapel, but I know not by whose gift: the same had a great spire of timber covered with lead, with the image of St. Paul on the top, but was pulled down by Sir Miles Partridge, knight, in the reign of Henry VIII. The[296] common speech then was, that he did set a hundred pounds upon a cast at dice against it, and so won the said clochiard and bells of the king; and then causing the bells to be broken as they hung, the rest was pulled down. This man was afterward executed on the Tower hill for matters concerning the Duke of Somerset, the 5th of Edward VI.
Near this school, on its north side, there used to be a large, tall bell tower, built of stone and square in shape, featuring a strong wooden frame and four bells, the biggest I’ve ever heard. These bells were known as Jesus' bells and belonged to Jesus' chapel, though I’m not sure who gave them. The tower had a tall wooden spire covered in lead, topped with a statue of St. Paul, but it was taken down by Sir Miles Partridge, a knight, during the reign of Henry VIII. The common story was that he bet a hundred pounds on a dice throw against it and won the bell tower and bells from the king; then he had the bells smashed while they hung, and the rest of the tower was dismantled. This man was later executed on Tower Hill for issues involving the Duke of Somerset, on the 5th of Edward VI.
In place of this clochiard, of old times the common bell of the city was used to be rung for the assembly of the citizens to their folke motes, as I have before showed.
In place of this clochiard, the city's common bell used to ring to gather the citizens for their folk meetings, as I mentioned before.
About the midst of this churchyard is a pulpit cross of timber, mounted upon steps of stone, and covered with lead, in which are sermons preached by learned divines every Sunday in the forenoon; the very antiquity of which cross is to me unknown. I read, that in the year 1259, King Henry III. commanded a general assembly to be made at this cross, where he in proper person commanded the mayor, that on the next day following, he should cause to be sworn before the alderman every stripling of twelve years of age or upward, to be true to the king and his heirs, kings of England. Also, in the year 1262, the same king caused to be read at Paul’s cross a bull, obtained from Pope Urban IV., as an absolution for him, and for all that were sworn to maintain the articles made in parliament at Oxford. Also in the year 1299, the dean of Paules accursed at Paules cross all those which had searched in the church of St. Martin in the Field for a hoard of gold, etc. This pulpit cross was by tempest of lightning and thunder defaced. Thomas Kempe, Bishop of London, new built it in form as it now standeth.
In the middle of this churchyard is a wooden pulpit cross, set on stone steps and covered with lead, where sermons are delivered by respected ministers every Sunday morning; I don’t know the age of this cross. I read that in 1259, King Henry III ordered a public assembly to take place at this cross, where he personally instructed the mayor to ensure that every boy aged twelve and older swore loyalty to the king and his heirs, the kings of England. Also, in 1262, the same king had a papal bull read at Paul’s Cross, obtained from Pope Urban IV, granting absolution for him and for everyone who swore to uphold the agreements made at the Oxford parliament. In 1299, the dean of Paul’s cursed at Paul’s Cross all those who had searched in St. Martin in the Fields for a hidden stash of gold, among other things. This pulpit cross was damaged by a storm with lightning and thunder. Thomas Kempe, the Bishop of London, rebuilt it in its current form.
In the year 1561, the 4th of June, betwixt the hours of three and four of the clock in the afternoon, the great spire of the steeple of St. Paule’s church was fired by lightning, which brake forth (as it seemed) two or three yards beneath the foot of the cross; and from thence it went downward the spire to the battlements, stone-work, and bells, so furiously, that within the space of four hours the same steeple, with all the roofs of the church, were consumed, to the great sorrow and perpetual remembrance of the beholders. After this mischance, the queen’s majesty directed her letters to the mayor, willing him to take order for the speedy repairing of the same: and she, of her gracious disposition, for the furtherance thereof, did presently give and deliver in gold one thousand marks, with a warrant for a thousand loads of timber, to be taken out of her woods or elsewhere.
On June 4, 1561, between three and four o'clock in the afternoon, the tall spire of St. Paul’s Church was struck by lightning, which seemed to burst out about two or three yards below the foot of the cross. From there, it traveled down the spire to the battlements, stonework, and bells with such intensity that within four hours, the entire steeple and all the roofs of the church were burned down, causing great sorrow and leaving a lasting impression on those who witnessed it. After this disaster, the queen sent a letter to the mayor, instructing him to make immediate arrangements for the swift repair of the church. Generously, she also contributed a thousand marks in gold and authorized the collection of a thousand loads of timber from her forests or other sources to aid in the effort.
The citizens also gave first a great benevolence, and after[297] that three fifteens, to be speedily paid. The clergy of England likewise, within the province of Canterbury, granted the fortieth part of the value of their benefices, charged with first fruits, the thirtieth part of such as were not so charged; but the clergy of London diocese granted the thirtieth part of all that paid first fruits, and the twentieth part of such as had paid their fruits.
The citizens first offered a significant donation, and then[297] they committed to paying three separate fifteens quickly. The clergy in England, specifically within the Canterbury province, agreed to give one-fortieth of the value of their benefices that were subject to first fruits, and one-thirtieth of those that were not. Meanwhile, the clergy in the London diocese agreed to contribute one-thirtieth of all who paid first fruits, and one-twentieth from those who had already paid their fruits.
Six citizens of London, and two petty canons of Paules church, had charge to further and oversee the work, wherein such expedition was used, that within one month next following the burning thereof, the church was covered with boards and lead, in manner of a false roof, against the weather; and before the end of the said year, all the said aisles of the church were framed out of new timber, covered with lead, and fully finished. The same year also the great roofs of the west and east ends were framed out of great timber in Yorkshire, brought thence to London by sea, and set up and covered with lead; the north and south ends were framed of timber, and covered with lead, before April 1566. Concerning the steeple, divers models were devised and made, but little else was done, through whose default, God knoweth; it was said that the money appointed for new building of the steeple was collected.[243]
Six citizens of London and two minor clerics from Paul's Church were responsible for promoting and supervising the work. They moved quickly, so that within a month after the fire, the church was covered with boards and lead as a temporary roof to protect it from the weather. By the end of that year, all the church's aisles were built with new timber, covered with lead, and completely finished. The same year, the large roofs at both the west and east ends were constructed from large timber sourced from Yorkshire, brought to London by ship, and assembled and covered with lead. The north and south ends were also framed with timber and covered with lead before April 1566. Regarding the steeple, several designs were created, but not much else was accomplished, for reasons unknown. It was reported that the funds allocated for the new steeple were collected.[243]
Monuments in this church be these: first, as I read, of Erkenwalde, Bishop of London, buried in the old church about the year of Christ 700, whose body was translated into the new work in the year 1140, being richly shrined above the choir behind the high altar.
Monuments in this church are these: first, as I read, of Erkenwalde, Bishop of London, buried in the old church around the year 700 AD, whose body was moved into the new building in 1140, richly housed above the choir behind the high altar.
Sebba, or Seba, King of the East Saxons, first buried in the old church, since removed into the new, and laid in a coffin of stone, on the north side without the choirs; Ethelred, King of the West Saxons, was likewise buried and removed; William Norman, Bishop of London in the reigns of Edward the Confessor and of William the Conqueror, deceased 1070, and is new buried in the body of the church, with an epitaph, as in my Summary I have shown; Eustauchius de Fauconbridge, Bishop of London, 1228, buried in the south isle above the choir; Martin Pateshull, Dean of Powle’s, 1239; W. Havarhul, canon; the king’s treasurer, Hugh Pateshull, 1240; Roger Nigar, Bishop of London, 1241, buried in the north side of the choir; Fulco Basset, Bishop of London, 1259, and his brother, Philip Basset, knight, 1261; Henry Wingham, Bishop of London, buried in[298] the south aisle above the choir, 1262; Geffrey de Arca, chaplain in the chapel of St. James, under the rood at north door, 1264; Alexander de Swarford, 1273; John Grantham, 1273; John Braynford, and Richard Umframuile, 1275; Roger de Iale, Archdeacon of Essex, 1280; Ralph Donion, canon, 1382; Godfrey S. Donstan, 1274; Fulke Lovell, 1298; William Harworth, clerk, 1302; Reginald Brandon, in the new Lady chapel, 1305; Richard Newporte, Archdeacon of Middlesex, 1309; Henry Lacie, Earl of Lincolne, in the new work of Paules betwixt the Lady chapel and St. Dunston’s chapel, where a fair monument was raised for him, with his picture in armour, cross-legged, as one professed for defence of the Holy Land against the infidels, 1310, his monument is foully defaced; Ralph Baldoke, Bishop of London, 1313, in the said Lady chapel, whereof he was founder.
Sebba, or Seba, King of the East Saxons, was first buried in the old church, which has since been moved to the new one, and laid in a stone coffin on the north side outside the choirs. Ethelred, King of the West Saxons, was also buried and later moved. William Norman, Bishop of London during the reigns of Edward the Confessor and William the Conqueror, passed away in 1070 and is now buried in the body of the church, with an epitaph, as I mentioned in my Summary; Eustauchius de Fauconbridge, Bishop of London, 1228, buried in the south aisle above the choir; Martin Pateshull, Dean of St. Paul's, 1239; W. Havarhul, canon; the king’s treasurer, Hugh Pateshull, 1240; Roger Nigar, Bishop of London, 1241, buried on the north side of the choir; Fulco Basset, Bishop of London, 1259, and his brother, Philip Basset, knight, 1261; Henry Wingham, Bishop of London, buried in[298] the south aisle above the choir, 1262; Geffrey de Arca, chaplain in the chapel of St. James, under the rood at the north door, 1264; Alexander de Swarford, 1273; John Grantham, 1273; John Braynford and Richard Umframuile, 1275; Roger de Iale, Archdeacon of Essex, 1280; Ralph Donion, canon, 1382; Godfrey S. Donstan, 1274; Fulke Lovell, 1298; William Harworth, clerk, 1302; Reginald Brandon, in the new Lady chapel, 1305; Richard Newporte, Archdeacon of Middlesex, 1309; Henry Lacie, Earl of Lincoln, in the new work of St. Paul's between the Lady chapel and St. Dunstan’s chapel, where a beautiful monument was raised for him with his picture in armor, cross-legged, as a knight professed to defend the Holy Land against the infidels, 1310, his monument is now badly defaced; Ralph Baldoke, Bishop of London, 1313, in the said Lady chapel, which he founded.
Some have noted,[244] that in digging the foundation of this new work, namely of a chapel on the south side of Paule’s church, there were found more than a hundred scalps of oxen or kine, in the year 1316; which thing (say they) confirmed greatly the opinion of those which have reported, that of old time there had been a temple of Jupiter, and that there was daily sacrifice of beasts.
Some have noted,[244] that while digging the foundation for this new chapel on the south side of Paul’s church, over a hundred ox or cow skulls were found in 1316. This (they say) strongly supports the belief that there was once a temple dedicated to Jupiter and that animals were sacrificed there daily.
Othersome, both wise and learned, have thought the buck’s head, borne before the procession of Paule’s on St. Paul’s day, to signify the like. But true it is, I have read an ancient deed to this effect.
Others, both wise and knowledgeable, believe that the buck’s head, carried in front of the procession at St. Paul’s on St. Paul’s day, represents something similar. But it is indeed true that I have come across an ancient document that supports this.
Sir William Baud, knight, the 3rd of Edward I., in the year 1274, on Candlemas day, granted to Harvy de Borham, dean of Powle’s, and to the chapter there, that in consideration of twenty-two acres of ground or land, by them granted, within their manor of Westley in Essex, to be inclosed into his park of Curingham, he would for ever, upon the feast day of the Conversion of St. Paul in winter, give unto them a good doe, seasonable and sweet, and upon the feast of the commemoration of St. Paul in summer, a good buck, and offer the same upon the high altar; the same to be spent amongst the canons residents. The doe to be brought by one man at the hour of procession, and through the procession to the high altar; and the bringer to have nothing: the buck to be brought by all his men in like manner, and they to have paid unto them by the chamberlain of the church twelve pence only, and no more to be required. This grant he made, and for performance bound[299] the lands of him and his heirs to be distrained on; and if the lands should be evicted, that yet he and his heirs should accomplish the gift. Witnesses: Richard Tilberie, William de Wockendon, Richard de Harlowe, knights, Peter of Stanforde, Thomas of Waldon, and some others.
Sir William Baud, knight, during the reign of Edward I in 1274, on Candlemas day, granted to Harvy de Borham, dean of Paul’s, and to the chapter there, that in exchange for twenty-two acres of land they provided within their manor of Westley in Essex, to be enclosed into his park of Curingham, he would forever, on the feast day of the Conversion of St. Paul in winter, provide them with a good doe, fresh and quality, and on the feast of the commemoration of St. Paul in summer, a good buck, which he would offer on the high altar; the same to be shared among the resident canons. The doe was to be brought by one man at the hour of the procession and taken through the procession to the high altar; the bearer would receive nothing: the buck was to be brought by all his men in the same way, and they would be paid twelve pence by the chamberlain of the church, and no more would be required. He made this grant and bound the lands of himself and his heirs to be confiscated if not performed; and if the lands were evicted, he and his heirs would still fulfill the gift. Witnesses: Richard Tilberie, William de Wockendon, Richard de Harlowe, knights, Peter of Stanforde, Thomas of Waldon, and some others.
Sir Walter Baude, son to William, confirmed this gift, in the 30th of the said king, and the witnesses thereunto were Nicholas de Wokendon, Richard de Rokeley, Thomas de Mandevile, John de Rochford, knights, Richard de Broniford, William de Markes, William de Fulham, and other. Thus much for the grant.
Sir Walter Baude, son of William, confirmed this gift in the 30th year of the king's reign. The witnesses were Nicholas de Wokendon, Richard de Rokeley, Thomas de Mandevile, John de Rochford, knights, Richard de Broniford, William de Markes, William de Fulham, and others. That’s the extent of the grant.
Now what I have heard by report, and have partly seen, it followeth. On the feast day of the commemoration of St. Paul, the buck being brought up to the steps of the high altar in Paul’s church, at the hour of procession, the dean and chapter being apparelled in copes and vestments, with garlands of roses on their heads, they sent the body of the buck to baking, and had the head fixed on a pole, borne before the cross in their procession, until they issued out of the west door, where the keeper that brought it blowed the death of the buck, and then the horners that were about the city presently answered him in like manner; for the which pains they had each one of the dean and chapter, four pence in money, and their dinner, and the keeper that brought it, was allowed during his abode there, for that service, meat, drink, and lodging, at the dean and chapter’s charges, and five shillings in money at his going away, together with a loaf of bread, having the picture of St. Paul upon it, etc.
Now, based on what I've heard and seen, here’s what happened. On the feast day honoring St. Paul, a deer was brought to the steps of the high altar in Paul’s church during the procession. The dean and chapter were dressed in elaborate robes and wearing garlands of roses on their heads. They sent the deer to be cooked and displayed the head on a pole, carried in front of the cross during the procession, until they exited through the west door. The keeper who brought it blew a horn to announce the deer’s death, and the hunters around the city responded in kind. For this effort, each member of the dean and chapter received four pence and a meal. The keeper was provided food, drink, and lodging during his stay there, and was given five shillings when he left, along with a loaf of bread featuring the image of St. Paul, etc.
There was belonging to the church of St. Paul, for both the days, two special suits of vestments, the one embroidered with bucks, the other with does, both given by the said Bauds (as I have heard). Thus much for the matter.
There were two special sets of vestments belonging to the church of St. Paul for both days, one embroidered with bucks and the other with does, both given by the aforementioned Bauds (or so I've heard). That covers the topic.
Now to the residue of the monuments:—Sir Ralph Hingham, chief justice of both Benches successively, buried in the side of the north walk against the choir, 1308; Henry Guildford, clerk at the altar of the Apostles, 1313; Richard Newport, Bishop of London, 1318; William Chateslehunt, canon, in the new work, 1321, had a chantry there; Sir Nicholas Wokenden, knight, at the altar of St. Thomas in the new work, 1323; John Cheshull, Bishop of London, 1279; Roger Waltham, canon, 1325; Hamo Chikewell, six times mayor of London, 1328; Robert Monden, and John Monden his brother, canons, in the new work, 1332; Walter Thorpe, canon, in the new work, 1333;[300] John Fable, 1334; James Fisil, chaplain, 1341; William Melford, Archdeacon of Colchester, 1345; Richard de Placeto, Archdeacon of Colchester, 1345, before St. Thomas’ chapel; Geffrey Eton, canon, 1345; Nicholas Husband, canon, 1347; Sir John Poultney, mayor 1348, in a fair chapel by him built on the north side of Paule’s, wherein he founded three chaplains; William Eversden, canon, in the crowds, 1349; Alan Hotham, canon, in the new crowds, 1351; Henry Etesworth, under the rood at north door, 1353; John Beauchampe, constable of Dover, warden of the ports, knight of the Garter, son to Guy Beauchampe, Earl of Warwick, and brother to Thomas Earl of Warwick, in the body of the church, on the south side, 1358, where a proper chapel and fair monument remaineth of him; he is by ignorant people misnamed to be Humfrey, Duke of Glocester, who lieth honourably buried at St. Albon’s, twenty miles from London, and therefore such as merrily or simply profess themselves to serve Duke Humfrey in Paule’s, are to be punished here, and sent to St. Albon’s, there again to be punished for their absence from their lord and master, as they call him; Michael Norborow, Bishop of London, 1361; Walter Nele, blader, and Avis his wife, 1361; Gilbert Brewer, dean of Paule’s, 1366; Richard Wendover, 1366; John Hiltoft, goldsmith, and Alice his wife, in the new works, St. Dunston’s chapel, 1368; Adam de Bery, mayor in the year 1364, buried in a chapel of St. Mary Magdalen, or of the Holy Ghost, called Holmes’ college, behind the rood at the north door of Paul’s, 1390; Roger Holmes, chancellor and prebend of Paul’s, was buried there 1400; John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, 1399, buried on the north side the choir, beside Blanch his first wife, who deceased 1368; Sir Richard Burley, knight of the Garter, under a fair monument in the side of the north walk against the choir, a chantry was there founded for him, 1409; Beatrix his wife, after his death, married to Thomas Lord Rouse, was buried in the chapel of St. John Baptist (or Poultney’s chapel) near the north door of Paule’s, 1409; Thomas Evers, dean of Paule’s, in St. Thomas’ chapel, the new work, 1411; Thomas More, dean of Paule’s, in the chapel of St. Anne and St. Thomas, by him new built in Pardon churchyard, 1419; Thomas Ston, dean of Paule’s, by the tomb of John Beauchampe, 1423; the Duchess of Bedford, sister to Philip Duke of Burgoyne, 1433; Robert Fitzhugh, Bishop of London, in the choir, 1435; Walter Sherington, in a chapel without the north door by him built, 1457; John Drayton, goldsmith, in Alhallowes chapel, 1456; William[301] Say, dean of Paul’s, in the Crowds, or Jesus’ chapel, 1468; Margaret, Countess of Shrewsbury, in the Crowds, or Jesus’ chapel, as appeareth by an inscription on a pillar there.
Now for the remaining monuments:—Sir Ralph Hingham, Chief Justice of both Benches successively, buried on the north walk next to the choir, 1308; Henry Guildford, clerk at the altar of the Apostles, 1313; Richard Newport, Bishop of London, 1318; William Chateslehunt, canon, in the new work, 1321, had a chantry there; Sir Nicholas Wokenden, knight, at the altar of St. Thomas in the new work, 1323; John Cheshull, Bishop of London, 1279; Roger Waltham, canon, 1325; Hamo Chikewell, six times Mayor of London, 1328; Robert Monden, and his brother John Monden, canons, in the new work, 1332; Walter Thorpe, canon, in the new work, 1333;[300] John Fable, 1334; James Fisil, chaplain, 1341; William Melford, Archdeacon of Colchester, 1345; Richard de Placeto, Archdeacon of Colchester, 1345, before St. Thomas’ chapel; Geffrey Eton, canon, 1345; Nicholas Husband, canon, 1347; Sir John Poultney, Mayor 1348, in a lovely chapel he built on the north side of Paul's, where he founded three chaplains; William Eversden, canon, in the crowds, 1349; Alan Hotham, canon, in the new crowds, 1351; Henry Etesworth, under the rood at the north door, 1353; John Beauchampe, Constable of Dover, Warden of the Ports, Knight of the Garter, son of Guy Beauchampe, Earl of Warwick, and brother of Thomas, Earl of Warwick, in the body of the church, on the south side, 1358, where a beautiful chapel and fine monument remain for him; he is mistakenly referred to by some as Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester, who is honorably buried at St. Albans, twenty miles from London, and thus those who jovially or simply claim to serve Duke Humfrey in Paul’s are to be punished here and sent to St. Albans, where they will again be punished for being away from their lord and master, as they call him; Michael Norborow, Bishop of London, 1361; Walter Nele, blader, and his wife Avis, 1361; Gilbert Brewer, Dean of Paul’s, 1366; Richard Wendover, 1366; John Hiltoft, goldsmith, and his wife Alice, in the new works, St. Dunston’s chapel, 1368; Adam de Bery, Mayor in 1364, buried in a chapel of St. Mary Magdalen, or of the Holy Ghost, called Holmes’ college, behind the rood at the north door of Paul’s, 1390; Roger Holmes, Chancellor and Prebend of Paul’s, was buried there in 1400; John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, 1399, buried on the north side of the choir, beside Blanch, his first wife, who died in 1368; Sir Richard Burley, Knight of the Garter, under a fine monument in the side of the north walk against the choir, a chantry was founded for him there, 1409; Beatrix, his wife, after his death, married Thomas Lord Rouse, and was buried in the chapel of St. John Baptist (or Poultney’s chapel) near the north door of Paul’s, 1409; Thomas Evers, Dean of Paul’s, in St. Thomas’ chapel, the new work, 1411; Thomas More, Dean of Paul’s, in the chapel of St. Anne and St. Thomas, which he newly built in Pardon Churchyard, 1419; Thomas Ston, Dean of Paul’s, by the tomb of John Beauchampe, 1423; the Duchess of Bedford, sister to Philip Duke of Burgundy, 1433; Robert Fitzhugh, Bishop of London, in the choir, 1435; Walter Sherington, in a chapel he built outside the north door, 1457; John Drayton, goldsmith, in All Hallows chapel, 1456; William[301] Say, Dean of Paul’s, in the Crowds, or Jesus’ chapel, 1468; Margaret, Countess of Shrewsbury, in the Crowds, or Jesus’ chapel, as shown by an inscription on a pillar there.
Here before the image of Jesu lieth the worshipful and right noble lady, Margaret Countess of Shrewsbury, late wife of the true and victorious knight and redoubtable warrior, John Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, which worship died in Guien for the right of this land. The first daughter, and one of the heirs of the right famous and renowned knight, Richard Beauchamp, late Earl of Warwick, which died in Rouen, and Dame Elizabeth his wife, the which Elizabeth was daughter and heir to Thomas, late Lord Berkeley, on his side, and of her mother’s side, Lady Lisle and Tyes, which countess passed from this world the 14th day of June, in the year of our Lord 1468, on whose soul Jesu have mercy. Amen.
Here before the image of Jesus lies the esteemed and noble lady, Margaret, Countess of Shrewsbury, former wife of the true and victorious knight and formidable warrior, John Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, who died in Guienne fighting for the rights of this land. She was the first daughter and one of the heirs of the famous and renowned knight, Richard Beauchamp, former Earl of Warwick, who died in Rouen, and of Lady Elizabeth, his wife, who was the daughter and heir of Thomas, former Lord Berkeley, on his father's side, and on her mother's side, Lady Lisle and Tyes. This countess passed from this world on the 14th day of June in the year of our Lord 1468. May Jesus have mercy on her soul. Amen.
John Wenlocke, by his last will, dated 1477, appointed there should be dispended upon a monument over the Lady of Shrewsbury where she is buried afore Jesus, one hundred pounds. He left Sir Humfrey Talbot his supervisor. This Sir Humfrey Talbot, knight, lord marshal of the town of Calais, made his will the year 1492. He was younger son of John Earl of Shrewsbury, and Margaret his wife; he appointed a stone to be put in a pillar before the grave of his lady mother in Paul’s, of his portraiture and arms, according to the will of John Wenlocke, but for want of room and lightsomeness in that place, it was concluded, the image of Jesus to be curiously painted on the wall of Paul’s church, over the door that entereth into the said chapel of Jesus, and the portraiture also of the said Lady Margaret, Countess of Shrewsbury, kneeling in her mantle of arms, with her progeny; all which was so performed, and remaineth till this day.
John Wenlocke, in his last will dated 1477, specified that one hundred pounds should be spent on a monument for the Lady of Shrewsbury, where she is buried before Jesus. He appointed Sir Humfrey Talbot as his supervisor. Sir Humfrey Talbot, a knight and lord marshal of the town of Calais, made his will in 1492. He was the younger son of John, Earl of Shrewsbury, and his wife Margaret. He arranged for a stone to be placed in a pillar before the grave of his mother in St. Paul's, featuring his portrait and arms, following John Wenlocke's will. However, due to lack of space and light in that area, it was decided that the image of Jesus would be intricately painted on the wall of St. Paul's church, above the door leading into the chapel of Jesus, along with a portrait of Lady Margaret, Countess of Shrewsbury, kneeling in her coat of arms, surrounded by her children; all of which was fulfilled and still exists to this day.
In the chapel of Jesus, Thomas Dowcrey, William Lambe, 1578, and many other, have been interred; John of London, under the north rood, 1266; John Lovell, clerk; John Romane; John of St. Olave; Waltar Bloxley; Sir Alen Boxhull, knight of the Garter, constable of the Tower, custos of the forest and park of Clarendon, the forest of Brokholt, Grovell, and Melchet, buried beside St. Erkenwald’s shrine, and of later time Thomas Kempe, Bishop of London, in a proper chapel of the Trinity by him founded in the body of the church, on the north side, 1489; Thomas Linacre, doctor of physic; John Collet, dean of Paule’s, on the south side without the choir, 1519; John Dowman, canon of Paule’s, 1525; Richard Fitz-James, Bishop of[302] London, hard beneath the north-west pillar of Paule’s steeple, under a fair tomb, and a chapel of St. Paul, built of timber, with stairs mounting thereunto over his tomb, of grey marble, 1521. His chapel was burned by fire falling from the steeple, his tomb was taken thence. John Stokesley, Bishop of London, in our Lady chapel, 1539; John Nevill, Lord Latimer, in a chapel by the north door of Paule’s, about 1542; Sir John Mason, knight, in the north walk, against the choir, 1566; William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, knight of the Garter, on the north side of the choir, 1569; Sir Nicholas Bacon, lord-keeper of the great seal, on the south side of the choir, 1578; Sir Philip Sidney, above the choir on the north side, 1586; Sir Frances Walsingham, knight, principal secretary, and chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, 1590; Sir Christopher Hatton, lord chancellor of England, knight of the Garter, above the choir, 1591, under a most sumptuous monument, where a merry poet wrote thus:—
In the chapel of Jesus, Thomas Dowcrey, William Lambe, 1578, and many others have been buried; John of London, under the north rood, 1266; John Lovell, clerk; John Romane; John of St. Olave; Waltar Bloxley; Sir Alen Boxhull, knight of the Garter, constable of the Tower, custodian of the forest and park of Clarendon, as well as the forests of Brokholt, Grovell, and Melchet, buried next to St. Erkenwald’s shrine, and later, Thomas Kempe, Bishop of London, in a chapel of the Trinity founded by him in the body of the church, on the north side, 1489; Thomas Linacre, doctor of medicine; John Collet, dean of Paul’s, on the south side outside the choir, 1519; John Dowman, canon of Paul’s, 1525; Richard Fitz-James, Bishop of[302] London, resting beneath the north-west pillar of Paul’s steeple, under an elegant tomb and a chapel of St. Paul, built of timber, with stairs leading up to it over his tomb, made of grey marble, 1521. His chapel was burned down by fire falling from the steeple, and his tomb was removed. John Stokesley, Bishop of London, in our Lady chapel, 1539; John Nevill, Lord Latimer, in a chapel by the north door of Paul’s, around 1542; Sir John Mason, knight, in the north aisle, against the choir, 1566; William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, knight of the Garter, on the north side of the choir, 1569; Sir Nicholas Bacon, lord keeper of the great seal, on the south side of the choir, 1578; Sir Philip Sidney, above the choir on the north side, 1586; Sir Frances Walsingham, knight, principal secretary, and chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, 1590; Sir Christopher Hatton, lord chancellor of England, knight of the Garter, above the choir, 1591, under a very grand monument, where a cheerful poet wrote this:—
“For great Christopher takes all the space.”
John Elmer, Bishop of London, before St. Thomas’ chapel, 1594; the Lady Heneage, and her husband, Sir Thomas Heneage, chancellor of the duchy, 1595; Richard Fletcher, Bishop of London, 1596. These, as the chief, have I noted to be buried there.
John Elmer, Bishop of London, before St. Thomas’ chapel, 1594; Lady Heneage and her husband, Sir Thomas Heneage, Chancellor of the Duchy, 1595; Richard Fletcher, Bishop of London, 1596. These, as the main ones, are the ones I noted to be buried there.
Without the north gate of Paule’s church from the end of the Old Exchange, west up Paternoster row, by the two lanes out of Paule’s church, the first out of the cross aisle of Paule’s, the other out of the body of the church, about the midst thereof, and so west to the Golden Lion, be all of this ward, as is aforesaid. The houses in this street, from the first north gate of Paule’s churchyard unto the next gate, was first built without the wall of the churchyard, by Henry Walles, mayor in the year 1282. The rents of those houses go to the maintenance of London bridge. This street is now called Pater Noster row, because of stationers or text writers that dwelt there, who wrote and sold all sorts of books then in use, namely, A. B. C. with the Pater Noster, Ave, Creed, Graces, etc.
Without the north gate of Paul’s church at the end of the Old Exchange, heading west up Paternoster Row, past the two exits from Paul’s church—one from the cross aisle of Paul’s and the other from the main body of the church, roughly in the middle—then west to the Golden Lion, all of this area makes up the ward as mentioned. The houses along this street, from the first north gate of Paul’s churchyard to the next gate, were initially built outside the churchyard wall by Henry Walles, who was mayor in 1282. The rent from these houses goes toward maintaining London Bridge. This street is now known as Paternoster Row because it was home to stationers or text writers who lived there and wrote and sold all sorts of books that were in use at the time, including A.B.C. with the Pater Noster, Ave, Creed, Graces, etc.
There dwelt also turners of beads, and they were called Pater Noster makers, as I read in a record of one Robert Nikke, Pater Noster maker, and citizen, in the reign of Henry IV., and so of other. At the end of Pater Noster row is Ave Mary lane, so called upon the like occasion of text writers and bead makers[303] then dwelling there; and at the end of that lane is likewise Creede lane, late so called, but sometime Spurrier row, of spurriers dwelling there; and Amen lane is added thereunto betwixt the south end of Warwicke lane and the north end of Ave Mary lane. At the north end of Ave Mary lane is one great house, built of stone and timber, of old time pertaining to John Duke of Britaine, Earl of Richmond, as appeareth by the records of Edward II., since that, it is called Pembrook’s inn, near unto Ludgate, as belonging to the earls of Pembrook, in the times of Richard II., the 18th year, and of Henry VI., the 14th year. It is now called Burgaveny house, and belongeth to Henry, late Lord of Burgaveny.
There were also bead makers, known as Pater Noster makers, as noted in a record from one Robert Nikke, a Pater Noster maker and citizen during the reign of Henry IV, and others. At the end of Pater Noster Row is Ave Mary Lane, named for the same reason tied to writers and bead makers who lived there at the time; at the end of that lane is Creede Lane, recently renamed but previously Spurrier Row, due to spurriers living there. Amen Lane is added between the south end of Warwick Lane and the north end of Ave Mary Lane. At the north end of Ave Mary Lane stands a large house made of stone and timber, which originally belonged to John Duke of Brittany, Earl of Richmond, as documented in the records of Edward II. Since then, it has been called Pembrook's Inn, near Ludgate, connected to the earls of Pembrook during the times of Richard II in the 18th year and Henry VI in the 14th year. It is now referred to as Burgaveny House and belongs to Henry, the former Lord of Burgaveny.[303]
Betwixt the south end of Ave Mary lane, and the north end of Creed lane, is the coming out of Paule’s church yard on the east, and the high street on the west, towards Ludgate, and this is called Bowyer row, of bowyers dwelling there in old time, now worn out by mercers and others. In this street, on the north side, is the parish church of St. Martin, a proper church, and lately new built; for in the year 1437, John Michael, mayor, and the commonalty, granted to William Downe, parson of St. Martin’s at Ludgate, a parcel of ground, containing in length twenty-eight feet, and in breadth four feet, to set and build their steeple upon, etc. The monuments here have been of William Sevenoake, mayor 1418; Henry Belwase and John Gest, 1458; William Taverner, gentleman, 1466; John Barton, esquire, 1439; Stephen Peacock, mayor 1533; Sir Roger Cholmley, John Went, and Roger Paine, had chantries there.
Between the south end of Ave Mary Lane and the north end of Creed Lane is the entrance to Paul’s churchyard on the east and the high street on the west, leading towards Ludgate. This area is called Bowyer Row, named after the bowyers who lived there in the past, now replaced by mercers and others. In this street, on the north side, is the parish church of St. Martin, a nice church that was recently rebuilt; in 1437, John Michael, the mayor, and the community granted a piece of land, measuring twenty-eight feet in length and four feet in width, to William Downe, the parson of St. Martin’s at Ludgate, to set up and build their steeple, among other things. The monuments here include those of William Sevenoake, mayor in 1418; Henry Belwase and John Gest, 1458; William Taverner, gentleman, 1466; John Barton, esquire, 1439; Stephen Peacock, mayor in 1533; Sir Roger Cholmley, John Went, and Roger Paine, who had chantries there.
On the south side of this street is the turning into the Black Friers, which order sometime had their houses in Old borne, where they remained for the space of fifty-five years, and then in the year 1276, Gregorie Roksley, mayor, and the barons of this city, granted and gave to Robert Kilwarby, Archbishop of Canterbury, two lanes or ways next the street of Baynard’s castle, and also the tower of Mountfitchit, to be destroyed; in place of which the said Robert built the late new church of the Black Friers, and placed them therein. King Edward I., and Elianor his wife, were great benefactors thereunto. This was a large church, and richly furnished with ornaments, wherein divers parliaments, and other great meetings, hath been holden; namely, in the year 1450, the 28th of Henry VI., a parliament was begun at Westminster, and adjourned to the Black Friers in London, and from thence to Leycester. In the year 1522, the Emperor Charles V. was lodged there. In the year 1524,[304] the 15th of April, a parliament was begun at the Black Friers, wherein was demanded a subsidy of eight hundred thousand pounds to be raised of goods and lands, four shillings in every pound, and in the end was granted two shillings of the pound of goods or lands that were worth twenty pounds, or might dispend twenty pounds by the year, and so upward, to be paid in two years. This parliament was adjourned to Westminster amongst the black monks, and ended in the king’s palace there, the 14th of August, at nine of the clock in the night, and was therefore called the Black parliament. In the year 1529, Cardinal Campeius, the legate, with Cardinal Woolsey, sat at the said Black Friars, where before them, as legates and judges, was brought in question the king’s marriage with Queen Katherine, as unlawful, before whom the king and queen were cited and summoned to appear, etc. whereof more at large in my Annals I have touched.
On the south side of this street is the turnoff into the Black Friars, where this order once had their homes in Old Borne. They stayed for fifty-five years, and then, in 1276, Gregorie Roksley, the mayor, along with the barons of this city, granted Robert Kilwarby, the Archbishop of Canterbury, two lanes next to the street of Baynard’s Castle, and also the tower of Mountfitchit, to be demolished. In place of these, Robert built the new church of the Black Friars and settled them there. King Edward I and his wife Elianor were major benefactors. This church was large and richly adorned, where various parliaments and other significant meetings took place. For instance, in 1450, during the 28th year of Henry VI's reign, a parliament began at Westminster, was adjourned to the Black Friars in London, and then moved to Leicester. In 1522, Emperor Charles V stayed there. In 1524, on April 15th, a parliament started at the Black Friars, where a subsidy of eight hundred thousand pounds was proposed to be raised from goods and land at four shillings for every pound. Ultimately, it was decided to grant two shillings per pound on goods or land worth twenty pounds or yielding twenty pounds annually, to be paid over two years. This parliament was adjourned to Westminster among the Black Monks, concluding in the king’s palace there on August 14th at nine o'clock at night, which is why it was called the Black Parliament. In 1529, Cardinal Campeius, the legate, and Cardinal Woolsey sat at the Black Friars, where they considered the legality of the king's marriage to Queen Katherine as unlawful, summoning both the king and queen to appear before them. More details on this can be found in my Annals.
The same year, in the month of October, began a parliament in the Black Friers, in the which Cardinal Woolsey was condemned in the premunire; this house, valued at £104 15s. 5d., was surrendered the 12th of November, the 30th of Henry VIII. There were buried in this church, Margaret Queen of Scots; Hubert de Burgh, Earl of Kent, translated from their old church by Oldborne; Robert de Attabeto, Earl of Bellimon; Dame Isabel, wife to Sir Roger Bygot, earl marshal; William and Jane Huse, children to Dame Ellis, Countess of Arundell; and by them lieth Dame Ellis, daughter to the Earl Warren, and after Countess of Arundell; Dame Ide, wife to Sir Waltar ——, daughter to Ferrers of Chartley; Richard de Brewes; Richard Strange, son to Roger Strange; Elizabeth, daughter to Sir Barthol. Badlesmere, wife to Sir William Bohun, Earl of Northampton; Marsh; the Earls of Marsh and Hereford; and Elizabeth Countess of Arundell; Dame Joan, daughter to Sir John Carne, first wife to Sir Gwide Brian; Hugh Clare, knight, 1295; the heart of Queen Helianor, the foundress; the heart of Alfonce, her son; the hearts of John and Margaret, children to W. Valence; Sir William Thorpe, justice; the Lord Lioth of Ireland; Maude, wife to Geffrey Say, daughter to the Earl of Warwick; Dame Sible, daughter to Wil. Pattehulle, wife to Roger Beauchampe; and by her Sir Richard or Roger Beauchampe; Lord St. Amand, and Dame Elizabeth his wife, daughter to the Duke of Lancaster; Sir Stephen Collington, knight; Sir William Peter, knight; the Countess of Huntington; Duchess of Excester, 1425; Sir John Cornwall; Lord Fanhope,[305] died at Amphill in Bedfordshire, and was buried here in 1443; Sir John Triptoste, Earl of Worcester, beheaded 1470; and by him in his chapel, James Tuochet Lord Audley, beheaded 1497; William Paston, and Anne, daughter to Edmond Lancaster; the Lord Beamount; Sir Edmond Cornewall, Baron of Burford; the Lady Nevell, wedded to Lord Dowglas, daughter to the Duke of Excester; Richard Scrope, esquire; Dame Katheren Vaux, alias Cobham; Sir Thomas Browne, and Dame Elizabeth his wife; Jane Powell; Thomas Swinforth; John Mawsley, esquire, 1432; John De la Bere, Nicholas Eare, Geffrey Spring, William Clifford, esquires; Sir Thomas Brandon, knight of the Garter, 1509; William Stalworth, merchant-tailor, 1518; William Courtney, Earl of Devonshire nominate, but not created, the 3rd of Henry VIII., etc.
In the same year, in October, a parliament started in Black Friars, where Cardinal Wolsey was found guilty in the premunire case. This place, valued at £104 15s. 5d., was surrendered on November 12, during the 30th year of Henry VIII's reign. Buried in this church were Margaret, Queen of Scots; Hubert de Burgh, Earl of Kent, moved from their old church by Oldborne; Robert de Attabeto, Earl of Bellimon; Dame Isabel, wife of Sir Roger Bygot, Earl Marshal; William and Jane Huse, children of Dame Ellis, Countess of Arundel; and nearby lay Dame Ellis, daughter of the Earl Warren, and later Countess of Arundel; Dame Ide, wife of Sir Walter —, daughter of Ferrers of Chartley; Richard de Brewes; Richard Strange, son of Roger Strange; Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Barthol. Badlesmere, wife of Sir William Bohun, Earl of Northampton; Marsh; the Earls of Marsh and Hereford; and Elizabeth, Countess of Arundel; Dame Joan, daughter of Sir John Carne, first wife of Sir Gwide Brian; Hugh Clare, knight, 1295; the heart of Queen Helianor, the founder; the heart of Alfonce, her son; the hearts of John and Margaret, children of W. Valence; Sir William Thorpe, justice; the Lord Lioth of Ireland; Maude, wife of Geoffrey Say, daughter of the Earl of Warwick; Dame Sible, daughter of Wil. Pattehulle, wife of Roger Beauchampe; and beside her, Sir Richard or Roger Beauchampe; Lord St. Amand, and his wife Dame Elizabeth, daughter of the Duke of Lancaster; Sir Stephen Collington, knight; Sir William Peter, knight; the Countess of Huntington; Duchess of Exeter, 1425; Sir John Cornwall; Lord Fanhope,[305] who died in Ampthill, Bedfordshire, and was buried here in 1443; Sir John Triptoste, Earl of Worcester, beheaded in 1470; and beside him in his chapel, James Tuchet, Lord Audley, beheaded in 1497; William Paston, and Anne, daughter of Edmond Lancaster; the Lord Beaumont; Sir Edmond Cornewall, Baron of Burford; Lady Nevell, married to Lord Douglas, daughter of the Duke of Exeter; Richard Scrope, esquire; Dame Katheren Vaux, alias Cobham; Sir Thomas Browne, and his wife Dame Elizabeth; Jane Powell; Thomas Swinforth; John Mawsley, esquire, 1432; John De la Bere, Nicholas Eare, Geoffrey Spring, William Clifford, esquires; Sir Thomas Brandon, knight of the Garter, 1509; William Stalworth, merchant-tailor, 1518; William Courtney, Earl of Devonshire nominally, but not created, during the 3rd year of Henry VIII., etc.
There is a parish of St. Anne within the precinct of the Black Friers, which was pulled down with the Friers’ church, by Sir Thomas Carden; but in the reign of Queen Mary, he being forced to find a church to the inhabitants, allowed them a lodging chamber above a stair, which since that time, to wit, in the year 1597, fell down, and was again by collection therefore made, new built and enlarged in the same year, and was dedicated on the 11th of December.
There is a parish of St. Anne within the area of the Black Friars, which was demolished along with the Friars’ church by Sir Thomas Carden. However, during Queen Mary's reign, he had to provide a church for the residents and allowed them to use a room above a staircase. That room collapsed in 1597 and was rebuilt and expanded that same year, being dedicated on December 11th.
Now to turn again out of the Black Friers through Bowyer row, Ave Mary lane, and Pater Noster row, to the church of St. Michael ad Bladum, or at the corne (corruptly at the querne), so called, because in place thereof was sometime a corn market, stretching by west to the shambles. It seemeth that the church was new built[245] about the reign of Edward III. Thomas Newton, first parson there, was buried in the choir the year 1461. At the east end of this church stood a cross, called the old cross in West Cheape, which was taken down in the year 1390; since the which time the said parish church was also taken down, but new built and enlarged in the year 1430, the 8th of Henry VI. William Eastfield, mayor, and the commonalty, granted of the common soil of the city three feet and a half in breadth on the north part, and four feet in breadth toward the east. This is now a proper church, and hath the monuments of Thomas Newton, first parson; Roger Woodcocke, hatter, 1475; Thomas Rossel, brewer, 1473; John Hulton, stationer, 1475; John Oxney; Roger North, merchant-haberdasher, 1509; John[306] Leiland, the famous antiquary; Henry Pranell, vintner, one of the sheriffs 1585; William Erkin, one of the sheriffs 1586; Thomas Bankes, barber-chirurgeon, 1598, etc. John Mundham had a chantry there in the reign of Edward II.
Now to head out of Blackfriars through Bowyer Row, A Mary Lane, and Paternoster Row, to the church of St. Michael ad Bladum, or at the corner (corruptly called at the querne), named so because it was once a corn market, extending west to the shambles. It seems that the church was rebuilt[245] around the reign of Edward III. Thomas Newton, the first parson there, was buried in the choir in 1461. At the east end of this church stood a cross, known as the Old Cross in West Cheape, which was taken down in 1390; since then, the parish church was also taken down, but it was rebuilt and enlarged in 1430, during the 8th year of Henry VI. William Eastfield, the mayor, and the community granted three and a half feet of common land on the north side and four feet on the east side. This is now a lovely church, with monuments for Thomas Newton, the first parson; Roger Woodcocke, hatter, 1475; Thomas Rossel, brewer, 1473; John Hulton, stationer, 1475; John Oxney; Roger North, merchant-haberdasher, 1509; John[306] Leiland, the famous antiquary; Henry Pranell, vintner, one of the sheriffs in 1585; William Erkin, one of the sheriffs in 1586; Thomas Bankes, barber-surgeon, 1598, etc. John Mundham had a chantry there during the reign of Edward II.
At the east end of this church, in place of the old cross, is now a water-conduit placed. W. Eastfield, mayor the 9th of Henry VI., at the request of divers common councils, granted it so to be; whereupon, in the 19th of the same Henry, one thousand marks were granted by a common council towards the works of this conduit, and the reparations of other: this is called the little conduit in West Cheape by Paule’s gate. At the west end of this parish church is a small passage for people on foot through the same church; and west from the said church, some distance, is another passage out of Pater Noster row, and is called, of such a sign, Panyar alley, which cometh out into the north over against St. Martin’s lane. Next is Ivie lane, so called of ivy growing on the walls of the prebend[246] houses; but now the lane is replenished on both sides with fair houses, and divers offices be there kept by registers, namely, for the Prerogative Court of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the probate of wills, and for the lord treasurer’s remembrance of the exchequer, etc.
At the east end of this church, in place of the old cross, there is now a water conduit. W. Eastfield, the mayor during the 9th year of Henry VI’s reign, approved this at the request of several common councils. As a result, in the 19th year of the same king, a common council allocated one thousand marks towards the construction of this conduit and the repairs of others. This is known as the little conduit in West Cheape by Paul’s gate. At the west end of this parish church, there is a small passage for pedestrians through the church itself. West of the church, a short distance away, is another passage from Pater Noster row, called Panyar alley, which leads out to the north across from St. Martin’s lane. Next is Ivy lane, named for the ivy that grows on the walls of the prebend houses; however, now the lane is lined on both sides with nice houses, and several offices are located there, including those for the Prerogative Court of the Archbishop of Canterbury, probate of wills, and the Lord Treasurer’s remembrance of the Exchequer, etc.
This lane runneth north to the west end of St. Nicholas shambles. Of old time was one great house sometimes belonging to the Earls of Britain, since that to the Lovels, and was called Lovels’ inn; for Mathild, wife to John Lovell, held it in the 1st of Henry VI. Then is Eldenese lane, which stretcheth north to the high street of Newgate market; the same is now called Warwicke lane, of an ancient house there built by an Earl of Warwicke, and was since called Warwicke inn. It is in record called a messuage in Eldenese lane, in the parish of St. Sepulchre, the 28th of Henry the VI. Cicille Duchess of Warwicke possessed it. Now again from the conduit by Paule’s gate on the north side is a large street running west to Newgate, the first part whereof, from the conduit to the shambles, is of selling bladders there, called Bladder street. Then behind the butchers’ shops be now divers slaughter houses inward, and tippling houses outward. This is called Mountgodard street of the tippling houses there, and the goddards mounting from the tap to the table, from the table to the mouth, and sometimes over the head. This street goeth up to the north end of Ivie lane.
This lane runs north to the west end of St. Nicholas shambles. In the past, it was home to a large house that once belonged to the Earls of Britain, then to the Lovels, and was called Lovels’ Inn; Mathild, the wife of John Lovell, held it during the 1st of Henry VI. Next is Eldenese Lane, which stretches north to the high street of Newgate Market; it is now called Warwick Lane, after an ancient house built there by an Earl of Warwick, which was later referred to as Warwick Inn. Records show it as a property in Eldenese Lane, in the parish of St. Sepulchre, from the 28th of Henry VI. Cicille, Duchess of Warwick, owned it. Now, again from the conduit by Paul’s Gate on the north side, there is a large street running west to Newgate. The first part of this street, from the conduit to the shambles, is known for selling bladders and is called Bladder Street. Then, behind the butchers’ shops, there are now several slaughterhouses inside and drinking establishments outside. This area is called Mountgodard Street because of the drinking houses there, and the way patrons move from the bar to the table, then to their mouths, and sometimes even over their heads. This street continues up to the north end of Ivie Lane.
Before this Mountgodard street stall boards were of old time set up by the butchers to show and sell their flesh meat upon,[307] over the which stallboards they first built sheds to keep off the weather; but since that, encroaching by little and little, they have made their stallboards and sheds fair houses, meet for the principal shambles. Next is Newgate market, first of corn and meal, and then of other victuals, which stretcheth almost to Eldenese lane. A fair, new, and strong frame of timber, covered with lead, was therefore set up at the charges of the city, near to the west corner of St. Nicholas’ shambles, for the meal to be weighed, in the 1st of Edward VI., Sir John Gresham being then mayor. On this side the north corner of Eldenese lane stood sometime a proper parish church of St. Ewine, as is before said, given by Henry VIII., towards the erecting of Christ’s church; it was taken down, and in place thereof a fair strong frame of timber erected, wherein dwell men of divers trades. And from this frame to Newgate is all of this ward, and so an end thereof.
Before this Mountgodard street stall, there used to be boards set up by the butchers to display and sell their meat. They first built sheds over these boards to protect against the weather; however, over time, they gradually converted their stallboards and sheds into proper houses suited for the main market. Next is Newgate market, initially for corn and meal, and then for other food items, stretching almost to Eldenese lane. A new, strong timber structure, covered with lead, was built at the city's expense near the west corner of St. Nicholas' market for weighing meal, during the first year of Edward VI, when Sir John Gresham was the mayor. On this side of the north corner of Eldenese lane, there used to be a nice parish church of St. Ewine, as mentioned earlier, which was given by Henry VIII for the construction of Christ’s church. It was demolished, and in its place, a strong timber framework was erected, where people of various trades live. From this structure to Newgate encompasses all of this ward, marking the end of it.
It hath an alderman, his deputy, common council twelve, constables seventeen, scavengers eighteen, wardmote inquest eighteen, and a beadle. And is taxed to the fifteen fifty pounds.[247]
It has an alderman, his deputy, a common council of twelve, seventeen constables, eighteen scavengers, eighteen wardmote inquest members, and a beadle. And is taxed at fifteen fifty pounds.[247]
BREAD STREET WARD
Bred street ward beginneth in the high street of West Cheape, to wit, on the south side from the standard to the great cross. Then is also a part of Watheling street of this ward, to wit, from over against the Lion on the north side up almost to Paule’s gate, for it lacketh but one house of St. Augustine’s church. And on the south side, from the Red Lion gate to the Old Exchange, and down the same exchange on the east side by the west end of Mayden lane, or Distar lane, to Knightriders street, or, as they call that part thereof, Old Fish street. And all the north side of the said Old Fish street to the south end of Bread street, and by that still in Knightriders street till over against the Trinity church and Trinity lane. Then is Bread street itself, so called of bread in old time there sold; for it appeareth by records, that in the year 1302, which was the 30th of Edward I., the bakers of London were bound to sell no bread in their shops or houses, but in the market, and that they should have four hallmotes in the year, at four several terms, to determine of enormities belonging to the said company.
Bred Street Ward begins on the high street of West Cheape, specifically on the south side from the standard to the great cross. There’s also a section of Watheling Street within this ward, from across the Lion on the north side nearly up to Paul’s Gate, just one house short of St. Augustine’s Church. On the south side, it runs from the Red Lion Gate to the Old Exchange, and down that same exchange on the east side by the west end of Maiden Lane, or Distar Lane, to Knightrider Street, which is also known as Old Fish Street in that area. All of the north side of Old Fish Street extends to the south end of Bread Street and continues along Knightrider Street until across from Trinity Church and Trinity Lane. Bread Street itself gets its name from the bread that used to be sold there; records show that in the year 1302, during the reign of Edward I, bakers in London were required to sell their bread only at the market, and they were to hold four meetings each year at four different times to address issues related to their trade.
This street giving the name to the whole ward, beginneth in West Cheap, almost by the Standard, and runneth down south[308] through or thwart Watheling street to Knightriders street aforesaid, where it endeth. This Bread street is wholly on both sides of this ward. Out of the which street, on the east side, is Basing lane, a piece whereof, to wit, to and over against the back gate of the Red Lion in Watheling street, is of this Bread street ward.
This street, which gives its name to the entire neighborhood, starts at West Cheap, near the Standard, and runs south[308] through or across Watheling Street to the aforementioned Knightriders Street, where it concludes. Bread Street is located entirely on both sides of this neighborhood. From this street, on the east side, is Basing Lane, a section of which, specifically opposite the back gate of the Red Lion on Watheling Street, is part of the Bread Street ward.
Then is Fryday street beginning also in West Cheap, and runneth down south through Watheling street to Knightriders street, or Old Fish street. This Friday street is of Bread street ward on the east side from over against the north-east corner of St. Matthew’s church, and on the west side from the south corner of the said church, down as aforesaid.
Then Friday Street begins in West Cheap and runs down south through Watheling Street to Knightriders Street, or Old Fish Street. This Friday Street is part of Bread Street Ward on the east side, opposite the northeast corner of St. Matthew’s Church, and on the west side from the south corner of the church, down as mentioned.
In this Fryday street, on the west side thereof, is a lane, commonly called Mayden lane, or Distaffe lane, corruptly for Distar lane, which runneth west into the Old Exchange; and in this lane is also one other lane, on the south side thereof, likewise called Distar lane, which runneth down to Knightriders street, or Old Fish street; and so be the bounds of this whole ward.
In this Fryday street, on the west side, there's a lane commonly known as Mayden lane, or Distaffe lane, which has been corrupted to Distar lane. It runs west into the Old Exchange. In this lane, there's also another lane on the south side, also called Distar lane, which leads down to Knightriders street, or Old Fish street; and that's the boundary of this whole ward.
Monuments to be noted here, first at Bread street corner, the north-east end, 1595, of Thomas Tomlinson, causing in the high street of Cheape a vault to be digged and made, there was found, at fifteen feet deep, a fair pavement like unto that above ground, and at the further end at the channel was found a tree sawed into five steps, which was to step over some brook running out of the west towards Walbrooke; and upon the edge of the said brook, as it seemeth, there were found lying along the bodies of two great trees, the ends whereof were then sawed off, and firm timber as at the first when they fell, part of the said trees remain yet in the ground undigged. It was all forced ground until they went past the trees aforesaid, which was about seventeen feet deep or better; thus much hath the ground of this city in that place been raised from the main.
Monuments worth mentioning here, first at the corner of Bread Street, the north-east end, 1595, of Thomas Tomlinson. In the high street of Cheapside, a vault was dug, and at a depth of fifteen feet, a beautiful pavement similar to what is above ground was found. At the further end of the channel, there was a tree cut into five steps, meant for stepping over a brook that flowed from the west towards Walbrook. Along the edge of this brook, it appeared that the bodies of two large trees were found lying down, their ends having been cut off, with solid timber remaining as it was when they fell, and part of those trees is still underground and undug. The ground was all forced until they went past the aforementioned trees, which was about seventeen feet deep or more; this shows how much the ground at this location in the city has been raised from the original level.
Next to be noted, the most beautiful frame of fair houses and shops that be within the walls of London, or elsewhere in England, commonly called Goldsmith’s row, betwixt Bread street end and the cross in Cheape, but is within this Bread street ward; the same was built by Thomas Wood, goldsmith, one of the sheriffs of London, in the year 1491. It containeth in number ten fair dwelling-houses and fourteen shops, all in one frame, uniformly built four stories high, beautified towards the street with the Goldsmiths’ arms and the likeness of woodmen, in memory of his name, riding on monstrous beasts, all which is[309] cast in lead, richly painted over and gilt: these he gave to the Goldsmiths, with stocks of money, to be lent to young men having those shops, etc. This said front was again new painted and gilt over in the year 1594; Sir Richard Martin being then mayor, and keeping his mayoralty in one of them, serving out the time of Cuthbert Buckle in that office from the 2nd of July till the 28th of October.
Next, it's important to mention the most beautiful row of lovely houses and shops located within the walls of London, or anywhere else in England, commonly known as Goldsmith’s Row, situated between Bread Street and the cross in Cheapside, but within the Bread Street Ward. This row was built by Thomas Wood, a goldsmith and one of London’s sheriffs, in the year 1491. It consists of ten beautiful homes and fourteen shops, all in a single structure, uniformly built four stories high, decorated on the street side with the Goldsmiths’ arms and carvings of woodmen, a tribute to his name, riding on monstrous beasts. All of this is[309]cast in lead, lavishly painted and gilded. He donated these to the Goldsmiths, along with funds to be lent to young men operating those shops, etc. This front was repainted and re-gilded in the year 1594, with Sir Richard Martin serving as mayor at that time, holding his mayoralty in one of those buildings while completing the term of Cuthbert Buckle from July 2nd to October 28th.
Then for Watheling street, which Leyland called Atheling or Noble street; but since he showeth no reason why, I rather take it to be so named of the great highway of the same calling. True it is, that at this present the inhabitants thereof are wealthy drapers, retailers of woollen cloths, both broad and narrow, of all sorts, more than in any one street of this city.
Then for Watheling Street, which Leyland referred to as Atheling or Noble Street; but since he provides no reason for this, I prefer to think it’s named after the great highway of the same name. It’s true that right now, the people living there are wealthy cloth merchants, selling wool fabrics, both wide and narrow, of all kinds, more than in any other street in this city.
Of the Old Exchange, I have noted in Faringdon ward; wherefore I pass down to Knightriders street, whereof I have also spoken in Cordwainers street ward; but in this part of the said Knightriders street is a fish market kept, and therefore called Old Fish street for a difference from New Fish street.
Of the Old Exchange, I've mentioned in Faringdon ward; so I move down to Knightriders Street, which I've also talked about in Cordwainers Street ward; but in this section of Knightriders Street, there is a fish market, and that’s why it’s called Old Fish Street to distinguish it from New Fish Street.
In this Old Fish street is one row of small houses, placed along in the midst of Knightriders street, which row is also of Bread street ward: these houses, now possessed by fishmongers, were at the first but moveable boards (or stalls), set out on market-days, to show their fish there to be sold; but procuring license to set up sheds, they grew to shops, and by little and little to tall houses, of three or four stories in height, and now are called Fish street. Walter Turke, fishmonger, mayor 1349, had two shops in Old Fish street, over against St. Nicholas church; the one rented five shillings the year, the other four shillings.
In Old Fish Street, there's a row of small houses located in the middle of Knightriders Street, which is also part of the Bread Street ward. These houses, now owned by fishmongers, were originally just movable stalls set up on market days to display their fish for sale. After getting a license to build sheds, they gradually turned into shops, and over time into tall buildings with three or four stories. Now, this area is known as Fish Street. Walter Turke, a fishmonger and mayor in 1349, had two shops in Old Fish Street, across from St. Nicholas Church; one rented for five shillings a year and the other for four shillings.
Bread street, so called of bread sold there (as I said), is now wholly inhabited by rich merchants; and divers fair inns be there, for good receipt of carriers and other travellers to the city.
Bread Street, named for the bread sold there (as I mentioned), is now entirely inhabited by wealthy merchants; and there are several nice inns for the accommodation of carriers and other travelers to the city.
On the east side of this street, at the corner of Watheling street, is the proper church of Alhallowes in Bread street, wherein are the monuments—of James Thame, goldsmith; John Walpole, goldsmith, 1349; Thomas Beamount, alderman, one of the sheriffs 1442; Robert Basset, salter, mayor 1476; Sir Richard Chaury, salter, mayor 1509; Sir Thomas Pargitar, salter, mayor 1530; Henry Sucley, merchant-tailor, one of the sheriffs 1541; Richard Reade, alderman, that served and was taken prisoner in Scotland, 1542; Robert House, one of the sheriffs 1589; William Albany, Richard May, and Roger Abde, merchant-tailors.
On the east side of this street, at the corner of Watheling Street, is the church of Alhallowes in Bread Street, which has the memorials of James Thame, a goldsmith; John Walpole, a goldsmith, 1349; Thomas Beamount, an alderman and one of the sheriffs in 1442; Robert Basset, a salter and mayor in 1476; Sir Richard Chaury, a salter and mayor in 1509; Sir Thomas Pargitar, a salter and mayor in 1530; Henry Sucley, a merchant-tailor and one of the sheriffs in 1541; Richard Reade, an alderman who served and was captured in Scotland, 1542; Robert House, one of the sheriffs in 1589; and William Albany, Richard May, and Roger Abde, merchant-tailors.
In the 23rd of Henry VIII., the 17th of August, two priests of this church fell at variance, that the one drew blood of the other; wherefore the same church was suspended, and no service sung or said therein for the space of one month after: the priests were committed to prison, and the 15th of October, being enjoined penance, went before a general procession, bare-headed, bare-footed, and bare-legged, before the children, with beads and books in their hands, from Paules, through Cheape, Cornehill, etc.
In the 23rd year of Henry VIII's reign, on August 17th, two priests from this church had a disagreement that resulted in one drawing blood from the other. As a consequence, the church was suspended, and no services were held there for a month. The priests were imprisoned, and on October 15th, after being assigned penance, they walked in a public procession, bareheaded, barefoot, and with bare legs, in front of children, holding beads and books, starting from St. Paul's, through Cheapside, Cornhill, and so on.
More to be noted of this church, which had sometime a fair spired steeple of stone. In the year 1559, the 5th of September, about mid-day, fell a great tempest of lightning, with a terrible clap of thunder, which struck the said spire about nine or ten feet beneath the top; out of the which place fell a stone that slew a dog, and overthrew a man that was playing with the dog. The same spire being but little damnified thereby, was shortly after taken down, for sparing the charges of reparation.
More to note about this church, which once had a beautiful stone steeple. On September 5, 1559, around midday, a huge lightning storm hit, accompanied by a loud clap of thunder, which struck the spire about nine or ten feet below the top. A stone fell from that spot, killing a dog and knocking over a man who was playing with it. Although the spire was only slightly damaged by this, it was taken down shortly after to save repair costs.
On the same side is Salters’ hall, with six alms houses in number, built for poor decayed brethren of that company. This hall was burnt in the year 1539, and again re-edified.
On the same side is Salters’ Hall, featuring six almshouses for the poor, less fortunate members of that company. This hall was burned down in 1539 and then rebuilt.
Lower down on the same side is the parish church of St. Mildred the Virgin. The monuments in this church be—of the Lord Trenchaunt of St. Alban’s, knight, who was supposed to be either the new builder of this church, or best benefactor to the works thereof, about the year 1300; and Odde Cornish, gentleman, 1312; William Palmer, blader, a great benefactor also, 1356; John Shadworth, mayor 1401, who gave the parsonage-house, a re-vestry, and churchyard to that parish, in the year 1428; notwithstanding, his monument is pulled down; Stephen Bugge, gentleman; his arms be three water-bugs,[248] 1419; Henry Bugge founded a chantry there 1419; Roger Forde, vintner, 1440; Thomas Barnwell, fishmonger, one of the sheriffs 1434; Sir John Hawlen, clerk, parson of that church, who built the parsonage-house newly after the same had been burnt to the ground, together with the parson and his man also, burnt in that fire, 1485; John Parnell, 1510; William Hurstwaight, pewterer to the king, 1526; Christopher Turner, chirurgeon to King Henry VIII., 1530; Ralph Simonds, fishmonger, one of the sheriffs in the year 1527; Thomas Langham gave to the poor of that parish four tenements 1575; Thomas Hall, salter, 1582; Thomas Collins, salter, alderman; Sir[311] Ambrose Nicholas, salter, mayor 1575, was buried in Sir John Shadworth’s vault.
Lower down on the same side is the parish church of St. Mildred the Virgin. The monuments in this church include those of Lord Trenchaunt of St. Alban’s, knight, who was believed to be either the new builder of this church or its main benefactor around the year 1300; Odde Cornish, gentleman, 1312; William Palmer, a great benefactor known as a blader, 1356; John Shadworth, mayor in 1401, who donated the parsonage house, a re-vestry, and the churchyard to the parish in 1428; however, his monument has been pulled down; Stephen Bugge, gentleman, whose arms feature three water-bugs, 1419; Henry Bugge, who founded a chantry there in 1419; Roger Forde, vintner, 1440; Thomas Barnwell, fishmonger, one of the sheriffs in 1434; Sir John Hawlen, clerk and parson of that church, who rebuilt the parsonage house after it had been completely destroyed in a fire, which also took the lives of the parson and his servant, in 1485; John Parnell, 1510; William Hurstwaight, pewterer to the king, 1526; Christopher Turner, surgeon to King Henry VIII, 1530; Ralph Simonds, fishmonger, one of the sheriffs in 1527; Thomas Langham, who donated four tenements to the poor of that parish in 1575; Thomas Hall, salter, 1582; Thomas Collins, salter and alderman; and Sir Ambrose Nicholas, salter and mayor in 1575, who was buried in Sir John Shadworth’s vault.
Out of this Bread street, on the same side, is Basing lane; a part whereof (as is afore showed) is of this ward, but how it took the name of Basing I have not read: in the 20th year of Richard II. the same was called the bakehouse, whether meant for the king’s bakehouse, or of bakers dwelling there, and baking bread to serve the market in Bread street, where the bread was sold, I know not; but sure I am, I have not read of Basing, or of Gerrarde the giant, to have anything there to do.
Out of Bread Street, on the same side, is Basing Lane; part of which (as mentioned earlier) is in this ward, but I haven't found out how it got the name Basing. In the 20th year of Richard II, it was referred to as the bakehouse, though I'm unsure if that was for the king's bakehouse or because bakers lived there and made bread for the market in Bread Street, where the bread was sold. However, I'm certain I haven't come across anything about Basing or Gerrarde the giant being relevant there.
On the south side of this lane is one great house, of old time built upon arched vaults, and with arched gates of stone, brought from Caen in Normandy. The same is now a common hostrey for receipt of travellers, commonly and corruptly called Gerrardes hall, of a giant said to have dwelt there. In the high-roofed hall of this house sometime stood a large fir pole, which reached to the roof thereof, and was said to be one of the staves[249] that Gerrarde the giant used in the wars to run withal. There stood also a ladder of the same length, which (as they say) served to ascend to the top of the staff. Of later years this hall is altered in building, and divers rooms are made in it. Notwithstanding, the pole is removed to one corner of the hall, and the ladder hanged broken upon a wall in the yard. The hostelar of that house said to me, “the pole lacketh half a foot of forty in length:” I measured the compass thereof, and found it fifteen inches. Reason of the pole could the master of the hostrey give me none, but bade me read the great Chronicles, for there he heard of it: which answer seemed to me insufficient, for he meant the description of Britaine, for the most part drawn out of John Leyland his commentaries (borrowed of myself), and placed before Reyne Wolfe’s Chronicle,[250] as the labours of another (who was forced to confess he never travelled further than from London to the university of Oxford): he writing a chapter of giants or monstrous men, hath set down more matter than truth, as partly against my will I am enforced here to touch. R. G., in his brief collection of histories (as he termeth it) hath these words: “I, the writer hereof, did see,[312] the 10th day of March, in the yeare of our Lord 1564, and had the same in my hand, the tooth of a man, which weighed ten ounces of troy weight; and the skull of the same man is extant, and to be seene, which will hold five pecks of wheat; and the shin-bone of the same man is six foote in length, and of a marvellous greatness.” Thus far of R. G.[251] The error thereof is thus: He affirmeth a stone to be the tooth of a man, which stone (so proved) having no shape of a tooth, had neither skull or shin-bone. Notwithstanding, it is added in the said description, that by conjectural symetry of those parts the body to be twenty-eight feet long, or more. From this he goeth to another like matter, of a man with a mouth sixteen feet wide, and so to Gerrard the giant and his staff. But to leave these fables, and return where I left, I will note what myself hath observed concerning that house.
On the south side of this lane is a large house, built long ago on arched vaults with arched stone gates brought from Caen in Normandy. This house is now a popular inn for travelers, commonly and misleadingly called Gerrard's Hall, named after a giant said to have lived there. In the high-ceilinged hall of this house once stood a tall fir pole that reached all the way to the roof, believed to be one of the staves that Gerrard the giant used in his battles. There was also a ladder of the same length, which, as the story goes, was used to climb to the top of the staff. In recent years, the hall has been renovated, with several rooms added. However, the pole has been moved to one corner of the hall, and the broken ladder is hanging on a wall in the yard. The innkeeper told me, “the pole is missing half a foot to reach forty in length.” I measured it and found it to be fifteen inches in circumference. The innkeeper couldn't explain the significance of the pole, but suggested I read the great Chronicles for more information, which I found to be an unsatisfactory response. He was likely referring to the description of Britain, mostly taken from John Leyland's commentaries (which I had borrowed) and placed before Reyne Wolfe’s Chronicle, as the work of another person who admitted he never traveled further than London to Oxford. In writing a chapter about giants or monstrous men, he provided more speculation than facts, which I reluctantly must address here. R. G., in his brief history collection, stated: “I, the writer, saw on March 10, 1564, and held in my hand a tooth from a man that weighed ten ounces troy; the skull of this man is still around and visible, and can hold five pecks of wheat; and the shin bone of this man is six feet long and extraordinarily large.” This is what R. G. reported. Here lies the mistake: he claimed a stone to be a tooth of a man, and this stone, as proven, has no shape of a tooth, nor does it correspond to a skull or shin bone. Nonetheless, the description adds that by estimating the size of these parts, the body would be twenty-eight feet long or more. From this, he moves on to another similar tale, about a man with a mouth sixteen feet wide, and then to Gerrard the giant and his staff. But let's set these fables aside and return to what I personally observed about that house.
I read that John Gisors, mayor of London in the year 1245, was owner thereof, and that Sir John Gisors, knight, mayor of London, and constable of the Tower 1311, and divers others of that name and family, since that time owned it. William Gisors was one of the sheriffs 1329. More, John Gisors had issue, Henry and John; which John had issue, Thomas; which Thomas deceasing in the year 1350, left unto his son Thomas his messuage called Gisor’s hall, in the parish of St. Mildred in Bread street; John Gisors made a feoffment thereof, 1386, etc. So it appeareth that this Gisor’s hall, of late time by corruption hath been called Gerrard’s hall[252] for Gisor’s hall; as Bosom’s inn for Blossom’s inn, Bevis marks for Buries marks, Marke lane for Marte lane, Belliter lane for Belsetter’s lane, Gutter lane for Guthuruns lane, Cry church for Christ’s church, St. Mihel in the quorn for St. Mihel at corne, and sundry such others. Out of this Gisor’s hall, at the first building thereof, were made divers arched doors, yet to be seen, which seem not sufficient for any great monster, or other than man of common stature to pass through, the pole in the hall might be used of old time (as then the custom was in every parish), to be set up in the summer as May-pole, before the principal house in the parish or street, and to stand in the hall before the screen, decked with holme and ivy, all the feast of Christmas.[253] The ladder served for the[313] decking of the may-pole and roof of the hall. Thus much for Gisor’s hall, and for that side of Bread street, may suffice.
I read that John Gisors, mayor of London in 1245, owned it, and that Sir John Gisors, knight, mayor of London, and constable of the Tower in 1311, along with several others from that name and family, owned it since then. William Gisors was one of the sheriffs in 1329. Additionally, John Gisors had sons, Henry and John; this John had a son named Thomas; Thomas passed away in 1350, leaving his son Thomas his property called Gisor’s hall, in the parish of St. Mildred in Bread Street. John Gisors made a feoffment of it in 1386, etc. It appears that this Gisor’s hall has recently been corrupted to Gerrard’s hall, like how Bosom’s inn turned into Blossom’s inn, Bevis marks became Buries marks, Marke lane changed to Marte lane, Belliter lane switched to Belsetter’s lane, Gutter lane to Guthuruns lane, Cry church to Christ’s church, St. Mihel in the quorn to St. Mihel at corne, among various others. From the original building of Gisor’s hall, various arched doors were made, still visible today, which seem too small for anything other than an average person to pass through. The pole in the hall was likely used, as was customary in every parish at that time, to be set up in the summer as a May-pole in front of the main house in the parish or street, and to stand in the hall before the screen, decorated with holly and ivy throughout the Christmas feast. The ladder was used for decorating the may-pole and the hall’s roof. This much about Gisor’s hall and that side of Bread Street should suffice.
Now on the west side of Bread street, amongst divers fair and large houses for merchants, and fair inns for passengers, had ye one prison-house pertaining to the sheriffs of London, called the compter in Bread street; but in the year 1555 the prisoners were removed from thence to one other new compter in Wood street, provided by the city’s purchase, and built for that purpose; the cause of which remove was this: Richard Husband, pastelar, keeper of this compter in Bread street, being a wilful and head-strong man, dealt, for his own advantage, hard with the prisoners under his charge, having also servants such as himself liked best for their bad usage, and would not for any complaint be reformed; whereupon, in the year 1550, Sir Rowland Hill being mayor, by the assent of a court of aldermen, he was sent to the gaol of Newgate, for the cruel handling of his prisoners; and it was commanded to the keeper to set those irons on his legs which are called the widow’s alms. These he ware from Thursday to Sunday in the afternoon, and being by a court of aldermen released on the Tuesday, was bound in a hundred marks to observe from thenceforth an act made by the common council, for the ordering of prisoners in the compters; all which notwithstanding, he continued as afore, whereof myself am partly a witness; for being of a jury to inquire against a sessions of gaol delivery,[254] in the year 1552, we found the prisoners hardly dealt withal, for their achates and otherwise; as also that thieves and strumpets were there lodged for four pence the night, whereby they might be safe from searches that were made abroad; for the which enormities, and other not needful to be recited, he was indighted at that session, but did rub it out, and could not be reformed till this remove of prisoners, for the house in Bread street was his own by lease, or otherwise, so that he could not be put from it. Note, that gaolers buying their offices will deal hardly with pitiful prisoners.
Now on the west side of Bread Street, among various large houses for merchants and nice inns for travelers, there was a prison belonging to the sheriffs of London, called the Compter in Bread Street. However, in 1555, the prisoners were moved to a new Compter in Wood Street, which the city had purchased and built for that purpose. The reason for this move was that Richard Husband, the jailer of the Compter in Bread Street, was a stubborn and headstrong man who treated the prisoners harshly for his own benefit. He also chose servants who were like him and mistreated the prisoners, refusing to change despite complaints. In 1550, Sir Rowland Hill, who was mayor, along with the agreement of the court of aldermen, sent him to Newgate prison for his cruel treatment of the inmates. He was ordered to wear leg irons known as the widow's alms. He wore these from Thursday to Sunday afternoon, but after being released by the court of aldermen on Tuesday, he was bound to pay a hundred marks to follow a law established by the common council regarding the management of prisoners in the comptors. Despite this, he continued his harsh ways, and I’m partly a witness to this; during a jury inquiry about a gaol delivery session in 1552, we found that the prisoners were being treated poorly, both in terms of their belongings and other matters. We also discovered that thieves and prostitutes were staying there for just four pence a night to avoid being searched outside. Because of these serious issues and others not worth mentioning, he was indicted during that session, but he managed to evade consequences and could not be reformed until the prisoners were moved, as he owned the house on a lease and could not be removed from it. Note that jailers who buy their positions often mistreat unfortunate prisoners.
Now in Friday street, so called of fishmongers dwelling there, and serving Friday’s market, on the east side, is a small parish church, commonly called St. John Evangelist: the monuments therein be of John Dogget, merchant tailor, one of the sheriffs in the year 1509; Sir Christopher Askew, draper, mayor 1533; William de Avinger, farrier, was buried there in the 34th of Edward III. Then lower down, is one other parish church of[314] St. Margaret Moyses, so called (as seemeth) of one Moyses, that was founder or new builder thereof. The monuments there be of Sir Richard Dobbes, skinner, mayor 1551; William Dane, ironmonger, one of the sheriffs 1569; Sir John Allet, fishmonger, mayor 1591. There was of older time buried, Nicholas Stanes, and Nicholas Braye; they founded chantries there.
Now on Friday Street, named after the fishmongers who live there and serve the Friday market, on the east side is a small parish church, commonly called St. John Evangelist. The monuments inside include John Dogget, a merchant tailor and one of the sheriffs from the year 1509; Sir Christopher Askew, a draper and mayor in 1533; and William de Avinger, a farrier, who was buried there in the 34th year of Edward III. Further down is another parish church of [314] St. Margaret Moyses, named (it seems) after one Moyses, the founder or renovator of the church. The monuments there include Sir Richard Dobbes, a skinner and mayor in 1551; William Dane, an ironmonger and one of the sheriffs in 1569; and Sir John Allet, a fishmonger and mayor in 1591. In earlier times, Nicholas Stanes and Nicholas Braye were buried there; they founded chantries in the church.
On the west side of this Friday street, is Mayden lane, so named of such a sign, or Distaffe lane, for Distar lane, as I read in the record of a brewhouse called the Lamb, in Distar lane, the 16th of Henry VI. In this Distar lane, on the north side thereof, is the Cordwainers, or Shoemakers’ hall, which company were made a brotherhood or fraternity, in the 11th of Henry IV. Of these cordwainers I read, that since the fifth of Richard II. (when he took to wife Anne, daughter to Vesalaus, King of Boheme), by her example, the English people had used piked shoes, tied to their knees with silken laces, or chains of silver or gilt, wherefore in the 4th of Edward IV. it was ordained and proclaimed, that beaks of shoone and boots, should not pass the length of two inches, upon pain of cursing by the clergy, and by parliament to pay twenty shillings for every pair. And every cordwainer that shod any man or woman on the Sunday, to pay thirty shillings.
On the west side of this Friday street is Mayden Lane, named after a sign, or Distaffe Lane, as I found in the record of a brewhouse called the Lamb, on Distar Lane, in the 16th year of Henry VI. In this Distar Lane, on the north side, is the Cordwainers' or Shoemakers' Hall. This company was established as a brotherhood or fraternity in the 11th year of Henry IV. I read that since the fifth year of Richard II (when he married Anne, the daughter of Vesalaus, King of Bohemia), the English people had started wearing pointed shoes tied to their knees with silk laces or chains of silver or gold. Therefore, in the 4th year of Edward IV, it was ordered and proclaimed that the points of shoes and boots should not exceed two inches in length, or face cursing from the clergy and a fine of twenty shillings for every pair imposed by parliament. Additionally, every cordwainer who made shoes for any man or woman on a Sunday would be fined thirty shillings.
On the south side of this Distar lane, is also one other lane, called Distar lane, which runneth down to Knightriders’ street, or Old Fish street, and this is the end of Bread street ward; which hath an alderman, his deputy, common council ten, constables ten, scavengers eight, wardmote inquest thirteen, and a beadle. It standeth taxed to the fifteen in London, at £37, and in the Exchequer at £36 18s. 2d.[255]
On the south side of this Distar Lane, there's another lane called Distar Lane, which leads down to Knightriders’ Street, or Old Fish Street, and this marks the end of Bread Street Ward. This ward has an alderman, a deputy, ten members of the common council, ten constables, eight scavengers, thirteen wardmote inquest members, and a beadle. It's taxed at £37 for the fifteen in London and at £36 18s. 2d. in the Exchequer. [255]
QUEENE HITHE WARD
Next unto Bread street ward, on the south side thereof, is Queene Hithe ward, so called of a water gate, or harbour for boats, lighters, and barges; and was of old time for ships, at what time the timber bridge of London was drawn up, for the passage of them to the said hithe, as to a principal strand for landing and unlading against the midst and heart of the city.
Next to Bread Street ward, on its south side, is Queen Hithe ward, named after a water gate or harbor for boats, lighters, and barges. It was once used for ships when the timber bridge of London was raised to allow their passage to the hithe, serving as a main landing area right in the center of the city.
This ward beginneth in the east, in Knightriders’ street, on the south side thereof, at the east end of the parish church called the Holy Trinity, and runneth west on the south side to[315] a lane called Lambert hill, which is the length of the ward in Knightriders’ street, out of the which street are divers lanes, running south to Thames street, and are of this ward: the first is Trinity lane, which runneth down by the west end of Trinity church; then is Spuren lane, or Spooner’s lane, now called Huggen lane; then Bread street hill; then St. Mary Mounthaunt, out of the which lane, on the east side thereof, is one other lane, turning east, through St. Nicholas Olave’s churchyard to Bread street hill. This lane is called Finimore lane, or Fivefoot lane, because it is but five feet in breadth at the west end; in the midst of this lane runneth down one other lane broader, south to Thames street, I think the same to be called Desbourne lane, for I read of such a lane to have been in the parish of Mary Summerset, in the 22nd year of Edward III., where there is said to lie between the tenement of Edward de Montacute, knight, on the east part, and the tenement some time pertaining to William Gladwine on the west, one plot of ground, containing in length towards Thames street, twenty-five feet, etc.
This ward starts in the east at Knightriders’ Street, on the south side, near the east end of the parish church known as the Holy Trinity, and runs west along the south side to[315] a lane called Lambert Hill, which marks the length of the ward on Knightriders’ Street. From this street, several lanes extend south to Thames Street and are part of this ward. The first is Trinity Lane, which runs down by the west side of Trinity Church; next is Spuren Lane, or Spooner’s Lane, now named Huggen Lane; then Bread Street Hill; then St. Mary Mounthaunt. Off this lane, on its east side, is another lane that turns east, going through St. Nicholas Olave’s churchyard to Bread Street Hill. This lane is called Finimore Lane or Fivefoot Lane because it is only five feet wide at the west end. In the middle of this lane, there's another broader lane that runs south to Thames Street, which I believe is called Desbourne Lane, as I read about such a lane in the parish of Mary Summerset, in the 22nd year of Edward III, where it is said to lie between Edward de Montacute's tenement on the east and the tenement that once belonged to William Gladwine on the west, with a plot of ground measuring twenty-five feet in length towards Thames Street, etc.
Last of all, have you Lambart-hill lane, so called of one Lambart, owner thereof; and this is the furthest west part of this ward.
Last of all, there's Lambart-hill Lane, named after its owner, Lambart; this is the farthest west part of this ward.
On the north side coming down from Knightriders’ street, the east side of Lambart hill, is wholly of this ward; and the west side, from the north end of the Blackesmiths’ hall (which is about the midst of this lane) unto Thames street; then part of Thames street is also of this ward, to wit, from a cook’s house called the sign of King David, three houses west from the Old Swan brewhouse in the east, unto Huntington house, over against St. Peter’s church in the west, near unto Paul’s wharf; and on the land side, from a cook’s house called the Blue Boar, to the west end of St. Peter’s church, and up St. Peter’s hill, two houses north above the said church. And these be the bounds of this ward, in which are parish churches seven, halls of companies two, and other ornaments as shall be shewed.
On the north side coming down from Knightriders’ Street, the east side of Lambart Hill is entirely part of this ward. The west side stretches from the north end of Blacksmiths’ Hall (which is about the middle of this lane) to Thames Street. Part of Thames Street also belongs to this ward, specifically from a cook’s house known as the sign of King David, three houses west from the Old Swan brewhouse in the east, to Huntington House, opposite St. Peter’s Church in the west, near Paul’s Wharf. On the land side, it runs from a cook’s house called the Blue Boar to the west end of St. Peter’s Church and up St. Peter’s Hill, stopping two houses north above the church. These are the boundaries of this ward, which contains seven parish churches, two company halls, and other notable features that will be described.
First in Knightriders’ street, is the small parish church of the Holy Trinity, very old, and in danger of down falling: collections have been made for repairing thereof, but they will not stretch so far, and, therefore, it leaneth upon props or stilts. Monuments as followeth.
First in Knightriders’ street, is the small parish church of the Holy Trinity, very old, and in danger of falling down: collections have been made for its repair, but they will not reach that far, and, therefore, it leans on props or stilts. Monuments as follows.
John Brian, alderman in the reign of Henry V., a great benefactor; John Chamber had a chantry there; Thomas Rishby, esquire, and Alice his wife, within the chancel; John Mirfin, auditor of the exchequer 1471; Sir Richard Fowler, of Ricks in[316] Oxfordshire, 1528; George Cope, second son to Sir John Cope of Copasashby in Northamptonshire, 1572.
John Brian, an alderman during Henry V's reign, was a significant benefactor; John Chamber had a chapel there; Thomas Rishby, an esquire, and his wife Alice, were located within the chancel; John Mirfin, auditor of the exchequer in 1471; Sir Richard Fowler, from Ricks in[316] Oxfordshire, in 1528; George Cope, the second son of Sir John Cope from Copasashby in Northamptonshire, in 1572.
Towards the west end of Knightriders’ street is the parish church of St. Nicolas Cold Abbey, a proper church, somewhat ancient, as appeareth by the ways raised thereabout, so that men are forced to descend into the body of the church: it hath been called of many Golden Abbey, of some, Gold Abbey, or Cold Bey, and so hath the most ancient writings,[256] as standing in a cold place, as Cold harbour, and such like. The steeple or tall tower of this church, with the south aisle, have been of a later building: to wit, the 1st of Richard II., when it was meant the whole old church should have been new built, as appeareth by the arching begun on the east side the steeple, under the which, in the stone work, the arms of one Buckland, esquire, and his wife, daughter to Beaupere, are cut in stone, and also are in the glass windows, whereby it appeareth he was the builder of the steeple, and repairer of the residue. The 26th of Edward III., An. Aubrey being mayor,[257] T. Frere, fishmonger, gave one piece of ground to the said parish church of St. Nicholas, containing eighty-six feet in length, and forty-three feet at one end, and thirty-four at the other, in breadth, for a cemetery or churchyard. The 20th of Richard II., Thomas Barnard Castle, clerke, John Sonderash, clerke, and John Nouncy, gave to the parson and churchwardens of the said church and their successors, one messuage and one shop, with the appurtenances, in Distaffe lane and Old Fish street, for the reparation of the body of the said church, the belfry or steeple, and ornaments.
At the west end of Knightriders’ street is the parish church of St. Nicolas Cold Abbey, a proper church that’s quite old, as shown by the raised pathways around it, making it necessary for people to step down into the main part of the church. Many have called it Golden Abbey, others Gold Abbey, or Cold Bey, as noted in the oldest records, referring to its location in a cold area like Cold Harbour. The steeple or tall tower of this church, along with the south aisle, were built later, during the reign of Richard II. It was intended that the entire old church would be rebuilt, as indicated by the arching that began on the east side of the steeple. In the stonework beneath it, there are the carvings of the arms of one Buckland, an esquire, and his wife, who was the daughter of Beaupere, suggesting he was the builder of the steeple and the restorer of the church. In the 26th year of Edward III, during the mayoralty of An. Aubrey, T. Frere, a fishmonger, donated a piece of land to St. Nicholas's parish church. This land measured eighty-six feet in length, with one end being forty-three feet wide and the other thirty-four feet, designated for a cemetery or churchyard. In the 20th year of Richard II, Thomas Barnard Castle, clerk, John Sonderash, clerk, and John Nouncy, contributed to the parson and churchwardens of the same church and their successors by giving one house and one shop, along with their associated rights, located on Distaffe Lane and Old Fish Street, to help repair the church, the belfry, and its furnishings.
Buried in this church, John Calfe, and William Cogeshall, 1426; Waltar Turke, fishmonger, mayor 1349; Richarde Esastone, fishmonger, 1330; Nicholas Wolberge, fishmonger, 1407; Thomas Paddington, fishmonger, 1485; Robert Hary, fishmonger, John Suring, 1490; Roger Darlington, fishmonger, 1557; Richard Lacty, parson, under a fair tomb on the north side the choir, 1491; Richard Bradbrudge, 1497;[317] William Clarke, 1501; James Picman, 1507; Richard Farneford, 1525; Thomas Nicholas, fishmonger, 1527; William Barde, fishmonger, 1528.
Buried in this church are John Calfe and William Cogeshall, 1426; Waltar Turke, fishmonger, mayor 1349; Richarde Esastone, fishmonger, 1330; Nicholas Wolberge, fishmonger, 1407; Thomas Paddington, fishmonger, 1485; Robert Hary, fishmonger; John Suring, 1490; Roger Darlington, fishmonger, 1557; Richard Lacty, parson, under a beautiful tomb on the north side of the choir, 1491; Richard Bradbrudge, 1497; William Clarke, 1501; James Picman, 1507; Richard Farneford, 1525; Thomas Nicholas, fishmonger, 1527; William Barde, fishmonger, 1528.[317]
On the north side of this church, in the wall thereof, was of late built a convenient cistern of stone and lead, for receipt of Thames water, conveyed in pipes of lead to that place, for the ease and commodity of the fishmongers and other inhabitants in and about Old Fish street. Barnard Randolph, common serjeant of the city of London, did in his lifetime deliver to the company of Fishmongers the sum of nine hundred pounds, to be employed towards the conducting of the said Thames water, and cisterning the same, etc.; in the parishes of St. Mary Magdalen, and St. Nicholas Colde Abbey, near unto Fish street, seven hundred pounds; and other two hundred pounds to charitable deeds: he deceased 1583, and shortly after this conduit with the other was made and finished.
On the north side of this church, there was recently built a handy cistern made of stone and lead to collect Thames water, which is brought in through lead pipes to that location, benefiting the fishmongers and other residents around Old Fish Street. Barnard Randolph, the common sergeant of the city of London, during his life, gave the Fishmongers' company nine hundred pounds to be used for bringing in the Thames water and setting up the cistern, among other things; seven hundred pounds for the parishes of St. Mary Magdalen and St. Nicholas Colde Abbey, near Fish Street; and another two hundred pounds for charitable causes. He passed away in 1583, and shortly after, this conduit and the other were completed.
In Trinity lane, on the west side thereof, is the Painterstainers’ hall, for so of old time were they called, but now that workmanship of staining is departed out of use in England. Lower down in Trinity lane, on the east side thereof, was sometime a great messuage pertaining unto John, earl of Cornwall, in the 14th of Edward III. On Bread street hill, down to the Thames on both sides, be divers fair houses, inhabited by fishmongers, cheesemongers, and merchants of divers trades. On the west side whereof is the parish church of St. Nicholas Olive, a convenient church, having the monuments of W. Newport, fishmonger, one of the sheriffs 1375; Richard Willowes, parson, 1391; Richard Sturges, fishmonger, 1470; Thomas Lewen, ironmonger, one of the sheriffs 1537, who gave his messuage, with the appurtenances, wherein he dwelt, with fourteen tenements in the said parish of St. Nicholas, to be had after the decease of Agnes his wife, to the ironmongers, and they to give stipends appointed to almsmen, in five houses by them built in the churchyard of that parish, more to poor scholars in Oxford and Cambridge, etc. Blitheman, an excellent organist of the Queen’s chapel, lieth buried there with an epitaph, 1591, etc.
In Trinity Lane, on its west side, is the Painterstainers’ Hall, as they were called back in the day, though the craft of staining has fallen out of use in England. Further down in Trinity Lane, on the east side, once stood a grand house belonging to John, Earl of Cornwall, in the 14th year of Edward III. On Bread Street Hill, leading down to the Thames on both sides, there are several fine houses occupied by fishmongers, cheesemongers, and merchants of various trades. On the west side is the parish church of St. Nicholas Olive, a suitable church featuring the memorials of W. Newport, fishmonger and one of the sheriffs in 1375; Richard Willowes, parson, in 1391; Richard Sturges, fishmonger, in 1470; and Thomas Lewen, ironmonger and one of the sheriffs in 1537, who gave his house, along with the appurtenances where he lived, and fourteen tenements in the parish of St. Nicholas to the ironmongers after his wife Agnes’s death, so they could provide stipulated support to the poor scholars in Oxford and Cambridge, among other things. Blitheman, an excellent organist of the Queen’s chapel, is buried there with an epitaph from 1591, etc.
The next is Old Fishstreet hill, a lane so called, which also runneth down to Thames street. In this lane, on the east side thereof, is the one end of Finimore, or Five foot lane. On the west side of this Old Fishstreet hill is the Bishop of Hereford’s inn or lodging, an ancient house and large rooms, built of stone and timber, which sometime belonged to the Mounthauntes in Norfolk. Radulphus de Maydenstone, Bishop of Hereford,[318] about 1234, bought it of the Mounthauntes, and gave it to the Bishops of Hereford, his successors. Charles, both Bishop of Hereford and Chancellor of the Marches, about the year 1517, repaired it, since the which time the same is greatly ruinated, and is now divided into many small tenements; the hall and principal rooms, are a house to make sugar-loaves, etc.
The next location is Old Fishstreet Hill, a lane that goes down to Thames Street. In this lane, on the east side, is one end of Finimore, or Five Foot Lane. On the west side of this Old Fishstreet Hill is the Bishop of Hereford’s inn or lodging, an old house with large rooms, built of stone and timber, which once belonged to the Mounthauntes in Norfolk. Radulphus de Maydenstone, Bishop of Hereford, around 1234, purchased it from the Mounthauntes and gave it to the Bishops of Hereford, his successors. Charles, who was both the Bishop of Hereford and Chancellor of the Marches, repaired it around 1517, but since then it has greatly deteriorated and is now divided into many small tenements; the hall and main rooms are now used for making sugar loaves, etc.
Next adjoining is the parish church of St. Mary de Monte Alto, or Mounthaunt; this is a very small church, and at the first built to be a chapel for the said house of the Mounthaunts, and for tenements thereunto belonging. The Bishop of Hereford is patron thereof. Monuments in this church of John Glocester, alderman 1345, who gave Salt wharf for two chantries there; John Skip, Bishop of Hereford, 1539, sate twelve years, died at London in time of parliament, and was buried in this church. There was sometime a fair house in the said parish of St. Mary Mounthaunt, belonging to Robert Belkenape, one of the king’s justices, but the said Belkenape being banished this realm. King Richard II. in the twelfth of his reign, gave it to William Wickham, Bishop of Winchester.
Next to it is the parish church of St. Mary de Monte Alto, or Mounthaunt; it’s a very small church, originally built as a chapel for the Mounthaunt house and the surrounding properties. The Bishop of Hereford is its patron. Inside this church are monuments to John Glocester, an alderman from 1345, who donated Salt Wharf for two chantries there; and John Skip, Bishop of Hereford, who served for twelve years, died in London during Parliament, and was buried in this church. At one time, there was a fine house in the parish of St. Mary Mounthaunt, which belonged to Robert Belkenape, one of the king’s justices, but after Belkenape was banished from the realm, King Richard II, in the twelfth year of his reign, gave it to William Wickham, Bishop of Winchester.
On the east side of this Old Fishstreet hill, is one great house, now let out for rent, which house sometime was one of the halls, pertaining to the company of Fishmongers, at such time as they had six hallmotes or meeting places: namely, two in Bridge street, or New Fish street; two in Old Fish street, whereof this was one; and two in Stockfishmonger row, or Thames street, as appeareth by a record, the 22nd of Richard II.
On the east side of this Old Fishstreet hill, there's a large house available for rent, which used to be one of the halls belonging to the Fishmongers' company when they had six meeting places: two in Bridge Street, or New Fish Street; two in Old Fish Street, one of which was this house; and two in Stockfishmonger Row, or Thames Street, as shown by a record from the 22nd year of Richard II.
Next westward is one other lane called Lambard hill, the east side whereof is wholly of this ward, and but half the west side, to wit, from the north end of the Blacksmiths’ hall.
Next westward is another lane called Lambard Hill, the east side of which is completely in this ward, and only half of the west side, specifically from the north end of the Blacksmiths’ hall.
Then in Thames street of this ward, and on the north side over against the Queen’s hith, is the parish church of St. Michaell, a convenient church, but all the monuments therein are defaced.
Then on Thames Street in this ward, on the north side across from the Queen’s Hith, is the parish church of St. Michael, a handy church, but all the monuments inside are damaged.
I find that Stephen Spilman, gentleman, of that family in Norfolk, sometime mercer, chamberlain of London, then one of the sheriffs, and alderman in the year 1404, deceasing without issue, gave his lands to his family the Spilmans, and his goods to the making or repairing of bridges and other like godly uses; and amongst others in this church he founded a chantry, and was buried in the choir.
I see that Stephen Spilman, a gentleman from a family in Norfolk, who was once a mercer, chamberlain of London, and later one of the sheriffs and alderman in the year 1404, passed away without having any children. He left his lands to his family, the Spilmans, and his belongings for the construction or repair of bridges and other charitable causes. Among other things, he founded a chantry in this church and was buried in the choir.
Also Richard Marlowe, ironmonger, mayor 1409, gave twenty pounds to the poor of that ward, and ten marks to the church.
Also, Richard Marlowe, an ironmonger and mayor in 1409, donated twenty pounds to the poor in that ward and ten marks to the church.
Richard Gray, ironmonger, one of the sheriffs 1515, gave forty pounds to that church, and was buried there. At the[319] west end of that church goeth up a lane, called Pyel lane. On the same north side, at the south end of St. Mary Mounthaunt lane, is the parish church of St. Mary Summerset, over against the Broken wharf; it is a proper church, but the monuments are all defaced. I think the same to be of old time called Summer’s hith, of some man’s name that was owner of the ground near adjoining, as Edred’s hithe was so called of Edred owner thereof, and thence called Queene hithe, as pertaining to the queen, etc.
Richard Gray, an ironmonger and one of the sheriffs in 1515, donated forty pounds to that church and was buried there. At the[319] west end of that church, there's a lane called Pyel Lane. On the same north side, at the south end of St. Mary Mounthaunt Lane, is the parish church of St. Mary Summerset, opposite the Broken Wharf; it’s a nice church, but all the monuments are damaged. I think it used to be called Summer’s Hith, named after a person who owned the nearby land, just as Edred’s Hith was named after Edred, the owner of that area, and then it became known as Queene Hith because it belonged to the queen, etc.
Then is a small parish church of St. Peter, called parva, or little, near unto Powle’s wharf; in this church no monuments do remain. At the west end thereof, is a lane called St. Peter’s hill, but two houses up that lane on the east side is of this ward, and the rest is of Castle Baynarde ward.
Then there is a small parish church of St. Peter, called parva, or little, near Powle’s wharf; there are no monuments left in this church. At the west end, there is a lane called St. Peter’s Hill, but only two houses up that lane on the east side are in this ward, while the rest belong to Castle Baynarde ward.
On the south side of Thames street, beginning again in the east, among the cooks, the first in this ward, is the sign of David the King; then is Towne’s end lane, turning down to the Thames; then is Queene hithe, a large receptacle for ships, lighters, barges, and such other vessels.
On the south side of Thames Street, starting again from the east, among the cooks, the first sign in this area is that of King David; next is Towne's End Lane, which leads down to the Thames; then there's Queenhithe, a big docking area for ships, lighters, barges, and other vessels.
Touching the antiquity and use of this gate and hithe, first, I find the same belongeth to one named Edred, and was then called Edred’s hithe, which since falling to the hands of King Stephen, it was by his charter confirmed to William De Ypre;[258] the farm thereof in fee and in heritage, William De Ypre gave unto the prior and convent of the Holy Trinity within Aldgate, as appeareth by this charter:—
Touching the history and use of this gate and hithe, first, I find that it belonged to someone named Edred and was then called Edred’s hithe. Afterward, it came into the possession of King Stephen, who confirmed it by his charter to William De Ypre; [258] the farm of it in fee and in heritage, William De Ypre gave to the prior and convent of the Holy Trinity within Aldgate, as shown by this charter:—
“To Theobalde, by the grace of God, Archbishop of Canterbury, primate of England, and Legate Apostolike, to the Bishoppe of London, and to all faithful people, clarkes and layemen, William de Ypre sendeth greeting.
“To Theobalde, by the grace of God, Archbishop of Canterbury, primate of England, and Apostolic Legate, to the Bishop of London, and to all faithful people, clerks and laymen, William de Ypre sends greetings.
“Know ye me to have given and graunted to God, and to the church of the Holy Trinitie of London, to the prior and canons there serving God in perpetuall almes, Edred’s hith, with the appurtenances, with such devotion, that they shall send every yeare twentie pound unto the maintenance of the hospital of St. Katherens, which hospitall they have in their hands, and one hundred shillinges to the monkes of Bermondsey, and sixty shillinges to the brethren of the hospitall of St. Giles, and that which remayneth, the said prior and canons shall enjoy to themselves. Witnesses, Richard de Lucie, Raph Picot, etc.”
“Know that I have given and granted to God, and to the church of the Holy Trinity of London, to the prior and canons serving God there in perpetual alms, Edred’s hith, along with its appurtenances, with such devotion that they will send twenty pounds each year for the maintenance of the hospital of St. Katherens, which they manage, and one hundred shillings to the monks of Bermondsey, and sixty shillings to the brethren of the hospital of St. Giles. The remainder shall be enjoyed by the prior and canons. Witnesses: Richard de Lucie, Ralph Picot, etc.”
This Edred’s hithe, after the aforesaid grants, came again to the king’s hands, by what means I have not read, but it per[320]tained unto the queen, and, therefore, was called Ripa reginæ, the Queene’s bank, or Queen’s hithe, and great profit thereof was made to her use, as may appear by this which followeth.
This Edred’s wharf, after the previously mentioned grants, ultimately returned to the king, though I haven’t read how that happened. It belonged to the queen, and so it was called Ripa reginæ, the Queen’s bank or Queen’s wharf, and it generated significant profit for her, as the following details will show.
King Henry III. in the 9th of his reign, commanded the constables of the Tower of London to arrest the ships of the Cinque Ports on the river of Thames, and to compel them to bring their corne to no other place, but to the Queen’s hithe only. In the eleventh of his reign, he charged the said constable to distrain all fish offered to be sold in any place of this city, but at the Queene hithe. Moreover, in the 28th of the said king’s reign, an inquisition was made before William of Yorke, provost of Beverley, Henry of Bath, and Hierome of Caxton, justices itinerant, sitting in the Tower of London, touching the customs of Queen hithe, observed in the year last before the wars between the king and his father, and the barons of England, and of old customs of other times, and what customs had been changed, at what time the tax and payment of all things coming together, and between Woore path and Anedehithe,[259] were found and ceased, according to the old order, as well corn and fish as other things: all which customs were as well to be observed in the part of Downegate, as in Queen hithe, for the king’s use. When also it was found that the corn arriving between the gate of the Guildhall of the merchants of Cologne, and the soke of the Archbishop of Canterbury (for he had a house near unto the Blacke Fryers), was not to be measured by any other quarter, than by that of the Queene’s soke.
King Henry III. in the 9th year of his reign, ordered the constables of the Tower of London to seize the ships from the Cinque Ports on the River Thames and to force them to deliver their grain only to the Queen's hithe. In the 11th year of his reign, he instructed the said constable to restrict all fish being sold in any part of this city, allowing sales only at the Queen's hithe. Furthermore, in the 28th year of the king's reign, an investigation was conducted before William of York, provost of Beverley, Henry of Bath, and Jerome of Caxton, itinerant justices sitting in the Tower of London, regarding the customs of Queen hithe observed in the year before the wars between the king and his father, along with the barons of England, and of older customs, and what changes had occurred over time, including the tax and payments for all goods being brought in, and between Woore path and Anedehithe,[259] were found and discontinued according to the old order, covering both grain and fish as well as other items: all these customs were to be followed in the part of Downegate as well as in Queen hithe, for the king's benefit. It was also determined that the grain arriving between the gate of the Guildhall of the merchants of Cologne and the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Canterbury (since he had a house near the Black Friars) was not to be measured by any other standard than that of the Queen's jurisdiction.
After this, the bailiff of the said hithe complained that, since the said recognition, fourteen foreign ships laden with fish, arrived at Belinge’s gate, which ships should have arrived at the same hithe; and, therefore, it was ordered, that if any foreign ship laden with fish, should in form aforesaid, arrive elsewhere than at this hithe, it should be at the king’s pleasure to amerce them at forty shillings. Notwithstanding, the ships of the citizens of London were at liberty to arrive where the owners would appoint them.
After this, the bailiff of the mentioned port complained that, since the recognition took place, fourteen foreign ships loaded with fish had arrived at Belinge’s gate, when they should have docked at the same port. Therefore, it was decided that if any foreign ship carrying fish arrived anywhere other than this port, they would be fined forty shillings at the king's discretion. However, the ships owned by the citizens of London were free to dock wherever their owners chose.
After this, the said Henry III. confirmed the grant of Richard Earl of Cornwall for the farm of the Queen hithe unto John Gisors, then mayor, and to the commonalty of London, and their successors for ever, as by this his charter appeareth:
After this, King Henry III confirmed Richard, Earl of Cornwall's grant for the farm of Queen Hithe to John Gisors, who was then the mayor, and to the people of London and their successors forever, as shown in this charter:
“Henry, by the grace of God, King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Guien, and Earl of Anjou, to all archbishops, etc. Be it known, that we have seen the covenant between our brother, Richard Earl of Cornwall, on the one part, and the mayor and commonalty on the other part, which was in this sort. In the 30th year of Henry, the son of King John,[260] upon the feast of the Translation of St. Edward, at Westminster, this covenant was made between the honourable Lord Richard Earl of Cornwall, and John Gisors, then mayor of London, and the commons thereof, concerning certain exactions and demands pertaining to the Queen hithe of London. The said earl granted for himself and his heirs, that the said mayor, and all mayors ensuing, and all the commons of the city, should have and hold the Queen hithe, with all the liberties, customs, and other appurtenances, repaying yearly to the said earl, his heirs and assigns, fifty pounds, at Clarkenwell, at two several terms; to wit, the Sunday after Easter twenty-five pounds, and at Michaelmas twenty-five pounds. And for more surety hereof the said earl hath set thereunto his seal, and left it with the mayor, and the mayor and commonalty have set to their seal, and left it with the earl. Wherefore we confirm and establish the said covenant for us, and for our heirs. Witnesses, Raph Fitz Nichol, Richard Gray, John and Wil. Brithem, Paulin Painter, Raph Wancia, John Cumbaud, and other, at Windsor, 26th of February, in the 31st of our reign.”
“Henry, by the grace of God, King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Guienne, and Earl of Anjou, to all archbishops, etc. Be it known that we have seen the agreement between our brother, Richard Earl of Cornwall, on one side, and the mayor and the citizens on the other side, which was like this. In the 30th year of Henry, son of King John,[260] on the feast of the Translation of St. Edward, at Westminster, this agreement was made between the honorable Lord Richard Earl of Cornwall, and John Gisors, then mayor of London, and the citizens, regarding certain demands and claims related to the Queen hithe of London. The said earl granted for himself and his heirs that the said mayor, and all future mayors, and all the citizens of the city, would have and hold the Queen hithe, with all rights, customs, and other related benefits, paying annually to the said earl, his heirs, and assigns, fifty pounds, at Clarkenwell, at two separate times; specifically, twenty-five pounds on the Sunday after Easter and twenty-five pounds at Michaelmas. For more security regarding this, the said earl has affixed his seal to it and left it with the mayor, and the mayor and citizens have attached their seal and left it with the earl. Therefore, we confirm and establish this agreement for ourselves and our heirs. Witnesses, Ralph Fitz Nichol, Richard Gray, John and William Brithem, Paul Painter, Ralph Wancia, John Cumbaud, and others, at Windsor, 26th of February, in the 31st year of our reign.”
The charge of this Queen hithe was then committed to the sheriffs, and so hath continued ever since; the profits whereof are sore diminished, so that (as writeth Robert Fabian) it was worth in his time little above twenty marks, or fifteen pounds, one year with another. Now for customs of this Queen hithe.[261] In the year 1302, the 30th of Edward I., it was found by the oath of divers men, that bakers, brewers, and others, buying their corn at Queen hithe, should pay for measuring, portage, and carriage, for every quarter of corn whatsoever, from thence to West Cheap, to St. Anthonie’s church, to Horshew bridge, and to Woolsey street, in the parish of Allhallowes the Less, and such like distances, one halfpenny farthing; to Fleet bridge, to Newgate, Cripplegate, to Bircheovers lane, to Eastcheape, and Billingsgate, one penny. Also, that the measure (or the meter) ought to have eight chief master-porters, every master to have three porters under him, and every one of them to find one horse, and seven sacks; and he that so did not, to lose his office.[322] This hithe was then so frequented with vessels, bringing thither corn (besides fish, salt, fuel, and other merchandises), that all these men, to wit, the meter, and porters, thirty-seven in number, for all their charges of horses and sacks, and small stipend, lived well of their labours; but now[262] the bakers of London, and other citizens, travel into the countries, and buy their corn of the farmers, after the farmers’ price.
The responsibility for this Queen's wharf was then given to the sheriffs and has remained with them ever since. The profits have seriously decreased, so that (as Robert Fabian writes) it was worth little over twenty marks, or fifteen pounds, on average during his time. Now, regarding the customs of this Queen's wharf.[261] In the year 1302, in the 30th year of Edward I., it was determined by the testimony of various men that bakers, brewers, and others who bought their grain at Queen's wharf should pay for measuring, transport, and carriage, for every quarter of grain from there to West Cheap, to St. Anthony's church, to Horshew bridge, and to Woolsey street, in the parish of Allhallowes the Less, and similar distances, one halfpenny farthing; to Fleet bridge, to Newgate, to Cripplegate, to Bircheovers lane, to Eastcheape, and Billingsgate, one penny. It was also established that the measuring (or the meter) should have eight chief master-porters, each master having three porters under him, and each one of them responsible for one horse and seven sacks; and anyone who failed to do so would lose their position.[322] This wharf was then so busy with ships bringing grain (along with fish, salt, fuel, and other goods) that all these individuals, namely the meter and the porters, thirty-seven in total, managed to live well from their work due to the expenses of horses and sacks, along with their modest pay; but now[262] the bakers of London, and other citizens, go out to the countryside and buy their grain from the farmers at the farmers’ prices.
King Edward II., in the 1st of his reign, gave to Margaret, wife to Piers de Gavestone, forty-three pounds twelve shillings and nine pence halfpenny farthing, out of the rent of London, to be received of the Queen’s hithe. Certain impositions were set upon ships and other vessels coming thither, as upon corn, salt, and other things, toward the charge of cleansing Roome-land there, the 41st of Edward III.
King Edward II, in the first year of his reign, gave Margaret, the wife of Piers de Gavestone, forty-three pounds, twelve shillings, and nine and a half pence from the rent of London, to be collected from the Queen’s hithe. Some taxes were imposed on ships and other vessels arriving there, as well as on corn, salt, and other goods, to cover the costs of cleaning the land, during the 41st year of Edward III.
The 3rd of Edward IV., the market at Queen hithe being hindered by the slackness of drawing up London bridge, it was ordained, that all manner of vessels, ships, or boats, great or small, resorting to the city with victual, should be sold by retail; and that if there came but one vessel at a time, were it salt, wheat, rye, or other corn, from beyond the seas, or other grains, garlic, onions, herrings, sprats, eels, whiting, plaice, cods, mackarel, etc., then that one vessel should come to Queen hithe, and there to make sale; but if two vessels come, the one should come to Queen hithe, the other to Billingsgate; if three, two of them should come to Queen hithe, the third to Billingsgate, etc., always the more to Queen hithe; if the vessel being great, coming with salt from the Bay, and could not come to these keys, then the same to be conveyed by lighters, as before is meant.
On the 3rd of Edward IV, the market at Queenhithe was disrupted due to the slow movement of London Bridge, so it was decided that all kinds of vessels, ships, or boats, big or small, arriving in the city with food supplies should be sold retail. If only one vessel arrived at a time, whether it was carrying salt, wheat, rye, or other grains from overseas, or other items like garlic, onions, herrings, sprats, eels, whiting, plaice, cod, mackerel, etc., that single vessel should dock at Queenhithe to sell its goods. If two vessels arrived, one would go to Queenhithe and the other to Billingsgate. If three vessels came in, two would go to Queenhithe and one to Billingsgate, and so on, always favoring Queenhithe. If a large vessel carrying salt from the Bay couldn't reach these docks, it would need to be transferred by lighters, as previously mentioned.
One large house for stowage of corn craned out of lighters and barges, is there lately built; Sir John Lion, grocer, mayor 1554, by his testament, gave a hundred pounds towards it; but since increased and made larger at the charges of the city, in the year 1565.
One large building for storing corn that was unloaded from boats has recently been constructed; Sir John Lion, a grocer and the mayor in 1554, donated a hundred pounds for it in his will; however, it has since been expanded and enlarged at the city's expense in 1565.
Against this Queen’s hithe, on the river Thames, of late years, was placed a corn mill, upon or betwixt two barges or lighters, and there ground corn, as water mills in other places, to the wonder of many that had not seen the like; but this lasted not long without decay, such as caused the same barges and mill to be removed, taken asunder, and soon forgotten. I read of the like to have been in former time, as thus:—In the year 1525, the 16th of Henry VIII., Sir William Bayly being mayor, John[323] Cooke of Glocester, mercer, gave to the mayor and commonalty of London, and theirs for ever, one great barge, in the which two corn mills were made and placed, which barge and mills were set in and upon the stream of the river of Thames, within the jurisdiction and liberty of the said city of London.
Against this Queen's landing on the Thames River, in recent years, a corn mill was set up on or between two barges or lighters, grinding corn like water mills do in other locations, to the amazement of many who had never seen anything like it. However, this didn’t last long before it deteriorated, leading to the removal of the barges and mill, which were soon forgotten. I read that something similar existed in the past: In the year 1525, during the reign of Henry VIII, when Sir William Bayly was mayor, John Cooke of Gloucester, a mercer, donated a large barge to the mayor and commonalty of London, which included two corn mills. This barge and mills were placed on the Thames River within the jurisdiction and liberty of the city of London.
And also he gave to the city all such timber, boards, stones, iron, etc., provided for making, mending, and repairing of the said barge and mills, in reward whereof the mayor gave him fifty pounds presently, and fifty pounds yearly during his life; and if the said Cooke deceased before Johan his wife, then she to have forty marks the year during her life.
And he also provided the city with all the timber, boards, stones, iron, and other materials needed for building, fixing, and maintaining the barge and mills. In return, the mayor immediately gave him fifty pounds, plus fifty pounds every year for the rest of his life. If Cooke died before his wife Johan, then she would receive forty marks a year for the rest of her life.
Next adjoining to this Queen hithe, on the west side thereof, is Salt wharf, named of salt taken up, measured, and sold there. The next is Stew lane, of a stew or hothouse there kept. After that is Timber hithe, or Timber street, so called of timber or boards there taken up and wharfed; it is in the parish of St. Mary Somershithe, as I read in the 56th of Henry III., and in the 9th of Edward II. Then is Brookes wharf, and Broken wharf, a water gate or key, so called of being broken and fallen down into the Thames. By this Broken wharf remaineth one large old building of stone, with arched gates, which messuage, as I find, in the reign of Henry III., the 43rd year, pertaining unto Hugh de Bygot; and in the 11th of Edward III., to Thomas Brotherton, the king’s brother, Earl of Norfolk, Marshal of England; in the 11th of Henry VI. to John Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, etc.
Next to this Queen's wharf, on its western side, is Salt wharf, named for the salt that was brought in, measured, and sold there. Next is Stew Lane, named after a stew or hothouse located there. After that is Timber wharf, or Timber Street, named for the timber or boards that were brought in and stored there; it falls under the parish of St. Mary Somershithe, as noted in the 56th year of Henry III and the 9th year of Edward II. Then there’s Brookes wharf and Broken wharf, a water gate or quay, called that because it is broken and has fallen into the Thames. Near this Broken wharf stands a large old stone building with arched gates, which, as I found out, belonged in the reign of Henry III, the 43rd year, to Hugh de Bygot; and in the 11th year of Edward III, to Thomas Brotherton, the king’s brother, Earl of Norfolk, and Marshal of England; in the 11th year of Henry VI to John Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, etc.
Within the gate of this house (now belonging to the city of London) is lately, to wit, in the years 1594 and 1595, built one large house of great height, called an engine, made by Bevis Bulmar, gentleman, for the conveying and forcing of Thames water to serve in the middle and west parts of the city. The ancient great hall of this messuage is yet standing, and pertaining to a great brewhouse for beer. West from this is Trigge lane, going down to Thames. Next is called Bosse lane, of a bosse of water, like unto that of Billingsgate, there placed by the executors of Richard Whittington. Then is one great messuage, sometime belonging to the abbots of Chertsey in Surrey, and was their inn, wherein they were lodged when they repaired to the city; it is now called Sandie house, by what reason I have not heard: I think the Lord Sands have been lodged there.
Within the gate of this house (now owned by the city of London) is recently, specifically in the years 1594 and 1595, a large tall building, called an engine, constructed by Bevis Bulmar, a gentleman, for transporting and pumping Thames water to serve the central and western parts of the city. The ancient great hall of this property is still standing and is part of a large brewhouse for beer. To the west is Trigge Lane, which leads down to the Thames. Next is Bosse Lane, named for a pool of water, similar to that at Billingsgate, which was placed there by the executors of Richard Whittington. Then there’s a large property that used to belong to the abbots of Chertsey in Surrey, which served as their inn when they visited the city; it is now called Sandie House, though I have not heard why: I think the Lord Sands used to stay there.
And this is an end of this Queen hithe ward; which hath an alderman and his deputy, common council six, constables nine,[324] scavengers eight, wardmote inquest thirteen, and a beadle. It is taxed to the fifteen in London twenty pounds, and in the Exchequer at nineteen pounds sixteen shillings and two pence.
And this is the end of this Queen's ward, which has an alderman and his deputy, six common council members, nine constables, eight scavengers, thirteen wardmote inquest members, and a beadle. It is assessed for the London tax to be twenty pounds, and in the Exchequer at nineteen pounds sixteen shillings and two pence.[324]
CASTLE BAYNARD WARD
The next is Castle Baynard ward, so named of an old castle there. This ward beginneth in the east on the Thames side, at a house called Huntingdon house, and runneth west by Paule’s wharf, by Baynard’s castle, Puddle wharf, and by the south side of Black Friers. Then turning by the east wall of the said Friers to the south-west end of Creed lane. Then, on the north side of Thames street, over against Huntington house, by St. Peter’s church and lane, called Peter hill, along till over against Puddle wharf, and then north up by the great Wardrobe to the west end of Carter lane, then up Creed lane, Ave Mary lane, and a piece of Pater Noster row, to the sign of the Golden Lion, and back again up Warwicke lane, and all the east side thereof, to the sign of the Crown by Newgate market; and this is the farthest north part of this ward.
The next is Castle Baynard ward, named after an old castle there. This ward starts in the east on the Thames side, at a place called Huntingdon house, and runs west by Paul’s wharf, Baynard’s castle, Puddle wharf, and the south side of Blackfriars. Then it turns along the east wall of Blackfriars to the south-west end of Creed Lane. Next, on the north side of Thames Street, across from Huntington house, it goes by St. Peter’s church and the lane called Peter Hill, continuing until it reaches Puddle wharf, and then heads north along the Great Wardrobe to the west end of Carter Lane. From there, it goes up Creed Lane, Ave Mary Lane, and part of Pater Noster Row, to the sign of the Golden Lion, before looping back up Warwick Lane and covering the entire east side of it, until reaching the sign of the Crown by Newgate market; and this marks the furthest northern part of this ward.
Then out of Thames street be lanes ascending north to Knightriders street; the first is Peter hill lane, all of that ward (two houses excepted, adjoining to St. Peter’s church). The next is Paule’s wharf hill, which thwarting Knightriders street and Carter lane, goeth up to the south chain of Paule’s churchyard.
Then from Thames Street, there are streets leading north to Knightriders Street; the first is Peter Hill Lane, which is part of that ward (except for two houses next to St. Peter’s Church). The next is Paul’s Wharf Hill, which crosses Knightriders Street and Carter Lane, and then goes up to the south side of Paul’s churchyard.
Then in Adle street, over against the west part of Baynard’s castle, going up by the west end of Knightriders street and to Carter lane. Thus much for lanes out of Thames street. The one half of the west side of Lambard hill lane being of this ward, at the north-west end thereof, on the south side, and at the west end of St. Mary Magdalen’s church on the north side beginneth Knightriders street to be of this ward, and runneth west on both sides to the parish church of St. Andrew by the Wardrobe.
Then on Adle Street, across from the west side of Baynard’s Castle, going up from the west end of Knightriders Street to Carter Lane. This covers the lanes off Thames Street. Half of the west side of Lambard Hill Lane is part of this ward, at the north-west end on the south side, and at the west end of St. Mary Magdalen’s Church on the north side, Knightriders Street starts as part of this ward and runs west on both sides to the parish church of St. Andrew by the Wardrobe.
Then at the end of St. Mary Magdalen’s church goeth up the Old Exchange, all the west side whereof up to the south-east gate of Paule’s churchyard, and by St. Austen’s church, is of this ward. About the midst of this Old Exchange, on the west side thereof is Carter lane, which runneth west to the east entry of the Blacke Friers, and to the south end of Creed lane, out of the which Carter lane descendeth a lane called Do-little lane, and cometh into Knightriders street by the Boar’s head tavern; and more west is Sermon lane, by an inn called the Paule head. Then out of Carter lane, on the north side thereof, the south[325] chain of Paules churchyard, and the churchyard itself on that south side of Paules church, and the church of St. Gregorie, the bishop’s palace, and the dean’s lodging, be all of this ward; and such be the bounds thereof. The ornaments in this ward be parish churches four. Of old time a castle, divers noblemen’s houses, halls of companies twain, and such others, as shall be shown.
Then at the end of St. Mary Magdalen’s church is the Old Exchange, which runs along the entire west side up to the southeast gate of Paul’s churchyard and near St. Austin’s church, all part of this ward. In the middle of this Old Exchange, on its west side, is Carter Lane, which goes west to the east entry of the Black Friars and to the south end of Creed Lane. From Carter Lane, there’s a lane called Do-little Lane that leads into Knightriders Street by the Boar’s Head tavern; further west is Sermon Lane, near an inn called the Paul’s Head. Then, from Carter Lane, on the north side, the southchain of Paul’s churchyard and the churchyard itself on the south side of Paul’s church, along with St. Gregory’s church, the bishop’s palace, and the dean’s lodging, are all part of this ward; these are its boundaries. This ward has four parish churches as its main features. In the past, there was a castle, several noblemen’s houses, two company halls, and other notable places that will be highlighted.
In Thames street, at the south-east end, is an ancient messuage, of old time called Beaumount’s inn, as belonging to that family of noblemen of this realm in the 4th of Edward III. Edward IV., in the 5th of his reign, gave it to W. Hastings, lord chamberlain, master of his mints. It is now called Huntington house, as belonging to the earls of Huntington. Next is Paul’s wharf, a large landing place, with a common stair upon the river of Thames, at the end of a street called Paule’s wharf hill, which runneth down from Paule’s chain. Next is a great messuage, called Scropes inn, sometime belonging to Scropes, in the 31st of Henry VI.
In Thames Street, at the southeast end, is an old building known as Beaumount's Inn, which used to belong to that noble family in the 4th year of Edward III. Edward IV, in the 5th year of his reign, gave it to W. Hastings, the Lord Chamberlain and Master of his mints. It's now called Huntington House, as it belongs to the Earls of Huntington. Next is Paul's Wharf, a large landing area with a public staircase by the River Thames, located at the end of a street called Paul's Wharf Hill, which runs down from Paul’s Chain. Next is a big building called Scropes Inn, which once belonged to the Scropes family in the 31st year of Henry VI.
Then is one other great messuage, sometime belonging to the abbey of Fiscampe, beyond the sea, and by reason of the wars, it coming to the hands of King Edward III., the same was given to Sir Simon Burley, knight of the Garter, and, therefore, called Burley house in Thames street, between Baynard’s castle and Paule’s wharf.
Then there is another large house, formerly belonging to the abbey of Fiscampe across the sea. Due to the wars, it came into the possession of King Edward III, who gave it to Sir Simon Burley, a knight of the Garter. Because of this, it’s referred to as Burley House, located on Thames Street, between Baynard's Castle and Paul's Wharf.
Then have you Baynard’s castle, whereof this whole ward taketh the name. This castle banketh on the river Thames, and was called Baynard’s castle, of Baynard, a nobleman that came in with William the Conqueror, of the which castle, and of Baynard himself, I have spoken in another place.
Then you have Baynard's castle, which gives this entire ward its name. This castle sits by the River Thames and was named after Baynard, a nobleman who came with William the Conqueror. I've mentioned this castle and Baynard himself elsewhere.
There was also another tower by Baynard’s castle, built by King Edward II. Edward III., in the 2nd of his reign, gave it to William Duke of Hamelake, in the county of York, and his heirs, for one rose yearly, to be paid for all service, the same place (as seemeth to me) was since called Legate’s inn, in the 7th of Edward IV., where be now divers wood wharfs in place.
There was another tower by Baynard’s Castle, built by King Edward II. Edward III, in the second year of his reign, gave it to William, Duke of Hamelake, in York County, and his heirs, in exchange for one rose each year, which covered all services. This place, as it seems to me, later became known as Legate’s Inn in the seventh year of Edward IV, where now there are several wood wharfs in its place.
Then is there a great brewhouse, and Puddle wharf, a watergate into the Thames, where horses use to water, and therefore being defiled with their trampling, and made puddle, like as also of one Puddle dwelling there, it is called Puddle wharf. Then is there a lane between the Blacke Fryers and the Thames, called in the 26th of Edward III. Castle lane.
Then there’s a big brewhouse and Puddle Wharf, a watergate into the Thames, where horses go to drink, and because of their trampling it gets muddy, which is why it’s called Puddle Wharf after a person named Puddle who lived there. There’s also a lane between Blackfriars and the Thames called Castle Lane, as noted in the 26th year of Edward III's reign.
In this lane also is one great messuage, of old time belonging to the priory of Okeborne in Wiltshire, and was the prior’s[326] lodging when he repaired to London. This priory being of the French order, was suppressed by Henry V., and with other lands and tenements pertaining to the said priory, was by Henry VI. given to his college in Cambridge, called now the King’s college. About this castle lane was sometime a mill or mills belonging to the Templars of the New Temple, as appeareth of record; for King John, in the 1st year of his reign, granted a place in the Fleet, near unto Baynard’s castle, to make a mill, and the whole course of water of the Fleet to serve the said mill.
In this lane, there is also a large house that used to belong to the priory of Okeborne in Wiltshire, which was the prior’s[326] residence when he visited London. This priory, part of the French order, was shut down by Henry V, and along with other lands and properties linked to the priory, was given by Henry VI to his college in Cambridge, now known as King’s College. There used to be a mill or mills around this castle lane owned by the Templars of the New Temple, as recorded; for King John, in the first year of his reign, granted a location in the Fleet, near Baynard’s Castle, to build a mill, along with the entire water flow of the Fleet to supply that mill.
I read also, that in the year 1247, the 2nd of Edward I., Ri. Raison, and Atheline his wife, did give to Nicho. de Musely, clerk, ten shillings of yearly free and quiet rent, out of all his tenements, with the houses thereupon built, and their appurtenances, which they had of the demise of the master and brethren of Knights Templars, in England, next to their mill of Fleet, over against the houses of Laurence de Brooke, in the parish of St. Andrew, next to Baynard’s castle, which tenements lie between the way leading towards the said mill on the west part. Also in the rights belonging to Robert Fitzwater, and to his heirs, in the city of London, in the time of peace, it was declared in the year 1303, that the said Robert, castellan of London, and banner-bearer, had a soke (or ward) in the city, that was by the wall of St. Paule, as men go down the street before the brewhouse of St. Paule unto the Thames, and so to the side of the mill, which is in the water that cometh down from Fleet bridge, and goeth by London wall, betwixt Fryers preachers church and Ludgate; and so that ward turned back by the house of the said Fryers unto the said common wall of the said canonry of St. Paul; that is, all of the parish of St. Andrew, which is in the gift of his ancestors by seniority, as more I have shown in the Castles.
I also read that in the year 1247, during the reign of Edward I, Ri. Raison and his wife Atheline gave Nicho. de Musely, a clerk, ten shillings a year as free and quiet rent from all their properties, along with the houses built on them and their appurtenances, which they received from the master and brothers of the Knights Templars in England, next to their mill at Fleet, across from the houses of Laurence de Brooke, in the parish of St. Andrew, near Baynard’s Castle. These properties are situated between the road leading to the mill to the west. Also, regarding the rights belonging to Robert Fitzwater and his heirs in the city of London, it was declared in 1303 during a time of peace that Robert, who was the castellan of London and banner-bearer, had jurisdiction (or ward) in the city by the wall of St. Paul's, as people walked down the street past the brewhouse of St. Paul's towards the Thames, and then to the side of the mill that is on the water coming from Fleet Bridge and running along London Wall, between the Friars Preachers' church and Ludgate. This ward extended back by the house of the Friars to the common wall of St. Paul's canonry; that is, throughout the parish of St. Andrew, which has been vested in his ancestors by seniority, as I have detailed further in the Castles.
Now here is to be noted, that the wall of London at that time went straight south from Ludgate down to the river of Thames; but for building of the Blacke Fryers church, the said wall in that place was by commandment taken down, and a new wall made straight west from Ludgate to Fleet bridge, and then by the water of Fleet to the river of Thames, etc.
Now, it's important to note that the wall of London at that time went straight south from Ludgate down to the River Thames; however, for the construction of Blackfriars Church, that section of the wall was taken down by order and a new wall was built straight west from Ludgate to Fleet Bridge, and then along the River Fleet to the River Thames, etc.
In the year 1307, the 35th of Edward I., in a parliament at Carlisle, Henry Lacie, Earl of Lincoln, complained of noyances done to the water of the Fleet; whereupon it was granted that the said mill should be removed and destroyed.
In the year 1307, during the 35th year of Edward I's reign, in a parliament held at Carlisle, Henry Lacie, the Earl of Lincoln, raised a complaint about disturbances affecting the water of the Fleet. As a result, it was agreed that the mill in question should be removed and demolished.
This ward ascendeth up by the east wall of the Black Fryers to the south-west end of Creed lane, where it endeth on that side.
This district rises along the east wall of the Black Friars to the southwest end of Creed Lane, where it ends on that side.
Then to begin again on the north side of Thames street, over against Huntington house, by St. Peter’s church and lane, called Peter hill, and so to St. Benet Hude (or Hithe) over against Powle’s wharf, a proper parish church, which hath the monuments of Sir William Cheiny, knight, and Margaret his wife, 1442, buried there; Doctor Caldwell, physician; Sir Gilbert Dethik, knight, alias Garter king at arms. West from this church, by the south end of Adle street, almost against Pudle wharf, there is one ancient building of stone and timber, built by the lords of Barkley, and therefore called Barklies inn. This house is all in ruin, and letten out in several tenements, yet the arms of the Lord Barkley remain in the stone work of an arched gate, gules, between a cheveron, crosses ten—three, three, and four. Richard Beauchampe, Earl of Warwicke, was lodged in this house, then called Barklies inn, in the parish of St. Andrew, in the reign of Henry VI.
Then to start again on the north side of Thames Street, across from Huntington House, by St. Peter’s Church and the lane called Peter Hill, and then to St. Benet Hude (or Hithe) across from Powle’s Wharf, which is a nice parish church that has the memorials of Sir William Cheiny, knight, and his wife Margaret, who were buried there in 1442; Doctor Caldwell, a physician; and Sir Gilbert Dethik, knight, also known as Garter king at arms. West of this church, at the south end of Adle Street, almost across from Pudle Wharf, there's an old stone and timber building, built by the Lords of Barkley, and so it’s called Barklies Inn. This house is all in ruins and rented out as several tenements, yet the coat of arms of Lord Barkley remains in the stonework of an arched gate—red, with a chevron and ten crosses—three, three, and four. Richard Beauchampe, Earl of Warwick, stayed in this house, then known as Barklies Inn, in the parish of St. Andrew, during the reign of Henry VI.
Then turning up towards the north is the parish church of St. Andrew in the Wardrobe, a proper church, but few monuments hath it. John Parnt founded a chantry there. Then is the king’s Great Wardrobe: Sir John Beauchamp, knight of the Garter, Constable of Dover, Warden of the Sinke ports (son to Guido de Beauchampe, Earl of Warwicke), built this house, was lodged there, deceased in the year 1359, and was buried on the south side of the middle aisle of Paule’s church. His executors sold the house to King Edward III., unto whom the parson of St. Andrewe’s complaining that the said Beauchampe had pulled down divers houses, in their place to build the same house, where through he was hindered of his accustomed tithes, paid by the tenants of old time, granted him forty shillings by year out of that house for ever. King Richard III. was lodged there in the second of his reign.
Then heading north, you'll find the parish church of St. Andrew in the Wardrobe. It's a decent church, but it has few monuments. John Parnt established a chantry there. Next is the king’s Great Wardrobe: Sir John Beauchamp, a knight of the Garter, Constable of Dover, and Warden of the Sinke ports (son of Guido de Beauchampe, Earl of Warwick), built this house, lived there, passed away in 1359, and was buried on the south side of the middle aisle of St. Paul's church. His executors sold the house to King Edward III. The parson of St. Andrew’s complained that Beauchampe had demolished several houses to build this one, which prevented him from receiving his usual tithes from the tenants, so the king granted him forty shillings a year from that house forever. King Richard III also stayed there during the second year of his reign.
In this house of late years is lodged Sir John Fortescue, knight, master of the wardrobe, chancellor and under-treasurer of the exchequer, and one of her majesty’s most honourable privy council. The secret letters and writings touching the estate of the realm were wont to be enrolled in the king’s wardrobe, and not in the chancery, as appeareth by the records. Claus. 18. E. 4. 1. Memb. 13. Claus. 33. E. 1. Memb. 3. Et liberat. 1. E. 2. Memb. 4, etc. From this wardrobe, by the west end of Carter lane, then up Creede lane, Ave Mary lane, a piece of Pater Noster row, up Warwick lane, all the east side, to a brewhouse called the Crown, as I said is of this ward. Touching lanes ascending out of Thames street to Knightriders’ street, the first[328] is Peter’s hill, wherein I find no matter of note, more than certain alms houses, lately founded on the west side thereof, by David Smith, embroiderer, for six poor widows, whereof each to have twenty shillings by the year.
In this house in recent years has lived Sir John Fortescue, knight, master of the wardrobe, chancellor and under-treasurer of the exchequer, and one of Her Majesty's most honorable privy councilors. The secret letters and documents related to the realm's affairs used to be filed in the king's wardrobe, not in the chancery, as shown by the records. Claus. 18. E. 4. 1. Memb. 13. Claus. 33. E. 1. Memb. 3. Et liberat. 1. E. 2. Memb. 4, etc. From this wardrobe, by the west end of Carter Lane, then up Creed Lane, Ave Mary Lane, a part of Pater Noster Row, up Warwick Lane, all along the east side, to a brewhouse called the Crown, which I mentioned is part of this ward. Regarding the lanes that run from Thames Street to Knightriders' Street, the first is Peter's Hill, where I don't find anything notable except for some almshouses recently established on the west side, by David Smith, an embroiderer, for six poor widows, with each receiving twenty shillings a year.
On the east side of this lane standeth a large house, of ancient building, sometime belonging to the abbot of St. Mary in York, and was his abiding house when he came to London; Thomas Randolfe, esquire, hath lately augmented and repaired it.
On the east side of this lane stands a large house, built a long time ago, that used to belong to the abbot of St. Mary in York, and was his residence when he came to London; Thomas Randolfe, esquire, has recently renovated and updated it.
At the upper end of this lane, towards the north, the corner-houses there be called Peters key, but the reason thereof I have not heard. Then is Paules wharf hill, on the east side whereof is Woodmongers’ hall. And next adjoining is Darby house, sometime belonging to the Stanleys, for Thomas Stanley, first Earl of Derby of that name, who married the Lady Margaret, Countess of Richmond, mother to Henry VII., in his time built it.
At the north end of this street, the corner buildings are called Peters Key, though I’m not sure why. Then there's Paul's Wharf Hill, and on the east side of it is the Woodmongers' Hall. Right next to that is Derby House, which used to belong to the Stanleys. Thomas Stanley, the first Earl of Derby of that name, built it during his time after marrying Lady Margaret, Countess of Richmond, who was the mother of Henry VII.
Queen Mary gave it to Gilbert Dethike, then Garter principal king of arms of Englishmen; Thomas Hawley, Clarenceaux king of arms of the south parts; William Harvy, alias Norroy king of arms of the north parts, and the other heralds and pursuivants of arms, and to their successors, all the same capital messuage or house called Derby house, with the appurtenances, situate in the parish of St. Benet and St. Peter, then being in the tenure of Sir Richard Sackvile, knight, and lately parcel of the lands of Edward, Earl of Derby, etc., to the end that the said kings of arms, heralds, and pursuivants of arms, and their successors, might at their liking dwell together, and at meet times to congregate, speak, confer, and agree among themselves, for the good government of their faculty, and their records might be more safely kept, etc. Dated the 18th of July, 1555, Philip and Mary I., and third year.
Queen Mary gave it to Gilbert Dethike, the principal king of arms of Englishmen; Thomas Hawley, the Clarenceaux king of arms of the southern regions; William Harvy, also known as Norroy, the king of arms of the northern regions, along with the other heralds and pursuivants of arms, and their successors, all the same main messuage or house called Derby House, with its appurtenances, located in the parish of St. Benet and St. Peter, then occupied by Sir Richard Sackvile, knight, and formerly part of the lands of Edward, Earl of Derby, etc. This was done so that the aforementioned kings of arms, heralds, and pursuivants of arms, and their successors, could gather together at their convenience to meet, discuss, confer, and agree with each other for the proper management of their profession, and to ensure that their records could be kept more safely, etc. Dated the 18th of July, 1555, Philip and Mary I, in the third year.
Then higher up, near the south chain of Paules churchyard, is the Paule Head tavern, which house, with the appurtenances, was of old time called Paules brewhouse, for that the same was so employed, but been since left off, and let out.
Then higher up, near the south side of Paul's churchyard, is the Paul Head tavern, which building, along with its facilities, used to be called Paul's brewhouse, because it was once used for that purpose, but has since stopped and been rented out.
On the west side of this street, is one other great house, built of stone, which belongeth to Paules church, and was sometime let to the Blunts, Lords Mountjoy, but of latter time to a college in Cambridge, and from them to the doctors of the civil law and Arches, who keep a commons there; and many of them being there lodged, it is called the Doctors’ Commons. Above this, on the same side, was one other great building over-against Paules brewhouse, and this was called Paules bakehouse,[329] and was employed in baking of bread for the church of Paules.
On the west side of this street, there’s another impressive house made of stone, which belongs to St. Paul’s Church. It was once rented by the Blunts, Lords Mountjoy, but more recently it has been leased to a college in Cambridge, and from them to the doctors of civil law and the Arches, who have a common room there. Since many of them stay there, it's known as the Doctors’ Commons. Above this, on the same side, there was another large building opposite St. Paul's brewhouse, which was called St. Paul's bakehouse, and it was used for baking bread for St. Paul’s Church.[329]
In Addle street, or lane, I find no monuments.
In Addle Street, or lane, I see no monuments.
In Lambart hill lane on the west side thereof, is the Blacksmiths’ hall, and adjoining to the north side thereof have ye one plot of ground, inclosed with a brick wall for a churchyard, or burying-plot for the dead of St. Mary Magdalen’s by Old Fish street, which was given to that use by John Iwarby, an officer in the receipt of the exchequer, in the 26th of King Henry VI., as appeareth by patent. John Iwarby, etc., gave a piece of land lying void in the parish of St. Mary Magdalen, nigh to Old Fish street, between the tenement of John Philpot on the south, and the tenement of Bartholomewe Burwash on the west, and the tenement pertaining to the convent of the Holy Well on the north, and the way upon Lambarde’s hill on the east, for a churchyard, to the parson, and churchwardens, etc.
In Lambart Hill Lane on the west side, there's the Blacksmiths' Hall, and right next to it on the north side, there's a piece of land enclosed by a brick wall that serves as a churchyard or burial plot for the deceased of St. Mary Magdalen's by Old Fish Street. This land was given for that purpose by John Iwarby, an officer in the Exchequer, in the 26th year of King Henry VI, as shown by a patent. John Iwarby, among others, donated a vacant piece of land in the parish of St. Mary Magdalen, near Old Fish Street, situated between the property of John Philpot to the south, the property of Bartholomewe Burwash to the west, the property belonging to the convent of the Holy Well to the north, and Lambarde’s Hill to the east, for a churchyard, to the parson and churchwardens, among others.
Over-against the north-west end of this Lambard hill lane in Knightriders’ street, is the parish church of St. Mary Magdalen, a small church, having but few monuments, Richard Woodroffe, merchant tailor, 1519; Barnard Randolph, esquire, 1583.
Over against the north-west end of Lambard Hill Lane on Knightriders’ Street is the parish church of St. Mary Magdalen, a small church with few monuments: Richard Woodroffe, merchant tailor, 1519; Barnard Randolph, esquire, 1583.
On the west side of this church, by the porch thereof, is placed a conduit or cistern of lead, castellated with stone, for receipt of Thames water, conveyed at the charges of the before-named Barnard Randolph, esquire. By the east end of St. Mary Magdalen’s church, runneth up the Old Exchange lane, by the west end of Carter lane, to the south-east gate or chain of Paule’s churchyard, as is before shown. And in this part was the Exchange kept, and bullion was received for coinage, as is noted in Faringdon ward within.
On the west side of this church, next to the entrance, there’s a lead water pipe or cistern, built with stone, for collecting Thames water, funded by the previously mentioned Barnard Randolph, esquire. At the east end of St. Mary Magdalen’s church, Old Exchange lane runs up, along the west end of Carter lane, to the southeast gate or chain of St. Paul’s churchyard, as mentioned earlier. This area used to be where the Exchange was held, and bullion was accepted for coinage, as noted in Faringdon ward.
In this parish church of St. Mary Magdalen, out of Knightriders’ street up to Carter lane, be two small lanes, the one of them called Do Little lane, as a place not inhabited by artificers or open shopkeepers, but serving for a near passage from Knightriders’ street to Carter lane.
In this parish church of St. Mary Magdalen, from Knightriders’ street to Carter lane, there are two small lanes. One of them is called Do Little lane, as it’s not populated by craftsmen or shopkeepers but serves as a shortcut from Knightriders’ street to Carter lane.
The other, corruptly called Sermon lane, for Sheremoniers’ lane, for I find it by that name recorded in the 14th of Edward I., and in that lane, a place to be called the Blacke loft (of melting silver) with four shops adjoining. It may, therefore, be well supposed that lane to take name of Sheremonyars, such as cut and rounded the plates to be coined or stamped into sterling pence; for the place of coining was the Old Exchange, near unto the said Sheremoniars’ lane. Also I find that in the 13th of Richard II. William de la Pole had a house there.
The lane incorrectly referred to as Sermon Lane is actually Sheremoniers' Lane, as recorded in the 14th year of Edward I's reign. In that lane, there's a spot called the Black Loft (where silver is melted) with four shops nearby. It’s reasonable to assume that the lane is named after the Sheremoniers, who cut and shaped the plates to be minted into sterling pennies, since the coining location was the Old Exchange, close to Sheremoniers' Lane. I also found that in the 13th year of Richard II's reign, William de la Pole owned a house there.
In Knightriders’ street is the College of Physicians, wherein was founded in the year 1582 a public lecture in surgery, to be read twice every week, etc., as is shown elsewhere.
In Knightriders' street is the College of Physicians, where a public surgery lecture was established in 1582, to be held twice a week, etc., as noted elsewhere.
In the south churchyard of Paules, is the south side and west end of the said church; in the which west end be three stately gates or entries, curiously wrought of stone: namely, the middle gate, in the midst whereof is placed a massy pillar of brass, whereunto the leaves of the said great gate are closed and fastened with locks, bolts, and bars of iron; all which, notwithstanding, on the 24th of December in the year 1565, by a tempest of wind then rising from the west, these gates were blown open, the bars, bolts, and locks broken in sunder, or greatly bended. Also on the 5th of January in the year 1589, by a like tempest of wind, then in the south-west, the lesser west gate of the said church, next to the bishop’s palace, was broken, both bolts, bars, and locks, so that the same was blown over.
In the south graveyard of St. Paul's, you'll find the south side and the west end of the church. At the west end, there are three impressive gates made of stone. The middle gate has a massive brass pillar in the center, to which the large gate's doors are closed and secured with locks, bolts, and iron bars. However, on December 24th, 1565, a strong wind from the west blew these gates open, breaking or severely bending the bolts, bars, and locks. Similarly, on January 5th, 1589, another strong wind from the southwest damaged the smaller west gate of the church, next to the bishop's palace, causing all the bolts, bars, and locks to break, and the gate was blown over.
At either corner of this west end is, also of ancient building, a strong tower of stone, made for bell towers: the one of them, to wit, next to the palace, is at this present to the use of the same palace; the other, towards the south, is called the Lowlardes’ tower,[263] and hath been used as the bishop’s prison, for such as were detected for opinions in religion, contrary to the faith of the Church.
At each corner of this west end is a sturdy old stone tower built for bells. The one next to the palace is currently used by the palace; the other tower, toward the south, is known as the Lowlardes’ tower,[263] and has served as the bishop’s prison for those accused of holding religious views that oppose the teachings of the Church.
The last prisoner which I have known committed thereto, was in the year 1573, one Peter Burcher, gentleman, of the Middle Temple, for having desperately wounded, and minding to have murdered, a serviceable gentleman named John Hawkins, esquire, in the high street near unto the Strand, who being taken and examined, was found to hold certain opinions erroneous, and therefore committed thither, and convicted; but in the end, by persuasion, he promised to abjure his heresies; and was, by commandment of the council, removed from thence to the Tower of London, etc., where he committed as in my Annales I have expressed.
The last prisoner I know of was a man named Peter Burcher, a gentleman from the Middle Temple, in 1573. He desperately wounded and intended to kill a respectable gentleman named John Hawkins on the main street near the Strand. After being caught and questioned, Burcher was found to hold some incorrect beliefs, leading to his imprisonment and conviction. However, in the end, he agreed to renounce his heresies after some persuasion. By order of the council, he was moved from there to the Tower of London, as I detailed in my Annales.
Adjoining to this Lowlardes’ tower is the parish-church of St. Gregory, appointed to the petty canons of Paules. Monuments of note I know none there.
Adjoining this Lowlardes' tower is the parish church of St. Gregory, assigned to the minor canons of Paules. I know of no notable monuments there.
The rest of that south side of St. Paules church, with the chapter-house (a beautiful piece of work, built about the reign of Edward III.) is now defaced by means of licenses granted to cutlers, budget-makers, and others, first to build low sheds[331], but now high houses, which do hide that beautiful side of the church, save only the top and south gate.
The rest of the south side of St. Paul's church, with the chapter house (a stunning piece of architecture, built around the reign of Edward III), is now marred by permits given to cutlers, budget-makers, and others, initially to build low sheds[331], but now tall buildings that obscure that beautiful side of the church, except for the top and the south gate.
On the north-west side of this churchyard is the bishop’s palace, a large thing for receipt, wherein divers kings have been lodged, and great household hath been kept, as appeareth by the great hall, which of late years, since the rebatement of bishops’ livings, hath not been furnished with household menie and guests, as was meant by the builders thereof, and was of old time used.
On the northwest side of this churchyard is the bishop's palace, a large place for receiving guests, where various kings have stayed, and a grand household used to be maintained, as shown by the great hall. However, in recent years, since the reduction of bishops' incomes, it hasn’t been filled with household staff and guests as intended by its builders and as it was once used.
The dean’s lodging on the other side, directly against the palace, is a fair old house, and also divers large houses are on the same side builded, which yet remain, and of old time were the lodgings of prebendaries and residentiaries, which kept great households and liberal hospitality, but now either decayed, or otherwise converted.
The dean’s residence on the opposite side, right across from the palace, is a lovely old house, and there are several large houses on that side as well, which still stand and were once the homes of prebendaries and residentiary clergy, who maintained large households and generous hospitality. However, now they are either falling apart or have been repurposed.
Then is the Stationers’ hall on the same side, lately built for them in place of Peter College, where in the year 1549, the 4th of January, five men were slain by the fall of earth upon them, digging for a well. And let this be an end of Baynardes Castle ward, which hath an alderman, his deputy, common council nine, constables ten, scavengers seven, wardmote inquest fourteen, and a beadle. And to the fifteen is taxed at £12, in the exchequer £11 13s.
Then there's the Stationers' Hall on the same side, recently built for them in place of Peter College, where on January 4, 1549, five men were killed when the ground collapsed on them while they were digging a well. This concludes the section on Baynard's Castle ward, which has an alderman, a deputy, nine common council members, ten constables, seven scavengers, fourteen wardmote inquest members, and a beadle. The total tax for the fifteen is £12, with £11 13s in the exchequer.
THE WARD OF FARINGDON EXTRA, OR WITHOUT
The farthest west ward of this city, being the twenty-fifth ward of London, but without the walls, is called Faringdon Without, and was of old time part of the other Faringdon Within, until the 17th of Richard II., that it was divided and made twain, by the names of Faringdon infra and Faringdon extra, as is afore shown.
The farthest west part of this city, known as the twenty-fifth ward of London but outside the walls, is called Faringdon Without. It used to be part of the other Faringdon Within until the 17th year of Richard II, when it was split into two separate areas, referred to as Faringdon infra and Faringdon extra, as mentioned earlier.
The bounds of which ward without Newgate and Ludgate are these: first, on the east part thereof, is the whole precinct of the late priory of St. Bartholomew, and a part of Long lane on the north, towards Aldersgate street and Ducke lane, with the hospital of St. Bartholomew on the west, and all Smithfield to the bars in St. John Street. Then out of Smithfield, Chicke lane toward Turmile brook, and over that brook by a bridge of timber into the field, then back again by the pens (or folds) in Smithfield, by Smithfield pond to Cow lane, which turneth toward Oldborne, and then Hosiar lane out of Smithfield, also toward Oldborne, till it meet with a part of Cow lane. Then[332] Cocke lane out of Smithfield, over-against Pie corner, then also is Giltspur street, out of Smithfield to Newgate, then from Newgate west by St. Sepulchres church to Turnagaine lane, to Oldborne conduit, on Snow hill, to Oldborne bridge, up Oldborne hill to the bars on both sides. On the right hand or north side, at the bottom of Oldborne hill, is Gold lane, sometime a filthy passage into the fields, now both sides built with small tenements. Then higher is Lither lane, turning also to the field, lately replenished with houses built, and so to the bar.
The boundaries of this ward without Newgate and Ludgate are as follows: first, on the east side, it includes the entire area of the former priory of St. Bartholomew, and part of Long Lane to the north, towards Aldersgate Street and Duck Lane, with the hospital of St. Bartholomew to the west, and all of Smithfield up to the bars on St. John Street. Then, from Smithfield, Chick Lane heads towards Turmile Brook, crossing that brook via a timber bridge into the fields, then back past the pens (or folds) in Smithfield, by Smithfield Pond to Cow Lane, which heads towards Oldborne, and then Hosiar Lane out of Smithfield, also towards Oldborne, until it meets a section of Cow Lane. Then[332] Cocke Lane out of Smithfield, opposite Pie Corner, is also included, as well as Giltspur Street, leading from Smithfield to Newgate. From Newgate, the boundary runs west past St. Sepulchres Church to Turnagaine Lane, then to Oldborne Conduit on Snow Hill, up to Oldborne Bridge, and further up Oldborne Hill to the bars on both sides. On the right side or north side, at the bottom of Oldborne Hill, is Gold Lane, once a dirty passage into the fields, now lined with small buildings. Higher up is Lither Lane, which also leads into the fields and has recently been developed with houses, continuing up to the bar.
Now on the left hand or south side from Newgate lieth a street called the Old Bayly, or court of the chamberlain of this city; this stretcheth down by the wall of the city unto Ludgate, on the west side of which street breaketh out one other lane, called St. Georges lane, till ye come to the south end of Seacole lane, and then turning towards Fleet street it is called Fleet lane. The next out of the high street from Newgate turning down south, is called the Little Bayly, and runneth down to the east of St. George’s lane. Then is Seacole lane which turneth down into Fleet lane; near unto this Seacole lane, in the turning towards Oldborne conduit, is another lane, called in records Wind Againe lane, it turneth down to Turnemill brook, and from thence back again, for there is no way over. Then beyond Oldborne bridge to Shoe lane, which runneth out of Oldborne unto the Conduit in Fleet street. Then also is Fewtars lane, which likewise stretcheth south into Fleet street by the east end of St. Dunstans church, and from this lane to the bars be the bounds without Newgate.
Now on the left side or south side of Newgate lies a street called the Old Bailey, which is the court of the chamberlain of this city; this street stretches down along the city wall to Ludgate, on the west side of which another lane breaks off, called St. George's Lane, until you reach the south end of Seacole Lane, and then turning toward Fleet Street, it becomes Fleet Lane. The next street coming out of the main road from Newgate heading south is called the Little Bailey, and it runs down to the east of St. George’s Lane. Then there’s Seacole Lane, which leads down into Fleet Lane; close to Seacole Lane, in the turn toward Holborn Conduit, is another lane, recorded as Wind Again Lane, which goes down toward Turnemill Brook, and from there, you have to go back, since there’s no way across. Then beyond Holborn Bridge to Shoe Lane, which runs from Holborn to the Conduit in Fleet Street. There’s also Fewterer's Lane, which stretches south into Fleet Street at the east end of St. Dunstan’s Church, and from this lane to the bars are the boundaries outside Newgate.
Now without Ludgate, this ward runneth by from the said gate to Temple bar, and hath on the right hand or north side the south end of the Old Bayly, then down Ludgate hill to the Fleet lane over Fleet bridge, and by Shoe lane and Fewters lane, and so to New street (or Chancery lane), and up that lane to the house of the Rolles, which house is also of this ward, and on the other side to a lane over against the Rolles, which entereth Ficquets’ field.
Now without Ludgate, this ward extends from the mentioned gate to Temple Bar, and on the right or north side is the south end of the Old Bailey, then down Ludgate Hill to Fleet Lane over Fleet Bridge, and by Shoe Lane and Fewters Lane, and then to New Street (or Chancery Lane), and up that lane to the house of the Rolls, which is also part of this ward, and on the opposite side is a lane facing the Rolls, which leads to Ficquets' field.
Then hard by the bar is one other lane called Shyre lane, because it divideth the city from the shire, and this turneth into Ficquets’ field.
Then close to the bar is another lane called Shyre Lane, because it separates the city from the shire, and this leads into Ficquets’ Field.
From Ludgate again on the left hand, or south side to Fleet bridge, to Bride lane, which runneth south by Bridewell, then to Water lane, which runneth down to the Thames.
From Ludgate again on the left side, or south side to Fleet Bridge, to Bride Lane, which goes south by Bridewell, then to Water Lane, which runs down to the Thames.
Then by the White Fryers and by the Temple, even to the bar aforesaid, be the bounds of this Faringdon Ward without.
Then by the White Fryers and by the Temple, up to the aforementioned bar, are the boundaries of this Faringdon Ward outside.
Touching ornaments and antiquities in this ward, first betwixt the said Newgate and the parish church of St. Sepulchre’s, is a way towards Smithfield, called Gilt Spurre, or Knightriders’ street, of the knights and others riding that way into Smithfield, replenished with buildings on both sides up to Pie corner, a place so called of such a sign, sometimes a fair inn for receipt of travellers, but now divided into tenements, and over against the said Pie corner lieth Cocke lane, which runneth down to Oldborne conduit.
Touching the ornaments and antiques in this area, first between Newgate and the parish church of St. Sepulchre’s, is a route toward Smithfield, known as Gilt Spurre or Knightriders' Street, where knights and others ride into Smithfield. This street is lined with buildings on both sides up to Pie Corner, a spot named after a sign that used to be a popular inn for travelers but is now divided into apartments. Across from Pie Corner is Cocke Lane, which leads down to Oldborne Conduit.
Beyond this Pie corner lieth West Smithfield, compassed about with buildings, as first on the south side following the right hand, standeth the fair parish church and large hospital of St. Bartilmew, founded by Rahere, the first prior of St. Bartilmewes thereto near adjoining, in the year 1102.
Beyond this Pie corner lies West Smithfield, surrounded by buildings. First on the right side, you’ll find the beautiful parish church and the large hospital of St. Bartilmew, founded by Rahere, the first prior of St. Bartilmew’s, nearby in the year 1102.
Alfune, that had not long before built the parish church of St. Giles without Criplegate, became the first hospitaller, or proctor, for the poor of the house, and went himself daily to the shambles and other markets, where he begged the charity of devout people for their relief, promising to the liberal givers (and that by alleging testimonies of the holy scripture) reward at the hands of God. Henry III. granted to Katherine, late wife to W. Hardell, twenty feet of land in length and breadth in Smithfield, next to the chapel of the hospital of St. Bartilmew, to build her a recluse or anchorage, commanding the mayor and sheriffs of London to assign the said twenty feet to the said Katherine, Carta II of Henry III. The foundation of this hospital, for the poor and diseased their special sustentation, was confirmed by Edward III. the 26th of his reign: it was governed by a master and eight brethren, being priests, for the church, and four sisters to see the poor served. The executors of R. Whitington, sometime mayor of London, of his goods repaired this hospital, about the year 1423.
Alfune, who had recently built the parish church of St. Giles outside Criplegate, became the first hospitaller, or caretaker, for the poor of the house. He went daily to the meat market and other markets to ask for donations from kind people for their support, promising generous givers (citing passages from the holy scripture) rewards from God. Henry III granted Katherine, the former wife of W. Hardell, twenty feet of land in length and width in Smithfield, next to the chapel of the hospital of St. Bartholomew, to build her a recluse or anchorhold. He ordered the mayor and sheriffs of London to assign the specified twenty feet to Katherine, Carta II of Henry III. The foundation of this hospital, dedicated to the special care of the poor and sick, was confirmed by Edward III in the 26th year of his reign. It was governed by a master and eight brothers, who were priests for the church, along with four sisters to ensure the poor were cared for. The executors of R. Whitington, who was once the mayor of London, used his funds to repair this hospital around the year 1423.
Sir John Wakering, priest, master of this house in the year 1463, amongst other books, gave to their common library the fairest Bible that I have seen, written in large vellum by a brother of that house named John Coke, at the age of sixty-eight years, when he had been priest forty-three years: since the spoil of that library, I have seen this book in the custody of my worshipful friend, Master Walter Cope.
Sir John Wakering, a priest and master of this house in 1463, donated several books to their common library, including the most beautiful Bible I've ever seen. It was written in large vellum by a brother of that house named John Coke, who was sixty-eight years old at the time and had been a priest for forty-three years. Since the library was looted, I have seen this book in the possession of my respected friend, Master Walter Cope.
Monuments in this church of the dead, benefactors thereunto, be these: Elizabeth, wife to Adam Hone, gentleman; Bartilmew Bildington; Jane, wife to John Cooke; Dame Alis, wife to Sir Richarde Isham; Alice, wife to Nicholas Bayly; John Wood[334]house, esquire; Robert Palmar, gentleman; Idona, wife to John Walden, lying by her husband on the north side, late newly built, 1424; Sir Thomas Malifant, or Nanfant, Baron of Winnow, Lord St. George in Glamorgan, and Lord Ockeneton and Pile in the county of Pembroke, 1438; Dame Margaret his wife, daughter to Thomas Astley, esquire, with Edmond and Henry his children; William Markeby, gentleman, 1438; Richard Shepley, and Alice his wife; Thomas Savill, serjeant-at-arms; Edward Beastby, gentleman, and Margaret his wife; Waltar Ingham, and Alienar his wife; Robert Warnar, and Alice Lady Carne; Robert Caldset, Johan and Agnes his wives; Sir Robert Danvars, and Dame Agnes his wife, daughter to Sir Richard Delaber; William Brookes, esquire; John Shirley, esquire, and Margaret his wife, having their pictures of brass, in the habit of pilgrims, on a fair flat stone, with an epitaph thus:—
Monuments in this church of the dead for its benefactors include: Elizabeth, wife of Adam Hone, gentleman; Bartilmew Bildington; Jane, wife of John Cooke; Dame Alis, wife of Sir Richarde Isham; Alice, wife of Nicholas Bayly; John Wood[334]house, esquire; Robert Palmar, gentleman; Idona, wife of John Walden, buried beside her husband on the north side, newly built, 1424; Sir Thomas Malifant, or Nanfant, Baron of Winnow, Lord St. George in Glamorgan, and Lord Ockeneton and Pile in Pembroke County, 1438; Dame Margaret, his wife, daughter of Thomas Astley, esquire, with their children Edmond and Henry; William Markeby, gentleman, 1438; Richard Shepley and his wife Alice; Thomas Savill, sergeant-at-arms; Edward Beastby, gentleman, and his wife Margaret; Waltar Ingham and his wife Alienar; Robert Warnar and Alice Lady Carne; Robert Caldset, along with his wives Johan and Agnes; Sir Robert Danvars and his wife Dame Agnes, daughter of Sir Richard Delaber; William Brookes, esquire; John Shirley, esquire, and his wife Margaret, featuring their brass images dressed as pilgrims on a beautiful flat stone, with the following epitaph:—
Of John Shirley, gentleman, and his wife Margaret,
That twelve children were united in marriage, Eight sons and four daughters without any conflict,
That in honor, nurture, and work brought fame,
His pen describes his life's work,
Since the time of Peter, there was a man named John Shirley,
Of his degree, that was in Brutes Albion,
That in the year of grace passed away from here,
1400 winter, and sixty-five. At the age of eighty years, "On the 21st day of October."
This gentleman, a great traveller in divers countries, amongst other his labours, painfully collected the works of Geffrey Chaucer, John Lidgate, and other learned writers, which works he wrote in sundry volumes to remain for posterity; I have seen them, and partly do possess them. Jane, Lady Clinton, gave ten pounds to the poor of this house, was there buried, 1458; Agnes, daughter to Sir William St. George; John Rogerbrooke, esquire; Richard Sturgeon; Thomas Burgan, gentleman; Elizabeth, wife to Henry Skinard, daughter to Chincroft, esquire; William Mackley, gentleman, and Alice his wife; W. Fitzwater, gentleman, 1466.
This gentleman, a great traveler in various countries, among his many efforts, carefully collected the works of Geoffrey Chaucer, John Lydgate, and other scholarly writers, which he documented in several volumes to be preserved for future generations; I have seen them, and I partly own them. Jane, Lady Clinton, donated ten pounds to the poor of this house and was buried there in 1458; Agnes, the daughter of Sir William St. George; John Rogerbrooke, esquire; Richard Sturgeon; Thomas Burgan, gentleman; Elizabeth, the wife of Henry Skinard and daughter of Chincroft, esquire; William Mackley, gentleman, and his wife Alice; W. Fitzwater, gentleman, 1466.
This hospital was valued at the suppression in the year 1539, the 31st of Henry VIII., to thirty-five pounds five shillings and seven pence yearly. The church remaineth a parish church to the tenants dwelling in the precinct of the hospital; but in the year 1546, on the 13th of January, the bishop of Rochester, preaching at Paules cross, declared the gift of the said king to[335] the citizens for relieving of the poor, which contained the church of the Gray Fryers, the church of St. Bartilmew, with the hospital, the messuages, and appurtenances in Giltspurre alias Knightriders’ street, Breton street, Petar quay, in the parish of St. Mary Magdalen, in Old Fish street, and in the parish of St. Benet Buda, Lymehurst, or Limehost, in the parish of Stebunheth, etc. Then also were orders devised for relief of the poor, the inhabitants were all called to their parish churches, whereby Sir Richard Dobbes, then mayor, their several aldermen, or other grave citizens, they were by eloquent orations persuaded how great and how many commodities would ensue unto them and their city, if the poor of divers sorts, which they named, were taken from out their streets, lanes, and alleys, and were bestowed and provided for in hospitals abroad, etc. Therefore was every man moved liberally to grant, what they would impart towards the preparing and furnishing of such hospitals, and also what they would contribute weekly towards their maintenance for a time, which they said should not be past one year, or twain, until they were better furnished of endowment: to make short, every man granted liberally, according to his ability; books were drawn of the relief in every ward of the city, towards the new hospitals, and were delivered by the mayor to the king’s commissioners, on the 17th of February, and order was taken therein; so as the 26th of July in the year 1552, the repairing of the Gray Fryers’ house, for poor fatherless children, was taken in hand; and also in the latter end of the same month, began the repairing of this hospital of St. Bartilmew, and was of new endowed, and furnished at the charges of the citizens.
This hospital was evaluated during the dissolution in 1539, in the 31st year of Henry VIII, at thirty-five pounds five shillings and seven pence annually. The church still serves as a parish church for the tenants living in the hospital's vicinity; however, on January 13, 1546, the bishop of Rochester, preaching at St. Paul's Cross, announced the king’s donation to[335] the citizens to help the poor. This included the church of the Grey Friars, the church of St. Bartholomew, along with the hospital and the properties in Giltspur, also known as Knightrider Street, Breton Street, Petar Quay, in the parish of St. Mary Magdalen, in Old Fish Street, and in the parish of St. Benet Buda, Lymehurst, or Limehost, in the parish of Stebunheath, etc. Additionally, plans were made for aiding the poor, and all inhabitants were summoned to their parish churches, where Sir Richard Dobbes, the mayor at the time, along with their various aldermen and other respected citizens, eloquently persuaded them of the numerous benefits they and their city would gain if the various types of poor people, as they identified, were removed from the streets, lanes, and alleys and taken care of in hospitals elsewhere. Therefore, everyone was encouraged to generously contribute what they could towards preparing and equipping such hospitals, as well as what they would donate weekly for their support, which they promised would not exceed one or two years until they could secure better funding. To summarize, everyone generously gave according to their means; records were compiled of the support from every ward in the city for the new hospitals, which were submitted by the mayor to the king’s commissioners on February 17, and arrangements were made accordingly. By July 26, 1552, the restoration of the Grey Friars' house for poor orphaned children was initiated; and also toward the end of that month, the renovation of this hospital of St. Bartholomew began and was newly endowed and financed at the expense of the citizens.
On the east side of this hospital lieth Ducke lane, which runneth out of Smithfield south to the north end of Little Britaine street. On the east side of this Ducke lane, and also of Smithfield, lieth the late dissolved priory of St. Bartilmew, founded also by Rahere, a pleasant witted gentleman, and therefore in his time called the king’s minstrel, about the year of Christ 1102; he founded it in a part of the oft before-named morish ground, which was therefore a common laystall of all filth that was to be voided out of the city; he placed canons there, himself became their first prior, and so continued till his dying day, and was there buried in a fair monument,[264] of late renewed by Prior Bolton.
On the east side of this hospital lies Duck Lane, which runs from Smithfield down to the north end of Little Britain Street. On the east side of Duck Lane, and also along Smithfield, is the recently dissolved Priory of St. Bartholomew, founded by Rahere, a witty gentleman who was known as the king’s minstrel around the year 1102. He established it on land that had previously been a common dump for all the waste from the city. He placed canons there and became their first prior, continuing in that role until he passed away and was buried under a beautiful monument, [264] which was recently restored by Prior Bolton.
Amongst other memorable matters touching this priory, one is of an archbishop’s visitation, which Matthew Paris hath thus:—Boniface (saith he) Archbishop of Canterbury, in his visitation came to this priory, where being received with procession in the most solemn wise, he said, that he passed not upon the honour, but came to visit them; to whom the canons answered, that they having a learned bishop, ought not in contempt of him to be visited by any other: which answer so much offended the archbishop, that he forthwith fell on the subprior, and smote him on the face, saying, “Indeed, indeed, doth it become you English traitors so to answer me.” Thus raging, with oaths not to be recited, he rent in pieces the rich cope of the subprior, and trod it under his feet, and thrust him against a pillar of the chancel with such violence, that he had almost killed him; but the canons seeing their subprior thus almost slain, came and plucked off the archbishop with such force that they overthrew him backwards, whereby they might see that he was armed and prepared to fight; the archbishop’s men seeing their master down, being all strangers, and their master’s countrymen, born at Provence, fell upon the canons, beat them, tare them, and trod them under feet; at length the canons getting away as well as they could, ran bloody and miry, rent and torn, to the bishop of London to complain, who bade them go to the king at Westminster, and tell him thereof; whereupon four of them went thither, the rest were not able, they were so sore hurt; but when they came to Westminster, the king would neither hear nor see them, so they returned without redress. In the mean season the whole city was in an uproar, and ready to have rung the common bell, and to have hewn the archbishop into small pieces, who was secretly crept to Lambhith, where they sought him, and not knowing him by sight, said to themselves, Where is this ruffian? that cruel smiter! he is no winner of souls, but an exactor of money, whom neither God, nor any lawful or free election did bring to this promotion, but the king did unlawfully intrude him, being utterly unlearned, a stranger born, and having a wife, etc. But the archbishop conveyed himself over, and went to the king with a great complaint against the canons, whereas himself was guilty. This priory of St. Bartholomew was again new built in the year 1410.
Among other memorable events related to this priory, one involves a visit from an archbishop, which Matthew Paris recounts: Boniface, the Archbishop of Canterbury, came to this priory during his visit, where he was received with a formal procession. He stated that he was not there to judge their honor but to visit them. The canons replied that since they had a learned bishop, they should not be visited by anyone else out of disrespect for him. This response angered the archbishop so much that he immediately attacked the subprior, hitting him in the face and exclaiming, "Indeed, indeed, is it fitting for you English traitors to respond to me this way?" In his rage, and with curses that shouldn't be repeated, he tore the rich cope of the subprior to shreds, trampled it underfoot, and shoved him against a pillar of the chancel with such force that he nearly killed him. Seeing their subprior nearly slain, the canons rushed in and pulled the archbishop off him, knocking him backward, revealing that he was armed and ready to fight. The archbishop's men, who were all foreigners from Provence, attacked the canons, beating and trampling them. Eventually, the canons escaped as best they could, bloodied and muddy, torn and battered, to complain to the bishop of London, who told them to go to the king at Westminster and inform him of the incident. Four of them went there, as the others were too badly injured. However, when they arrived at Westminster, the king refused to hear or see them, so they returned without any resolution. Meanwhile, the entire city was in an uproar, ready to ring the common bell and to tear the archbishop into pieces. He had secretly slipped away to Lambeth, where people were searching for him, not recognizing him and saying to themselves, “Where is this rogue? That cruel attacker! He doesn't win souls; he just demands money. He wasn't brought to this position by God or any lawful election but was wrongfully imposed by the king, being completely uneducated, a foreigner, and married." However, the archbishop managed to escape and went to the king with a large complaint against the canons, despite being the one at fault. This priory of St. Bartholomew was rebuilt again in the year 1410.
Bolton was the last prior of this house, a great builder there; for he repaired the priory church, with the parish church adjoining, the offices and lodgings to the said priory belonging,[337] and near adjoining; he built anew the manor of Canonbery at Islington, which belonged to the canons of this house, and is situate in a low ground, somewhat north from the parish church there; but he built no house at Harrow on the Hill, as Edward Hall hath written, following a fable then on foot. The people (saith he) being feared by prognostications, which declared, that in the year of Christ 1524 there should be such eclipses in watery signs, and such conjunctions, that by waters and floods many people should perish, people victualled themselves, and went to high grounds for fear of drowning, and especially one Bolton, which was prior of St. Bartholomewes in Smithfield, built him a house upon Harrow on the Hill, only for fear of this flood; thither he went, and made provision of all things necessary within him for the space of two months, etc.; but this was not so indeed, as I have been credibly informed. True it is, that this Bolton was also parson of Harrow, and therefore bestowed some small reparations on the parsonage-house, and built nothing there more than a dove-house, to serve him when he had forgone his priory.
Bolton was the last prior of this place and a significant builder there; he renovated the priory church and the adjacent parish church, along with the offices and accommodations associated with the priory,[337] and its nearby structures. He rebuilt the manor of Canonbery at Islington, which belonged to the canons of this house and is located in a low area, slightly north of the parish church. However, he didn’t build a house at Harrow on the Hill, despite what Edward Hall wrote, following a popular belief at the time. According to him, people were frightened by predictions that in the year 1524 there would be eclipses in watery signs, and such conjunctions that floods would cause many to perish. People stockpiled supplies and moved to higher ground out of fear of drowning, especially Bolton, who was prior of St. Bartholomew’s in Smithfield, who supposedly built a house on Harrow on the Hill just to escape the flood; he went there and prepared everything he needed for two months, etc. However, this is not true, as I have reliably learned. It is true that Bolton was also the vicar of Harrow, so he made some minor repairs to the vicarage but built nothing more than a dovehouse for his use after he left his priory.
To this priory King Henry II. granted the privilege of fair, to be kept yearly at Bartholomew tide for three days, to wit, the eve, the day, and next morrow, to the which the clothiers of all England, and drapers of London, repaired,[265] and had their booths and standings within the churchyard of this priory, closed in with walls, and gates locked every night, and watched, for safety of men’s goods and wares; a court of pie powders was daily during the fair holden for debts and contracts. But now, notwithstanding all proclamations of the prince, and also the act of parliament, in place of booths within this churchyard (only let out in the fair-time, and closed up all the year after), be many large houses built, and the north wall towards Long lane taken down, a number of tenements are there erected for such as will give great rents.
To this priory, King Henry II granted the right to hold a fair, which would take place every year at Bartholomew's tide for three days: the eve, the day, and the day after. Clothiers from all over England and drapers from London would come, and they set up their booths and stands in the churchyard of this priory, enclosed with walls and locked gates every night for the safety of their goods. A court of pie powders was held daily during the fair for settling debts and agreements. However, now, despite all the proclamations from the king and the act of parliament, instead of booths in this churchyard (which were only rented out during the fair and closed up for the rest of the year), many large houses have been built. The north wall facing Long Lane has been taken down, and several tenements have been erected for those willing to pay high rents.
Monuments of the dead in this priory are these: of Rahere, the first founder; Roger Walden, Bishop of London, 1406; John Wharton, gentleman, and Elizabeth his wife, daughter to William Scot, esquire; John Louth, gentleman; Robert Shikeld, gentleman; Sir —— Bacon, knight; John Ludlow and Alice his wife; W. Thirlewall, esquire; Richard Lancaster, herald-at-arms; Thomas Torald; John Royston; John Watforde; John Carleton; Robert, son to Sir Robert Willowby; Gilbert Hal[338]stocke; Eleanor, wife to Sir Hugh Fen, mother to Margaret Lady Burgavenie; William Essex, esquire; Richard Vancke, baron of the exchequer, and Margaret his wife, daughter to William de la Rivar; John Winderhall; John Duram, esquire, and Elizabeth his wife; John Malwaine; Alice, wife to Balstred, daughter to Kniffe; William Scarlet, esquire; John Golding; Hugh Waltar, gentleman; and the late Sir Waltar Mildmay, knight, chancellor of the exchequer, etc.
Monuments of the dead in this priory include: Rahere, the first founder; Roger Walden, Bishop of London, 1406; John Wharton, a gentleman, and his wife Elizabeth, daughter of William Scot, an esquire; John Louth, a gentleman; Robert Shikeld, a gentleman; Sir —— Bacon, a knight; John Ludlow and his wife Alice; W. Thirlewall, an esquire; Richard Lancaster, herald-at-arms; Thomas Torald; John Royston; John Watford; John Carleton; Robert, son of Sir Robert Willowby; Gilbert Halstock; Eleanor, wife of Sir Hugh Fen, mother of Margaret Lady Burgavenie; William Essex, an esquire; Richard Vancke, baron of the exchequer, and his wife Margaret, daughter of William de la Rivar; John Winderhall; John Duram, an esquire, and his wife Elizabeth; John Malwaine; Alice, wife of Balstred, daughter of Kniffe; William Scarlet, an esquire; John Golding; Hugh Waltar, a gentleman; and the late Sir Waltar Mildmay, a knight, chancellor of the exchequer, etc.
This priory at the late surrender, the 30th of Henry VIII., was valued at £653 15s. by year.
This priory, at the late surrender on the 30th of Henry VIII, was valued at £653 15s. a year.
This church having in the bell-tower six bells in a tune, those bells were sold to the parish of St. Sepulchre’s; and then the church being pulled down to the choir, the choir was, by the king’s order, annexed for the enlarging of the old parish church thereto adjoining, and so was used till the reign of Queen Mary, who gave the remnant of the priory church to the Friers preachers, or Black Friers, and was used as their conventual church until, the 1st of our sovereign lady Queen Elizabeth, those friars were put out, and all the said church, with the old parish church, was wholly as it stood in the last year of Edward VI., given by parliament to remain for ever a parish church to the inhabitants within the close called Great St. Bartholomewes. Since the which time that old parish church is pulled down, except the steeple of rotten timber ready to fall of itself. I have oft heard it reported, that a new steeple should be built with the stone, lead, and timber of the old parish church, but no such thing was performed. The parish have lately repaired the old wooden steeple to serve their turn. On the north side of this priory is the lane truly called Long, which reacheth from Smithfield to Aldersgate street. This lane is now lately built on both the sides with tenements for brokers, tipplers, and such like; the rest of Smithfield from Long lane end to the bars is enclosed with inns, brewhouses, and large tenements; on the west side is Chicken lane down to Cowbridge. Then be the pens or folds, so called, of sheep there parted, and penned up to be sold on the market-days.
This church had six bells in its bell tower, which were sold to the parish of St. Sepulchre's. When the church was demolished to make way for the choir, the choir was, by the king’s order, joined with the old parish church next door to enlarge it, and it continued to be used that way until the reign of Queen Mary. She gave what was left of the priory church to the Friars Preachers, or Black Friars, and it served as their conventual church until the reign of our sovereign lady Queen Elizabeth when those friars were removed. Parliament then granted that entire church, along with the old parish church, to remain a parish church for the residents of the area called Great St. Bartholomew’s. Since then, that old parish church has been torn down, except for the steeple made of rotten timber that is about to collapse. I’ve often heard it said that a new steeple would be constructed from the stone, lead, and timber of the old parish church, but that hasn't happened. Recently, the parish has repaired the old wooden steeple to serve their needs. On the north side of this priory is a lane known as Long, which stretches from Smithfield to Aldersgate Street. This lane has recently been developed on both sides with buildings for brokers, drinkers, and similar businesses; the rest of Smithfield from the end of Long Lane to the bars is lined with inns, brewhouses, and large houses; on the west side is Chicken Lane leading down to Cowbridge. Nearby are the pens or folds where sheep are gathered and kept to be sold on market days.
Then is Smithfield pond, which of old time in records was called Horse-pool, for that men watered horses there, and was a great water. In the 6th of Henry V. a new building was made in this west part of Smithfield betwixt the said pool and the river of the Wels, or Turnemill brooke, in a place then called the Elmes, for that there grew many elm-trees; and this had been the place of execution for offenders; since the which time[339] the building there hath been so increased, that now remaineth not one tree growing.
Then there’s Smithfield pond, which used to be called Horse-pool because people watered their horses there, and it was a large body of water. In the 6th year of Henry V, a new building was constructed in the western part of Smithfield, between that pool and the river of the Wels, or Turnemill brook, in a location then known as the Elmes because many elm trees grew there; this site had been used for executing offenders. Since that time[339], the building has expanded so much that not a single tree remains.
Amongst these new buildings is Cowbridge street, or Cow lane, which turneth toward Oldborne, in which lane the prior of Semperingham had his inn, or London lodging.
Among these new buildings is Cowbridge Street, or Cow Lane, which leads toward Oldborne, where the prior of Semperingham had his inn or London lodging.
The rest of that west side of Smithfield hath divers fair inns, and other comely buildings, up to Hosiar lane, which also turneth down to Oldborne till it meet with Cowbridge street. From this lane to Cocke lane, over against Pie corner.
The rest of the west side of Smithfield has several nice inns and other attractive buildings, up to Hosiar Lane, which also flows down to Oldborne until it meets Cowbridge Street. From this lane to Cocke Lane, across from Pie Corner.
And thus much for encroachments and enclosure of this Smithfield, whereby remaineth but a small portion for the old uses; to wit, for markets of horses and cattle, neither for military exercises, as joustings, turnings, and great triumphs, which have been there performed before the princes and nobility both of this realm and foreign countries.
And that's about it for the takeovers and enclosing of this Smithfield, which now has only a small part left for its original uses; specifically, for markets of horses and cattle, and not for military events like jousting, tournaments, and grand celebrations that have been held there in front of the princes and nobles from this kingdom and other countries.
For example to note:—In the year 1357, the 31st of Edward III., great and royal jousts were there holden in Smithfield; there being present, the Kings of England, France, and Scotland, with many other nobles and great estates of divers lands.
For example:—In the year 1357, the 31st of Edward III, there were grand royal jousts held in Smithfield; present were the Kings of England, France, and Scotland, along with many other nobles and important figures from various lands.
1362, the 36th of Edward III., on the first five days of May, in Smithfield, were jousts holden, the king and queen being present, with the most part of the chivalry of England, and of France, and of other nations, to the which came Spaniards, Cyprians and Arminians, knightly requesting the king of England against the pagans that invaded their confines.
1362, the 36th year of Edward III, on the first five days of May, there were jousts held in Smithfield, with the king and queen in attendance, along with most of the knights from England, France, and other nations. Spaniards, Cyprians, and Armenians came, nobly asking the king of England for help against the pagans who were invading their lands.
The 48th of Edward III., Dame Alice Perrers (the king’s concubine), as Lady of the Sun, rode from the Tower of London, through Cheape, accompanied of many lords and ladies, every lady leading a lord by his horse-bridle, till they came into West Smithfield, and then began a great joust, which endured seven days after.
The 48th year of Edward III, Dame Alice Perrers (the king’s mistress), rode as Lady of the Sun from the Tower of London through Cheapside, accompanied by many lords and ladies, with each lady leading a lord by his reins, until they reached West Smithfield, where a grand joust started, lasting for seven days afterward.
Also, the 9th of Richard II., was the like great riding from the Tower to Westminster, and every lord led a lady’s horse-bridle; and on the morrow began the joust in Smithfield, which lasted two days: there bare them well, Henry of Darby, the Duke of Lankester’s son, the Lord Beaumont, Sir Simon Burley, and Sir Paris Courtney.
Also, on the 9th of Richard II, there was a grand procession from the Tower to Westminster, and each lord led a lady's horse by the bridle. The following day, the joust began in Smithfield, which lasted for two days. Notable participants included Henry of Derby, the Duke of Lancaster's son, Lord Beaumont, Sir Simon Burley, and Sir Paris Courtney.
In the 14th of Richard II., after Froisart, royal jousts and tournaments were proclaimed to be done in Smithfield, to begin on Sunday next after the feast of St. Michael. Many strangers came forth of other countries, namely, Valarian, Earl of St. Paul, that had married King Richard’s sister, the Lady Maud Courtney, and William, the young Earl of Ostervant, son to Albart of[340] Baviere, Earl of Holland and Henault. At the day appointed there issued forth of the Tower, about the third hour of the day, sixty coursers, apparelled for the jousts, and upon every one an esquire of honour, riding a soft pace; then came forth sixty ladies of honour, mounted upon palfreys, riding on the one side, richly apparelled, and every lady led a knight with a chain of gold, those knights being on the king’s party, had their harness and apparel garnished with white harts, and crowns of gold about the harts’ necks, and so they came riding through the streets of London to Smithfield, with a great number of trumpets, and other instruments of music before them. The king and queen, who were lodged in the bishop’s palace of London, were come from thence, with many great estates, and placed in chambers to see the jousts; the ladies that led the knights were taken down from their palfreys, and went up to chambers prepared for them. Then alighted the esquires of honour from their coursers, and the knights in good order mounted upon them; and after their helmets were set on their heads, and being ready in all points, proclamation made by the heralds, the jousts began, and many commendable courses were run, to the great pleasure of the beholders. These jousts continued many days, with great feasting, as ye may read in Froisart.
In the 14th year of Richard II's reign, according to Froissart, royal jousts and tournaments were announced to take place in Smithfield, starting on the Sunday after the feast of St. Michael. Many foreigners came from other countries, including Valerian, Earl of St. Paul, who had married King Richard's sister, Lady Maud Courtney, and William, the young Earl of Ostervant, son of Albert of Baviere, Earl of Holland and Hainault. On the designated day, around the third hour of the day, sixty horses, prepared for the jousts, came out of the Tower, each carrying an honorable squire riding at a gentle pace; then sixty ladies of honor appeared, riding on side-saddle horses, beautifully dressed, each lady leading a knight with a chain of gold. The knights on the king's side were adorned with white hearts and gold crowns around the necks of the hearts, riding through the streets of London to Smithfield, accompanied by a great number of trumpets and other musical instruments. The king and queen, who were staying at the bishop's palace in London, came from there, along with many nobles, taking their places in chambers to watch the jousts. The ladies who led the knights were assisted down from their horses and went up to the chambers prepared for them. The honorable squires dismounted from their horses, and the knights mounted them in an orderly manner; after fitting their helmets on their heads and being fully prepared, a proclamation was made by the heralds, and the jousts began, featuring many commendable courses that delighted the spectators. These jousts went on for several days, accompanied by grand feasting, as you can read in Froissart.
In the year 1393, the 17th of Richard II., certain lords of Scotland came into England to get worship by force of arms; the Earl of Mare challenged the Earl of Notingham to joust with him, and so they rode together certain courses, but not the full challenge, for the Earl of Mare was cast both horse and man, and two of his ribs broken with the fall, so that he was conveyed out of Smithfield, and so towards Scotland, but died by the way at Yorke. Sir William Darell, knight, the king’s banner-bearer of Scotland, challenged Sir Percie Courtney, knight, the king’s banner-bearer of England; and when they had run certain courses, gave over without conclusion of victory. Then Cookeborne, esquire, of Scotland, challenged Sir Nicholas Hawberke, knight, and rode five courses, but Cookeborne was borne over horse and man, etc.
In the year 1393, during the reign of Richard II, certain Scottish lords came to England to seek honor through combat. The Earl of Mare challenged the Earl of Nottingham to a joust, and they rode together for several passes, but not the full challenge, as the Earl of Mare fell along with his horse, breaking two of his ribs in the process. He was taken out of Smithfield and toward Scotland but died on the way in York. Sir William Darell, a knight and the king’s banner-bearer of Scotland, challenged Sir Percy Courtney, a knight and the king’s banner-bearer of England; after competing in several passes, they ended the contest without determining a winner. Then Cookeborne, an esquire from Scotland, challenged Sir Nicholas Hawberke, a knight, and they rode five passes, but Cookeborne was thrown off his horse and fell as well.
In the year 1409, the 10th of Henry IV., a great play was played at the Skinners’ well, which lasted eight days, where were to see the same the most part of the nobles and gentles in England. And forthwith began a royal jousting in Smithfield between the Earl of Somerset, and the Seneschal of Henalt, Sir John Cornwall, Sir Richard Arrundell, and the son of Sir John Cheiney, against certain Frenchmen. And the same year a[341] battle was fought in Smithfield between two esquires, the one called Glaucester, appellant, and the other Arthure, defendant; they fought valiantly, but the king took up the quarrel into his hands, and pardoned them both.
In 1409, during the reign of Henry IV, a major play took place at Skinners' Well that lasted for eight days, attended by most of the nobles and gentry in England. Right after that, a royal jousting event began in Smithfield featuring the Earl of Somerset, the Seneschal of Henalt, Sir John Cornwall, Sir Richard Arrundell, and the son of Sir John Cheiney, competing against several French knights. That same year, a battle was fought in Smithfield between two squires, one named Glaucester, who was the plaintiff, and the other named Arthure, who was the defendant; they fought bravely, but the king intervened and pardoned them both.
In the year 1430, the 8th of Henry VI., the 14th of January, a battle was done in Smithfield, within the lists, before the king, between two men of Feversham in Kent, John Upton, notary, appellant, and John Downe, gentleman, defendant; John Upton put upon John Downe, that he and his compeers should imagine the king’s death the day of his coronation. When these had fought long, the king took up the matter, and forgave both the parties.
In 1430, on the 8th of Henry VI, January 14th, a battle took place in Smithfield, in the lists, before the king, between two men from Feversham in Kent: John Upton, a notary, who was the plaintiff, and John Downe, a gentleman, who was the defendant. John Upton accused John Downe and his peers of plotting the king’s death on the day of his coronation. After they had fought for a long time, the king intervened and forgave both parties.
In the year 1442, the 20th of Henry VI., the 30th of January, a challenge was done in Smithfield, within lists, before the king, there being Sir Philip la Beaufe of Aragon, knight, the other an esquire of the king’s house, called John Ansley or Anstley; they came to the field all armed, the knight with his sword drawn, and the esquire with his spear, which spear he cast against the knight, but the knight avoided it with his sword, and cast it to the ground; then the esquire took his axe, and smote many blows on the knight, and made him let fall his axe, and brake up his uniber three times, and would have smote him on the face with his dagger, for to have slain him, but then the king cried hold, and so they were departed. The king made John Ansley, knight, and the knight of Aragon offered his harness at Windsor.
In 1442, during the reign of Henry VI on January 30th, a challenge took place in Smithfield, within the lists, in front of the king. Sir Philip la Beaufe of Aragon, a knight, faced off against John Ansley, an esquire from the king’s household. They both arrived fully armed, with the knight drawing his sword and the esquire brandishing a spear, which he threw at the knight. The knight dodged it with his sword, causing it to fall to the ground. The esquire then grabbed his axe and struck the knight several times, forcing him to drop his axe and breaking his shield three times. He tried to stab the knight in the face with his dagger to kill him, but the king called for a halt, and they were separated. The king then knighted John Ansley, while the knight of Aragon offered his armor at Windsor.
In the year 1446, the 24th of Henry VI., John David appeached his master, Wil. Catur, of treason, and a day being assigned them to fight in Smithfield; the master being well-beloved, was so cherished by his friends, and plied with wine, that being therewith overcome, was also unluckily slain by his servant; but that false servant (for he falsely accused his master) lived not long unpunished, for he was after hanged at Teyborne for felony. Let such false accusers note this for example,[266] and look for no better end without speedy repentance.
In 1446, during the reign of Henry VI, John David accused his master, Wil. Catur, of treason, and they were scheduled to fight in Smithfield. The master, who was well-liked, was so cherished by his friends and consumed so much wine that he was unfortunately killed by his own servant. However, that deceitful servant (since he falsely accused his master) didn't escape punishment for long; he was later hanged at Tyburn for felony. Let all false accusers take note of this as a warning, and realize that they shouldn't expect a better fate without quick repentance.
The same year Thomas Fitz-Thomas Prior of Kilmaine appeached Sir James Butlar, Earl of Ormond, of treasons; which had a day assigned them to fight in Smithfield, the lists were made, and the field prepared; but when it came to the point, the king commanded they should not fight, and took the quarrel into his hands.
The same year, Thomas Fitz-Thomas, Prior of Kilmaine, accused Sir James Butler, Earl of Ormond, of treason. They were scheduled to duel in Smithfield, the arena was set up, and the field was ready. But at the last moment, the king ordered them not to fight and decided to take over the dispute himself.
In the year 1467, the 7th of Edward IV., the Bastard of[342] Burgoine challenged the Lord Scales, brother to the queen, to fight with him both on horseback and on foot; the king, therefore, caused lists to be prepared in Smithfield, the length of one hundred and twenty tailors’ yards and ten feet, and in breadth eighty yards and twenty feet, double-barred, five feet between the bars, the timber-work whereof cost two hundred marks, besides the fair and costly galleries prepared for the ladies and other, at the which martial enterprise the king and nobility were present. The first day they ran together with spears, and departed with equal honour. The next day they tourneyed on horseback, the Lord Scales horse having on his chafron, a long spear pike of steel; and as the two champions coped together, the same horse thrust his pike into the nostrils of the Bastard’s horse, so that for very pain he mounted so high that he fell on the one side with his master, and the Lord Scales rode about him with his sword drawn, till the king commanded the marshal to help up the Bastard, who said, I cannot hold me by the clouds; for though my horse fail me, I will not fail an encounter companion; but the king would not suffer them to do any more that day.
In the year 1467, during the reign of Edward IV, the Bastard of[342] Burgoine challenged Lord Scales, the queen's brother, to a duel on horseback and on foot. The king had lists set up in Smithfield, measuring one hundred and twenty tailors’ yards and ten feet long, and eighty yards and twenty feet wide, with double barriers five feet apart. The timber for the lists cost two hundred marks, not to mention the beautiful and elaborate galleries prepared for the ladies and others, where the king and nobility were present. On the first day, they charged at each other with spears and left with mutual respect. The next day, they jousted on horseback, with Lord Scales' horse bearing a long steel spear. As the two champions clashed, the horse drove its spear into the nostrils of the Bastard's horse, causing it to rear in pain and fall over with its rider. Lord Scales circled around with his sword drawn until the king ordered the marshal to assist the Bastard. He said, "I can't hold on to the clouds; even if my horse fails me, I won't fail my opponent." However, the king wouldn't allow them to continue that day.
The next morrow they came into the lists on foot with two pole-axes, and fought valiantly; but at the last the point of the pole-axe of the Lord Scales entered into the side of the Bastard’s helm, and by force might have placed him on his knees; but the king cast down his warder, and the marshal severed them. The Bastard required that he might perform his enterprise; but the king gave judgment as the Bastard relinquished his challenge, etc. And this may suffice for jousts in Smithfield.
The next day, they entered the arena on foot with two poleaxes and fought bravely; but in the end, the tip of Lord Scales' poleaxe pierced the side of the Bastard's helmet and could have knocked him to his knees. However, the king dropped his wand, and the marshal separated them. The Bastard insisted on completing his challenge, but the king ruled that the Bastard had given up his challenge, etc. And this is enough about the jousts in Smithfield.
Now to return through Giltspur street by Newgate, where I first began, there standeth the fair parish church called St. Sepulchers in the Bayly, or by Chamberlain gate, in a fair churchyard, though not so large as of old time, for the same is letten out for buildings and a garden-plot.
Now to head back through Giltspur Street by Newgate, where I first started, there stands the beautiful parish church called St. Sepulchers in the Bayly, or by Chamberlain Gate, in a nice churchyard, though not as large as it used to be, since it's rented out for buildings and a garden plot.
This church was newly re-edified or built about the reign of Henry VI. or of Edward IV. One of the Pophames was a great builder there, namely, of one fair chapel on the south side of the choir, as appeareth by his arms and other monuments in the glass windows thereof, and also the fair porch of the same church towards the south; his image, fair graven in stone, was fixed over the said porch, but defaced and beaten down; his title by offices was this, Chancellor of Normandy, Captain of Vernoyle, Pearch, Susan, and Bayon, and treasurer of the king’s household: he died rich, leaving great treasure of strange coins, and was[343] buried in the Charterhouse church by West Smithfield. The first nobilitating of these Pophames was by Matilda the empress, daughter to Henry I., and by Henry her son: one Pophame, gentleman, of very fair lands in Southamptonshire, died without issue male, about Henry VI., and leaving four daughters, they were married to Fostar, Barentine, Wodham, and Hamden. Popham Deane (distant three miles from Clarendon, and three miles from Mortisham) was sometime the chief lordship or manor-house of these Pophames.
This church was newly rebuilt around the time of Henry VI or Edward IV. One of the Pophames was a prominent builder there, specifically known for a beautiful chapel on the south side of the choir, as can be seen from his coat of arms and other memorials in the stained glass windows, as well as the lovely porch of the church facing south. His finely carved stone image was placed above this porch, but it has since been defaced and torn down. His titles included Chancellor of Normandy, Captain of Vernoyle, Pearch, Susan, and Bayon, and Treasurer of the King's household. He died wealthy, leaving a large collection of rare coins, and was[343] buried in the Charterhouse church near West Smithfield. The Pophams first gained nobility through Matilda the empress, daughter of Henry I, and her son Henry. One gentleman from the Popham family, who owned extensive land in Southamptonshire, died without male heirs around the time of Henry VI and left four daughters who married Fostar, Barentine, Wodham, and Hamden. Popham Deane (three miles from Clarendon and three miles from Mortisham) was once the main lordship or manor house of the Pophams.
There lie buried in this church, William Andrew, Stephen Clamparde, Lawrence Warcam, John Dagworth, William Porter, Robert Scarlet, esquires.
There are buried in this church, William Andrew, Stephen Clamparde, Lawrence Warcam, John Dagworth, William Porter, and Robert Scarlet, esquires.
Next to this church is a fair and large inn for receipt of travellers, and hath to sign the Sarasen’s head.
Next to this church is a nice, large inn for welcoming travelers, and it has a sign featuring the Saracen's head.
There lieth a street from Newgate west to the end of Turnagaine lane, and winding north to Oldborne conduit. This conduit by Oldborne cross was first built 1498. Thomasin, widow to John Percival, mayor, gave to the second making thereof twenty marks, Richard Shore ten pounds. Thomas Knesworth and others also did give towards it.
There is a street that goes from Newgate west to the end of Turnagaine lane, then curves north to the Oldborne conduit. This conduit near Oldborne cross was originally built in 1498. Thomasin, the widow of John Percival, the mayor, donated twenty marks for its second construction, and Richard Shore contributed ten pounds. Thomas Knesworth and others also gave towards it.
But of late a new conduit was there built in place of the old, namely, in the year 1577, by William Lamb, sometime a gentleman of the chapel to King Henry VIII., and afterward a citizen and clothworker of London; the water thereof he caused to be conveyed in lead, from divers springs to one head, and from thence to the said conduit, and waste of one cock at Oldborne bridge, more than two thousand yards in length; all of which was by him performed at his own charges, amounting to the sum of fifteen hundred pounds.
But recently a new water conduit was built to replace the old one, specifically in the year 1577, by William Lamb, who was once a gentleman of the chapel for King Henry VIII and later became a citizen and clothworker of London. He arranged for the water to be brought in lead pipes from various springs to a single source, and from there to the new conduit, including excess from one tap at Oldborne Bridge, which was more than two thousand yards long; he completed all of this at his own expense, totaling fifteen hundred pounds.
From the west side of this conduit is the high way, there called Snor hill; it stretcheth out by Oldborne bridge over the oft-named water of Turmill brook, and so up to Oldborne hill, all replenished with fair building.
From the west side of this channel is the highway, known as Snor Hill; it stretches out by Oldborne Bridge over the frequently mentioned water of Turmill Brook, and then up to Oldborne Hill, all filled with beautiful buildings.
Without Oldborne bridge, on the right hand, is Gold lane, as is before shown; up higher on the hill be certain inns, and other fair buildings, amongst the which of old time was a messuage called Scropes inn, for so I find the same recorded in the 37th of Henry VI.
Without Oldborne Bridge, on the right, is Gold Lane, as mentioned before; further up the hill are some inns and other nice buildings, among which was an inn called Scropes Inn, as recorded in the 37th of Henry VI.
This house was sometime letten out to serjeants-at-the-law, as appeareth, and was found by inquisition taken in the Guild hall of London, before William Purchase, mayor, and escheator for the king, Henry VII., in the 14th of his reign, after the death of John Lord Scrope, that he died deceased in his demesne of[344] fee, by the feoffment of Guy Fairfax, knight, one of the king’s justices, made in the 9th of the same king, unto the said John Scrope, knight. Lord Scrope of Bolton, and Robert Wingfield, esquire, of one house or tenement, late called Sergeants’ inn, situate against the church of St. Andrew in Oldborne, in the city of London, with two gardens and two messuages to the same tenement belonging in the said city, to hold in burgage, valued by the year in all reprises ten shillings.
This house was once rented out to lawyers, as shown by an investigation conducted in the Guildhall of London, before William Purchase, the mayor and agent for the king, Henry VII., in the 14th year of his reign, after the death of John Lord Scrope. The investigation revealed that he passed away in his estate of[344] fee, due to the grant from Guy Fairfax, knight, one of the king’s justices, made in the 9th year of the same king, to the said John Scrope, knight, Lord Scrope of Bolton, and Robert Wingfield, esquire. They held one house or property, formerly known as Sergeants’ Inn, located opposite the church of St. Andrew in Oldborne, in the city of London, along with two gardens and two additional buildings belonging to the property, to hold in burgage, valued at ten shillings per year in all considerations.
Then is the bishop of Elie’s inn,[267] so called of belonging and pertaining to the bishops of Elie. William de Luda, bishop of Elie, deceased 1297, gave this house by the name of his manor, with the appurtenances in Oldborne, to his successors, with condition his next successor should pay one thousand marks to the finding of three chaplains in the chapel there. More, John Hotham, bishop of Elie, did give by the name of six messuages, two cellars, and forty acres of land, in the suburbs of London, in the parish of St. Andrew in Oldborne, to the prior and convent of Elie, as appeareth by patent, the 9th of Edward III.: this man was bishop of Elie twenty years, and deceased 1336.
Then there's the Bishop of Elie’s inn,[267] named after the bishops of Elie. William de Luda, who was the Bishop of Elie until his death in 1297, donated this house, referred to as his manor, along with its properties in Oldborne, to his successors. He required that his next successor pay one thousand marks to support three chaplains in the chapel there. Additionally, John Hotham, another Bishop of Elie, donated six messuages, two cellars, and forty acres of land in the suburbs of London, in the parish of St. Andrew in Oldborne, to the prior and convent of Elie, as recorded in a patent from the 9th year of Edward III.: this man served as Bishop of Elie for twenty years and died in 1336.
Thomas Arundell, bishop of Elie, beautifully built of new his palace at Elie, and likewise his manors in divers places, especially this in Oldborne, which he did not only repair, but rather new-built, and augmented it with a large port, gate-house, or front, towards the street or highway; his arms are yet to be discerned in the stone-work thereof: he sat bishop of Elie fourteen years, and was translated to Yorke.
Thomas Arundell, bishop of Elie, beautifully constructed his palace at Elie and also developed his manors in various locations, particularly this one in Oldborne, which he not only repaired but also rebuilt, adding a large portico, gatehouse, or entrance facing the street or highway; his coat of arms can still be seen in the stonework. He served as bishop of Elie for fourteen years before being appointed to York.
In this house, for the large and commodious rooms thereof, divers great and solemn feasts have been kept, especially by the serjeants-at-the-law, whereof twain are to be noted for posterity.
In this house, because of its large and spacious rooms, many grand and formal feasts have taken place, especially hosted by the serjeants-at-law, two of whom are noteworthy for future generations.
The first in the year 1464, the 4th of Edward IV., in Michaelmas term, the serjeants-at-law held their feast in this house, to the which, amongst other estates, Matthew Phillip, mayor of London, with the aldermen, sheriffs, and commons, of divers crafts, being invited, did repair; but when the mayor looked to keep the state in the hall, as it had been used in all places within the city and liberties (out of the king’s presence), the Lord Gray of Ruthen, then lord treasurer of England, unwitting the Serjeants, and against their wills (as they said), was first placed; whereupon the mayor, aldermen, and commons, departed home, and the mayor made the aldermen to dine with him; howbeit he and all the citizens were wonderfully displeased, that he was so[345] dealt with; and the new serjeants and others were right sorry therefore, and had rather then much good (as they said) it had not so happened.
In the year 1464, during the 4th year of Edward IV., in Michaelmas term, the serjeants-at-law held their feast in this house. Among others, Matthew Phillip, the mayor of London, along with the aldermen, sheriffs, and members from various crafts, were invited and attended. However, when the mayor intended to maintain the customary seating order in the hall, as practiced in all places within the city and its liberties (outside of the king’s presence), the Lord Gray of Ruthen, who was then the lord treasurer of England, unexpectedly took the first seat, disregarding the wishes of the Serjeants. This led the mayor, aldermen, and commons to leave and for the mayor to host a dinner for the aldermen at his place. Despite this, he and all the citizens were quite upset about how things unfolded, and the new serjeants and others felt sorry for the situation, wishing it had turned out differently than it did.
One other feast was likewise there kept in the year 1531, the 23rd of King Henry VIII.: the serjeants then made were in number eleven; namely, Thomas Audeley, Walter Luke, I. Bawdwine, I. Hinde, Christopher Jennie, John Dowsell, Edward Mervine, Edmond Knightley, Roger Chomley, Edward Montague, and Robert Yorke.
One other feast was also held in the year 1531, on the 23rd of King Henry VIII.: there were eleven new serjeants made; namely, Thomas Audeley, Walter Luke, I. Bawdwine, I. Hinde, Christopher Jennie, John Dowsell, Edward Mervine, Edmond Knightley, Roger Chomley, Edward Montague, and Robert Yorke.
These also held their feast in this Elie house for five days, to wit, Friday the 10th of November, Saturday, Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday. On Monday (which was their principal day) King Henry and Queen Katherine dined there (but in two chambers), and the foreign ambassadors in a third chamber. In the hall, at the high table, sat Sir Nicholas Lambard, Mayor of London, the judges, the barons of the exchequer, with certain aldermen of the city. At the board on the south side sat the master of the rolls, the master of the chancery, and worshipful citizens. On the north side of the hall certain aldermen began the board, and then followed merchants of the city; in the cloister, chapel, and gallery, knights, esquires, and gentlemen, were placed; in the halls the crafts of London; the serjeants-of-law and their wives, kept in their own chambers.
These also celebrated their feast at this Elie house for five days: Friday, November 10th, Saturday, Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday. On Monday (which was their main day), King Henry and Queen Katherine dined there (but in two separate rooms), while the foreign ambassadors were in another room. At the high table in the hall sat Sir Nicholas Lambard, Mayor of London, along with the judges, the barons of the exchequer, and some aldermen of the city. On the south side of the hall sat the master of the rolls, the master of the chancery, and respected citizens. On the north side, some aldermen started the table, followed by merchants of the city; in the cloister, chapel, and gallery, knights, esquires, and gentlemen were seated; and in the halls were the tradespeople of London, while the serjeants-of-law and their wives were kept in their own chambers.
It were tedious to set down the preparation of fish, flesh, and other victuals, spent in this feast, and would seem almost incredible, and, as to me it seemeth, wanted little of a feast at a coronation; nevertheless, a little I will touch, for declaration of the change of prices. There were brought to the slaughter-house twenty-four great beefs at twenty-six shillings and eight pence the piece from the shambles, one carcass of an ox at twenty-four shillings, one hundred fat muttons, two shillings and ten pence the piece, fifty-one great veals at four shillings and eight pence the piece, thirty-four porks three shillings and eight pence the piece, ninety-one pigs, sixpence the piece, capons of grese, of one poulter (for they had three) ten dozens at twenty pence the piece, capons of Kent, nine dozens and six at twelve pence the piece, capons coarse, nineteen dozen at six pence the piece, cocks of grose, seven dozen and nine at eight pence the piece, cocks coarse, fourteen dozen and eight at three pence the piece, pullets, the best, two pence halfpenny, other pullets two pence, pigeons thirty-seven dozen at ten pence the dozen, swans fourteen dozen, larks three hundred and forty dozen at five pence the dozen, etc. Edward Nevill was seneschal or steward,[346] Thomas Ratcliffe, comptroller, Thomas Wildon, clerk of the kitchen.
It would be tedious to describe the preparation of fish, meat, and other food served at this feast, and it might even seem unbelievable. To me, it appeared to be almost as extravagant as a coronation feast; nonetheless, I will briefly mention it to show the changes in prices. They brought twenty-four large cattle to the slaughterhouse at twenty-six shillings and eight pence each, one carcass of an ox at twenty-four shillings, one hundred fat sheep at two shillings and ten pence each, fifty-one large calves at four shillings and eight pence each, thirty-four pigs at three shillings and eight pence each, ninety-one piglets at sixpence each, capons (for they had three suppliers), ten dozen at twenty pence each, capons from Kent, nine dozen and six at twelve pence each, coarse capons, nineteen dozen at six pence each, large cocks, seven dozen and nine at eight pence each, coarse cocks, fourteen dozen and eight at three pence each, the best pullets at two and a half pence, other pullets at two pence, thirty-seven dozen pigeons at ten pence per dozen, fourteen dozen swans, and three hundred and forty dozen larks at five pence per dozen, etc. Edward Nevill was the seneschal or steward,[346] Thomas Ratcliffe was the comptroller, and Thomas Wildon was the clerk of the kitchen.
Next beyond this manor of Ely house is Lither lane, turning into the field. Then is Furnivalles inn, now an inn of chancery, but sometime belonging to Sir William Furnivall, knight, and Thomesin his wife, who had in Oldborne two messuages and thirteen shops, as appeareth by record of Richard II., in the 6th of his reign.
Next to the manor of Ely House is Lither Lane, which leads into the field. After that is Furnivall's Inn, now an Inn of Chancery, but once owned by Sir William Furnivall, knight, and his wife Thomesin, who had two houses and thirteen shops in Oldbourne, as shown by the records of Richard II., in the 6th year of his reign.
Then is the Earl of Bathes inn, now called Bath place, of late for the most part new built, and so to the bars.
Then there's the Earl of Bath's inn, now known as Bath Place, which has recently been mostly rebuilt, and continues to the bars.
Now again, from Newgate, on the left hand, or south side, lieth the Old Bayly, which runneth down by the wall upon the ditch of the city, called Houndes ditch, to Ludgate. I have not read how this street took that name, but is like to have risen of some court, of old time there kept; and I find, that in the year 1356, the 34th of Edward III., the tenement and ground upon Houndes ditch, between Ludgate on the south, and Newgate on the north, was appointed to John Cambridge, fishmonger, Chamberlain of London, whereby it seemeth that the chamberlains of London have there kept their courts, as now they do by the Guildhall, and till this day the mayor and justices of this city kept their sessions in a part thereof, now called the Sessions hall, both for the city of London and shire of Middlesex. Over against the which house, on the right hand, turneth down St. George’s lane towards Fleet lane.
Now again, from Newgate, on the left, or south side, lies the Old Bailey, which runs down by the wall along the city ditch called Hounds Ditch, leading to Ludgate. I haven't found any information on how this street got its name, but it's likely to have originated from some court that was once held there. I found that in the year 1356, during the 34th year of Edward III's reign, the property and land on Hounds Ditch, between Ludgate to the south and Newgate to the north, was assigned to John Cambridge, a fishmonger and Chamberlain of London. This suggests that the Chamberlains of London have held their courts there, just as they currently do at the Guildhall. To this day, the mayor and justices of the city hold their sessions in a part of it, now called the Sessions Hall, for both the City of London and the County of Middlesex. Opposite this house, on the right, St. George’s Lane leads down toward Fleet Lane.
In this St. George’s lane, on the north side thereof, remaineth yet an old wall of stone, enclosing a piece of ground up Seacole lane, wherein by report sometime stood an inn of chancery; which house being greatly decayed, and standing remote from other houses of that profession, the company removed to a common hostelry, called of the sign Our Lady inn, not far from Clement’s inn, which they procured from Sir John Fineox, lord chief justice of the king’s bench, and since have held it of the owners by the name of the New inn, paying therefore six pounds rent by the year, as tenants at their own will, for more (as is said) cannot be gotten of them, and much less will they be put from it. Beneath this St. George’s lane, the lane called Fleet lane, winding south by the prison of the Fleet into Fleet street by Fleet bridge. Lower down in the Old Bayly is at this present a standard of timber, with a cock or cocks, delivering fair spring water to the inhabitants, and is the waste of the water serving the prisoners in Ludgate.
In this St. George’s Lane, on the north side, there’s still an old stone wall enclosing a piece of land up Seacole Lane, where it’s said there used to be an inn. That place fell into disrepair and, being far from other inns of the same kind, the company moved to a regular inn called Our Lady Inn, not far from Clement’s Inn. They got it from Sir John Fineox, the lord chief justice of the king’s bench, and they’ve since kept it from the owners under the name New Inn, paying six pounds a year in rent, as tenants at will, since it is said that they can’t get any more than that, and it’s unlikely they’ll be kicked out. Below this St. George’s Lane is Fleet Lane, which winds south by the Fleet prison into Fleet Street by Fleet Bridge. Further down in the Old Bailey, there’s currently a wooden water stand with a cock or cocks supplying fresh spring water to the locals, which is also the overflow for the water serving the prisoners in Ludgate.
Next out of the high street turneth down a lane called the[347] Little Bayly, which runneth down to the east end of St. George’s lane. The next is Seacole lane, I think called Limeburner’s lane, of burning lime there with seacole. For I read in record of such a lane to have been in the parish of St. Sepulcher, and there yet remaineth in this lane an alley called Limeburner’s alley. Near unto this Seacole lane, in the turning towards Oldborne conduit is Turnagain lane, or rather, as in a record of the 5th of Edward III., Windagain lane, for that it goeth down west to Fleet dike, from whence men must turn again the same way they came, for there it stopped. Then the high street turneth down Snore hill to Oldborne conduit, and from thence to Oldborne bridge, beyond the which bridge, on the left hand, is Shoe lane, by the which men pass from Oldborne to Fleet street, by the conduit there. In this Shoe lane, on the left hand, is one old house called Oldborne hall, it is now letten out into divers tenements.
Next, off the high street, there’s a lane called the[347] Little Bayly, which runs down to the east end of St. George’s lane. The next one is Seacole lane, which I think is also called Limeburner’s lane because of the lime burning that took place there with seacole. I read in the records that such a lane existed in the parish of St. Sepulcher, and there still remains an alley in this lane called Limeburner’s alley. Close to Seacole lane, as you turn towards Oldborne conduit, is Turnagain lane, or rather, as noted in a record from the 5th of Edward III, Windagain lane, because it goes down west to Fleet dike, where people have to turn back the same way they came, since that’s where it ends. Then the high street goes down Snore hill to Oldborne conduit, and from there to Oldborne bridge. Beyond that bridge, on the left side, is Shoe lane, which is how people get from Oldborne to Fleet street, by the conduit there. In this Shoe lane, on the left side, there’s an old house called Oldborne hall, which is now rented out into various apartments.
On the other side, at the very corner, standeth the parish church of St. Andrew, in the which church, or near thereunto, was sometime kept a grammar school, as appeareth in another place by a patent made, as I have shown, for the erection of schools. There be monuments in this church of Thomas Lord Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton, buried 1550; Ralph Rokeby of Lincoln’s inn, esquire, Master of St. Katherine’s and one of the masters of requests to the queen’s majesty, who deceased the 14th of June, 1596. He gave by his testament to Christ’s Hospital in London one hundred pounds, to the college of the poor of Queen Elizabeth in East Greenwich one hundred pounds, to the poor scholars in Cambridge one hundred pounds, to the poor scholars in Oxford one hundred pounds, to the prisoners in the two compters in London two hundred pounds, to the prisoners in the Fleet one hundred pounds, to the prisoners in Ludgate one hundred pounds, to the prisoners in Newgate one hundred pounds, to the prisoners in the King’s Bench one hundred pounds, to the prisoners in the Marshalsea one hundred pounds, to the prisoners in the White Lion twenty pounds, to the poor of St. Katherine’s twenty pounds, and to every brother and sister there forty shillings; William Sydnam founded a chantry there. There was also of old time (as I have read in the 3rd of Henry V.) an hospital for the poor, which was a cell to the house of Cluny in France, and was, therefore, suppressed among the priories aliens.
On the other side, at the very corner, stands the parish church of St. Andrew, where a grammar school was once held, as mentioned elsewhere by a patent I have shown for establishing schools. There are memorials in this church for Thomas Lord Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton, who was buried in 1550; and Ralph Rokeby of Lincoln’s Inn, esquire, Master of St. Katherine’s and one of the masters of requests to the queen, who passed away on June 14, 1596. In his will, he bequeathed one hundred pounds to Christ’s Hospital in London, one hundred pounds to the college of the poor of Queen Elizabeth in East Greenwich, one hundred pounds to the poor scholars in Cambridge, one hundred pounds to the poor scholars in Oxford, two hundred pounds to prisoners in the two compters in London, one hundred pounds to prisoners in the Fleet, one hundred pounds to prisoners in Ludgate, one hundred pounds to prisoners in Newgate, one hundred pounds to prisoners in the King’s Bench, one hundred pounds to prisoners in the Marshalsea, twenty pounds to the prisoners in the White Lion, twenty pounds to the poor of St. Katherine’s, and forty shillings to each brother and sister there; William Sydnam founded a chantry there. There was also an old hospital for the poor (as I've read in the 3rd of Henry V.) which was a cell to the house of Cluny in France, and was, therefore, suppressed along with the alien priories.
From this church of St. Andrew, up Oldborne hill be divers fair built houses, amongst the which, on the left hand, there[348] standeth three inns of Chancery, whereof the first adjoining unto Crookhorn alley is called Thaves inn, and standeth opposite, or over against the said Elyhouse. Then is Fewter lane, which stretcheth south into Fleet street, by the east end of St. Dunstone’s church, and is so called of Fewters’[268] (or idle people) lying there, as in a way leading to gardens; but the same is now of latter years on both sides built through with many fair houses.
From the church of St. Andrew, up Oldborne Hill, there are several nicely built houses. On the left side, there are three inns of Chancery. The first one, next to Crookhorn Alley, is called Thaves Inn, and it faces the Ely House. Next is Fewter Lane, which goes south into Fleet Street, right by the east end of St. Dunstone’s Church. It gets its name from the fewters (or idle people) who used to hang out there, as it was a path leading to gardens. However, in recent years, both sides of the lane have been developed with many beautiful houses.
Beyond this Fewter lane is Barnard’s inn, alias Mackworth’s inn, which is of Chancery, belonging to the dean and chapter of Lincoln, as saith the record of Henry VI., the 32nd of his reign, and was founded by inquisition in the Guildhall of London, before John Norman, mayor, the king’s escheator; the jury said, that it was not hurtful for the king to license T. Atkens, citizen of London, and one of the executors to John Mackworth, Dean of Lincoln, to give one messuage in Holborn in London, with the appurtenances called Mackworth’s inn, but now commonly known by the name of Barnardes inn, to the dean and chapter of Lincoln, to find one sufficient chaplain to celebrate Divine service in the chapel of St. George, in the cathedral church of Lincoln, where the body of the said John is buried, to have and to hold the said messuage to the said dean and chapter, and to their successors for ever, in part of satisfaction of twenty pounds lands and rents, which Edward III. licensed the said dean and chapter to purchase to their own use, either of their own fee or tenor, or of any other, so the lands were not holden of the king in capite.
Beyond this Fewter Lane is Barnard’s Inn, also known as Mackworth’s Inn, which is part of Chancery and belongs to the dean and chapter of Lincoln, according to the record of Henry VI from the 32nd year of his reign. It was established by an inquiry in the Guildhall of London, overseen by John Norman, the mayor and the king’s escheator. The jury stated that it was not harmful for the king to allow T. Atkens, a citizen of London and one of the executors of John Mackworth, the Dean of Lincoln, to grant a property in Holborn, London, with the related rights referred to as Mackworth’s Inn—now commonly known as Barnard’s Inn—to the dean and chapter of Lincoln. This was to fund a qualified chaplain to hold Divine service in the chapel of St. George, located in the cathedral church of Lincoln, where John’s body is buried. The property was to be held by the dean and chapter and their successors forever, in part payment for twenty pounds in lands and rents that Edward III had allowed the dean and chapter to purchase for their own use, whether from their own fee or from any other source, as long as the lands were not held from the king in capite.
Then is Staple inn, also of Chancery, but whereof so named I am ignorant; the same of late is for a great part thereof fair built, and not a little augmented. And then at the bar endeth this ward without Newgate.
Then there's Staple Inn, also part of Chancery, but I don't know why it's called that; recently, a good portion of it has been nicely rebuilt and quite a bit enlarged. And at the end of this area is the bar of Newgate.
Without Ludgate, on the right hand, or north side from the said gate lieth the Old Bayly, as I said, then the high street called Ludgate hill down to Fleet lane, in which lane standeth the Fleet, a prison house so called of the Fleet or water running by it, and sometime flowing about it, but now vaulted over.
Without Ludgate, on the right side, or north side from the gate, is the Old Bailey, as I mentioned. Then there's the main street called Ludgate Hill that goes down to Fleet Lane, where the Fleet is located, a prison named after the Fleet or the water that used to flow by it, and sometimes around it, but is now covered.
I read that Richard I., in the 1st of his reign, confirmed to Osbert, brother to William Longshampe, Chancellor of England and elect of Elie, and to his heirs for ever, the custody of his house or palace at Westminster, with the keeping of his gaol of the Fleet at London; also King John, by his patent, dated[349] the 3rd of his reign, gave to the Archdeacon of Welles, the custody of the said king’s house at Westminster, and of his gaol of the Fleet, together with the wardship of the daughter and heir of Robert Loveland, etc. Then is Fleet bridge pitched over the said water, whereof I have spoken in another place.
I read that Richard I, in the first year of his reign, granted to Osbert, the brother of William Longshampe, Chancellor of England and the elected Bishop of Ely, and to his heirs forever, the responsibility for his house or palace at Westminster, along with overseeing the Fleet prison in London. Additionally, King John, by his patent dated[349] in the third year of his reign, gave the Archdeacon of Welles the responsibilities for the king’s house at Westminster and the Fleet prison, as well as the guardianship of the daughter and heir of Robert Loveland, etc. Then the Fleet Bridge was built over that water, which I have mentioned elsewhere.
Then also against the south end of Shoe lane standeth a fair water-conduit, whereof William Eastfield, sometime mayor, was founder; for the mayor and commonalty of London being possessed of a conduit head, with divers springs of water gathered thereinto in the parish of Padington, and the water conveyed from thence by pipes of lead towards London unto Teyborne; where it had lain by the space of six years or more; the executors of Sir William Eastfield obtained licence of the mayor and commonalty for them, in the year 1453, with the goods of Sir William to convey the said waters, first in pipes of lead into a pipe begun to be laid beside the great conduit head at Maribone, which stretcheth from thence unto a separall, late before made against the chapel of Rounsevall by Charing cross, and no further, and then from thence to convey the said water into the city, and there to make receipt or receipts for the same unto the common weal of the commonalty, to wit, the poor to drink, the rich to dress their meats; which water was by them brought thus into Fleet street to a standard, which they had made and finished 1471.
Then also at the south end of Shoe Lane stands a nice water conduit, founded by William Eastfield, who was once mayor. The mayor and the citizens of London owned a conduit head with several springs of water collected from the parish of Paddington, and the water was piped from there to Tyburn, where it had been for about six years or more. The executors of Sir William Eastfield got permission from the mayor and the citizens in 1453, using Sir William's assets to carry the water first in lead pipes into a pipe that had been started beside the main conduit head at Marylebone, which stretches from there to a separate point created earlier by the chapel of Rounsevall at Charing Cross, and no further. Then, from there, they transferred the water into the city, where they established one or more receipt points for the benefit of the public, so that the poor could drink and the rich could cook their meals. This water was brought into Fleet Street to a standard that they completed in 1471.
The inhabitants of Fleet street, in the year 1478, obtained licence of the mayor, aldermen, and commonalty, to make at their own charges two cisterns, the one to be set at the said standard, the other at Fleet bridge, for the receipt of the waste water; this cistern at the standard they built, and on the same a fair tower of stone, garnished with images of St. Christopher on the top, and angels round about lower down, with sweet sounding bells before them, whereupon, by an engine placed in the tower, they divers hours of the day and night chimed such an hymn as was appointed.
The residents of Fleet Street, in 1478, got permission from the mayor, aldermen, and community to fund and create two cisterns, one to be placed at the designated spot and the other at Fleet Bridge, to collect waste water. They built the cistern at the designated spot and on top of it, they erected a beautiful stone tower, decorated with a statue of St. Christopher at the top and angels surrounding it lower down, along with sweet-sounding bells in front. An engine inside the tower chimed a hymn at various times throughout the day and night as scheduled.
This conduit, or standard, was again new built with a larger cistern, at the charges of the city, in the year 1582.
This pipe, or standard, was reconstructed with a larger tank, at the expense of the city, in the year 1582.
From this conduit up to Fewtars lane, and further, is the parish church of St. Dunstan called in the West (for difference from St. Dunstan in the East), here lieth buried T. Duke, skinner, in St. Katherin’s chapel by him built, 1421; Nicholas Coningstone, John Knape, and other, founded chantries there; Ralph Bane, Bishop of Coventrie and Lichfield, 1559, and other.
From this passage up to Fewtars Lane, and beyond, is the parish church of St. Dunstan in the West (to distinguish it from St. Dunstan in the East). Here lies T. Duke, a skinner, buried in St. Katherin’s chapel that he built in 1421; Nicholas Coningstone, John Knape, and others established chapels there; Ralph Bane, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, in 1559, and others.
Next beyond this church is Clifford’s inn, sometime belonging to Robert Clifford, by gift of Edward II. in these words: “The king granteth to Robert Clifford that messuage, with the appurtenances, next the church of St. Dunstane in the West, in the suburbs of London, which messuage was sometime Malculines de Herley, and came to the hands of Edward I., by reason of certaine debts which the said Malculine was bound at the time of his death to our styde father, from the time that hee was escaetor on this side Trent; which house John, Earle of Richmount, did holde of our pleasure, and is now in our possession.”—Patent, the 3rd of Edward II. After the death of this Robert Clifford, Isabel, his wife, let the same messuage to students of the law, as by the record following may appear:—
Next to this church is Clifford’s Inn, once owned by Robert Clifford, a gift from Edward II, stating: “The king grants to Robert Clifford that house, along with its related property, next to the church of St. Dunstane in the West, in the suburbs of London. This house was formerly owned by Malculine de Herley and came into the possession of Edward I due to certain debts that Malculine owed at the time of his death to our esteemed father, from when he was an escheator on this side of the Trent; this house was held by John, Earl of Richmond, at our pleasure and is now in our possession.” —Patent, the 3rd of Edward II. After Robert Clifford's death, his wife Isabel rented the same house to law students, as can be seen in the following record:—
“Isabel quæ fuit uxor Roberti Clifford, Messuagium unipartitum, quod Robertus Clifford habuit in parochia sci. Dunstonis West. in suburbio Londini, etc., tenuit, et illud dimisit post mortem dict. Roberti, Apprenticiis de banco, pro x. li. annuatium, etc. Anno 18 Eduardi Tertii, inquisitio post mortem Roberti Clifford.”
“Isabel, who was the wife of Robert Clifford, held a single messuage that Robert Clifford owned in the parish of St. Dunston in the West, in the suburbs of London, etc., and she released it after the death of the said Robert, to the apprentices of the bank, for a yearly payment of £10, etc. In the year 18 of Edward III, an inquiry was held after the death of Robert Clifford.”
This house hath since fallen into the king’s hands, as I have heard, but returned again to the Cliffordes, and is now let to the said students for four pounds by the year.
This house has since come into the king’s possession, as I’ve heard, but it has returned to the Cliffords, and is now rented to the mentioned students for four pounds a year.
Somewhat beyond this Clifford’s inn is the south end of New street (or Chancelar lane), on the right hand whereof is Sergeantes’ inn called in Chauncery lane. And then next was sometime the house of the converted Jewes, founded by King Henry III., in place of a Jewe’s house to him forfeited, in the year 1233, and the 17th of his reign, who built there for them a fair church now used, and called the chapel for the custody of the Rolles and Records of Chancerie. It standeth not far from the Old Temple, but in the midway between the Old Temple and the New, in the which house all such Jewes and infidels, as were converted to the Christian faith, were ordained and appointed, under an honest rule of life, sufficient maintenance, whereby it came to pass, that in short time there were gathered a great number of converts, which were baptized, instructed in the doctrine of Christ, and there lived under a learned Christian appointed to govern them; since the which time, to wit, in the year 1290, all the Jews in England were banished out of the realm, whereby the number of converts in this place was decayed: and, therefore, in the year 1377, this house was annexed by patent to William Burstall Clearke, custos rotulorum, or keeper of the Rolles of the Chauncerie, by Edward III., in the 5th year of his reign; and this first Master[351] of the Rolles was sworn in Westminster hall, at the table of marble stone; since the which time, that house hath been commonly called the Rolles in Chancerie lane.
Somewhat beyond Clifford’s Inn is the south end of New Street (or Chancer Lane), where on the right side is Sergeant’s Inn, located in Chancery Lane. Next to it used to be the house for converted Jews, founded by King Henry III as a replacement for a forfeited Jew's house in 1233, during the 17th year of his reign. He built a beautiful church there, now called the chapel for the custody of the Rolls and Records of Chancery. It’s not far from the Old Temple, situated midway between the Old Temple and the New. This house was established for Jewish converts and non-believers who adopted Christianity, following a respectable lifestyle with adequate support. As a result, many converts were gathered there, baptized, instructed in the Christian faith, and lived under a knowledgeable Christian leader. However, by 1290, all Jews in England were banished, leading to a decline in the number of converts in this place. Therefore, in 1377, this house was made part of a patent granted to William Burstall, the Keeper of the Rolls of Chancery, by Edward III in the 5th year of his reign. The first Master of the Rolls was sworn in Westminster Hall at the marble stone table, and since then, it has commonly been referred to as the Rolls in Chancery Lane.
Notwithstanding such of the Jewes, or other infidels, as have in this realm been converted to Christianity, and baptized, have been relieved there; for I find in record that one William Piers, a Jew that became a Christian, was baptised in the fifth of Richard II., and had two pence the day allowed him during his life by the said king.
Notwithstanding the Jews or other non-believers who have converted to Christianity and been baptized in this realm, they have been supported here. I find in the records that a man named William Piers, a Jew who became a Christian, was baptized in the fifth year of Richard II’s reign and was granted two pence a day for his lifetime by the king.
On the west side was sometime a house pertaining to the prior of Necton Parke, a house of canons in Lincolnshire; this was commonly called Hereflete inn, and was a brewhouse, but now fair built for the five clerks of the Chancerie, and standeth over against the said house called the Rolles, and near unto the lane which now entereth Fickets croft, or Fickets field. Then is Shere lane, opening also into Fickets field, hard by the bars.
On the west side, there used to be a house belonging to the prior of Necton Park, a canon house in Lincolnshire. This was commonly called Hereflete Inn, which was a brewhouse, but now it's nicely built for the five clerks of the Chancery. It stands across from the house called the Rolls and close to the lane that now leads to Fickets Croft, or Fickets Field. Then there's Shere Lane, which also opens into Fickets Field, near the bars.
On this north side of Fleet street, in the year of Christ 1595, I observed, that when the labourers had broken up the pavement, from against Chancerie lane’s end up towards St. Dunston’s church, and had digged four feet deep, they found one other pavement of hard stone, more sufficient than the first, and, therefore, harder to be broken, under the which they found in the made ground, piles of timber driven very thick, and almost close together, the same being as black as pitch or coal, and many of them rotten as earth, which proveth that the ground there (as sundry other places of the city) have been a marish, or full of springs.
On the north side of Fleet Street, in the year 1595, I noticed that when the workers dug up the pavement from the end of Chancery Lane up toward St. Dunstan's Church, they went four feet deep and discovered another pavement of hard stone, which was even tougher to break than the first. Beneath that, they found piles of timber driven in very thick and nearly close together, all as black as pitch or coal, and many of them rotten like soil. This shows that the ground there (like several other places in the city) used to be a marsh or full of springs.
On the south side from Ludgate, before the wall of the city be fair built houses to Fleet bridge, on the which bridge a cistern for receipt of spring water was made by the men of Fleet street, but the watercourse is decayed, and not restored.
On the south side of Ludgate, before the city wall, there are nice houses leading to Fleet Bridge, where the people of Fleet Street built a cistern to collect spring water. However, the waterway has fallen into disrepair and hasn’t been fixed.
Next is Bride lane, and therein Bridewell, of old time the king’s house, for the kings of this realm have been there lodged; and till the ninth of Henry III. the courts were kept in the king’s house, wheresoever he was lodged, as may appear by ancient records, whereof I have seen many, but for example set forth one in the Chapter of Towers and Castles.
Next is Bride Lane, and within it is Bridewell, which was once the king’s residence, as the kings of this realm have stayed there. Until the ninth year of Henry III, the courts were held in the king’s house, wherever he was staying, as can be seen in old records, many of which I’ve looked at. For example, one is recorded in the Chapter of Towers and Castles.
King Henry VIII. built there a stately and beautiful house of new, for receipt of the Emperor Charles V., who, in the year of Christ 1522, was lodged himself at the Blacke Friers, but his nobles in this new built Bridewell, a gallery being made out of the house over the water, and through the wall of the city, into the emperor’s lodging at the Blacke Friers. King Henry him[352]self oftentimes lodged there also, as, namely, in the year 1525, a parliament being then holden in the Black Friers, he created estates of nobility there, to wit, Henry Fitz Roy, a child (which he had by Elizabeth Blunt) to be Earl of Nottingham, Duke of Richmond and of Somerset, Lieutenant General from Trent northward, Warden of the East, Middle, and West Marches for anenst Scotland; Henry Courtney, Earl of Devonshire, cousin-german to the king, to be marquis of Exeter; Henry Brandon a child of two years old, son to the Earl of Suffolke, to be Earl of Lincolne; Sir Thomas Mannars, Lord Rose, to be Earl of Rutland; Sir Henry Clifford, to be Earl of Cumberland; Sir Robert Ratcliffe, to be Viscount Fitzwater; and Sir Thomas Boloine, treasurer of the king’s household, to be Viscount Rochford.
King Henry VIII built a grand and beautiful house there, intended for the visit of Emperor Charles V. In the year 1522, the Emperor stayed at Blackfriars, while his nobles were accommodated in this newly built Bridewell. A gallery connected the house over the water and through the city wall, leading to the Emperor’s lodging at Blackfriars. King Henry himself often stayed there as well, particularly in 1525, during a parliament held at Blackfriars, where he created new noble titles. For instance, he named Henry Fitz Roy, a child of Elizabeth Blunt, as Earl of Nottingham, Duke of Richmond and Somerset, and Lieutenant General from the Trent northward, Warden of the East, Middle, and West Marches against Scotland. He also made Henry Courtney, the Earl of Devonshire and the King’s cousin, the Marquess of Exeter; Henry Brandon, a two-year-old son of the Earl of Suffolk, the Earl of Lincoln; Sir Thomas Manners, Lord Roos, the Earl of Rutland; Sir Henry Clifford, the Earl of Cumberland; Sir Robert Ratcliffe, the Viscount Fitzwater; and Sir Thomas Boleyn, the treasurer of the King’s household, the Viscount Rochford.
In the year 1528, Cardinal Campeius was brought to the king’s presence, being then at Bridewell, whither he had called all his nobility, judges, and councillors, etc. And there, the 8th of November, in his great chamber, he made unto them an oration touching his marriage with Queen Katherine, as ye may read in Edward Hall.
In 1528, Cardinal Campeius was brought before the king, who was at Bridewell, where he had summoned all his nobility, judges, and counselors. There, on November 8th, in his large chamber, he gave a speech about his marriage to Queen Katherine, as you can read in Edward Hall.
In the year 1529, the same King Henry and Queen Katherine were lodged there, whilst the question of their marriage was argued in the Blacke Friers, etc.
In 1529, King Henry and Queen Katherine stayed there while the issue of their marriage was debated at the Black Friars, etc.
But now you shall hear how this house became a house of correction. In the year 1553, the 7th of King Edward VI., the 10th of April, Sir George Baron, being mayor of this city, was sent for to the court at Whitehall, and there at that time the king gave unto him for the commonalty and citizens to be a workhouse for the poor and idle persons of the city, his house of Bridewell, and seven hundred marks land, late of the possessions of the house of the Savoy, and all the bedding and other furniture of the said hospital of the Savoy, towards the maintenance of the said workhouse of Bridewell, and the hospital of St. Thomas in Southwark.
But now you will hear how this place became a correctional facility. In the year 1553, on the 7th of King Edward VI, on April 10th, Sir George Baron, who was the mayor of this city, was summoned to the court at Whitehall. There, at that time, the king granted him, for the common people and citizens, a workhouse for the poor and idle of the city: his house of Bridewell, along with seven hundred marks of land, which was previously part of the possessions of the house of Savoy, and all the bedding and other furnishings from the hospital of Savoy, to support the maintenance of the workhouse of Bridewell and the hospital of St. Thomas in Southwark.
This gift King Edward confirmed by his charter, dated the 26th of June next following; and in the year 1555, in the month of February, Sir William Gerarde, mayor, and the aldermen entered Bridewell, and took possession thereof according to the gift of the said King Edward, the same being confirmed by Queen Mary.
This gift was confirmed by King Edward in his charter, dated June 26 of the following year; and in 1555, in February, Sir William Gerarde, the mayor, and the aldermen entered Bridewell and took possession of it according to the gift from King Edward, which was also confirmed by Queen Mary.
The Bishop of St. David’s had his inn over against the north side of this Bridwell, as I have said.
The Bishop of St. David’s had his inn across from the north side of this Bridwell, as I mentioned.
Then is the parish church of St. Bridges, or Bride, of old time[353] a small thing, which now remaineth to be the choir, but since increased with a large body and side aisles towards the west, at the charges of William Venor, esquire, warden of the Fleet, about the year 1480, all which he caused to be wrought about in the stone in the figure of a vine with grapes, and leaves, etc. The partition betwixt the old work and the new, sometime prepared as a screen to be set up in the hall of the Duke of Somerset’s house at Strand, was brought for eight score pounds, and set up in the year 1557; one wilful body began to spoil and break the same in the year 1596, but was by the high commissioners forced to make it up again, and so it resteth. John Ulsthorpe, William Evesham, John Wigan, and other, found chantries there.
Then there is the parish church of St. Bridges, or Bride, which was originally a small structure. Now, it primarily consists of the choir but has been expanded with a large body and side aisles towards the west, funded by William Venor, an esquire and the warden of the Fleet, around the year 1480. He had the stonework designed with vine patterns, featuring grapes and leaves, etc. The dividing wall between the old and new sections was once intended to be a screen for the hall of the Duke of Somerset’s house at Strand; it was purchased for eighty pounds and installed in 1557. In 1596, someone attempted to damage and break it, but was forced by the high commissioners to repair it, and so it remains. John Ulsthorpe, William Evesham, John Wigan, and others established chantries there.
The next is Salisburie court, a place so called for that it belonged to the Bishops of Salisburie, and was their inn, or London house, at such time as they were summoned to come to the parliament, or came for other business; it hath of late time been the dwelling, first of Sir Richard Sackvile, and now of Sir Thomas Sackvile his son, Baron of Buckhurst, Lord Treasurer, who hath lately enlarged it with stately buildings.
The next is Salisbury Court, named because it belonged to the Bishop of Salisbury and served as their inn or London house when they were called to Parliament or came for other business. Recently, it has been the home of Sir Richard Sackville and now his son, Sir Thomas Sackville, Baron of Buckhurst and Lord Treasurer, who has recently expanded it with impressive buildings.
Then is Water lane, running down, by the west side of a house called the Hanging Sword, to the Thames.
Then there's Water Lane, which runs down along the west side of a house called the Hanging Sword, to the Thames.
Then was the White Friers’ church, called Fratres beatæ Mariæ de Monte Carmeli, first founded (saith John Bale) by Sir Richard Gray, knight, ancestor to the Lord Gray Codnor, in the year 1241. King Edward I. gave to the prior and brethren of that house a plot of ground in Fleet street, whereupon to build their house, which was since re-edified or new built, by Hugh Courtney, Earl of Devonshire, about the year 1350, the 24th of Edward III. John Lutken, mayor of London, and the commonalty of the city, granted a lane called Crockers lane, reaching from Fleet street to the Thames, to build in the west end of that church. Sir Robert Knoles, knight, was a great builder there also, in the reign of Richard II., and of Henry IV.; he deceased at his manor of Scone Thorpe, in Norffolke, in the year 1407, and was brought to London, and honourably buried by the Lady Constance his wife, in the body of the said White Friers’ church, which he had newly built.
Then there was the White Friers’ church, called Fratres beatæ Mariæ de Monte Carmeli, first established (according to John Bale) by Sir Richard Gray, knight, an ancestor of the Lord Gray Codnor, in the year 1241. King Edward I gave the prior and brothers of that house a piece of land on Fleet Street to build their church, which was later rebuilt by Hugh Courtney, Earl of Devonshire, around the year 1350, during the 24th year of Edward III's reign. John Lutken, the mayor of London, and the city officials, granted a lane known as Crockers Lane, extending from Fleet Street to the Thames, to build at the west end of that church. Sir Robert Knoles, knight, was also a significant builder there during the reigns of Richard II and Henry IV; he died at his manor in Scone Thorpe, Norfolk, in the year 1407, and was brought to London, where he was honorably buried by his wife, Lady Constance, in the main part of the White Friers’ church that he had recently constructed.
Robert Marshall, Bishop of Hereford, built the choir, presbytery, steeple, and many other parts, and was there buried, about the year 1420. There were buried also in the new choir, Sir John Mowbery, Earl of Nottingham, 1398; Sir Edwarde Cortney; Sir Hugh Montgomerie, and Sir John his brother;[354] John Wolle, son to Sir John Wolle; Thomas Bayholt, esquire; Elizabeth, Countess of Athole; Dame Johan, wife to Sir Thomas Say of Alden; Sir Pence Castle, Baron; John, Lord Gray, son to Reginald, Lord Gray of Wilton, 1418; Sir John Ludlow, knight; Sir Richard Derois, knight; Richarde Gray, knight; John Ashley, knight; Robert Bristow, esquire; Thomas Perry, esquire; Robert Tempest, esquire; William Call; William Neddow.
Robert Marshall, Bishop of Hereford, built the choir, presbytery, steeple, and many other parts, and was buried there around the year 1420. Also buried in the new choir are Sir John Mowbery, Earl of Nottingham, 1398; Sir Edward Cortney; Sir Hugh Montgomerie, and his brother Sir John; John Wolle, son of Sir John Wolle; Thomas Bayholt, esquire; Elizabeth, Countess of Athole; Dame Johan, wife of Sir Thomas Say of Alden; Sir Pence Castle, Baron; John, Lord Gray, son of Reginald, Lord Gray of Wilton, 1418; Sir John Ludlow, knight; Sir Richard Derois, knight; Richard Gray, knight; John Ashley, knight; Robert Bristow, esquire; Thomas Perry, esquire; Robert Tempest, esquire; William Call; William Neddow.[354]
In the old choir were buried: Dame Margaret, etc.; Eleanor Gristles; Sir John Browne, knight, and John his son and heir; Sir Simon de Berforde, knight; Peter Wigus, esquire; Robert Mathew, esquire; Sir John Skargell, knight; Sir John Norice, knight; Sir Geffrey Roose, knight; Mathew Hadocke, esquire; William Clarell, esquire; John Aprichard, esquire; William Wentworth, esquire; Thomas Wicham, esquire; Sir Terwit, knight; Sir Stephen Popham, knight; Bastard de Scales; Henrie Blunt, esquire; Elizabeth Blunt; John Swan, esquire; Alice Foster, one of the heirs of Sir Stephen Popham; Sir Robert Brocket, knight; John Drayton, esquire; John, son to Robert Chanlowes, and his daughter Katherine; John Salvin, William Hampton, John Bampton, John Winter, Edmond Oldhall, William Appleyard, Thomas Dabby, esquires; Sir Hugh Courtney, knight; John Drury, son to Robert Drurie; Elizabeth Gemersey, gentlewoman; Sir Thomas Townsend, knight; Sir Richarde Greene, knight; William Scot, esquire; Thomas Federinghey, I. Fulforde, esquire; Edward Eldsmere, gentleman; W. Hart, gentleman; Dame Mary Senclare, daughter to Sir Thomas Talbot, knight; Ancher, esquire; Sir William Moris, knight, and Dame Christian his wife; Sir Peter de Mota, knight; Richard Hewton, esquire; Sir I. Heron, knight; Richard Eton, esquire; Hugh Stapleton, gentleman; William Copley, gentleman; Sir Ralph Saintowen, knight; Sir Hugh Bromeflete, knight; Lord Vessey, principal founder of that order, the 6th of Edward IV., etc.
In the old choir, the following people were buried: Dame Margaret, etc.; Eleanor Gristles; Sir John Browne, knight, and his son and heir John; Sir Simon de Berforde, knight; Peter Wigus, esquire; Robert Mathew, esquire; Sir John Skargell, knight; Sir John Norice, knight; Sir Geffrey Roose, knight; Mathew Hadocke, esquire; William Clarell, esquire; John Aprichard, esquire; William Wentworth, esquire; Thomas Wicham, esquire; Sir Terwit, knight; Sir Stephen Popham, knight; Bastard de Scales; Henrie Blunt, esquire; Elizabeth Blunt; John Swan, esquire; Alice Foster, one of the heirs of Sir Stephen Popham; Sir Robert Brocket, knight; John Drayton, esquire; John, son of Robert Chanlowes, and his daughter Katherine; John Salvin, William Hampton, John Bampton, John Winter, Edmond Oldhall, William Appleyard, Thomas Dabby, esquires; Sir Hugh Courtney, knight; John Drury, son of Robert Drurie; Elizabeth Gemersey, gentlewoman; Sir Thomas Townsend, knight; Sir Richard Greene, knight; William Scot, esquire; Thomas Federinghey, I. Fulforde, esquire; Edward Eldsmere, gentleman; W. Hart, gentleman; Dame Mary Senclare, daughter of Sir Thomas Talbot, knight; Ancher, esquire; Sir William Moris, knight, and his wife Dame Christian; Sir Peter de Mota, knight; Richard Hewton, esquire; Sir I. Heron, knight; Richard Eton, esquire; Hugh Stapleton, gentleman; William Copley, gentleman; Sir Ralph Saintowen, knight; Sir Hugh Bromeflete, knight; Lord Vessey, principal founder of that order, in the 6th year of Edward IV., etc.
This house was valued at £62 7s. 3d., and was surrendered the 10th of November, the 30th of Henry VIII.
This house was valued at £62 7s. 3d., and was surrendered on November 10th, in the 30th year of Henry VIII's reign.
In place of this Friers’ church be now many fair houses built, lodgings for noblemen and others.
In place of this Friars' church, many beautiful houses have now been built, serving as accommodations for noblemen and others.
Then is the Sargeants’ inn, so called, for that divers judges and sargeants at the law keep a commons, and are lodged there in term time.
Then there's the Sargeants’ Inn, named as such because various judges and sergeants at law share meals and stay there during the term.
Next is the New Temple, so called because the Templars, before the building of this house, had their Temple in Oldborne.[355] This house was founded by the Knights Templars in England, in the reign of Henry II., and the same was dedicated to God and our blessed Lady, by Heraclius, Patriarch of the church called the Holy Resurrection, in Jerusalem, in the year of Christ, 1185.
Next is the New Temple, named because the Templars, before constructing this building, had their Temple in Oldborne.[355] This house was established by the Knights Templars in England during the reign of Henry II, and it was dedicated to God and our blessed Lady by Heraclius, Patriarch of the church known as the Holy Resurrection, in Jerusalem, in the year 1185.
These Knights Templars took their beginning about the year 1118, in manner following. Certain noblemen, horsemen, religiously bent, bound by vow themselves in the hands of the Patriarch of Jerusalem, to serve Christ after the manner of regular canons in chastity and obedience, and to renounce their own proper wills for ever; the first of which order were Hugh Paganus, and Geffrey de S. Andromare. And whereas at the first they had no certain habitation, Baldwin, king of Jerusalem, granted unto them a dwelling place in his palace by the Temple, and the canons of the same Temple gave them the street thereby to build therein their houses of office, and the patriarch, the king, the nobles, and prelates gave unto them certain revenues out of their lordships.
These Knights Templar started around the year 1118 in the following way. Some noblemen, who were knights and had a strong religious commitment, made a vow to the Patriarch of Jerusalem to serve Christ like regular canons, living in chastity and obedience, and to give up their own wills forever. The first members of this order were Hugh Paganus and Geffrey de S. Andromare. Initially, they didn’t have a permanent place to stay, but Baldwin, the king of Jerusalem, granted them a residence in his palace near the Temple. The canons of that Temple also gave them the adjacent street to build their offices, and the patriarch, the king, the nobles, and the prelates provided them with certain revenues from their lands.
Their first profession was for safeguard of the pilgrims coming to visit the sepulchre, and to keep the highways against the lying in wait of thieves, etc. About ten years after they had a rule appointed unto them, and a white habit, by Honorius II. then Pope; and whereas they had but nine in number, they began to increase greatly. Afterward, in Pope Eugenius’ time, they bare crosses of red cloth on their uppermost garments, to be known from others; and in short time, because they had their first mansion hard by the Temple of our Lord in Jerusalem, they were called Knights of the Temple.
Their initial role was to protect the pilgrims visiting the tomb and to keep the roads safe from thieves and other dangers. About ten years after their foundation, Pope Honorius II established a rule for them and gave them a white habit. Though they started with only nine members, their numbers grew significantly. Later, during Pope Eugenius' time, they wore red cloth crosses on their upper garments to distinguish themselves from others. Soon after, because their first headquarters was near the Temple of the Lord in Jerusalem, they became known as the Knights of the Temple.
Many noble men in all parts of Christendom became brethren of this order, and built for themselves temples in every city or great town in England, but this at London was their chief house, which they built after the form of the temple near to the sepulchre of our Lord at Jerusalem; they had also other temples in Cambridge,[269] Bristow, Canterbury, Dover, Warwick.[270] This Temple in London, was often made a storehouse of men’s treasure, I mean such as feared the spoil thereof in other places.
Many noblemen all over Christendom joined this order and built temples for themselves in every city or large town in England, but this one in London was their main house, designed after the temple near the tomb of our Lord in Jerusalem. They also had other temples in Cambridge,[269] Bristol, Canterbury, Dover, and Warwick.[270] This temple in London often served as a safe place for people’s treasures, especially for those who worried about theft in other locations.
Matthew Paris noteth, that in the year 1232, Hubert de Burgh, Earl of Kent, being prisoner in the Tower of London, the king was informed that he had much treasure laid up in this New Temple, under the custody of the Templars; whereupon he sent for the master of the Temple, and examined him straitly, who confessed that money being delivered unto him and his brethren to be kept, he knew not how much there was[356] of it; the king demanded to have the same delivered, but it was answered, that the money being committed unto their trust, could not be delivered without the licence of him that committed it to ecclesiastical protection, whereupon the king sent his Treasurer and Justiciar of the Exchequer unto Hubert, to require him to resign the money wholly into his hands, who answered that he would gladly submit himself, and all his, unto the king’s pleasure; and thereupon desired the knights of the Temple, in his behalf, to present all the keys unto the king, to do his pleasure with the goods which he had committed unto them. Then the king commanded the money to be faithfully told and laid up in his treasury, by inventory, wherein was found (besides ready money) vessels of gold and silver unpriceable, and many precious stones, which would make all men wonder if they knew the worth of them.
Matthew Paris notes that in the year 1232, Hubert de Burgh, the Earl of Kent, was imprisoned in the Tower of London. The king was informed that he had a substantial amount of treasure stored in the New Temple, under the care of the Templars. As a result, he summoned the master of the Temple and questioned him closely. The master admitted that while money had been entrusted to him and his brethren for safekeeping, he did not know the exact amount. The king requested that the funds be returned, but he was informed that because the money had been entrusted to their care, it could not be released without the permission of the person who had placed it under their ecclesiastical protection. Consequently, the king sent his Treasurer and Justiciar of the Exchequer to Hubert, asking him to transfer the money completely into the king’s hands. Hubert replied that he would gladly comply and submit himself and his belongings to the king’s wishes; he then asked the knights of the Temple to present all the keys to the king, allowing him to take possession of the goods entrusted to them. The king then ordered that the money be carefully counted and stored in his treasury, with an inventory detailing its contents. This inventory revealed not only cash but also priceless gold and silver vessels, and many precious stones that would astonish anyone who understood their value.[356]
This Temple was again dedicated 1240, belike also newly re-edified then.
This Temple was rededicated in 1240, likely also newly rebuilt at that time.
These Templars at this time were in so great glory, that they entertained the nobility, foreign ambassadors, and the prince himself very often, insomuch that Matthew Paris crieth out on them for their pride, who being at the first so poor, as they had but one horse to serve two of them (in token whereof they gave in their seal two men riding of one horse), yet suddenly they waxed so insolent, that they disdained other orders, and sorted themselves with noblemen.
These Templars were so famous at this time that they frequently hosted nobles, foreign ambassadors, and even the prince himself. Matthew Paris criticized them for their arrogance, noting that they had started out so poor that they had only one horse between two of them (which is why their seal showed two men riding one horse). Yet, they quickly became so proud that they looked down on other orders and mingled with the nobility.
King Edward I. in the year 1283, taking with him Robert Waleran, and other, came to the Temple, where calling for the keeper of the treasure house, as if he meant to see his mother’s-jewels, that were laid up there to be safely kept, he entered into the house, breaking the coffers of certain persons that had likewise brought their money thither, and he took away from thence to the value of a thousand pounds.
King Edward I, in the year 1283, took Robert Waleran and others with him to the Temple. He asked for the keeper of the treasure house, as if he wanted to see his mother's jewels stored there for safekeeping. He entered the house, breaking open the coffers of several people who had also brought their money there, and he took away valuables worth a thousand pounds.
Many parliaments and great councils have been there kept, as may appear by our histories. In the year 1308, all the Templars in England, as also in other parts of Christendom, were apprehended and committed to divers prisons. In 1310, a provincial council was holden at London, against the Templars in England, upon heresy and other articles whereof they were accused, but denied all except one or two of them, notwithstanding they all did confess that they could not purge themselves fully as faultless, and so they were condemned to perpetual penance in several monasteries, where they behaved themselves modestly.
Many parliaments and major councils have been held there, as our histories show. In 1308, all the Templars in England, as well as in other parts of Christendom, were arrested and locked up in various prisons. In 1310, a regional council took place in London regarding the Templars in England, based on charges of heresy and other accusations. They denied most of the charges except for one or two, but they all admitted that they couldn’t completely clear themselves of blame, so they were sentenced to live in perpetual penance in different monasteries, where they acted modestly.
Philip, king of France, procured their overthrow throughout the whole world, and caused them to be condemned by a general council to his advantage, as he thought, for he believed to have had all their lands in France, and, therefore, seized the same in his hands (as I have read), and caused the Templars to the number of four and fifty (or after Fabian, threescore) to be burned at Paris.
Philip, king of France, organized their downfall across the entire world and made sure they were condemned by a general council for his own benefit, as he thought. He believed he had taken control of all their lands in France, and so he seized them (as I’ve read) and had fifty-four Templars (or sixty, according to Fabian) burned in Paris.
Edward II. in the year 1313, gave unto Aimer de Valence, Earl of Pembroke, the whose place and houses called the New Temple at London, with the ground called Ficquetes Croft, and all the tenements and rents, with the appurtenances, that belonged to the Templars in the city of London and suburbs thereof.
Edward II, in 1313, granted Aimer de Valence, Earl of Pembroke, the site and buildings known as the New Temple in London, along with the land called Ficquetes Croft, and all the properties and rents, along with the associated rights, that belonged to the Templars in the city of London and its suburbs.
After Aimer de Valence (sayeth some) Hugh Spencer, usurping the same, held it during his life, by whose death it came again to the hands of Edward III.; but in the meantime, to wit, 1324, by a council holden at Vienna, all the lands of the Templars (lest the same should be put to profane uses) were given to the knights hospitalers of the order of St. John Baptist, called St. John of Jerusalem, which knights had put the Turkes out of the Isle of Rhodes, and after won upon the said Turkes daily for a long time.
After Aimer de Valence (so some say), Hugh Spencer took over, holding it for his lifetime. When he died, it returned to Edward III. However, in 1324, during a council held in Vienna, all the lands of the Templars were given to the Knights Hospitaller of the Order of St. John the Baptist, also known as St. John of Jerusalem. These knights had expelled the Turks from the Isle of Rhodes and continued to defeat them regularly for many years.
The said Edward III., therefore, granted the same to the said knights, who possessed it, and in the eighteenth year of the said king’s reign, were forced to repair the bridge of the said Temple. These knights had their head house for England by West Smithfield, and they in the reign of the same Edward III. granted (for a certain rent of ten pounds by the year) the said Temple, with the appurtenances thereunto adjoining, to the students of the common laws of England, in whose possession the same hath ever since remained; and is now divided into two houses of several students, by the same of inns of court, to wit, the Inner Temple, and the Middle Temple, who kept two several halls, but they resort all to the said Temple church, in the round walk whereof (which is the west part without the choir) there remaineth monuments of noblemen buried, to the number of eleven, eight of them are images of armed knights, five lying cross-legged as men vowed to the Holy Land, against the infidels and unbelieving Jews; the other three straight-legged; the rest are coped stones all of grey marble; the first of the cross-legged was W. Marshall, the elder Earl of Pembroke, who died 1219; Will. Marshall his son, Earl of Pembroke, was the second, he died, 1231; and Gilbert Marshall his brother,[358] Earl of Pembroke, slain in a tournament at Hertford, beside Ware, in the year 1241.
Edward III granted this to the knights who held it and, in the eighteenth year of his reign, they had to repair the bridge of the Temple. These knights had their main house in England at West Smithfield, and during Edward III’s reign, they leased the Temple and its nearby properties to the students studying common law in England for a yearly rent of ten pounds. This property has remained in their possession ever since, and it is now split into two separate houses for students, known as the inns of court: the Inner Temple and the Middle Temple. Each has its own hall, but both groups gather at the Temple church. In the round walkway on the west side, outside the choir, there are memorials to eleven noblemen who were buried there. Eight of these are statues of armed knights, five of whom are depicted lying cross-legged as if they were on a vow to the Holy Land, fighting against infidels and unbelieving Jews; the other three are depicted with straight legs. The rest are gray marble graves. The first of the cross-legged knights was W. Marshall, the elder Earl of Pembroke, who died in 1219. His son, William Marshall, also an Earl of Pembroke, was the second and died in 1231. His brother, Gilbert Marshall, was the third Earl of Pembroke and was killed in a tournament at Hertford, near Ware, in 1241.[358]
After this Robert Rose, otherwise called Fursan, being made a Templar in the year 1245, died and was buried there, and these are all that I can remember to have read of. Sir Nicholas Hare, Master of the Rolls, was buried there in the year 1557.
After this, Robert Rose, also known as Fursan, became a Templar in 1245, died, and was buried there. These are all the details I can remember reading about. Sir Nicholas Hare, Master of the Rolls, was buried there in 1557.
In the year 1381, the rebels of Essex and of Kent destroyed and plucked down the houses and lodgings of this Temple, took out of the church the books and records that were in hutches of the apprentices of the law, carried them into the streets, and burnt them; the house they spoiled and burnt for wrath that they bare Sir Robert Halles, Lord-prior of St. John’s in Smithfield; but it was since again at divers times repaired, namely, the gate-house of the Middle Temple, in the reign of Henry VIII., by Sir Amias Paulet, knight, upon occasion, as in my Annales I have shown. The great hall of the Middle Temple was newly built in the year 1572, in the reign of our Queen Elizabeth.
In 1381, the rebels from Essex and Kent destroyed and tore down the houses and lodgings of this Temple, took the books and records from the church that were kept in the apprentices' law storage, carried them into the streets, and burned them. They wrecked and set fire to the house out of anger toward Sir Robert Halles, the Lord Prior of St. John’s in Smithfield. However, it was repaired at various times afterward, specifically the gatehouse of the Middle Temple, during the reign of Henry VIII by Sir Amias Paulet, as I detailed in my Annales. The great hall of the Middle Temple was newly built in 1572, during the reign of our Queen Elizabeth.
This Temple church hath a master and four stipendiary priests, with a clerk: these for the ministration of Divine service there have stipends allowed unto them out of the possessions and revenues of the late hospital and house of St. John’s of Jerusalem in England, as it had been in the reign of Edward VI.; and thus much for the said new Temple, the farthest west part of this ward, and also of this city for the liberties thereof; which ward hath an alderman, and his deputies three. In Sepulchre’s parish, common council six, constables four, scavengers four, wardmote inquest twelve; St. Bridgetes parish, common councillors eight, constables eight, scavengers eight, wardmote inquest twenty; in St. Andrewes, common council two, constables two, scavengers three, wardmote inquest twelve. It is taxed to the fifteen at thirty-five pounds one shilling.[271]
This Temple church has a master and four paid priests, along with a clerk. They receive salaries for conducting Divine service, funded by the possessions and revenues of the former hospital and house of St. John’s of Jerusalem in England, as it was during the reign of Edward VI. This is about the new Temple, which is the westernmost part of this ward and also of this city regarding its liberties. This ward has an alderman and three deputies. In the Sepulchre’s parish, there are six common council members, four constables, four scavengers, and twelve wardmote inquest members; in St. Bridget’s parish, there are eight common councillors, eight constables, eight scavengers, and twenty wardmote inquest members; in St. Andrew’s, there are two common council members, two constables, three scavengers, and twelve wardmote inquest members. It is assessed for the tax at thirty-five pounds one shilling.[271]
BRIDGE WARDE WITHOUT, THE TWENTY-SIXTH IN NUMBER; CONSISTING OF THE BOROUGH OF SOUTHWARKE, IN THE COUNTY OF SURREY.
Having treated of wards in London, on the north side of the Thames (in number twenty-five), I am now to cross over the said river into the borough of Southwark, which is also a ward of London without the walls, on the south side thereof, as is Portsoken on the east, and Farringdon extra on the west.
Having covered the wards in London on the north side of the Thames (which are twenty-five in total), I'm now going to cross the river into the borough of Southwark, which is also a ward of London outside the city walls, located on the south side, just like Portsoken on the east and Farringdon Outside on the west.
This borough being in the county of Surrey, consisteth of divers streets, ways, and winding lanes, all full of buildings, inhabited; and, first, to begin at the west part thereof, over against the west suburb of the city.
This borough, located in Surrey, has various streets, pathways, and winding lanes, all filled with buildings and residents. To start, let's look at the western part, directly across from the west suburb of the city.
On the bank of the river Thames there is now a continual building of tenements, about half a mile in length to the bridge. Then from the bridge, straight towards the south, a continual street, called Long Southwark, built on both sides with divers lanes and alleys up to St. George’s church, and beyond it through Blackman street towards New town (or Newington); the liberties of which borough extend almost to the parish church of New town aforesaid, distant one mile from London Bridge, and also south-west a continual building almost to Lambeth, more than one mile from the said bridge.
On the banks of the River Thames, there’s now a constant construction of apartments stretching about half a mile to the bridge. From the bridge, there’s a straight road heading south called Long Southwark, lined on both sides with various lanes and alleys all the way to St. George’s Church, and further through Blackman Street towards New Town (or Newington); the boundaries of this borough reach nearly to the parish church of New Town, which is about a mile from London Bridge, and also, going southwest, there’s continuous construction nearly all the way to Lambeth, more than a mile from that bridge.
Then from the bridge along by the Thames eastward is St. Olave’s street, having continual building on both the sides, with lanes and alleys, up to Battle bridge, to Horsedowne, and towards Rother hithe; also some good half mile in length from London Bridge.
Then from the bridge along the Thames heading east is St. Olave’s Street, which has constant construction on both sides, with lanes and alleys, all the way to Battle Bridge, Horsedowne, and towards Rotherhithe; it's also about a good half mile in length from London Bridge.
So that I account the whole continual buildings on the bank of the said river, from the west towards the east, to be more than a large mile in length.
So I consider all the ongoing constructions along the bank of that river, from west to east, to span more than a mile in length.
Then have ye, from the entering towards the said Horsedown, one other continual street called Bermondes high street, which stretcheth south, likewise furnished with buildings on both sides, almost half a mile in length, up to the late dissolved monastery of St. Saviour called Bermondsey. And from thence is one Long lane (so called of the length), turning west to St. George’s church afore named. Out of the which lane mentioned Long lane breaketh one other street towards the south and by east, and this is called Kentish street, for that is the way leading into that country: and so have you the bounds of this borough.
Then, coming from the entrance towards the area known as Horsedown, there is another main road called Bermondes High Street, which stretches south and is lined with buildings on both sides, almost half a mile long, leading up to the recently dissolved monastery of St. Saviour, known as Bermondsey. From there, there is a Long Lane (named for its length) that turns west towards St. George's Church mentioned earlier. Off Long Lane, there is another street that goes south-east, called Kentish Street, as it leads into that region; and so you have the boundaries of this borough.
The antiquities most notable in this borough are these: First, for ecclesiastical, there was Bermondsey, an abbey of black monks, St. Mary Overies, a priory of canons regular, St. Thomas, a college or hospital for the poor, and the Loke, a lazar house in Kent street. Parish churches there have been six, whereof five do remain; viz., St. Mary Magdalen, in the priory of St. Mary Overy, now the same St. Mary Overy is the parish church for the said Mary Magdalen, and for St. Margaret on the hill, and is called St. Saviour.
The most notable historical sites in this area are as follows: Firstly, in terms of religious institutions, there was Bermondsey, an abbey for black monks; St. Mary Overies, a priory for regular canons; St. Thomas, a college or hospital for the poor; and the Loke, a leprosy hospital on Kent Street. There have been six parish churches, five of which still exist: St. Mary Magdalen, located in the priory of St. Mary Overy, which is now the parish church for both St. Mary Magdalen and St. Margaret on the hill, and is referred to as St. Saviour.
St. Margaret on the hill being put down is now a court for[360] justice; St. Thomas in the hospital serveth for a parish church as before; St. George a parish church as before it did; so doth St. Olave and St. Mary Magdalen, by the abbey of Bermondsey.
St. Margaret on the hill is now a courthouse for[360] justice; St. Thomas in the hospital still serves as a parish church like it did before; St. George remains a parish church just as it did before; and so do St. Olave and St. Mary Magdalen, near the abbey of Bermondsey.
There be also these five prisons or gaols:
There are also these five prisons or jails:
The Clinke on the Banke.
The Compter, in the late parish church of St. Margaret.
The Marshalsey.
The Kinges Bench.
And the White Lion, all in Long Southwarke.
The Clinke on the Bank.
The Compter, in the former parish church of St. Margaret.
The Marshalsea.
The King's Bench.
And the White Lion, all in Long Southwark.
Houses most notable be these:
Most notable houses are these:
The Bishop of Winchester’s house.
The Bishop of Rochester’s house.
The Duke of Suffolk’s house, or Southwark place.
The Tabard, an hostery or inn.
The Abbot of Hyde, his house.
The Prior of Lewes, his house.
The Abbot of St. Augustine, his house.
The Bridge house.
The Abbot of Battaile, his house.
Battaile bridge.
The Stewes on the bank of Thames.
And the Bear gardens there.
The Bishop of Winchester’s house.
The Bishop of Rochester’s house.
The Duke of Suffolk’s house, or Southwark place.
The Tabard, an inn.
The Abbot of Hyde, his house.
The Prior of Lewes, his house.
The Abbot of St. Augustine, his house.
The Bridge house.
The Abbot of Battaile, his house.
Battaile bridge.
The Stewes by the Thames.
And the Bear gardens there.
Now, to return to the west bank, there be two bear gardens, the old and new places, wherein be kept bears, bulls, and other beasts, to be baited; as also mastiffs in several kennels, nourished to bait them. These bears and other beasts are there baited in plots of ground, scaffolded about for the beholders to stand safe.
Now, to go back to the west bank, there are two bear gardens, the old and new locations, where they keep bears, bulls, and other animals for baiting; also, mastiffs are raised in different kennels to bait them. These bears and other animals are baited in areas with scaffolding around them so that spectators can watch safely.
Next on this bank was sometime the Bordello, or Stewes, a place so called of certain stew-houses privileged there, for the repair of incontinent men to the like women; of the which privilege I have read thus:
Next on this bank was once the Bordello, or Stewes, a place named after certain stew-houses that had the privilege for the use of incontinent men with women like them; of which privilege I have read this:
In a parliament holden at Westminster, the 8th of Henry II., it was ordained by the commons, and confirmed by the king and lords, that divers constitutions for ever should be kept within that lordship or franchise, according to the old customs that had been there used time out of mind: amongst the which these following were some, viz.
In a parliament held at Westminster, during the 8th year of Henry II., it was decided by the commons and approved by the king and lords that various rules should always be maintained within that lordship or franchise, following the old customs that had been practiced there for ages. Among these, the following were some:
“That no stew-holder or his wife should let or stay any single woman, to go and come freely at all times when they listed.
“That no stew-holder or his wife should allow any single woman to go in and out freely whenever they wanted.”
“No stew-holder to keep any woman to board, but she to board abroad at her pleasure.
“No stew-holder to keep any woman for boarding, but she can board elsewhere as she pleases."
“To take no more for the woman’s chamber in the week than fourteen pence.
“To spend no more than fourteen pence on the woman’s room for the week.
“Not to keep open his doors upon the holidays.
“Not to keep his doors open during the holidays."
“Not to keep any single woman in his house on the holidays, but the bailiff to see them voided out of the lordship.
“Not to have any single woman stay in his house during the holidays, but for the bailiff to ensure they are removed from the estate.”
“No single woman to be kept against her will that would leave her sin.
“No single woman shall be kept against her will if she wishes to leave her sin.
“No stew-holder to receive any woman of religion, or any man’s wife.
“No stew-holder is allowed to accept any woman of faith or any man's wife.”
“No single woman to take money to lie with any man, but she lie with him all night till the morrow.
“No single woman should accept money to be with any man, but she can spend the night with him until morning.”
“No man to be drawn or enticed into any stew-house.
“No man should be lured or tempted into any stewhouse.
“The constables, bailiff, and others, every week to search every stew-house.
“The constables, bailiff, and others search every stew-house every week."
“No stew-holder to keep any woman that hath the perilous infirmity of burning, not to sell bread, ale, flesh, fish, wood, coal, or any victuals, etc.”
“No container to keep any woman who has the dangerous condition of being hot, nor to sell bread, ale, meat, fish, wood, coal, or any food items, etc.”
These and many more orders were to be observed upon great pain and punishment. I have also seen divers patents of confirmation, namely, one dated 1345, the 19th of Edward III.[272] Also I find, that in the 4th of Richard II., these stew-houses belonging to William Walworth, then mayor of London, were farmed by Froes of Flanders, and spoiled by Walter Tyler, and other rebels of Kent: notwithstanding, I find that ordinances for the same place and houses were again confirmed in the reign of Henry VI., to be continued as before. Also, Robert Fabian writeth, that in the year 1506, the 21st of Henry VII., the said stew-houses in Southwarke were for a season inhibited, and the doors closed up, but it was not long (saith he) ere the houses there were set open again, so many as were permitted, for (as it was said) whereas before were eighteen houses, from thenceforth were appointed to be used but twelve only. These allowed stew-houses had signs on their fronts, towards the Thames, not hanged out, but painted on the walls, as a Boar’s head, the Cross keys, the Gun, the Castle, the Crane, the Cardinal’s hat, the Bell, the Swan, etc. I have heard of ancient men, of good credit, report, that these single women were forbidden the rites of the church, so long as they continued that sinful life, and were excluded from Christian burial,[362] if they were not reconciled before their death. And therefore there was a plot of ground called the Single Woman’s churchyard, appointed for them far from the parish church.
These and many more orders had to be followed under severe pain and punishment. I have also seen various confirmation documents, one dated 1345, during the 19th year of Edward III.[272] I also found that in the 4th year of Richard II, these stew-houses belonging to William Walworth, who was then the mayor of London, were rented out by Froes of Flanders and were damaged by Walter Tyler and other rebels from Kent. Nevertheless, I found that regulations for these places and houses were reaffirmed during the reign of Henry VI to continue as before. Furthermore, Robert Fabian writes that in the year 1506, in the 21st year of Henry VII, the stew-houses in Southwark were temporarily shut down and their doors boarded up, but before long (as he says), the houses were reopened, though only a certain number were allowed to operate. While there had previously been eighteen houses, only twelve were designated for use going forward. These approved stew-houses displayed signs on their fronts facing the Thames, not hanging but painted on the walls, such as a Boar’s head, the Cross keys, the Gun, the Castle, the Crane, the Cardinal’s hat, the Bell, the Swan, and so on. I've heard from reputable old men that these single women were denied church rites as long as they continued that sinful lifestyle and were excluded from Christian burial,[362] unless they were reconciled before their death. Therefore, there was a piece of land designated as the Single Woman’s churchyard, set aside for them far from the parish church.
In the year of Christ 1546, the 37th of Henry VIII., this row of stews in Southwarke was put down by the king’s commandment, which was proclaimed by sound of trumpet, no more to be privileged, and used as a common brothel, but the inhabitants of the same to keep good and honest rule as in other places of this realm, etc.
In the year 1546, the 37th of Henry VIII, this row of brothels in Southwark was shut down by the king’s order, which was announced by trumpet blast, no longer to be allowed to operate as a common brothel. Instead, the people living there were to maintain good and proper conduct, just like in other parts of the kingdom, etc.
Then next is the Clinke, a gaol or prison for the trespassers in those parts; namely, in old time, for such as should brabble, frey, or break the peace on the said bank, or in the brothel houses, they were by the inhabitants thereabout apprehended and committed to this gaol, where they were straitly imprisoned.
Then next is the Clinke, a jail for offenders in that area; specifically, in the past, for those who caused fights, arguments, or disrupted the peace on the riverbank or in the brothel houses. They were caught by the locals and sent to this jail, where they were tightly confined.
Next is the bishop of Winchester’s house, or lodging, when he cometh to this city; which house was first built by William Gifford, bishop of Winchester, about the year 1107, the 7th of Henry I., upon a plot of ground pertaining to the prior of Bermondsey, as appeareth by a writ directed unto the barons of the Exchequer, in the year 1366, the 41st of Edward III. (the bishop’s see being void), for eight pounds, due to the monks of Bermondsey for the bishop of Winchester’s lodging in Southwark. This is a very fair house, well repaired, and hath a large wharf and landing-place, called the bishop of Winchester’s stairs.
Next is the bishop of Winchester’s house, or accommodation, when he visits this city. This house was originally built by William Gifford, bishop of Winchester, around the year 1107, during the 7th year of Henry I., on land owned by the prior of Bermondsey. This is confirmed by a writ addressed to the barons of the Exchequer in 1366, the 41st year of Edward III. (when the bishop’s seat was vacant), for eight pounds owed to the monks of Bermondsey for the bishop of Winchester’s lodging in Southwark. This is a very nice house, well maintained, and has a large wharf and landing area known as the bishop of Winchester’s stairs.
Adjoining to this, on the south side the roof, is the bishop of Rochester’s inn or lodging, by whom first erected I do not now remember me to have read; but well I wot the same of long time hath not been frequented by any bishop, and lieth ruinous for any lack of reparations. The abbot of Maverley had a house there.
Adjoining this, on the south side of the roof, is the bishop of Rochester’s inn or lodging. I don’t remember who built it, but I know it hasn’t been used by any bishop for a long time and is now in disrepair due to a lack of maintenance. The abbot of Maverley had a house there.
East from the bishop of Winchester’s house, directly over against it, standeth a fair church called St. Mary over the Rie, or Overie, that is over the water. This church, or some other in place thereof, was of old time, long before the Conquest, a house of sisters, founded by a maiden named Mary; unto the which house and sisters she left (as was left to her by her parents) the oversight and profits of a cross ferry, or traverse ferry over the Thames, there kept before that any bridge was built. This house of sisters was after by Swithen, a noble lady, converted into a college of priests, who in place of the ferry built a bridge of timber, and from time to time kept the same in good reparations, but lastly the same bridge was built of stone; and then[363] in the year 1106 was this church again founded for canons regulars by William Pont de la Arche and William Dauncy, knights, Normans.
East of the bishop of Winchester’s house, right across from it, stands a beautiful church called St. Mary over the Rie, or Overie, which means over the water. This church, or another one that used to be in its place, was originally a convent for sisters, established a long time before the Conquest by a young woman named Mary. She bequeathed to this convent and its sisters (as she received from her parents) the management and profits of a cross ferry, or traverse ferry, over the Thames, which operated before any bridge was built. This convent was later transformed by Swithen, a noblewoman, into a college of priests, who replaced the ferry with a wooden bridge and maintained it over time. Eventually, that bridge was rebuilt in stone; then, in the year 1106, this church was reestablished for regular canons by William Pont de la Arche and William Dauncy, knights from Normandy.
William Gifford, bishop of Winchester, was a good benefactor also, for he, as some have noted, built the body of that church in the year 1106, the 7th of Henry I.
William Gifford, bishop of Winchester, was also a great benefactor, as some have pointed out, because he built the main structure of that church in the year 1106, the 7th year of Henry I's reign.
The canons first entered the said church then; Algodus was the first prior.
The canons first entered the mentioned church then; Algodus was the first prior.
King Henry I. by his charter gave them the church of St. Margaret in Southwarke.
King Henry I granted them the church of St. Margaret in Southwark through his charter.
King Stephen confirmed the gift of King Henry, and also gave the stone-house, which was William Pont de le Arche’s, by Downegate.
King Stephen confirmed King Henry's gift and also gave the stone house that belonged to William Pont de le Arche, located by Downegate.
This priory was burnt about the year 1207, wherefore the canons did found a hospital near unto their priory, where they celebrated until the priory was repaired; which hospital was after, by consent of Peter de la Roch, bishop of Winchester, removed into the land of Anicius, archdeacon of Surrey, in the year 1228, a place where the water was more plentiful, and the air more wholesome, and was dedicated to St. Thomas.
This priory was burned around the year 1207, so the canons established a hospital near their priory, where they held services until the priory was rebuilt. Later, with the agreement of Peter de la Roch, the bishop of Winchester, the hospital was relocated to the land of Anicius, the archdeacon of Surrey, in 1228, to a site where there was more abundant water and cleaner air, and it was dedicated to St. Thomas.
This Peter de Rupibus, or de la Roch, founded a large chapel of St. Mary Magdalen, in the said church of St. Mary Overie; which chapel was after appointed to be the parish church for the inhabitants near adjoining.
This Peter de Rupibus, or de la Roch, established a large chapel of St. Mary Magdalen in the church of St. Mary Overie; this chapel was later designated as the parish church for the nearby residents.
This church was again newly built in the reign of Richard II. and King Henry IV.
This church was newly built again during the reign of Richard II and King Henry IV.
John Gower, esquire, a famous poet,[273] was then an especial benefactor to that work, and was there buried on the north side of the said church, in the chapel of St. John, where he founded a chantry: he lieth under a tomb of stone, with his image, also of stone, over him: the hair of his head, auburn, long to his shoulders, but curling up, and a small forked beard; on his head a chaplet, like a coronet of four roses; a habit of purple, damasked down to his feet; a collar of esses gold about his neck; under his head the likeness of three books, which he compiled. The first, named Speculum Meditantis, written in French; the second, Vox Clamantis, penned in Latin; the third, Confessio Amantis, written in English, and this last is printed. Vox Clamantis, with his Cronica Tripartita, and other, both in Latin and French, never printed, I have and do possess, but Speculum Meditantis I never saw, though heard thereof to[364] be in Kent. Beside on the wall where he lieth, there was painted three virgins crowned; one of the which was named Charity, holding this device:
John Gower, a well-known poet, was a significant supporter of that work and was buried on the north side of the church, in the chapel of St. John, where he established a chantry. He rests under a stone tomb, with a stone image above him: his hair is auburn, long to his shoulders, but curled up, and he has a small forked beard. On his head is a crown made of four roses; he wears a purple robe that reaches down to his feet, and a gold collar around his neck. Beneath his head is the likeness of three books that he wrote. The first is titled Speculum Meditantis, written in French; the second, Vox Clamantis, written in Latin; the third, Confessio Amantis, written in English, and the last one has been printed. I possess Vox Clamantis, along with his Cronica Tripartita, and other works in both Latin and French that have never been printed, but I have never seen Speculum Meditantis, although I have heard it exists in Kent. Additionally, on the wall where he is buried, three crowned virgins were painted; one of them is named Charity, holding this device:
"Safe is he who lies beneath this stone."
The second writing, Mercy, with this device:
The second writing, Mercy, with this design:
"To the soul, whose body lies here."
The third writing, Pity, with this device:
The third piece, Pity, with this design:
"May this soul be kept safe."
His arms a field argent, on a cheveron azure, three leopards’ heads gold, their tongues gules; two angels supporters, on the crest a talbot: his epitaph,
His arms are silver, featuring a blue chevron with three gold leopard heads, their tongues red; there are two angel supporters, and on the crest, a talbot: his epitaph,
Reddidit immolatum morti generale tributum,
May the freed spirit rejoice in its liberation,
"Where the kingdom of virtues is established without flaw,"
The roof of the middle west aisle fell down in the year 1469. This priory was surrendered to Henry VIII., the 31st of his reign, the 27th of October, the year of Christ 1539, valued at £624 6s. 6d. by the year.
The roof of the middle west aisle collapsed in 1469. This priory was given up to Henry VIII on October 27, 1539, the 31st year of his reign, valued at £624 6s. 6d. per year.
About Christmas next following, the church of the said priory was purchased of the king by the inhabitants of the borough, Doctor Stephen Gardner, bishop of Winchester, putting to his helping hand; they made thereof a parish church for the parish church of St. Mary Magdalen, on the south side of the said choir, and of St. Margaret on the hill, which were made one parish of St. Saviour.
About the Christmas that followed, the church of the priory was bought from the king by the people of the borough, with the assistance of Doctor Stephen Gardner, the bishop of Winchester. They turned it into a parish church for the parish of St. Mary Magdalen, located on the south side of the choir, and St. Margaret on the hill, which were combined into one parish called St. Saviour.
There be monuments in this church,—of Robert Liliarde, or Hiliarde, esquire; Margaret, daughter to the Lady Audley, wife to Sir Thomas Audley; William Grevill, esquire, and Margaret his wife; one of the heirs of William Spershut, esquire; Dame Katherine, wife to John Stoke, alderman; Robert Merfin, esquire; William Undall, esquire; Lord Ospay Ferar; Sir George Brewes, knight; John Browne; Lady Brandon, wife to Sir Thomas Brandon; William, Lord Scales; William, Earl Warren; Dame Maude, wife to Sir John Peach; Lewknor; Dame Margaret Elrington, one of the heirs of Sir Thomas Elrington; John Bowden, esquire; Robert St. Magil; John Sandhurst; John Gower; John Duncell, merchant-tailor, 1516; John Sturton, esquire; Robert Rouse; Thomas Tong, first[365] Norroy, and after Clarenceaux king of arms; William Wickham, translated from the see of Lincoln to the bishopric of Winchester in the month of March, 1595, deceased the 11th of June next following, and was buried here; Thomas Cure, esquire, saddler to King Edward VI., Queen Mary, and Queen Elizabeth, deceased the 24th of May, 1598, etc.
There are monuments in this church—of Robert Liliarde, or Hiliarde, esquire; Margaret, daughter of Lady Audley, wife of Sir Thomas Audley; William Grevill, esquire, and his wife Margaret; one of the heirs of William Spershut, esquire; Dame Katherine, wife of John Stoke, alderman; Robert Merfin, esquire; William Undall, esquire; Lord Ospay Ferar; Sir George Brewes, knight; John Browne; Lady Brandon, wife of Sir Thomas Brandon; William, Lord Scales; William, Earl Warren; Dame Maude, wife of Sir John Peach; Lewknor; Dame Margaret Elrington, one of the heirs of Sir Thomas Elrington; John Bowden, esquire; Robert St. Magil; John Sandhurst; John Gower; John Duncell, merchant-tailor, 1516; John Sturton, esquire; Robert Rouse; Thomas Tong, first Norroy, and later Clarenceaux king of arms; William Wickham, who was transferred from the see of Lincoln to the bishopric of Winchester in March 1595, died on June 11th the following year and was buried here; Thomas Cure, esquire, saddler to King Edward VI, Queen Mary, and Queen Elizabeth, died on May 24th, 1598, etc.
Now passing through St. Mary Over’s close (in possession of the Lord Mountacute), and Pepper alley, into Long Southwark, on the right hand thereof the market-hill, where the leather is sold, there stood the late named parish church of St. Margaret, given to St. Mary Overies by Henry I., put down and joined with the parish of St. Mary Magdalen, and united to the late dissolved priory church of St. Mary Overy.
Now passing through St. Mary Over’s close (owned by Lord Mountacute) and Pepper Alley, into Long Southwark, on the right side is the market hill, where leather is sold. There stood the recently mentioned parish church of St. Margaret, which was given to St. Mary Overies by Henry I. It was closed down and merged with the parish of St. Mary Magdalen, and connected to the recently dissolved priory church of St. Mary Overy.
A part of this parish church of St. Margaret is now a court, wherein the assizes and sessions be kept, and the court of admiralty is also there kept. One other part of the same church is now a prison, called the Compter in Southwark, etc.
A section of this parish church of St. Margaret is now a courthouse, where the assizes and sessions are held, and the court of admiralty also takes place there. Another part of the same church is now a prison, known as the Compter in Southwark, etc.
Farther up on that side, almost directly over against St. George’s church, was sometime a large and most sumptuous house, built by Charles Brandon, late Duke of Suffolk, in the reign of Henry VIII., which was called Suffolk house, but coming afterwards into the king’s hands, the same was called Southwarke place, and a mint of coinage was there kept for the king.
Further up on that side, almost directly across from St. George’s church, there used to be a large and very luxurious house, built by Charles Brandon, the late Duke of Suffolk, during the reign of Henry VIII. It was called Suffolk House, but later came into the king’s possession and was then referred to as Southwarke Place, where a mint for coinage was operated for the king.
To this place came King Edward VI., in the second of his reign, from Hampton Court, and dined in it. He at that time made John Yorke, one of the sheriffs of London, knight, and then rode through the city to Westminster.
To this place came King Edward VI, in the second year of his reign, from Hampton Court, and had dinner there. At that time, he knighted John Yorke, one of the sheriffs of London, and then rode through the city to Westminster.
Queen Mary gave this house to Nicholas Heath, Archbishop of Yorke, and to his successors, for ever, to be their inn or lodging for their repair to London, in recompense of Yorke house near to Westminster, which King Henry her father had taken from Cardinal Wolsey, and from the see of Yorke.
Queen Mary gave this house to Nicholas Heath, Archbishop of York, and to his successors forever, to be their inn or lodging for their trips to London, as compensation for York House near Westminster, which her father, King Henry, had taken from Cardinal Wolsey and the see of York.
Archbishop Heath sold the same house to a merchant, or to merchants, that pulled it down, sold the lead, stone, iron, etc.; and in place thereof built many small cottages of great rents, to the increasing of beggars in that borough. The archbishop bought Norwich house, or Suffolke place, near unto Charing cross, because it was near unto the court, and left it to his successors.
Archbishop Heath sold the same house to a merchant, or to merchants, who demolished it, selling off the lead, stone, iron, and other materials. In its place, they built several small cottages with high rents, which led to an increase in beggars in that area. The archbishop purchased Norwich house, or Suffolk place, near Charing Cross, because it was close to the court, and left it to his successors.
Now on the south side to return back again towards the bridge, over against this Suffolke place, is the parish church of St. George, sometime pertaining to the priory of Barmondsey, by the gift of Thomas Arderne and Thomas his son, in the year[366] 1122. There lie buried in this church, William Kirton, esquire, and his wives, 1464.
Now on the south side, heading back towards the bridge, across from this Suffolk place, is the parish church of St. George, which used to belong to the priory of Bermondsey, given by Thomas Arderne and his son Thomas, in the year[366] 1122. Buried in this church are William Kirton, esquire, and his wives, 1464.
Then is the White Lion, a gaol so called, for that the same was a common hosterie for the receipt of travellers by that sign. This house was first used as a gaol within these forty years last, since the which time the prisoners were once removed thence to a house in Newtowne, where they remained for a short time, and were returned back again to the foresaid White Lion, there to remain as in the appointed gaol for the county of Surrey.
Then there's the White Lion, a jail by that name, because it used to be a common inn for travelers known by that sign. This place has been used as a jail for the past forty years; before that, prisoners were briefly moved to a place in Newtown, but they were soon brought back to the White Lion, where they were to stay as the designated jail for Surrey County.
Next is the gaol or prison of the King’s Bench, but of what antiquity the same is I know not. For I have read that the courts of the King’s Bench and Chancery have ofttimes been removed from London to other places, and so hath likewise the gaols that serve those courts; as in the year 1304, Edward I. commanded the courts of the King’s Bench and the Exchequer, which had remained seven years at Yorke, to be removed to their old places at London. And in the year 1387, the 11th of Richard II., Robert Tresilian, chief justice, came to the city of Coventrie, and there sate by the space of a month, as justice of the Kinge’s benches, and caused to be indited in that court, about the number of two thousand persons of that country, etc.
Next is the jail or prison of the King’s Bench, but I don’t know how old it is. I have read that the courts of the King’s Bench and Chancery have often moved from London to other places, and so have the jails that serve those courts. For example, in 1304, Edward I. ordered the King’s Bench and the Exchequer courts, which had been in York for seven years, to return to their original locations in London. Then, in 1387, in the 11th year of Richard II., Robert Tresilian, the chief justice, came to the city of Coventry and sat there for a month as a justice of the King’s Bench, where he ordered around two thousand people from that area to be indicted in that court, etc.
It seemeth, therefore, that for that time, the prison or gaol of that court was not far off. Also in the year 1392, the 16th of the same Richard, the Archbishop of York being Lord Chancellor, for good will that he bare to his city, caused the King’s Bench and Chancery to be removed from London to York, but ere long they were returned to London.
It seems, therefore, that at that time, the prison or jail of that court was not far away. Also, in the year 1392, during the 16th year of King Richard's reign, the Archbishop of York, who was Lord Chancellor, moved the King’s Bench and Chancery from London to York out of goodwill towards his city, but they were soon returned to London.
Then is the Marshalsey, another gaol or prison, so called, as pertaining to the marshals of England. Of what continuance kept in Southwark I have not learned; but like it is, that the same hath been removable, at the pleasure of the marshals: for I find that in the year 1376, the 50th of Edward III., Henry Percie (being marshal) kept his prisoners in the city of London, where having committed one John Prendergast, of Norwich, contrary to the liberties of the city of London, the citizens, by persuasion of the Lord Fitzwalter their standard-bearer, took armour and ran with great rage to the marshal’s inn, brake up the gates, brought out the prisoner, and conveyed him away, minding to have burnt the stocks in the midst of their city, but they first sought for Sir Henry Percy to have punished him, as I have noted in my Annales.
Then there's the Marshalsey, another jail or prison, named after the marshals of England. I don't know how long it has been in Southwark, but it seems that its location could change at the marshals' discretion: I found that in the year 1376, during the reign of Edward III, Henry Percy (who was the marshal) held his prisoners in the city of London. When he imprisoned a man named John Prendergast from Norwich, it went against the rights of the city. The citizens, urged on by Lord Fitzwalter, their standard-bearer, armed themselves and angrily raced to the marshal’s inn, broke down the gates, freed the prisoner, and took him away, intending to burn the stocks in the center of their city. However, they first looked for Sir Henry Percy to punish him, as I mentioned in my Annales.
More about the feast of Easter next following, John, Duke of Lancaster, having caused all the whole navy of England to be gathered together at London: it chanced a certain esquire to kill one of the shipmen, which act the other shipmen taking in ill part, they brought their suit into the king’s court of the Marshalsey, which then as chanced (saith mine author) was kept in Southwark: but when they perceived that court to be so favourable to the murderer, and further that the king’s warrant was also gotten for his pardon, they in great fury ran to the house wherein the murderer was imprisoned, brake into it, and brought forth the prisoner with his gyves on his legs, they thrust a knife to his heart, and sticked him as if he had been a dog; after this they tied a rope to his gyves, and drew him to the gallows, where when they had hanged him, as though they had done a great act, they caused the trumpets to be sounded before them to their ships, and there in great triumph they spent the rest of the day.
More about the Easter feast next follows: John, Duke of Lancaster, had gathered all of England's navy in London. It happened that a certain squire killed one of the shipmen, and the other shipmen took this poorly. They brought their case to the king's court of the Marshalsey, which, as my source says, was then held in Southwark. When they saw that the court was so lenient towards the murderer and that the king had even granted a pardon for him, they, in a rage, rushed to the house where the murderer was imprisoned, broke in, and brought the prisoner out, still shackled. They thrust a knife into his heart and killed him as if he were a dog. After that, they tied a rope to his shackles and dragged him to the gallows. Once they hanged him, as if they had accomplished something significant, they had the trumpets sounded before them as they returned to their ships, where they celebrated the rest of the day in triumph.
Also the rebels of Kent, in the year 1381, brake down the houses of the Marshalsey and King’s Bench in Southwark, took from thence the prisoners, brake down the house of Sir John Immorth, then marshal of the Marshalsey and King’s Bench, etc. After this, in the year 1387, the 11th of Richard II., the morrow after Bartholomew day, the king kept a great council in the castle of Nottingham, and the Marshalsey of the king was then kept at Loughborrow by the space of five days or more. In the year 1443, Sir Walter Manny was marshal of the Marshalsey, the 22nd of Henry VI. William Brandon, esquire, was marshal in the 8th of Edward IV. In the year 1504 the prisoners of the Marshalsey, then in Southwark, brake out, and many of them being taken were executed, especially such as had been committed for felony or treason.
Also, the Kentish rebels in 1381 broke into the houses of the Marshalsey and King’s Bench in Southwark, freed the prisoners from there, and destroyed the house of Sir John Immorth, who was the marshal of the Marshalsey and King’s Bench at the time. After this, in 1387, during the 11th year of Richard II, on the day after Bartholomew's Day, the king held a large council at Nottingham Castle, and the king’s Marshalsey was then held at Loughborough for five days or more. In 1443, Sir Walter Manny was the marshal of the Marshalsey during the 22nd year of Henry VI. William Brandon, esquire, was the marshal in the 8th year of Edward IV. In 1504, the prisoners at the Marshalsey in Southwark broke out, and many of those who were recaptured were executed, especially those who had been imprisoned for felony or treason.
From thence towards London bridge, on the same side, be many fair inns, for recepit of travellers, by these signs, the Spurre, Christopher, Bull, Queene’s Head, Tabarde, George, Hart, Kinge’s Head, etc. Amongst the which, the most ancient is the Tabard, so called of the sign, which, as we now term it, is of a jacket, or sleeveless coat, whole before, open on both sides, with a square collar, winged at the shoulders; a stately garment of old time, commonly worn of noblemen and others, both at home and abroad in the wars, but then (to wit in the wars) their arms embroidered, or otherwise depict upon them, that every man by his coat of arms might be known from others: but now these tabards are only worn by the heralds, and be[368] called their coats of arms in service; for the inn of the tabard, Geffrey Chaucer, esquire, the most famous poet of England, in commendation thereof, writeth thus:—
From there towards London Bridge, on the same side, there are many nice inns for the reception of travelers, marked by the signs: the Spur, Christopher, Bull, Queen’s Head, Tabard, George, Hart, King’s Head, etc. Among these, the oldest is the Tabard, named after its sign, which, as we now call it, is a kind of jacket or sleeveless coat, closed in the front, open on both sides, with a square collar and wings on the shoulders; it was a stately garment from ancient times, commonly worn by noblemen and others, both at home and in wars. Back then (in the wars), they had their arms embroidered or depicted on them, so everyone could recognize each other's coat of arms. But now, these tabards are only worn by heralds and are called their coats of arms in service; for the inn of the Tabard, Geoffrey Chaucer, esquire, the most famous poet of England, commended it by writing this:—
In Southwark at the Tabard, as I lay, Ready to begin my pilgrimage. To Canterbury with devout courage,
At night, I arrived at that inn,
Well, twenty-nine in a company, Of various people, by chance occurring,
In community, they were all travelers, That toward Canterbury would ride, The rooms and the stables weren't wide,
And well, we weren't eased at the best,” etc.
Within this inn was also the lodging of the abbot of Hide (by the city of Winchester), a fair house for him and his train, when he came to that city to parliament, etc.
Within this inn was also the lodging of the abbot of Hide (near the city of Winchester), a nice place for him and his entourage when he came to that city for parliament, etc.
And then Theeves lane, by St. Thomas’ hospital. The hospital of St. Thomas, first founded by Richard Prior of Bermondsey, in the Selerers ground against the wall of the monastery, in the year 1213, he named it the Almerie, or house of alms for converts and poor children; for the which ground the prior ordained that the almoner should pay ten shillings and four pence yearly to the Selerer at Michaelmas.
And then Theeves Lane, by St. Thomas’ Hospital. The hospital of St. Thomas was first established by Richard, the Prior of Bermondsey, in the Selerers ground against the wall of the monastery, in the year 1213. He named it the Almerie, or house of alms for converts and poor children. For this land, the prior decreed that the almoner should pay ten shillings and four pence each year to the Selerer at Michaelmas.
But Peter de Rupibus,[274] Bishop of Winchester, in the year 1215, founded the same again more fully for canons regular in place of the first hospital; he increased the rent thereof to three hundred and forty-four pounds in the year. Thus was this hospital holden of the prior and abbot of Bermondsey till the year 1428, at which time a composition was made between Thomas Thetford, abbot of Bermondsey, and Nicholas Buckland, master of the said hospital of St. Thomas, for all the lands and tenements which were holden of the said abbot and convent in Southwark, or elsewhere, for the old rent to be paid unto the said abbot.
But Peter de Rupibus, [274] Bishop of Winchester, in the year 1215, reestablished it more completely for regular canons, replacing the original hospital. He raised the rent to three hundred and forty-four pounds per year. This hospital was under the management of the prior and abbot of Bermondsey until 1428, when an agreement was made between Thomas Thetford, abbot of Bermondsey, and Nicholas Buckland, master of the hospital of St. Thomas, regarding all the lands and properties held by the abbot and convent in Southwark or elsewhere, with the old rent continuing to be paid to the abbot.
There be monuments in this hospital church of Sir Robert Chamber, knight; William Fines, Lord Say; Richard Chaucer, John Gloucester, Adam Atwood, John Ward, Michael Cambridge, William West, John Golding, esquires; John Benham, George Kirkes, Thomas Kninton, Thomas Baker, gentlemen; Robert, son to Sir Thomas Fleming; Agnes, wife to Sir Walter Dennis, knight, daughter, and one of the heirs of Sir Robert Danvars; John Evarey, gentleman; etc.
There are memorials in this hospital church for Sir Robert Chamber, knight; William Fines, Lord Say; Richard Chaucer, John Gloucester, Adam Atwood, John Ward, Michael Cambridge, William West, John Golding, esquires; John Benham, George Kirkes, Thomas Kninton, Thomas Baker, gentlemen; Robert, son of Sir Thomas Fleming; Agnes, wife of Sir Walter Dennis, knight, daughter and one of the heirs of Sir Robert Danvars; John Evarey, gentleman; etc.
This hospital was by the visitors, in the year 1538, valued at[369] two hundred and sixty-six pounds seventeen shillings and six pence, and was surrendered to Henry VIII., in the 30th of his reign.
This hospital was valued by visitors in 1538 at[369] two hundred sixty-six pounds, seventeen shillings, and six pence, and was turned over to Henry VIII in the 30th year of his reign.
In the year 1552, the citizens of London having purchased the void suppressed hospital of St. Thomas in Southwark, in the month of July began the reparations thereof, for poor, impotent, lame, and diseased people, so that in the month of November next following, the sick and poor people were taken in. And in the year 1553, on the 10th of April, King Edward VI., in the 7th of his reign, gave to the mayor, commonalty, and citizens of London, to be a workhouse for the poor and idle persons of this city, his house of Bridewell, and seven hundred marks land of the Savoy rents, which hospital he had suppressed, with all the beds, bedding, and other furniture belonging to the same, towards the maintenance of the said workhouse of Bridewell, and of this hospital of St. Thomas in Southwark. This gift the king confirmed by his charter, dated the 26th of June next following, and willed it to be called the King’s hospital in Southwark.
In 1552, the citizens of London bought the vacant hospital of St. Thomas in Southwark and started renovations in July for the benefit of poor, disabled, and sick individuals. By November, the hospital was ready to accept sick and needy people. In 1553, on April 10th, King Edward VI, in the 7th year of his reign, gave the mayor, common people, and citizens of London his house of Bridewell and seven hundred marks worth of land from Savoy rents to be a workhouse for the poor and idle in the city. This included the hospital he had shut down, along with all the beds, bedding, and furniture for the upkeep of Bridewell and St. Thomas in Southwark. The king confirmed this gift with his charter dated June 26th of the same year and designated it as the King’s hospital in Southwark.
The church of this hospital, which of old time served for the tenements near adjoining, and pertaining to the said hospital, remaineth as a parish church.
The church of this hospital, which used to serve the nearby buildings connected to the hospital, still functions as a parish church.
But now to come to St. Olave’s street. On the bank of the river of Thames, is the parish church of St. Olave, a fair and meet large church, but a far larger parish especially of aliens or strangers, and poor people; in which church there lieth entombed Sir John Burcettur, knight, 1466.
But now let's talk about St. Olave’s Street. On the banks of the River Thames is the parish church of St. Olave, a beautiful and sizable church, but the parish itself is much larger, especially filled with foreigners and poor people; in this church lies the tomb of Sir John Burcettur, knight, 1466.
Over against this parish church, on the south side the street was sometime one great house built of stone, with arched gates, pertaining to the prior of Lewes in Sussex, and was his lodging when he came to London; it is now a common hosterie for travellers, and hath to sign the Walnut Tree.
Across from this parish church, on the south side of the street, there used to be a large stone house with arched gates, which belonged to the prior of Lewes in Sussex. It was his residence when he visited London; it is now a popular inn for travelers, marked by the sign of the Walnut Tree.
Then east from the said parish church of St. Olave is a key. In the year 1330, by the license of Simon Swanlond, mayor of London, built by Isabel, widow to Hamond Goodchepe. And next thereunto was then a great house of stone and timber, belonging to the abbot of St. Augustine without the walls of Canterburie, which was an ancient piece of work, and seemeth to be one of the first built houses on that side the river over-against the city; it was called the abbot’s inn of St. Augustine in Southwark, and was sometime holden of the Earls of Warren and Surrey, as appeareth by a deed made 1281, which I have read, and may be Englished thus:—
Then east of the parish church of St. Olave is a key. In the year 1330, with the permission of Simon Swanlond, mayor of London, Isabel, the widow of Hamond Goodchepe, built it. Next to this was a large house made of stone and timber, belonging to the abbot of St. Augustine outside the walls of Canterbury. This was an old structure and seems to be one of the first houses built on that side of the river facing the city. It was called the abbot’s inn of St. Augustine in Southwark and was once held by the Earls of Warren and Surrey, as shown by a deed made in 1281 that I have read, which can be translated as follows:—
“To all whom this present writing shall come, John Earl[370] Warren sendeth greeting. Know ye, that we have altogether remised and quit-claimed for us and our heirs for ever, to Nicholas, abbot of St. Augustine’s of Canterburie, and the convent of the same, and their successors, suit to our court of Southwarke, which they owe unto us, for all that messuage and houses thereon built, and all their appurtenances, which they have of our fee in Southwarke, situate upon the Thames, between the Bridge house and the church of St. Olave. And the said messuage, with the buildings thereon built, and all their appurtenances, to them and their successors, we have granted in perpetual alms, to hold of us and our heirs for the same, saving the service due to any other persons, if any such be, then to us; and for this remit and grant the said abbot and convent have given unto us five shillings of rent yearly in Southwarke, and have received us and our heirs in all benefices which shall be in their church for ever.” This suit of court one William Graspeis was bound to do to the said earl for the said messuage, and heretofore to acquit in all things the church of St. Augustine against the said earl.
“To everyone who receives this writing, John Earl[370] Warren sends greetings. Please be informed that we have fully released and quitclaimed for ourselves and our heirs forever, to Nicholas, abbot of St. Augustine’s of Canterbury, and the convent there, and their successors, the obligation to appear in our court of Southwark, which they owe to us, for all that property and the buildings on it, along with all their appurtenances, which they hold from our estate in Southwark, located on the Thames, between the Bridge house and the church of St. Olave. And we have granted that property, with the buildings on it and all their appurtenances, to them and their successors as perpetual charity, to hold from us and our heirs, while saving the service owed to any other persons, if there are any, then to us; and in exchange for this release and grant, the said abbot and convent have given us five shillings in yearly rent in Southwark, and have received us and our heirs into all benefices that will exist in their church forever.” This obligation to court one William Graspeis was required to fulfill to the said earl for the said property, and previously to acquit the church of St. Augustine of all matters against the said earl.
This house of late time belonged to Sir Anthony Sentlegar, then to Warham Sentlegar, etc., and is now called Sentlegar house, but divided into sundry tenements. Next is the Bridgehouse, so called as being a storehouse for stone, timber, or whatsoever pertaining to the building or repairing of London bridge.
This house recently belonged to Sir Anthony Sentlegar, then to Warham Sentlegar, and is now known as Sentlegar House, but it's been divided into several apartments. Next is the Bridgehouse, named so because it serves as a storage facility for stone, timber, or anything related to the construction or repair of London Bridge.
This house seemeth to have taken beginning with the first founding of the bridge either of stone or timber; it is a large plot of ground, on the bank of the river Thames, containing divers large buildings for stowage of things necessary towards reparation of the said bridge.
This house seems to have started with the original construction of the bridge, whether it was made of stone or wood; it covers a large area of land on the banks of the River Thames and contains several large buildings for storing items needed for the maintenance of the bridge.
There are also divers garners, for laying up of wheat, and other grainers for service of the city, as need requireth. Moreover, there be certain ovens built, in number ten, of which six be very large, the other four being but half so big. These were purposely made to bake out the bread corn of the said grainers, to the best advantage for relief of the poor citizens, when need should require. Sir John Throstone, knight, sometime an embroiderer, then a goldsmith, one of the sheriffs 1516, gave by his testament towards the making of these ovens, two hundred pounds, which thing was performed by his executors. Sir John Munday, goldsmith, then being mayor, there was of late, for the enlarging of the said Bridge house, taken in an old brewhouse, called Goldings, which was given to the city by George Monex,[371] sometime mayor, and in place thereof, is now a fair brewhouse new built, for service of the city with beer.
There are various storage facilities for keeping wheat and other grains for the city's needs as required. Additionally, there are ten ovens, six of which are quite large, while the other four are only half their size. These ovens were specifically built to bake bread from the grain storage for the benefit of the poorer citizens when necessary. Sir John Throstone, a knight who was once an embroiderer and later a goldsmith, and one of the sheriffs in 1516, bequeathed two hundred pounds in his will for the construction of these ovens, and his executors carried out this wish. Sir John Munday, a goldsmith and the then mayor, authorized the recent expansion of the Bridge house, which involved taking over an old brewhouse called Goldings, given to the city by George Monex, a former mayor. In its place, a new and attractive brewhouse has been built for the city's beer supply.
Next was the abbot of Battailes inn, betwixt the Bridge house and Battaile bridge, likewise on the bank of the river of Thames; the walks and gardens thereunto appertaining, on the other side of the way before the gate of the said house, and was called the Maze; there is now an inn, called the Flower de Luce, for that the sign is three Flower de Luces. Much other buildings of small tenements are thereon builded, replenished with strangers and other, for the most part poor people.
Next was the abbot of Battailes Inn, situated between the Bridge House and Battaile Bridge, also along the banks of the River Thames; the walks and gardens associated with it are on the other side of the road in front of the gate of that house, and it was called the Maze. There is now an inn called the Flower de Luce, named for its sign, which features three Flower de Luces. There are many other small buildings and tenements there, filled mostly with strangers and, for the most part, poor people.
Then is Battaile bridge, so called of Battaile abbey, for that it standeth on the ground, and over a water-course (flowing out of Thames) pertaining to that abbey, and was, therefore, both built and repaired by the abbots of that house, as being hard adjoining to the abbot’s lodging.
Then there’s Battaile Bridge, named after Battaile Abbey because it’s located on the land and over a watercourse (flowing from the Thames) that belongs to that abbey. It was both built and repaired by the abbots of that place since it’s very close to the abbot’s quarters.
Beyond this bridge is Bermondsey street, turning south, in the south end whereof was sometime a priory or abbey of St. Saviour, called Bermond’s Eye in Southwark, founded by Alwin Childe, a citizen of London, in the year 1081.
Beyond this bridge is Bermondsey Street, which turns south. At the southern end, there used to be a priory or abbey of St. Saviour, called Bermond's Eye in Southwark, founded by Alwin Childe, a London citizen, in the year 1081.
Peter, Richard, Obstert, and Umbalde, monks de Charitate, came unto Bermondsey, in the year 1089, and Peter was made first prior there, by appointment of the prior of the house, called Charity in France, by which means this priory of Bermondsey (being a cell to that in France) was accounted a priory of Aliens.
Peter, Richard, Obstert, and Umbalde, monks from Charitate, came to Bermondsey in 1089, and Peter was appointed as the first prior there by the prior of the house known as Charity in France. This made the priory of Bermondsey (which was a branch of the one in France) considered a priory of Aliens.
In the year 1094 deceased Alwin Childe, founder of this house. Then William Rufus gave to the monks his manor of Bermondsey, with the appurtenances, and built for them there a new great church.
In 1094, Alwin Childe, who founded this house, passed away. Then William Rufus gave the monks his manor of Bermondsey, along with the surrounding property, and built them a large new church there.
Robert Blewet, Bishop of Lincolne (King William’s chancellor), gave them the manor of Charlton, with the appurtenances. Also Geffrey Martell, by the grant of Geffrey Magnavile, gave them the land of Halingbury, and the tithe of Alferton, etc.
Robert Blewet, Bishop of Lincoln (King William’s chancellor), gave them the manor of Charlton, along with its associated rights. Also, Geffrey Martell, by the grant of Geffrey Magnavile, gave them the land of Halingbury and the tithe of Alferton, etc.
More, in the year 1122, Thomas of Arderne, and Thomas his son, gave to the monks of Bermond’s Eye the church of St. George in Southwark, etc.
More, in the year 1122, Thomas of Arderne and his son Thomas gave the church of St. George in Southwark to the monks of Bermond's Eye, etc.
In the year 1165, King Henry II. confirmed to them the hyde or territory of Southwark, and Laygham Wadden, with the land of Coleman, etc.
In 1165, King Henry II confirmed to them the hide or territory of Southwark, and Laygham Wadden, along with the land of Coleman, etc.
In the year 1371, the priors of Aliens, throughout England, being seized into the king’s hands, Richard Denton an Englishman was made prior of Bermondsey, to whom was committed the custody of the said priory, by the letters patents of King Edward III., saving to the king the advowsons of churches.
In 1371, the priors of aliens across England were taken into the king’s possession. Richard Denton, an Englishman, was appointed prior of Bermondsey, and he was given the responsibility for the priory under the letters patent of King Edward III, while the king retained the rights to the advowsons of churches.
In the year 1380, the 4th of Richard II., this priory was made a denison (or free English) for the fine of two hundred marks paid to the king’s Hanaper in the Chancery. In the year 1399 John Attelborough, prior of Bermondsey, was made the first abbot of that house by Pope Boniface IX., at the suit of King Richard II.
In 1380, during the reign of Richard II, this priory was granted denizen status (or free English) for a payment of two hundred marks to the king’s Hanaper in the Chancery. In 1399, John Attelborough, the prior of Bermondsey, was appointed the first abbot of that house by Pope Boniface IX, at the request of King Richard II.
In the year 1417, Thomas Thetford, abbot of Bermondsey, held a plea in chancery against the king, for the manors of Preston, Bermondsey, and Stone, in the county of Somerset, in the which suit the abbot prevailed and recovered against the king.
In 1417, Thomas Thetford, the abbot of Bermondsey, had a legal case in chancery against the king for the manors of Preston, Bermondsey, and Stone in Somerset, and in that case, the abbot won and succeeded against the king.
In the year 1539 this abbey was valued to dispend by the year four hundred and seventy-four pounds fourteen shillings and four pence halfpenny, and was surrendered to Henry VIII., the 31st of his reign; the abbey church was then pulled down by Sir Thomas Pope, knight, and in place thereof a goodly house built of stone and timber, now pertaining to the earls of Sussex.
In 1539, this abbey was assessed to spend four hundred seventy-four pounds, fourteen shillings, and four and a half pence a year. It was surrendered to Henry VIII on the 31st year of his reign. The abbey church was then demolished by Sir Thomas Pope, knight, and in its place, a beautiful house made of stone and timber was built, which now belongs to the earls of Sussex.
There are buried in that church, Leoftane, provost, shrive or domesman of London, 1115; Sir William Bowes, knight, and Dame Elizabeth his wife; Sir Thomas Pikeworth, knight; Dame Anne Audley; George, son to John Lord Audley; John Winkefield, esquire; Sir Nicholas Blonket, knight; Dame Bridget, wife to William Trussell; Holgrave, baron of the exchequer; etc.
There are buried in that church: Leoftane, the provost, sheriff, or domesman of London, 1115; Sir William Bowes, knight, and his wife Dame Elizabeth; Sir Thomas Pikeworth, knight; Dame Anne Audley; George, son of John Lord Audley; John Winkefield, esquire; Sir Nicholas Blonket, knight; Dame Bridget, wife of William Trussell; Holgrave, baron of the exchequer; etc.
Next unto this abbey church standeth a proper church of St. Mary Magdalen, built by the priors of Bermondsey, serving for resort of the inhabitants (tenants to the prior or abbots near adjoining) there to have their Divine service: this church remaineth, and serveth as afore, and is called a parish church.
Next to this abbey church is a nice church of St. Mary Magdalen, built by the priors of Bermondsey. It serves the local people (who are tenants of the prior or the nearby abbots) to attend their religious services. This church still stands and continues to serve that purpose, and is known as a parish church.
Then in Kent street is a lazar house for leprous people, called the Loke in Southwark; the foundation whereof I find not. Now, having touched divers principal parts of this borough, I am to speak somewhat of its government, and so to end.
Then on Kent Street, there’s a leper house for people with leprosy, called the Loke in Southwark; I couldn’t find out who started it. Now that I’ve covered several main aspects of this borough, I’m going to say a bit about its government, and then wrap things up.
This borough, upon petition made by the citizens of London to Edward I., in the 1st year of his reign, was, for divers causes, by parliament granted to them for ever, yielding into the exchequer the fee-firm of ten pounds by the year; which grant was confirmed by Edward III., who, in the 3rd of his reign gave them license to take a toll towards the charge of paving the said borough with stone. Henry IV. confirmed the grant of his predecessors, so did Edward IV., etc.
This borough was granted forever to the citizens of London by petition to Edward I. in the first year of his reign for various reasons, with an annual payment of ten pounds to the treasury. Edward III confirmed this grant and in the third year of his reign allowed them to collect a toll to help cover the costs of paving the borough with stone. Henry IV and Edward IV both also confirmed the grants made by their predecessors, among others.
But in the year 1550, King Edward VI., for the sum of six hundred and forty-seven pounds two shillings and one penny, paid into his court of augmentations and revenues of his crown,[373] granted to the mayor and commonalty all his lands and tenements in Southwark, except, and reserved, the capital messuage, two mansions, called Southwark place, late the Duke of Suffolk’s, and all the gardens and lands to the same appertaining, the park, and the messuage called the Antilope. Moreover, he gave them the lordship and manor of Southwark, with all members and rights thereof, late pertaining to the monastery of Bermondsey. And all messuages, places, buildings, rents, courts, waifs and strays, to the same appertaining, in the county of Surrey, except as is before excepted. He also granted unto them his manor and borough of Southwark, with all the members, rights, and appurtenances, late of the possession of the Archbishop of Canterbury and his see in Southwark. Moreover, for the sum of five hundred marks, he granted to the said mayor and commonalty, and their successors, in and through the borough and town of Southwark, and in all the parishes of St. Saviour, St. Olave, and St. George, and the parish of St. Thomas Hospital, now called the King’s hospital, and elsewhere, in the said town and borough of Southwark, and Kentish street, Bermondsey street, in the parish of Newington, all waifs and strays, treasure trove, all felons’ goods, etc., within the parishes and precinct aforesaid, etc.: the return of writs, processes, and warrants, etc.: together with a fair in the whole town for three days, to wit, the 7th, 8th, and 9th of September, yearly, with a court of pye powders. A view of franke pledge, with attachments, arrests, etc. Also to arrest all felons, and other malefactors, within their precinct, and send them to ward, and to Newgate. Provided that nothing in that grant should be prejudicial to the stewards and marshal of the king’s house. The same premises to be holden of the manor of East Greenwich, in the county of Kent, by fealty in free forage. Dated at Westminster, the 23rd of April, in the 4th of his reign. All which was also confirmed by parliament, etc. And the same year, in the Whitsun week, in a court of aldermen, kept at the Guildhall of London, Sir John Aylophe, knight, was sworn the first alderman of Bridge ward without, and made up the number of twenty-six aldermen of London.
But in the year 1550, King Edward VI, for the amount of six hundred forty-seven pounds, two shillings, and one penny, paid into his court of augmentations and revenues of his crown,[373] granted to the mayor and commonalty all his lands and properties in Southwark, except for the capital mansion, two houses called Southwark Place, which belonged to the Duke of Suffolk, and all the gardens and land related to that, the park, and the property called the Antelope. Furthermore, he gave them the lordship and manor of Southwark, along with all rights and members associated with it, which previously belonged to the monastery of Bermondsey. He also granted them all properties, places, buildings, rents, courts, and waifs and strays related to it in the county of Surrey, except as noted earlier. He also granted them his manor and borough of Southwark, with all members, rights, and appurtenances that were previously owned by the Archbishop of Canterbury and his see in Southwark. Moreover, for the amount of five hundred marks, he granted the said mayor and commonalty, and their successors, authority over the borough and town of Southwark, and in all the parishes of St. Saviour, St. Olave, St. George, and the parish of St. Thomas Hospital, now known as the King’s Hospital, and elsewhere in the town and borough of Southwark, including Kentish Street, Bermondsey Street, in the parish of Newington, all waifs and strays, treasure trove, all felons’ goods, etc., within the specified parishes and areas, etc.: the return of writs, processes, and warrants, etc.: along with a fair in the entire town for three days, specifically the 7th, 8th, and 9th of September each year, with a court of pie powders. A view of frankpledge, with attachments, arrests, etc. They were also allowed to arrest all felons and other wrongdoers within their precinct and send them to ward and to Newgate. Provided that nothing in that grant should disadvantage the stewards and marshal of the king’s house. The same properties were to be held from the manor of East Greenwich, in the county of Kent, by fealty in free forage. Dated at Westminster, the 23rd of April, in the fourth year of his reign. All of this was also confirmed by parliament, etc. And that same year, during Whitsun week, in a court of aldermen held at the Guildhall of London, Sir John Aylophe, knight, was sworn in as the first alderman of Bridge Ward Without, bringing the total number of London aldermen to twenty-six.
This borough at a subsidy to the king yieldeth about one thousand marks, or eight hundred pounds, which is more than any one city in England payeth, except the city of London. And also the muster of men in this borough doth likewise in number surpass all other cities, except London. And thus much for the borough of Southwark, one of the twenty-six[374] wards of London, which hath an alderman, deputies three, and a bailiff, common-council none, constables sixteen, scavengers six, wardmote inquest twenty. And is taxed to the fifteen at seventeen pounds seventeen shillings and eight pence.
This borough, which pays a tax to the king, brings in about one thousand marks or eight hundred pounds, making it the largest contributor among cities in England, except for London. Additionally, the number of men mustered in this borough also exceeds that of all other cities, again except for London. This is a summary of the borough of Southwark, one of the twenty-six[374] wards of London, which has one alderman, three deputies, and a bailiff, but no common council, with sixteen constables, six scavengers, and twenty wardmote inquest members. It is assessed to the fifteen at seventeen pounds seventeen shillings and eight pence.
THE SUBURBS WITHOUT THE WALLS OF THE SAID CITY BRIEFLY TOUCHED. AS ALSO WITHOUT THE LIBERTIES MORE AT LARGE DESCRIBED.
Having spoken of this city, the original, and increase, by degrees: the walls, gates, ditch, castles, towers, bridges, the schools, and houses of learning: of the orders and customs, sports, and pastimes: of the honour of citizens, and worthiness of men: and last of all, how the same city is divided into parts and wards: and how the same be bounded: and what monuments of antiquity, or ornaments of building, in every of them, as also in the borough of Southwark: I am next to speak briefly of the suburbs, as well without the gates and walls as without the liberties, and of the monuments in them.
Having discussed this city, its origins, and growth over time: the walls, gates, ditches, castles, towers, bridges, schools, and educational institutions: the traditions and customs, sports, and hobbies: the honor of its citizens and the value of its people: and finally, how the city is divided into areas and wards: how it is defined: and what historical monuments or architectural features exist in each, including in the borough of Southwark: I will now briefly talk about the suburbs, both outside the gates and walls as well as beyond the liberties, and the monuments found in those areas.
Concerning the estate of the suburbs of this city, in the reign of Henry II., Fitz Stephen hath these words:—“Upwards, on the west (saith he), is the king’s palace, which is an incomparable building, rising with a vawmure and bulwark aloft upon the river, two miles from the wall of the city, but yet conjoined with a continual suburb. On all sides, without the houses of the suburbs, are the citizens’ gardens and orchards, planted with trees, both large, sightly, and adjoining together. On the north side are pastures and plain meadows, with brooks running through them, turning water-mills with a pleasant noise. Not far off is a great forest, a well wooded chase, having good covert for harts, bucks, does, boars, and wild bulls. The corn fields are not of a hungry sandy mould, but as the fruitful fields of Asia, yielding plentiful increase, and filling the barns with corn. There are near London, on the north side, especial wells in the suburbs, sweet, wholesome, and clear. Amongst which, Holywell, Clarkenwell, and St. Clement’s well, are most famous, and most frequented by scholars and youths of the city in summer evenings, when they walk forth to take the air.” Thus far out of Fitz Stephen for the suburbs at that time.
Concerning the suburbs of this city during the reign of Henry II, Fitz Stephen writes: “Up to the west, there’s the king’s palace, which is an unmatched building, elevated with a rampart and bulwark overlooking the river, two miles from the city wall, yet connected to a continuous suburb. Surrounding the houses of the suburbs are the citizens’ gardens and orchards, filled with large, beautiful trees closely planted together. On the north side, there are pastures and open meadows with streams running through them, powering water mills with a pleasant sound. Not far away is a large forest, well wooded, providing good cover for deer, bucks, does, boars, and wild bulls. The fields are not made of barren, sandy soil but are as fertile as the rich fields of Asia, producing abundant harvests that fill the barns with grain. Near London, on the north side, there are notable wells in the suburbs, sweet, wholesome, and clear. Among these, Holywell, Clerkenwell, and St. Clement’s Well are the most famous and popular, especially among scholars and young people from the city during summer evenings when they go out for a breath of fresh air.” This is what Fitz Stephen wrote about the suburbs at that time.
The 2nd of King Henry III. the forest of Middlesex, and the warren of Staines, were disafforested; since the which time the suburbs about London hath been also mightily increased with[375] buildings; for first, to begin in the East, by the Tower of London, is the hospital of St. Katherine, founded by Matilda the queen, wife to King Stephen, as is afore shown in Portsoken ward; from this precinct of St. Katherine to Wapping in the west,[275] the usual place of execution for hanging of pirates and sea rovers, at the low-water mark, and there to remain, till three tides had overflowed them, was never a house standing within these forty years; but since the gallows being after removed farther off, a continual street, or filthy strait passage, with alleys of small tenements, or cottages, built, inhabited by sailors’ victuallers, along by the river of Thames, almost to Radcliff, a good mile from the Tower.
On the 2nd of King Henry III, the forest of Middlesex and the warren of Staines were removed from forest status; since then, the suburbs around London have significantly expanded with buildings. Starting in the East, near the Tower of London, there is the hospital of St. Katherine, founded by Matilda, the queen and wife of King Stephen, as mentioned earlier in Portsoken ward. From the area of St. Katherine to Wapping in the west, which was the common place for hanging pirates and sea robbers at low tide, where they were left until three tides had passed, there hasn't been a house standing in these forty years. However, after the gallows were moved farther away, a continuous street, or narrow passage filled with alleys of small homes or cottages, was built and inhabited by sailors' suppliers along the River Thames, almost reaching Radcliff, about a mile from the Tower.
On the east side, and by north of the Tower, lieth East Smithfield, Hogs’ street, and Tower hill; and east from them both, was the new abbey called Grace, founded by Edward III. From thence Radcliffe, up East Smithfield, by Nightingall lane (which runneth south to the hermitage, a brewhouse so called of a hermit sometime being there), beyond this lane to the manor of Bramley (called in record of Richard II. Villa East Smithfield, and Villa de Bramley), and to the manor of Shadwell, belonging to the Dean of Pauls, there hath been of late, in place of elm trees, many small tenements raised towards Radcliffe; and Radcliffe itself hath been also increased in building eastward (in place where I have known[276] a large highway, with fair elm trees on both the sides), that the same hath now taken hold of Lime hurst, or Lime host, corruptly called Lime house, sometime distant a mile from Ratcliffe.
On the east side, just north of the Tower, lies East Smithfield, Hogs’ Street, and Tower Hill; to the east of them both was the new abbey called Grace, founded by Edward III. From there, Radcliffe runs up East Smithfield, along Nightingale Lane (which goes south to a place called the Hermitage, a brewhouse named after a hermit who used to live there), beyond this lane to the manor of Bramley (referred to in records of Richard II as Villa East Smithfield and Villa de Bramley), and to the manor of Shadwell, which belongs to the Dean of St. Paul's. Recently, instead of elm trees, many small homes have been built towards Radcliffe; and Radcliffe itself has seen more construction going eastward (where I have known[276] a wide road with beautiful elm trees on both sides), to the point that it now reaches Limehurst, or Lime House, often miscalled Limehouse, which used to be about a mile away from Ratcliffe.
Having said this much for building at Wapping, East Smithfield, Bramley, and Shadwell, all on the south side of the highway to Radcliffe, now one note on the north side, also concerning pirates. I read that in the year 1440, in the Lent season, certain persons, with six ships, brought from beyond the seas fish to victual the city of London, which fish, when they had delivered, and were returning homeward, a number of sea thieves, in a barge, in the night came upon them, when they were asleep in their vessels, riding at anchor on the river Thames, and slew them, cut their throats, cast them overboard, took their money, and drowned their ships, for that no man should espy or accuse them. Two of these thieves were after taken, and hanged in chains upon a gallows set upon a raised hill, for that[376] purpose made, in the field beyond East Smithfield, so that they might be seen far into the river Thames. The first building at Radcliffe in my youth (not to be forgotten) was a fair free school and alms houses, founded by Avice Gibson, wife to Nicholas Gibson, grocer, as before I have noted: but of late years shipwrights, and (for the most part) other marine men, have built many large and strong houses for themselves, and smaller for sailors, from thence almost to Poplar, and so to Blake wall. Now for Tower hill; the plain there is likewise greatly diminished by merchants[277] for building of small tenements; from thence towards Aldgate was the Minories, whereof I have spoken.
Having mentioned the developments at Wapping, East Smithfield, Bramley, and Shadwell—all on the south side of the road to Radcliffe—let me add a note about the north side, relating to pirates. I read that in 1440, during Lent, some people with six ships brought fish from overseas to supply the city of London. After they delivered the fish and were heading back home, a group of sea thieves in a barge attacked them at night while they were asleep on their anchored ships in the River Thames. They killed them, slit their throats, threw them overboard, took their money, and sank their ships so no one would see or report them. Two of these thieves were captured later and hanged in chains on a gallows placed on a raised hill specifically for that purpose, in the field beyond East Smithfield, so they could be seen far into the River Thames. The first building at Radcliffe in my youth (which should not be forgotten) was a nice free school and almshouses, founded by Avice Gibson, the wife of Nicholas Gibson, a grocer, as I have noted before. Recently, shipwrights and mostly other marine workers have built many large and sturdy houses for themselves and smaller ones for sailors, stretching almost to Poplar and continuing to Blackwall. Now, regarding Tower Hill; the area there has also greatly decreased due to merchants building small tenements. From there towards Aldgate was the Minories, which I have mentioned.
From Aldgate east again lieth a large street, replenished with buildings; to wit, on the north side the parish church of St. Botolph, and so other buildings, to Hog lane, and to the bars on both sides.
From Aldgate East, there’s a big street filled with buildings; on the north side, you’ll find the parish church of St. Botolph, along with other buildings, leading to Hog Lane and the barriers on both sides.
Also without the bars both the sides of the street be pestered with cottages and alleys, even up to Whitechapel church, and almost half a mile beyond it, into the common field; all which ought to be open and free for all men. But this common field, I say, being sometime the beauty of this city on that part, is so encroached upon by building of filthy cottages, and with other purpressors, inclosures, and laystalls (notwithstanding all proclamations and acts of parliament made to the contrary), that in some places it scarce remaineth a sufficient highway for the meeting of carriages and droves of cattle; much less is there any fair, pleasant, or wholesome way for people to walk on foot; which is no small blemish to so famous a city to have so unsavoury and unseemly an entrance or passage thereunto.
Also, without the barriers, both sides of the street are cluttered with cottages and narrow paths, even up to Whitechapel Church, and nearly half a mile beyond it, into the common field; all of which should be open and accessible to everyone. However, this common field, which used to be a highlight of the city in that area, is now so overrun with the construction of dirty cottages and other obstructions, enclosed spaces, and dumping grounds (despite all the proclamations and acts of parliament against it), that in some places there’s hardly enough space left for carriages and herds of cattle to pass through; let alone a clean, pleasant, or healthy path for people to walk. This is quite an embarrassment for such a famous city to have such an unpleasant and uninviting way to enter it.
Now of Whitechapel church somewhat, and then back again to Aldgate. This church is, as it were, a chapel of ease to the parish of Stebinhith, and the parson of Stebinhith hath the gift thereof; which being first dedicated to the name of God and the blessed Virgin, is now called St. Mary Matfellon. About the year 1428, the 6th of King Henry VI., a devout widow of that parish had long time cherished and brought up of alms a certain Frenchman, or Breton born, which most unkindly and cruelly in a night murdered the said widow sleeping in her bed,[377] and after fled with such jewels and other stuff of her as he might carry; but he was so freshly pursued, that for fear he took the church of St. George in Southwark, and challenged privilege of sanctuary there, and so abjured the king’s land. Then the constables (having charge of him) brought him into London, intending to have conveyed him eastward; but so soon as he was come into the parish, where before he had committed the murder, the wives cast upon him so much filth and odour of the street, that (notwithstanding the best resistance made by the constables) they slew him out of hand; and for this feat, it hath been said, that parish to have purchased that name of St. Mary Matfellon; but I find in record the same to be called Villa beatæ Mariæ de Matfellon, in the 21st of Richard II.
Now about Whitechapel church for a bit, then back to Aldgate. This church serves as a chapel for the parish of Stebinhith, and the vicar of Stebinhith has the authority over it; originally dedicated to God and the blessed Virgin, it is now called St. Mary Matfellon. Around 1428, in the 6th year of King Henry VI's reign, a devoted widow from that parish had taken care of a certain Frenchman or Breton, who most ungratefully and cruelly murdered the widow while she was sleeping in her bed,[377] and then fled with her jewels and other belongings that he could carry. But he was pursued so vigorously that, out of fear, he sought refuge in St. George's church in Southwark, claiming sanctuary there, thus renouncing the king’s land. The constables, who were responsible for him, brought him into London, planning to take him eastward. However, as soon as they arrived in the parish where he had committed the murder, the women threw so much filth and stench at him that, despite the constables' best efforts to protect him, they killed him on the spot. Because of this act, it is said that the parish earned the name St. Mary Matfellon; but I find in the records that it was referred to as Villa beatæ Mariæ de Matfellon in the 21st year of Richard II.
More, we read, that in the year 1336, the 10th of Edward III., the bishop of Alba, cardinal and parson of Stebinhith, procurator general in England, presented a clerk to be parson in the church of the blessed Mary called Matfellon, without Aldgate of London, etc.
More, we read that in the year 1336, the 10th of Edward III, the bishop of Alba, a cardinal and priest of Stebinhith, the representative general in England, appointed a clerk to be the priest in the church of the Blessed Mary called Matfellon, located outside Aldgate in London, etc.
Now again from Aldgate north-west to Bishopsgate, lieth Houndsditch, and so to Bishopsgate.
Now again from Aldgate northwest to Bishopsgate lies Houndsditch, and then to Bishopsgate.
North, and by east from Bishopsgate, lieth a large street or highway, having on the west side thereof the parish church of St. Buttolph.
North and a bit east from Bishopsgate, there’s a large street or highway, with the parish church of St. Buttolph on the west side.
Then is the hospital of St. Mary of Bethelem, founded by a citizen of London, and as before is showed: up to the bars without the which is Norton fall gate, a liberty so called, belonging to the dean of Pauls; thence up to the late dissolved priory of St. John Baptist, called Holywell, a house of nuns, of old time founded by a bishop of London. Stephen Grausend, bishop of London, about the year 1318, was a benefactor thereunto; re-edified by Sir Thomas Lovel,[278] knight of the garter, who built much there in the reigns of Henry VII. and of Henry VIII.; he endowed this house with fair lands, and was there buried in a large chapel by him built for that purpose. This priory was valued at the suppression to have of lands two hundred and ninety-three pounds by year, and was surrendered 1539, the 31st of Henry VIII. The church thereof being pulled down, many houses have been built for the lodgings of noblemen, of strangers born, and other.[279]
Then there’s the hospital of St. Mary of Bethlehem, founded by a citizen of London, as previously mentioned: up to the gates of Norton Fall, a liberty of that name that belongs to the Dean of St. Paul’s. From there, it goes up to the recently dissolved priory of St. John the Baptist, known as Holywell, a convent established long ago by a bishop of London. Stephen Grausend, Bishop of London, around the year 1318, was a patron of this place; it was rebuilt by Sir Thomas Lovel,[278] a Knight of the Garter, who constructed much during the reigns of Henry VII and Henry VIII; he endowed this house with valuable lands and was buried there in a large chapel that he built for that purpose. This priory was valued at the time of its suppression to have land worth two hundred and ninety-three pounds a year, and it was surrendered in 1539, during the 31st year of Henry VIII. After the church was torn down, many houses were built to provide accommodations for nobles, foreign visitors, and others.[279]
From Holywell in the high street is a continual building of tenements to Sewers ditch,[280] having one small side of a field, already made a garden plot. Over against the north corner of this field, between it and the church of St. Leonarde in Shoreditch, sometime stood a cross, now a smith’s forge, dividing three ways: forth right the highway is built upon either side, more than a good flight shot, towards Kinges land, Newington, Totanham, etc.
From Holywell on the high street, there’s a continuous line of buildings leading to Sewers Ditch,[280] which has a small edge of a field that’s already turned into a garden plot. Across from the north corner of this field, between it and the church of St. Leonard in Shoreditch, there used to be a cross, but now it's a blacksmith’s forge, dividing the paths in three directions: straight ahead, the highway is built up on both sides for more than a good shot put distance, heading towards King’s Land, Newington, Tottenham, and so on.
On the left hand is Galde street, which reacheth west to a stone cross, over against the north end of Golden lane,[281] and so to the end of Goswell street. On the right hand of this Galde street, not far from Sowers ditch, but on the north side thereof, is Hoxton, a large street with houses on both sides, and is a prebend belonging to Pauls church in London, but of Soers ditch parish.
On the left is Galde Street, which goes west to a stone cross, across from the north end of Golden Lane,[281] and continues to the end of Goswell Street. On the right side of Galde Street, not far from Sowers Ditch, but on the north side, is Hoxton, a wide street lined with houses on both sides, and it belongs to the prebend of Paul's Church in London, but it's part of the Sowers Ditch parish.
On the right hand beyond Soers ditch church toward Hackney are some late built houses upon the common soil, for it was a leystall, but those houses belong to the parish of Stebunhith.
On the right side, past the church by Soers Ditch toward Hackney, there are some newer houses built on common land, as it used to be a piggery, but those houses belong to the parish of Stebunhith.
On the other side of the highway from Bishopsgate and Houndsditch is the Dolphin, a common inn for receipt of travellers; then a house built by the Lord John Powlet, then Fisher’s folly,[282] and so up to the west end of Berwardes lane, is a continual building of small cottages, then the hospital called St. Mary Spittle, hard within the bars, whereof I have spoken in Bishopsgate ward.
On the opposite side of the highway from Bishopsgate and Houndsditch is the Dolphin, a popular inn for travelers. Then there's a house built by Lord John Powlet, followed by Fisher’s folly,[282] and continuing up to the west end of Berwardes Lane, there’s a row of small cottages. After that is the hospital known as St. Mary Spittle, located just inside the gates, which I mentioned earlier in Bishopsgate ward.
From the which bars towards Soers ditch[283] on that side is all along a continual building of small and base tenements, for the most part lately erected.
From the bars leading to Soers ditch[283] on that side, there's a continuous stretch of small, low-quality buildings, mostly built recently.
Amongst the which (I mean of the ancientest building) was one row of proper small houses, with gardens for poor decayed people, there placed by the prior of the said hospital; every one tenant whereof paid one penny rent by the year at Christmas, and dined with the prior on Christmas day: but after the suppression of the hospital, these houses, for want of reparations, in few years were so decayed, that it was called Rotten row, and the poor worn out (for there came no new in their place) houses, for a small portion of money, were sold from Goddard[379] to Russell, a draper, who new built them, and let them out for rent enough, taking also large fines of the tenants, near as much as the houses cost him purchase and building; for he made his bargains so hardly with all men, that both carpenter, bricklayer, and plasterer, were by that work undone: and yet, in honour of his name, it is now called Russell’s row.
Among the oldest buildings was a row of small houses with gardens for impoverished people, set up by the prior of the hospital. Each tenant paid a penny in annual rent at Christmas and shared a meal with the prior on Christmas Day. However, after the hospital was dissolved, these houses fell into disrepair so quickly that they became known as Rotten Row. The worn-out houses, with no new tenants coming in, were sold for a small amount from Goddard[379] to Russell, a draper, who rebuilt them and rented them out for a significant fee, also charging hefty fees from the tenants, nearly equal to what he paid for purchasing and constructing the houses. He negotiated such tough deals that all the tradespeople—carpenters, bricklayers, and plasterers—ended up struggling because of the work. Yet, out of respect for him, it is now called Russell’s Row.
Now for the parish of St. Leonard at Soers ditch, the archdeacon of London is always parson thereof, and the cure is served by a vicar. In this church have been divers honourable persons buried, as appeareth by monuments yet remaining: Sir John Elrington, with Margaret his wife, daughter and heir to Thomas Lord Itchingham, widow to William Blount, son and heir to Walter Blount, the first Lord Mountjoy, which Margaret died 1481, Sir Humfrey Starkie, recorder of London, baron of the Exchequer; John Gadde, shereman of London, and Anne his wife, 1480; Sir Thomas Seymore, mayor of London, deceased 1535; Sir Thomas Ligh, doctor of law, 1545. Item, under one fair monument lieth buried the Lady Katherine, daughter to Edward, duke of Buckingham, wife to Ralph Nevell, Earl of Westmoreland, who died 1553; also Elianor, daughter to Sir William Paston, wife to Thomas Mannars, earl of Rutland, 1551; Margaret, daughter to Ralph Nevel, earl of Westmoreland, and wife to Henry Mannars, earl of Rutland, 1560; Katherine, daughter to Henry Nevel, earl of Westmoreland, and wife to Sir John Constable of Holderness, 1591; Anne, daughter to T. Mannars, earl of Rutland; Sir T. Mannars, fourth son to Thomas, earl of Rutland, 1591; Oliver Mannars, fifth son to Thomas, earl of Rutland, 1563, all under one monument; Richard and Harry Young, 1545.
Now, in the parish of St. Leonard at Soers ditch, the archdeacon of London is always the rector, and a vicar manages the parish. This church is the burial site for several notable individuals, as evidenced by the monuments that are still there: Sir John Elrington, along with his wife Margaret, who was the daughter and heir of Thomas Lord Itchingham, and widow of William Blount, son and heir of Walter Blount, the first Lord Mountjoy; Margaret died in 1481. Also buried here are Sir Humfrey Starkie, recorder of London and baron of the Exchequer; John Gadde, a shearman of London, and his wife Anne, who died in 1480; Sir Thomas Seymore, mayor of London, who passed away in 1535; and Sir Thomas Ligh, a doctor of law, who died in 1545. Additionally, under a beautiful monument lies Lady Katherine, daughter of Edward, Duke of Buckingham, who was married to Ralph Nevell, Earl of Westmoreland, and died in 1553; Eleanor, daughter of Sir William Paston, who married Thomas Mannars, Earl of Rutland, in 1551; Margaret, daughter of Ralph Nevel, Earl of Westmoreland, and wife of Henry Mannars, Earl of Rutland, who died in 1560; Katherine, daughter of Henry Nevel, Earl of Westmoreland, and wife to Sir John Constable of Holderness, who died in 1591; Anne, daughter of T. Mannars, Earl of Rutland; Sir T. Mannars, the fourth son of Thomas, Earl of Rutland, who died in 1591; and Oliver Mannars, the fifth son of Thomas, Earl of Rutland, who died in 1563, all buried under one monument; and Richard and Harry Young, who died in 1545.
Notwithstanding that of late one vicar there, for covetousness of the brass, which he converted into coined silver, plucking up many plates fixed on the graves, and left no memory of such as had been buried under them, a great injury both to the living and the dead, forbidden by public proclamation, in the reign of our sovereign lady Queen Elizabeth, but not forborne by many, that either of a preposterous zeal, or of a greedy mind, spare not to satisfy themselves by so wicked a means.
Not long ago, a vicar there, motivated by greed for the brass, removed many plates fixed on the graves and turned them into silver coins, erasing the memories of those buried beneath them. This caused great harm to both the living and the dead, which was prohibited by public proclamation during the reign of our sovereign lady Queen Elizabeth. However, many continued to do this, either out of misguided zeal or through greed, unwilling to refrain from such wicked acts.
One note of Shoreditch, and so an end of that suburb. I read, that in the year 1440, the 18th of Henry VI. a fuller of Shoreditch appeached of treason many worthy esquires and gentlemen of Kent, but he being proved false, was attainted, condemned, and had judgment to be drawn, hanged, and quartered; which was done; his head set on London bridge, and his quarters on[380] the gates. This justice was done according to the xvith of Deuteronomy: “The judges shall make diligent inquisition, and if the witness be found false, and to have given false witness against his brother, then shall they do unto him as he had thought to do unto his brother,” etc. I read of the King’s Manor vocatur Shoreditch-place, in the parish of Hackney, but how it took that name I know not, and therefore I will turn back from Shoreditch cross to Bethelem cross, and so pass through that hospital into the Morefield, which lieth without the postern called Moregate.
One note about Shoreditch, and that's the end of that neighborhood. I read that in the year 1440, during the reign of Henry VI, a fuller from Shoreditch accused some notable squires and gentlemen from Kent of treason. However, since he was proven to be lying, he was found guilty, condemned, and sentenced to be drawn, hanged, and quartered; which was carried out. His head was placed on London Bridge, and his body parts were put on the gates. This punishment was carried out according to the sixteenth chapter of Deuteronomy: “The judges shall make diligent inquiries, and if the witness is found to be false and has given false testimony against his brother, then they shall do to him as he intended to do to his brother,” etc. I read about the King’s Manor called Shoreditch-place, in the parish of Hackney, but I don’t know how it got that name, so I’ll turn back from Shoreditch cross to Bethlem cross, and then pass through that hospital into the Morefield, which lies outside the postern called Moregate.
This field of old time was called the More, as appeareth by the charter of William the Conqueror to the college of St. Martin, declaring a running water to pass into the city from the same More. Also Fitzstephen writeth of this More, saying thus: “When the great fen, or moor, which watereth the walls on the north side, is frozen,” etc. This fen, or moor field, stretching from the wall of the city betwixt Bishopsgate and the postern called Cripples gate, to Fensbery and to Holy well, continued a waste and unprofitable ground a long time, so that the same was all letten for four marks the year, in the reign of Edward II.; but in the year 1415, the 3rd of Henry V., Thomas Fawconer, mayor, as I have showed, caused the wall of the city to be broken toward the said moor, and built the postern called Moregate, for the ease of the citizens to walk that way upon causeys towards Iseldon and Hoxton: moreover, he caused the ditches of the city, and other the ditches from Soers ditch to Deepe ditch, by Bethelem, into the More ditch, to be new cast and cleansed; by means whereof the said fen or moor was greatly drained and dried; but shortly after, to wit, in 1477, Ralph Joceline, mayor, for repairing of the wall of the city, caused the said moor to be searched for clay, and brick to be burnt there, etc.; by which means this field was made the worse for a long time.
This area was once known as the More, as shown in the charter of William the Conqueror to the College of St. Martin, which mentions a stream flowing into the city from the More. Fitzstephen also wrote about this More, stating: “When the large fen, or moor, that waters the walls on the north side is frozen,” etc. This fen or moor stretched from the city wall between Bishopsgate and the postern called Cripplegate, to Finsbury and Holywell, and remained a wasteland for a long time, renting for just four marks a year during the reign of Edward II. However, in 1415, during the 3rd year of Henry V's reign, Thomas Fawconer, the mayor, had the city wall broken down towards the said moor and built the postern named Moregate, making it easier for citizens to walk that way on causeways towards Iseldon and Hoxton. He also had the city ditches and other ditches from Soers ditch to Deep ditch, near Bethlehem, cleaned and renovated, which greatly drained and dried the fen or moor. Unfortunately, shortly after, in 1477, Ralph Joceline, the mayor, caused the moor to be searched for clay to repair the city wall and to burn bricks there, which made the field much worse for a long time.
In the year 1498, all the gardens, which had continued time out of mind without Moregate, to wit, about and beyond the lordship of Finsbury, were destroyed; and of them was made a plain field for archers to shoot in. And in the year 1512, Roger Archley, mayor, caused divers dikes to be cast, and made to drain the waters of the said Morefielde, with bridges arched over them, and the grounds about to be levelled, whereby the said field was made somewhat more commodious, but yet it stood full of noisome waters; whereupon, in the year 1527, Sir Thomas Semor, mayor, caused divers sluices to be made to convey the said waters over the Town ditch, into the course of Walbrooke,[381] and so into the Thames; and by these degrees was this fen or moor at length made main and hard ground, which before being overgrown with flags, sedges, and rushes, served to no use; since the which time also the further grounds beyond Finsbury court have been so overheightened with lay-stalls of dung, that now three windmills are thereon set; the ditches be filled up, and the bridges overwhelmed.
In 1498, all the gardens that had existed for ages beyond Moregate, specifically around and beyond the Finsbury area, were destroyed and turned into a plain field for archers to shoot in. Then, in 1512, Mayor Roger Archley had several dikes built to drain the waters from Morefield, along with arched bridges over them, and leveled the surrounding ground, making the field somewhat more convenient, but it was still filled with stagnant water. Because of this, in 1527, Mayor Sir Thomas Semor had several sluices created to direct the water over the Town ditch into the Walbrooke stream, and then into the Thames. Gradually, this swampy area was transformed into solid ground, which had previously been overrun with flags, sedges, and rushes and was useless. Since then, the additional land beyond Finsbury court has been raised with mounds of dung, allowing for three windmills to be built there; the ditches have been filled in, and the bridges have been lost.
And now concerning the inclosures of common grounds about this city, whereof I mind not much to argue, Edward Hall setteth down a note of his time, to wit, in the 5th, or rather 6th of Henry VIII. “Before this time,” saith he, “the inhabitants of the towns about London, as Iseldon, Hoxton, Shoreditch, and others, had so inclosed the common fields with hedges and ditches, that neither the young men of the city might shoot, nor the ancient persons walk for their pleasures in those fields, but that either their bows and arrows were taken away or broken, or the honest persons arrested or indicted; saying, ‘that no Londoner ought to go out of the city, but in the highways.’ This saying so grieved the Londoners, that suddenly this year a great number of the city assembled themselves in a morning, and a turner, in a fool’s coat, came crying through the city, ‘Shovels and spades! shovels and spades!’ so many of the people followed, that it was a wonder to behold; and within a short space all the hedges about the city were cast down, and the ditches filled up, and every thing made plain, such was the diligence of these workmen. The king’s council hearing of this assembly, came to the Gray Friars and sent for the mayor and council of the city to know the cause, which declared to them the injury and annoying done to the citizens and to their liberties, which though they would not seek disorderly to redress, yet the commonalty and young persons could not be stayed thus to remedy the same. When the king’s council had heard their answer, they dissimuled the matter, and commanded the mayor to see that no other thing were attempted, but that they should forthwith call home the younger sort; who having speedily achieved their desire, returned home before the king’s council, and the mayor departed without more harm: after which time (saith Hall) these fields were never hedged, but now we see the thing in worse case than ever, by means of inclosure for gardens, wherein are built many fair summer-houses;[284] and, as in other places of the suburbs, some of them like Midsummer pageants, with towers, turrets, and[382] chimney-tops, not so much for use of profit as for show and pleasure, betraying the vanity of men’s minds, much unlike to the disposition of the ancient citizens, who delighted in the building of hospitals and alms-houses for the poor, and therein both employed their wits, and spent their wealths in preferment of the common commodity of this our city.”
And now regarding the enclosures of common land around this city, which I don’t intend to argue too much about, Edward Hall notes in his time, specifically in the 5th, or more accurately the 6th year of Henry VIII. “Before this time,” he says, “the residents of towns near London, like Iseldon, Hoxton, Shoreditch, and others, had enclosed the common fields with hedges and ditches, making it so neither the young men of the city could shoot, nor the elderly could stroll for pleasure in those fields. Either their bows and arrows were confiscated or damaged, or respectable citizens were arrested or charged, under the claim that ‘no Londoner should leave the city except on the main roads.’ This upset the Londoners so much that one morning of this year, a large number from the city gathered, and a turner in a fool’s costume came shouting through the city, ‘Shovels and spades! shovels and spades!’ So many people followed him that it was amazing to see. In a short time, all the hedges around the city were knocked down, the ditches were filled in, and everything was made flat, thanks to the diligence of these workers. The king’s council, hearing about this gathering, went to the Gray Friars and summoned the mayor and city council to find out the reason. They explained the wrongs and disturbances inflicted on the citizens and their liberties, and although they didn’t want to seek a disorderly remedy, the common people and youths couldn’t be stopped from trying to fix the situation. After hearing their response, the king’s council played it cool and instructed the mayor to ensure no further actions were taken, but that the younger crowd should be sent home immediately. Having quickly achieved their goal, they returned home before the king’s council, and the mayor left without any further issues. After that time, Hall mentions, these fields were never hedged again, but now we see the situation worse than ever due to enclosures for gardens, many of which have beautiful summer houses; and, like in other suburban areas, some are like Midsummer pageants, with towers, turrets, and chimney tops, not so much for practical use but for show and pleasure, revealing the vanity of people’s minds, quite unlike the old citizens who took pleasure in building hospitals and almshouses for the poor, investing their intellect and resources for the common good of our city.”
But to come back again to Moregate, and from thence west through a narrow lane called the Postern, because it hath at either end a door to be shut in the night season, betwixt the More ditch inclosed with brick for tenter-yards, and the gardens of the said More field, to More lane; a part of the suburb without Cripplegate, without this postern, called Cripplegate, also lay a part of the said More even to the river of the Wells, as in another place I have showed; and no houses were there built till the latter end of the reign of William the Conqueror, and of his son William Rufus; about which times some few houses being there built along east and west, thwart before the said gate, one Alfune built for the inhabitants a parish church, which is of St. Giles, somewhat west from the said gate, and is now on the bank of the town ditch; and so was there a street, since called Fore street, as standing before the gate.
But let's go back to Moregate, and from there head west through a narrow lane called the Postern, because it has doors at either end that can be closed at night. It's situated between the More ditch, which is surrounded by bricks for tenter-yards, and the gardens of More field, leading to More lane; this is part of the suburb outside Cripplegate. Beyond this postern, known as Cripplegate, there was a section of More that extended to the Wells river, as I've mentioned elsewhere. No houses were built there until the late reign of William the Conqueror and his son William Rufus. Around that time, a few houses were constructed along the east and west sides, right in front of the gate, and one Alfune built a parish church for the residents, dedicated to St. Giles, located slightly west of the gate, which is now by the town ditch. This area eventually became known as Fore Street, since it stands in front of the gate.
This Alfune, in the reign of Henry I., became the first hospitaller of St. Bartlemewe’s hospital in Smithfield, as in another place I have noted. And this parish church of St. Giles being at the first a small thing, stood in place where now standeth the vicarage-house, but hath been since at divers times much enlarged, according as the parish hath increased, and was at the length newly built in place where now it standeth. But the same new church being large, strongly built, and richly furnished with ornaments, was in the year 1545, by casualty of fire, sore burnt and consumed, notwithstanding it was again within a short space of time repaired, as now it showeth.
This Alfune, during the reign of Henry I, became the first hospitaller of St. Bartlemewe's hospital in Smithfield, as I have noted elsewhere. The parish church of St. Giles, which was originally quite small, was located where the vicarage house now stands, but it has been enlarged multiple times as the parish grew, and it was eventually rebuilt in its current location. However, this new church, which was large, well-built, and richly decorated, suffered significant damage from a fire in 1545. Despite that, it was repaired in a relatively short time, as it appears today.
Some little distance from the east end of this church standeth a fair conduit, castellated, in Fore street. Then have ye a boss of sweet water in the wall of the churchyard, lately made a pump, but already decayed.
A short distance from the east end of this church stands a nice fountain, designed like a castle, on Fore Street. There’s also a water spout in the wall of the churchyard, which was recently turned into a pump, but it has already fallen into disrepair.
Then have ye a fair pool of sweet water near to the church of St. Giles, wherein Anne of Lodbery was drowned, as I have before declared.
Then you have a nice pool of fresh water near the church of St. Giles, where Anne of Lodbery was drowned, as I mentioned earlier.
In the east end of Fore street is More lane: then next is Grub street; of late years inhabited, for the most part, by bowyers, fletchers, bow-string makers, and such like occupations, now little occupied; archery giving place to a number of bowling-[383]alleys and dicing-houses, which in all places are increased, and too much frequented.
In the east end of Fore Street is More Lane; next is Grub Street. In recent years, this area has mostly been home to bow makers, arrow makers, bowstring makers, and similar trades, but now it's largely vacant. Archery has given way to a number of bowling alleys and gambling houses, which have increased everywhere and are too often crowded.
This street stretcheth north to Guerades Well street, which thwarteth it to White cross street; the next from Fore street north is White cross street, likewise extending itself up to the west end of Guerades Well street, and from the end thereof to Eald street.
This street stretches north to Guerades Well Street, which crosses it to White Cross Street; the next street north of Fore Street is White Cross Street, which also continues up to the west end of Guerades Well Street, and from the end of that to Eald Street.
From the west end of Fore street lieth Red cross street; from the which cross on the right hand east lieth Beech lane, and reacheth to the White cross street. From Red cross north lieth Golding lane, which stretcheth up to a cross in Ealde street, which Golding lane on both the sides is replenished with many tenements of poor people.
From the west end of Fore Street is Red Cross Street; from that cross on the right side heading east is Beech Lane, which leads to White Cross Street. North of Red Cross is Golding Lane, which goes up to a cross on Ealde Street. Golding Lane is lined on both sides with many homes for low-income residents.
On the left hand, and west of the Red cross, lieth a street of old time called Houndes ditch, and of later time named Barbican, of such cause as I have before noted. And thus have you all the suburb without Cripplegate, being almost altogether in the parish of St. Giles, which hath more than eighteen hundred householders, and above four thousand communicants.
On the left side, west of the Red Cross, there is an old street called Hounds Ditch, which has more recently been named Barbican, for reasons I mentioned earlier. So, this gives you all the area outside Cripplegate, which is mostly in the parish of St. Giles, and it has over eighteen hundred households and more than four thousand people who take communion.
Without Aldersgate on the left hand is the parish church of St. Buttolph; on the north side of the which church lieth a way called Little Britane street, towards the priory of St. Bartholomew in Smithfield; but the highway without Aldersgate runneth straight north from the said gate unto Houndes ditch, or Barbican street, on the right hand, and Long lane on the left hand, which runneth into Smithfield.
Without Aldersgate on the left is the parish church of St. Buttolph; on the north side of this church lies a street called Little Britane Street, leading towards the priory of St. Bartholomew in Smithfield. The road outside Aldersgate runs straight north from the gate to Houndes Ditch, or Barbican Street on the right, and Long Lane on the left, which goes into Smithfield.
Then from the farther end of Aldersgate street, straight north to the bar, is called Goswell street, replenished with small tenements, cottages, and alleys, gardens, banqueting-houses, and bowling-places.
Then from the far end of Aldersgate Street, straight north to the bar, is called Goswell Street, filled with small apartments, cottages, alleys, gardens, banquet venues, and bowling alleys.
Beyond these bars, leaving the Charter-house on the left hand, or the west side, the way stretcheth up towards Iseldon, and on the right hand, or east side, at a Red cross, turneth into Eald street, so called, for that it was the old highway from Aldersgate, for the north-east parts of England, before Bishopsgate was built, which street runneth east to a smith’s forge, sometime a cross before Shoreditch church, from whence the passengers and carriages were to turn north to King’s land, Tottenham, Waltham, Ware, etc.
Beyond these bars, leaving the Charterhouse on the left side, the road goes up towards Iseldon, and on the right side, at a Red Cross, it turns into Eald Street. This street is called that because it used to be the old highway from Aldersgate to the northeast parts of England before Bishopsgate was built. It runs east to a blacksmith’s forge, which used to be a crossing point in front of Shoreditch Church, where travelers and vehicles would head north to Kingsland, Tottenham, Waltham, Ware, and so on.
There was sometime in this suburb without Aldersgate an hospital for the poor, but an alien of Clunie, a French order, and therefore suppressed by King Henry V., who gave the house, with lands and goods, to the parish of St. Buttolph, and a[384] brotherhood of the Trinity was there founded, which was afterward suppressed by Henry VIII. or Edward VI.
There was a time in this suburb without Aldersgate when there was a hospital for the poor, but it was operated by an alien from Clunie, a French order, and was therefore shut down by King Henry V., who gave the building, along with its lands and assets, to the parish of St. Buttolph. A[384] brotherhood of the Trinity was established there, which was later abolished by Henry VIII or Edward VI.
There is at the farthest north corner of this suburb a windmill, which was sometime by a tempest of wind overthrown, and in place thereof a chapel was built by Queen Katherine (first wife to Henry VIII.), who named it the Mount of Calvary, because it was of Christ’s passion, and was in the end of Henry VIII. pulled down, and a windmill newly set up as afore.
There’s a windmill at the farthest north corner of this suburb that was once knocked down by a strong storm. In its place, Queen Katherine (Henry VIII's first wife) built a chapel, which she named the Mount of Calvary because it was related to Christ’s passion. Eventually, at the end of Henry VIII's reign, it was demolished, and a new windmill was erected just like before.
Without Newgate lieth the west and by north suburb; on the right hand, or north side whereof, betwixt the said gate and the parish of St. Sepulchre, turneth a way towards West Smithfield, called, as I have showed, Giltspurre street, or Knightriders street; then is Smithfield itself compassed about with buildings, as I have before declared, in Faringdon ward without.
Without Newgate lies the western suburb; on the right side, or north side of it, between that gate and the parish of St. Sepulchre, there’s a road leading to West Smithfield, known, as I mentioned, as Giltspurre Street or Knightriders Street; then there’s Smithfield itself surrounded by buildings, as I stated earlier, in Faringdon Ward outside.
And without the bar of West Smithfield lieth a large street or way, called of the house of St. John there St. John’s street, and stretcheth toward Iseldon, on the right hand whereof stood the late dissolved monastery called the Charterhouse, founded by Sir Walter Manny, knight, a stranger born, lord of the town of Manny, in the diocese of Cambrey, beyond the seas, who for service done to King Edward III. was made knight of the garter: so his house he founded upon this occasion. A great pestilence entering this island, began first in Dorsetshire, then proceeded into Devonshire, Somersetshire, Gloucestershire, and Oxfordshire, and at length came to London, and overspread all England, so wasting the people, that scarce the tenth person of all sorts was left alive, and churchyards were not sufficient to receive the dead, but men were forced to choose out certain fields for burials; whereupon Ralph Stratford, bishop of London, in the year 1348, bought a piece of ground called No Man’s Land, which he inclosed with a wall of brick, and dedicated for burial of the dead, building thereupon a proper chapel, which is now enlarged and made a dwelling-house; and this burying plot is become a fair garden, retaining the old name of Pardon churchyard.
And just beyond the bar at West Smithfield, there is a large street known as St. John’s Street, named after the house of St. John, which stretches toward Iseldon. On the right side of this street stood the recently dissolved monastery called the Charterhouse, founded by Sir Walter Manny, a knight originally from a town called Manny in the diocese of Cambrey, overseas. He received the honor of knighthood in the Order of the Garter for his service to King Edward III, which led him to establish this house. A deadly plague entered the island, initially starting in Dorsetshire, then moving into Devonshire, Somersetshire, Gloucestershire, and Oxfordshire, eventually reaching London and spreading throughout all of England. It took such a toll on the population that hardly one in ten people survived, and there were not enough churchyards to accommodate the dead. People had to select specific fields for burials. In response, Ralph Stratford, the bishop of London, in 1348, purchased a piece of land known as No Man’s Land, which he enclosed with a brick wall and dedicated for burial. He built a small chapel there, which has now been expanded and turned into a dwelling house. This burial site has since become a lovely garden, still retaining the old name of Pardon churchyard.
About this, in the year 1349, the said Sir Walter Manny, in respect of danger that might befall in this time of so great a plague and infection, purchased thirteen acres and a rod of ground adjoining to the said No Man’s Land, and lying in a place called Spittle cross, because it belonged to St, Bartilmewe’s hospital, since that called the New church haw, and caused it to be consecrated by the said bishop of London to the use of burials.
About this, in the year 1349, Sir Walter Manny, concerned about the dangers posed by the widespread plague and infection at that time, bought thirteen acres and a rod of land next to what was known as No Man’s Land, located in a place called Spittle Cross, because it belonged to St. Bartilmewe’s hospital, now referred to as New Church Haw, and he had it consecrated by the bishop of London for burial purposes.
In this plot of ground there were in that year more than fifty thousand persons buried, as I have read in the charters of[385] Edward III.: also, I have seen and read an inscription fixed on a stone cross, sometime standing in the same churchyard, and having these words:—“Anno Domini 1349, regnante magna pestilentia consecratum fuit hoc Cœmiterium, in quo et infra septa presentis monasterii, sepulta fuerunt mortuorum corpora plusquam quinquaginta millia, præter alia multa abhinc usque ad presens, quorum animabus propitietur Deus. Amen.”
In this piece of land, more than fifty thousand people were buried that year, as I read in the records of[385] Edward III. I also saw and read an inscription on a stone cross that used to stand in the same churchyard, which said:—“In the year of our Lord 1349, during a great plague, this cemetery was consecrated, in which, and within the boundaries of this monastery, more than fifty thousand dead bodies were buried, in addition to many others up to the present day, may God grant mercy to their souls. Amen.”
In consideration of the number of Christian people here buried, the said Sir Walter Manny caused first a chapel to be built, where for the space of twenty-three years offerings were made; and it is to be noted, that above one hundred thousand bodies of Christian people had in that churchyard been buried; for the said knight had purchased that place for the burial of poor people, travellers, and other that were deceased, to remain for ever; whereupon an order was taken for the avoiding of contention between the parsons of churches and that house; to wit, that the bodies should be had unto the church where they were parishioners, or died, and, after the funeral service done, had to the place where they should be buried. And in the year 1371 he caused there to be founded a house of Carthusian monks, which he willed to be called the Salutation, and that one of the monks should be called prior; and he gave them the said place of thirteen acres and a rod of land, with the chapel and houses there built, for their habitation: he also gave them the three acres of land lying without the walls on the north part, betwixt the lands of the abbot of Westminster and the lands of the prior of St. John (which three acres were purchased, inclosed, and dedicated by Ralph Stratford, bishop of London, as is afore showed), and remained till our time by the name of Pardon churchyard, and served for burying of such as desperately ended their lives, or were executed for felonies, who were fetched thither usually in a close cart, bailed over and covered with black, having a plain white cross thwarting, and at the fore end a St. John’s cross without, and within a bell ringing by shaking of the cart, whereby the same might be heard when it passed; and this was called the friary cart, which belonged to St. John’s, and had the privilege of sanctuary.
Considering the number of Christians buried here, Sir Walter Manny had a chapel built where offerings were made for twenty-three years. It's worth noting that over one hundred thousand Christian bodies were buried in that churchyard; he purchased this land for the burial of poor people, travelers, and others who passed away, to remain forever. An agreement was established to prevent disputes between the local priests and the house; specifically, that bodies would be taken to the church where they were parishioners or where they died, and after the funeral service, they would be brought to the burial site. In 1371, he founded a house for Carthusian monks, which he named the Salutation, and designated one of the monks as prior. He gave them a thirteen-acre plot with the chapel and buildings for their residence. He also granted them three acres of land outside the north wall, situated between the lands of the abbot of Westminster and the lands of the prior of St. John (these three acres were purchased, enclosed, and dedicated by Ralph Stratford, bishop of London, as mentioned before). This land became known as Pardon churchyard and was used for burying those who took their own lives or were executed for felonies. They were usually brought there in a closed cart, covered in black, with a plain white cross on it, and a St. John’s cross at the front. Inside, a bell would ring when the cart moved, so it could be heard as it passed by; this cart was known as the friary cart, which belonged to St. John’s and had the privilege of sanctuary.
In this charter-house were the monuments of the said Sir Walter Manny, and Margaret his wife; Marmaduke Lumley; Laurence Brumley, knight; Sir Edward Hederset, knight; Sir William Manny, knight; Dame Joan Borough; John Dore; Want Water, knight; Robert Olney, esquire; Katherine, daughter to Sir William Babington, knight; Blanch, daughter[386] to Hugh Waterton; Katherine, wife to John at Poote, daughter and heir to Richard de Lacie; William Rawlin; Sir John Lenthaine, and Dame Margaret his wife, daughter to John Fray; John Peake, esquire; William Baron, and William Baron, esquire; Sir Thomas Thawites, knight; Philip Morgan, bishop of Ely, 1434.
In this charter house were the memorials of Sir Walter Manny and his wife Margaret; Marmaduke Lumley; Sir Laurence Brumley; Sir Edward Hederset; Sir William Manny; Dame Joan Borough; John Dore; Sir Want Water; Robert Olney, esquire; Katherine, daughter of Sir William Babington; Blanch, daughter of Hugh Waterton; Katherine, wife of John at Poote, daughter and heir of Richard de Lacie; William Rawlin; Sir John Lenthaine and his wife Dame Margaret, daughter of John Fray; John Peake, esquire; William Baron, and William Baron, esquire; Sir Thomas Thawites; and Philip Morgan, bishop of Ely, 1434.
In the cloister:—Bartholomew Rede, knight, mayor of London, buried 1505; Sir John Popham, etc.
In the cloister:—Bartholomew Rede, knight, mayor of London, buried 1505; Sir John Popham, etc.
This monastery, at the suppression in the 29th of Henry VIII., was valued at six hundred and forty-two pounds and four pence halfpenny yearly.
This monastery, at the time of the dissolution in the 29th year of Henry VIII, was valued at six hundred forty-two pounds and four and a half pence annually.
A little without the bars of West Smithfield is Charterhouse lane, so called, for that it leadeth to the said plot of the late dissolved monastery; in place whereof, first the Lord North, but since Thomas Howard, late Duke of Norfolk, have made large and sumptuous buildings both for lodging and pleasure. At the gate of this Charter-house is a fair water conduit, with two cocks, serving the use of the neighbours to their great commodity.
A short distance outside the bars of West Smithfield is Charterhouse Lane, named because it leads to the site of the recently dissolved monastery. Initially, Lord North built large and luxurious buildings there for living and enjoyment, but it is now owned by Thomas Howard, the late Duke of Norfolk. At the entrance of this Charterhouse, there is a nice water conduit with two taps that greatly benefits the local residents.
St. John’s street, from the entering this lane, is also on both the sides replenished with buildings up to Clerkenwell. On the left hand of which street lieth a lane called Cow cross, of a cross sometime standing there; which lane turneth down to another lane called Turnemill street, which stretcheth up to the west of Clerkenwell, and was called Turnemill street, for such cause as is afore declared.
St. John’s Street, starting from this lane, is lined with buildings on both sides all the way to Clerkenwell. On the left side of this street is a lane called Cow Cross, named after a cross that used to stand there; this lane leads down to another lane called Turnmill Street, which stretches to the west of Clerkenwell and is called Turnmill Street for the reason mentioned earlier.
One other lane there is called St. Peter’s lane, which turneth from St. John’s street to Cow cross.
One other lane is called St. Peter’s Lane, which turns from St. John’s Street to Cow Cross.
On the left hand also stood the late dissolved priory of St. John of Jerusalem in England, founded about the year of Christ 1100 by Jorden Briset, baron, and Muriell his wife, near unto Clarkes well besides West Smithfield; which Jorden having first founded the priory of nuns at Clarkes well, bought of them ten acres of land, giving them in exchange ten acres of land in his lordship of Welling hall, in the county of Kent. St. John’s church was dedicated by Eraclius, patriarch of the holy resurrection of Christ at Jerusalem, in the year 1185, and was the chief seat in England of the religious knights of St. John of Jerusalem; whose profession was, besides their daily service of God, to defend Christians against pagans, and to fight for the church, using for their habit a black upper garment, with a white cross on the fore part thereof; and for their good service was so highly esteemed, that when the order of Templars[387] was dissolved, their lands and possessions were by parliament granted unto these, who after the loss of Jerusalem recovered the isle of Rhodes from the Turks, and there placed themselves, being called thereof for many years knights of the Rhodes; but after the loss thereof, 1523, they removed to the isle of Malta, manfully opposing themselves against the Turkish invasions.
On the left side also stood the recently disbanded priory of St. John of Jerusalem in England, founded around the year 1100 by Jorden Briset, a baron, and his wife Muriell, near Clarkes Well next to West Smithfield. Jorden, who first established the nunnery at Clarkes Well, bought ten acres of land from them, giving in exchange ten acres of land in his estate at Welling Hall in Kent. St. John’s church was dedicated by Eraclius, the patriarch of the Holy Resurrection of Christ in Jerusalem, in 1185, and it was the main seat in England for the religious knights of St. John of Jerusalem. Their mission was not only to serve God daily but also to protect Christians from pagans and fight for the church, wearing a black outer garment with a white cross on the front. They were held in such high regard for their service that when the order of Templars[387] was disbanded, their lands and holdings were granted to these knights by Parliament. After the fall of Jerusalem, they recaptured the island of Rhodes from the Turks and stayed there, being known for many years as the Knights of Rhodes; but after losing Rhodes in 1523, they relocated to the island of Malta, bravely resisting Turkish invasions.
The rebels of Essex and of Kent, 1381, set fire on this house, causing it to burn by the space of seven days together, not suffering any to quench it; since the which time the priors of that house have new built both the church and houses thereunto appertaining; which church was finished by Thomas Docwrey, late lord prior there, about the year 1504, as appeareth by the inscription over the gate-house, yet remaining. This house, at the suppression in the 32nd of Henry VIII., was valued to dispend in lands three thousand three hundred and eighty-five pounds nineteen shillings and eight pence yearly. Sir W. Weston being then lord prior, died on the same seventh of May, on which the house was suppressed; so that great yearly pensions being granted to the knights by the king, and namely to the lord prior during his life one thousand pounds, he never received a penny.
The rebels of Essex and Kent, in 1381, set fire to this house, causing it to burn for seven days straight, without allowing anyone to put it out. Since then, the priors of that house have rebuilt both the church and the associated buildings; this church was completed by Thomas Docwrey, the last lord prior there, around the year 1504, as noted by the inscription above the gatehouse that still remains. This house, at the suppression in the 32nd year of Henry VIII's reign, was valued at an annual income from lands of three thousand three hundred eighty-five pounds, nineteen shillings, and eight pence. Sir W. Weston, who was the lord prior at that time, died on the same seventh of May when the house was suppressed; therefore, although the king granted large annual pensions to the knights, including one thousand pounds for the lord prior during his lifetime, he never received a penny.
The king took into his hands all the lands that belonged to that house and that order, wheresoever in England and Ireland, for the augmentation of his crown.
The king seized all the lands that belonged to that house and that order, wherever they were in England and Ireland, to enhance his crown.
This priory church and house of St. John was preserved from spoil or down pulling, so long as King Henry VIII. reigned, and was employed as a store-house for the king’s toils and tents, for hunting, and for the wars, etc.; but in the 3rd of King Edward VI., the church, for the most part, to wit, the body and side aisles, with the great bell tower (a most curious piece of workmanship, graven, gilt, and enamelled, to the great beautifying of the city, and passing all other that I have seen), was undermined and blown up with gunpowder; the stone thereof was employed in building of the lord protector’s house at the Strand. That part of the choir which remaineth, with some side chapels, was by cardinal Pole, in the reign of Queen Mary, closed up at the west end, and otherwise repaired; and Sir Thomas Tresham, knight, was then made lord prior there, with restitution of some lands, but the same was again suppressed in the first year of Queen Elizabeth.
This priory church and house of St. John was saved from destruction while King Henry VIII reigned and was used as a storage place for the king's hunting gear, tents, and military supplies. However, in the third year of King Edward VI’s reign, the church, especially the main area and side aisles, along with the great bell tower (a remarkable piece of craftsmanship, intricately carved, gilded, and enameled, greatly enhancing the beauty of the city and surpassing all others I have seen), was undermined and blown up with gunpowder. The stones from it were used to build the house of the lord protector at the Strand. The remaining part of the choir, along with some side chapels, was enclosed at the west end and otherwise repaired by Cardinal Pole during Queen Mary's reign. Sir Thomas Tresham, a knight, was then appointed as lord prior there, receiving back some lands, but it was again suppressed in the first year of Queen Elizabeth.
There were buried in this church brethren of that house and knights of that order: John Botell; William Bagecore; Richard[388] Barrow; John Vanclay; Thomas Launcelen; John Mallory; William Turney; William Hulles, Hils, or Hayles; John Weston; Redington; William Longstrother; John Longstrother; William Tong; John Wakeline. Then of other: Thomas Thornburgh, gentleman; William West, gentleman; John Fulling, and Adam Gill, esquires; Sir John Mortimor, and Dame Elianor his wife; Nicholas Silverston; William Plompton, esquire; Margaret Tong, and Isabel Tong; Walter Bellingham, alias Ireland, king of arms of Ireland; Thomas Bedle, gentleman; Katherine, daughter of William Plompton, esquire; Richard Turpin, gentleman; Joan, wife to Alexander Dikes; John Bottle, and Richard Bottle, esquires; Rowland Darcie; Richard Sutton, gentleman; Richard Bottill, gentleman; Sir W. Harpden, knight; Robert Kingston, esquire, and Margery his wife; John Roch; Richard Cednor, gentleman; Simon Mallory, 1442; William Mallory, Robert Longstrother, Ralph Asteley, William Marshall, Robert Savage, Robert Gondall, esquires, and Margery his wife; William Bapthorpe, baron of the Exchequer, 1442.
There were buried in this church brothers from that family and knights from that order: John Botell; William Bagecore; Richard[388] Barrow; John Vanclay; Thomas Launcelen; John Mallory; William Turney; William Hulles, Hils, or Hayles; John Weston; Redington; William Longstrother; John Longstrother; William Tong; John Wakeline. Then from others: Thomas Thornburgh, gentleman; William West, gentleman; John Fulling, and Adam Gill, esquires; Sir John Mortimor, and Lady Elianor his wife; Nicholas Silverston; William Plompton, esquire; Margaret Tong, and Isabel Tong; Walter Bellingham, also known as Ireland, king of arms of Ireland; Thomas Bedle, gentleman; Katherine, daughter of William Plompton, esquire; Richard Turpin, gentleman; Joan, wife of Alexander Dikes; John Bottle, and Richard Bottle, esquires; Rowland Darcie; Richard Sutton, gentleman; Richard Bottill, gentleman; Sir W. Harpden, knight; Robert Kingston, esquire, and Margery his wife; John Roch; Richard Cednor, gentleman; Simon Mallory, 1442; William Mallory, Robert Longstrother, Ralph Asteley, William Marshall, Robert Savage, Robert Gondall, esquires, and Margery his wife; William Bapthorpe, baron of the Exchequer, 1442.
North from the house of St. John’s was the priory of Clarkenwell, so called of Clarkes well adjoining; which priory was also founded about the year 1100 by Jorden Briset, baron, the son of Ralph, the son of Brian Briset; who gave to Robert, a priest, fourteen acres of land lying in the field next adjoining to the said Clarkes well, thereupon to build a house of religious persons, which he founded to the honour of God and the assumption of our lady, and placed therein black nuns. This Jorden Briset gave also to that house one piece of ground, thereby to build a windmill upon, etc. He and Muriall his wife were buried in the Chapter-house there. More buried in this church: John Wikes, esquire, and Isabel his wife; Dame Agnes Clifford; Ralph Timbleby, esquire; Dame Jahan, baroness of Greystocke; Dame Jahan, Lady Ferrars. And of later time in the parish church, Constances Bennet, a Greek born: he gave two houses, the one in St. John’s street, the other in Turnmill street; the rents of them to be distributed in coals every year against Christmas to the poor of that parish.
North of St. John's house was the priory of Clarkenwell, named after the nearby Clarkes well. This priory was founded around the year 1100 by Jorden Briset, a baron and the son of Ralph, who was the son of Brian Briset. He donated fourteen acres of land in the neighboring field next to Clarkes well for the construction of a religious house, dedicated to the honor of God and the Virgin Mary, where he established a community of black nuns. Jorden Briset also gave a piece of land to build a windmill. He and his wife Muriall were buried in the Chapter-house there. Others buried in this church include John Wikes, esquire, and his wife Isabel; Dame Agnes Clifford; Ralph Timbleby, esquire; Dame Jahan, baroness of Greystocke; and Dame Jahan, Lady Ferrars. More recently, in the parish church, Constances Bennet, a Greek native, donated two houses—one on St. John’s street and the other on Turnmill street—with the rents from them to be used for providing coal to the poor of that parish every year at Christmas.
William Herne, a master of defence, and yeoman of the guard, 1580, gave lands and tenements to the clothworkers in London; they to pay yearly for ever fourteen pounds to the churchwardens of Clarkenwell, and fourteen pounds to the churchwardens of St. Sepulcher’s, towards reparations of these churches, and relief of the poor men; more he gave after the[389] death of one man, yet living, eight pounds the year for ever to the mending of highways.
William Herne, a fencing master and yeoman of the guard in 1580, donated land and property to the clothworkers in London. They are to pay fourteen pounds each year forever to the churchwardens of Clerkenwell, and another fourteen pounds to the churchwardens of St. Sepulcher’s, for the upkeep of these churches and to help the poor. Additionally, after the death of one man who is still living, he also pledged eight pounds a year forever for road repairs.
Thomas Sackeford, esquire, one of the masters of requests, gave to the poor of that parish forty shillings the year for ever, out of his alms-house at Woodbridge in Suffolk, where he is buried. Henry Stoke, gardener, buried there, gave twenty shillings the year for ever, towards reparation of that church. This priory was valued to dispend two hundred and sixty-two pounds nine shillings by the year, and was surrendered the 31st of Henry VIII. Many fair houses are now built about the priory, namely, by the highway towards Iseldon.
Thomas Sackeford, esquire, one of the masters of requests, donated forty shillings a year forever to the poor of that parish, from his almshouse in Woodbridge, Suffolk, where he is buried. Henry Stoke, a gardener who is also buried there, contributed twenty shillings a year forever towards the repair of that church. This priory was valued at an annual expenditure of two hundred and sixty-two pounds nine shillings and was surrendered on the 31st of Henry VIII. Many nice houses are now built around the priory, particularly along the highway toward Iseldon.
So much of the church which remaineth (for one great aisle thereof fell down) serveth as a parish church of St. John, not only for the tenements and near inhabitants, but also (as is aforesaid) for all up to Highgate, Muswell, etc.
So much of the church that remains (since one large aisle collapsed) serves as the parish church of St. John, not just for the local properties and residents, but also (as mentioned earlier) for everyone up to Highgate, Muswell, etc.
Near unto this church, beside Clarke’s well lane, divers other wells, namely, Skinners well, Fags well, Tode well, Loder’s well, Rede well, etc., now dammed up.
Near this church, next to Clarke’s Well Lane, there are several other wells, such as Skinner's Well, Fag's Well, Toad Well, Loder's Well, Red Well, etc., which are now blocked up.
Now to return again to Giltspurre street, where I first began with this suburb, there standeth the parish church of St. Sepulchre in the Bayly, as is before showed; from this street to Turnagaine lane, by Hosiar lane, Cow lane, and Holdborn conduit, down Snore hill to Oldborne bridge, and up Oldborne hill, by Gold lane on the right hand, and Lither lane beyond it, to the bars; beyond the which bars on the same side is Porte pool, or Grayes inn lane, so called of the inn of court, named Grayes inn, a goodly house there situate, by whom built or first begun I have not yet learned, but seemeth to be since Edward III.’s time, and is a prebend to Paule’s church in London.
Now, back to Giltspurre Street, where I started with this neighborhood. There stands the parish church of St. Sepulchre in the Bayly, as mentioned earlier. From this street to Turnagaine Lane, you can go by Hosiar Lane, Cow Lane, and Holdborn Conduit, down Snore Hill to Oldborne Bridge, and up Oldborne Hill, passing Gold Lane on the right and Lither Lane beyond it, to the gates. Beyond those gates, on the same side, is Porte Pool, or Grayes Inn Lane, named after the inn of court called Grayes Inn, a nice building located there. I haven't yet learned who built it or when it was first established, but it seems to date back to the time of Edward III and is a prebend to St. Paul's Church in London.
This lane is furnished with fair buildings and many tenements on both the sides, leading to the fields towards Highgate and Hamsted.
This street has nice buildings and lots of apartments on both sides, leading to the fields near Highgate and Hampstead.
On the high street have ye many fair houses built, and lodgings for gentlemen, inns for travellers, and such like up almost (for it lacketh but little) to St. Giles in the fields; amongst the which buildings, for the most part being very new, one passeth the rest in largeness of rooms, lately built by a widow, sometime wife to Richard Alington, esquire; which Richard Alington deceased in the year 1561. And thus much for that north side of Oldborne.
On the high street, there are many beautiful houses, places for gentlemen to stay, inns for travelers, and similar accommodations, all the way up to St. Giles in the Fields. Among these mostly new buildings, one stands out for its large rooms, recently built by a widow who was once married to Richard Alington, an esquire, who passed away in 1561. And that’s all for the north side of Oldborne.
Now from Newgate, on the left hand or south side, lieth the Old Bayly, and so down by Seacole lane end to Oldborne bridge, up Oldborne hill, by Shoe lane and Fewters lane, to the bars.
Now from Newgate, on the left side or south side, lies the Old Bailey, and then down Seacoal Lane to Oldbourne Bridge, up Oldbourne Hill, through Shoe Lane and Fetter Lane, to the bars.
Beyond the bars had ye in old time a temple built by the Templars, whose order first began in the year of Christ 1118, in the 19th of Henry I. This temple was left and fell to ruin since the year 1184, when the Templars had built them a new temple in Fleet street, near to the river of Thames. A great part of this old temple was pulled down, but of late in the year 1595. Adjoining to this old Temple[285] was sometime the bishop of Lincolne’s inn, wherein he lodged when he repaired to this city. Robert de Curars, bishop of Lincoln, built it about the year 1147. John Russell, bishop of Lincoln, chancellor of England, in the reign of Richard III., was lodged there. It hath of late years belonged to the earls of Southampton, and therefore called Southampton house. Master Ropar hath of late built much there; by means whereof part of the ruins of the old Temple were seen to remain built of Caen stone, round in form as the new Temple, by Temple bar, and other temples in England. Beyond this old Temple and the bishop of Lincoln’s house[286] is New street, so called in the reign of Henry III., when he of a Jew’s house founded the house of Converts, betwixt the old Temple and the new.
Beyond the bars, there used to be a temple built by the Templars, whose order started in the year 1118 during Henry I's 19th year as king. This temple was abandoned and fell into disrepair after 1184 when the Templars built a new temple on Fleet Street, near the River Thames. A large part of the old temple was torn down, but recently, in 1595, it was noted that part of the old Temple[285] was once the bishop of Lincoln’s inn, where he stayed when he visited the city. Robert de Curars, the bishop of Lincoln, built it around 1147. John Russell, the bishop of Lincoln and chancellor of England during Richard III's reign, also stayed there. In recent years, it has belonged to the earls of Southampton, hence it is called Southampton House. Master Ropar has recently constructed many new additions there; as a result, parts of the ruins of the old Temple, made of Caen stone and round like the new Temple by Temple Bar and other temples in England, have been uncovered. Beyond this old Temple and the bishop of Lincoln’s house[286] is New Street, named during Henry III's reign when he founded the House of Converts in place of a Jew’s house, located between the old Temple and the new one.
The same street hath since been called Chancery lane, by reason that King Edward III. annexed the house of Converts by patent to the office of Custos Rotulorum, or master of the rolls, in the 15th of his reign.
The same street has since been called Chancery Lane because King Edward III annexed the house of Converts by patent to the office of Custos Rotulorum, or master of the rolls, in the 15th year of his reign.
In this street the first fair building to be noted on the east side is called the Coursitors’ office, built with divers fair lodgings for gentlemen, all of brick and timber, by Sir Nicholas Bacon, late lord keeper of the great seal.
In this street, the first notable building on the east side is known as the Coursitors’ office. It was constructed with several nice lodgings for gentlemen, all made of brick and timber, by Sir Nicholas Bacon, who was the former lord keeper of the great seal.
Near unto this Coursitors’ office be divers fair houses and large gardens, built and made in a ground sometime belonging to one great house on the other side the street, there made by Ralph Nevel, bishop of Chichester. This ground he had by the gift of Henry III., as appeareth. The king granteth to Ralph, bishop of Chichester, chancellor, that place, with the garden, which John Herlirum forfeited in that street, called New street, over against the land of the said bishop in the same street; which place, with the garden and appurtenance, was the king’s escheat by the liberty of the city of London, as it was acknowledged before the king in his court at the Tower of London, in the last pleas of the crown of that city, cart. 11 Henry III.
Near the Coursitors’ office, there are several beautiful houses and large gardens, built on land that used to belong to a grand house across the street, created by Ralph Nevel, the bishop of Chichester. He received this land as a gift from Henry III., as is evident. The king grants Ralph, bishop of Chichester and chancellor, that place along with the garden, which John Herlirum lost in that street called New Street, located opposite the land of the bishop in the same street. This area, along with the garden and its appurtenances, was the king’s escheat due to the liberties of the city of London, as was acknowledged before the king in his court at the Tower of London, in the last pleas of the crown for that city, cart. 11 Henry III.
Then was the house of Converts, wherein now the rolls of Chancery be kept; then the Sergeants’ inn, etc.
Then was the house of Converts, where the Chancery records are now kept; then the Sergeants’ inn, etc.
On the west side of New street, towards the north end thereof, was of old time the church and house of the Preaching Friers; concerning the which house I find, that in the year of Christ 1221, the friars’ preachers, thirteen in number, came into England, and having to their prior one named Gilbert de Fraxineto, in company of Peter de la Roche, bishop of Winchester, came to Canterbury, where presenting themselves before the archbishop Steven, he commanded the said prior to preach, whose sermon he liked so well, that ever after he loved that order. These friars came to London, and had their first house without the wall of the city by Oldborne, near unto the old Temple.
On the west side of New Street, towards the northern end, there used to be the church and house of the Preaching Friars. I found that in the year 1221, thirteen preaching friars came to England, led by their prior, a man named Gilbert de Fraxineto, along with Peter de la Roche, the bishop of Winchester. They arrived in Canterbury, where they presented themselves to Archbishop Steven. The archbishop asked the prior to preach, and he liked the sermon so much that he became a supporter of that order from then on. These friars then went to London and set up their first house just outside the city wall at Oldborne, near the old Temple.
Hubert de Burgh, earl of Kent, was a great benefactor unto these friars, and deceasing at his manor of Bansted in Surrey, or, after some writers, at his castle of Barkhamsted in Hartfordshire, in the year 1242, was buried in their church; unto the which church he had given his place at Westminster, which the said friars afterwards sold to Walter Grey, archbishop of York; and he left it to his successors in that see for ever, to be their house, when they should repair to the city of London. And therefore the same was called York place; which name so continued until the year 1529, that King Henry VIII. took it from Thomas Wolsey, cardinal and archbishop of York, and then gave it to name White hall.
Hubert de Burgh, Earl of Kent, was a major supporter of the friars. He passed away at his estate in Bansted, Surrey—or according to some accounts, at his castle in Barkhamsted, Hertfordshire—in 1242 and was buried in their church. He had donated his location in Westminster to the friars, who later sold it to Walter Grey, the Archbishop of York. He then left it to his successors as their house for when they traveled to London. Because of this, it was known as York Place, a name it kept until 1529, when King Henry VIII took it from Thomas Wolsey, Cardinal and Archbishop of York, and renamed it Whitehall.
Margaret, sister to the king of Scots, widow to Geffrey, earl marshal, deceased 1244, and was buried in this church.
Margaret, sister of the king of Scots and widow of Geffrey, earl marshal, who died in 1244, was buried in this church.
In the year 1250, the friars of this order of preachers through Christendom and from Jerusalem, were by a convocation assembled together at this their house by Oldborne, to intreat of their estate, to the number of four hundred, having meat and drink found them of alms, because they had no possessions of their own. The first day, the king came to their chapter, found them meat and drink, and dined with them. Another day the queen found them meat and drink; afterward the bishop of London, then the abbot of Westminster, of St. Alban’s, Waltham, and others. In the year 1276, Gregory Rokesley, mayor, and the barons of London, granted and gave to Robert Kilwarbie, archbishop of Canterbury, two lanes or ways next the street of Baynard’s castle, and the tower of Mountfichet, to be destroyed. On the which place the said Robert built the late new church, with the rest of the stones that were left of the[392] said tower: and thus the black friars left their church and house by Oldborne, and departed to their new. This old friar house (juxta Holborne, saith the patent) was by King Edward I., in the 16th of his reign, given to Henry Lacy, earl of Lincoln.
In the year 1250, the friars of this order of preachers gathered at their house by Oldborne to discuss their situation, totaling around four hundred, with food and drink provided to them as charity since they had no possessions of their own. On the first day, the king visited their chapter, shared a meal with them, and dined together. On another day, the queen provided them with food and drink; after that, the bishop of London, followed by the abbot of Westminster, St. Albans, Waltham, and others did the same. In 1276, Gregory Rokesley, the mayor, and the barons of London granted two lanes or paths next to Baynard’s Castle Street and the Tower of Montfichet to Robert Kilwarbie, the archbishop of Canterbury, for demolition. On that site, Robert built the new church using the leftover stones from the said tower. Thus, the black friars left their church and house at Oldborne and moved to their new location. This old friar house (juxta Holborne, according to the patent) was given by King Edward I in the 16th year of his reign to Henry Lacy, the Earl of Lincoln.
Next to this house of friars was one other great house, sometime belonging to the bishop of Chichester, whereof Matthew Paris writeth thus:—“Ralph de Nova Villa, or Nevill, bishop of Chichester and chancellor of England, sometime built a noble house, even from the ground, not far from the new Temple and house of Converts; in the which place he deceased in the year 1244. In this place, after the decease of the said bishop, and in place of the house of black friars before spoken of, Henry Lacy, earl of Lincoln, constable of Chester, and custos of England, built his inn, and for the most part was lodged there: he deceased in this house in the year 1310, and was buried in the new work (whereunto he had been a great benefactor) of St. Paul’s church betwixt our Lady chapel and St. Dunstan’s chapel. This Lincoln’s inn, sometime pertaining to the bishops of Chichester, as a part of the said great house, is now an inn of court, retaining the name of Lincoln’s inn as afore, but now lately increased with fair buildings, and replenished with gentlemen studious in the common laws. In the reign of Henry VIII. Sir Thomas Lovell was a great builder there; especially he built the gate-house and fore front towards the east, placing thereon as well the Lacies’ arms as his own: he caused the Lacies’ arms to be cast and wrought in lead, on the louer of the hall of that house, which was in the three escutcheons, a lion rampant for Lacie, seven mascules voided for Quincie, and three wheatsheafs for Chester. This louer being of late repaired, the said escutcheons were left out. The rest of that side, even to Fleet street, is replenished with fair buildings.”
Next to this friary was another large house, once belonging to the bishop of Chichester. Matthew Paris writes: “Ralph de Nova Villa, or Nevill, bishop of Chichester and chancellor of England, once built a grand house from the ground up, not far from the new Temple and the house of Converts; he passed away there in 1244. After the bishop died, Henry Lacy, earl of Lincoln, constable of Chester, and custos of England, built his inn in place of the previously mentioned house of black friars, and he mostly stayed there. He died in this house in 1310 and was buried in the new work, to which he had been a significant benefactor, at St. Paul’s church, between Our Lady’s chapel and St. Dunstan’s chapel. This Lincoln’s inn, which once belonged to the bishops of Chichester as part of that grand house, is now an inn of court, still known as Lincoln’s Inn, but recently expanded with beautiful buildings and filled with gentlemen studying common law. During the reign of Henry VIII, Sir Thomas Lovell was a major builder there; he especially constructed the gatehouse and the facade facing east, placing both the Lacy arms and his own on it. He had the Lacy arms cast and crafted in lead, above the hall of that house, showing three coats of arms: a lion rampant for Lacy, seven mascles voided for Quincie, and three wheatsheafs for Chester. Recently repaired, the said coats of arms were left out. The rest of that side, all the way to Fleet Street, is lined with beautiful buildings.”
Now the High Oldborne street, from the north end of New street, stretcheth on the left hand in building lately framed, up to St. Giles in the field, which was an hospital founded by Matilda the queen, wife to Henry I., about the year 1117. This hospital, said the record of Edward III., the 19th year, was founded without the bar: Veteris Templi London, et conversorum.
Now High Oldborne Street, starting at the north end of New Street, stretches on the left side with recently constructed buildings, all the way to St. Giles in the Fields, which was a hospital established by Matilda, the queen and wife of Henry I, around the year 1117. According to records from the 19th year of Edward III, this hospital was founded without the bar: Veteris Templi London, et conversorum.
This hospital was founded as a cell to Burton Lager of Jerusalem, as may appear by a deed dated the 24th of Henry VII. in these words:—“Thomas Norton, knight, master of Burton Lager of Jerusalem in England, and the brethren of the same place, keepers of the hospital of St. Giles, without the bars of[393] the old Temple of London, have sold to Geffrey Kent, citizen and draper of London, a messuage or house, with two cellars above, edified in the parish of Alhallowes, Hony lane, in West Chepe, adjoining to the west part of a tenement called the Cote on the Hope, pertaining to the drapers of London, for thirty-one pounds.”
This hospital was established as a branch of Burton Lager of Jerusalem, as indicated by a document dated in the 24th year of Henry VII, which states: “Thomas Norton, knight, master of Burton Lager of Jerusalem in England, and the brothers of the same location, keepers of the hospital of St. Giles, outside the bars of[393] the old Temple of London, have sold to Geffrey Kent, a citizen and draper of London, a property or house, with two cellars above, built in the parish of Alhallowes, Hony lane, in West Chepe, next to the west side of a property called the Cote on the Hope, belonging to the drapers of London, for thirty-one pounds.”
At this hospital, the prisoners conveyed from the city of London towards Teyborne, there to be executed for treasons, felonies, or other trespasses, were presented with a great bowl of ale, thereof to drink at their pleasure, as to be their last refreshing in this life.
At this hospital, the prisoners transferred from the city of London to Teyborne, where they were to be executed for treason, felonies, or other offenses, were given a large bowl of ale to drink as they liked, as it was to be their last refreshment in this life.
Now without Ludgate lieth the south end of the Old Bayly, then down Ludgate hill by Fleet lane, over Fleet bridge, up Fleet street, by Shoe lane, Fewtar’s lane, New street, or Chauncerie lane, and to Shire lane, by the bar on the right hand; and from Ludgate on the left hand, or south side, by Bride lane, Water lane, Croker’s lane, Sergeants’ inn, and the new Temple, by the bar; all which is of Faringdon ward, as is afore showed.
Now, south of Ludgate is the Old Bailey, then you go down Ludgate Hill by Fleet Lane, across Fleet Bridge, up Fleet Street, past Shoe Lane, Fetter Lane, New Street, or Chancery Lane, and to Shire Lane, with the bar on your right; and from Ludgate on the left, or south side, you go through Bride Lane, Water Lane, Croker’s Lane, Sergeant’s Inn, and the new Temple, by the bar; all of this is part of Farringdon Ward, as previously mentioned.
LIBERTIES OF THE DUCHY OF LANCASTER
Next without the bar is the New Temple, and liberties of the city of London, in the suburbs, is a liberty pertaining to the duchy of Lancaster, which beginneth in the east, on the south side or left hand, by the river Thames, and stretcheth west to Ivie bridge, where it endeth; and again on the north side, or right hand, some small distance without Temple bar, in the high street, from a pair of stocks there standing, stretcheth one large Middle row, or troop of small tenements, partly opening to the south, partly towards the north, up west to a stone cross, now headless, over against the Strand; and this is the bounds to that liberty, which sometime belonged to Briane Lisle, since to Peter of Savoy, and then to the house of Lancaster, as shall be showed. Henry III., in the 30th year of his reign, did grant to his uncle Peter of Savoy all those houses upon the Thames, which sometimes pertained to Briane de Insula, or Lisle, without the walls of his city of London, in the way or street called the Strand, to hold to him and to his heirs, yielding yearly in the Exchequer, at the feast of St. Michaell the Archangell, three barbed arrows, for all services, dated at Reding, etc. This Peter of Savoy built the Savoy.
Next to the bar is the New Temple, and the liberties of the city of London in the suburbs, which is an area associated with the Duchy of Lancaster. It starts in the east, on the south side or left, by the River Thames, and stretches west to Ivie Bridge, where it ends. On the north side, or right side, a short distance beyond Temple Bar, there is a high street near a pair of stocks that leads into a large Middle Row, a line of small tenements, partly facing south and partly north, stretching west to a now-headless stone cross across from the Strand. These are the boundaries of that liberty, which once belonged to Briane Lisle, then to Peter of Savoy, and afterwards to the House of Lancaster, as will be explained. In the 30th year of his reign, Henry III granted his uncle Peter of Savoy all those houses on the Thames that once belonged to Briane de Insula, or Lisle, outside the city walls of London, along the street called the Strand, to hold for himself and his heirs, paying annually to the Exchequer, at the feast of St. Michael the Archangel, three barbed arrows for all services, dated at Reading, etc. This Peter of Savoy built the Savoy.
But first amongst other buildings memorable for greatness, on the river of Thames, Excester house, so called for that the[394] same belonged to the bishops of Excester, and was their inn or London lodging: who was first builder thereof I have not read, but that Walter Stapleton was a great builder there in the reign of Edward II. is manifest; for the citizens of London, when they had beheaded him in Cheape, near unto the cathedral church of St. Paule, they buried him in a heap of sand or rubbish in his own house without Temple bar, where he had made great building. Edmond Lacie, bishop of Excester, built the great hall in the reign of Henry VI., etc. The same hath since been called Paget house, because William Lord Paget enlarged and possessed it. Then Leycester house, because Robert Dudley, earl of Leycester, of late new built there, and now Essex house, of the earl of Essex lodging there.
But first among other buildings notable for their grandeur, on the River Thames, is Exeter House, named because it belonged to the bishops of Exeter and served as their inn or London lodging. I haven't found out who was the original builder, but it's clear that Walter Stapleton was a significant builder there during the reign of Edward II. The citizens of London beheaded him in Cheapside, near the cathedral of St. Paul's, and buried him in a pile of sand or rubble in his own house just outside Temple Bar, where he had constructed a large building. Edmond Lacie, bishop of Exeter, built the great hall during the reign of Henry VI, etc. This place has since been called Paget House because William Lord Paget expanded and owned it. Then there's Leicester House, named after Robert Dudley, the Earl of Leicester, who recently had it rebuilt, and now Essex House, which served as the lodging for the Earl of Essex.
Then west was a chapel dedicated to the Holy Ghost, called St. Sprite, upon what occasion founded I have not read. Next is Milford lane down to the Thames, but why so called I have not read as yet.
Then to the west was a chapel dedicated to the Holy Ghost, called St. Sprite, though I haven't read when it was founded. Next is Milford Lane leading down to the Thames, but I still haven't read why it's called that.
Then was the bishop of Bathes inn, lately new built, for a great part thereof, by the Lord Thomas Seymour, admiral; which house came since to be possessed by the earl of Arundel, and thereof called Arundel house.
Then there was the bishop of Bath's inn, recently built mostly by Lord Thomas Seymour, the admiral; this house later became owned by the Earl of Arundel and was called Arundel House.
Next beyond the which, on the street side, was sometime a fair cemetery or churchyard, and in the same a parish church called of the Nativity of our Lady, and the Innocents of the Strand, and of some by means of a brotherhood kept there, called St. Ursula at the Strand. And near adjoining to the said church, betwixt it and the river of Thames, was an inn of Chancery commonly called Chester’s inn (because it belonged to the bishop of Chester), by others, named of the situation, Strand inn.
Next to that, on the street side, there was once a nice cemetery or churchyard, and in it stood a parish church called the Nativity of Our Lady, and the Innocents of the Strand, along with another one maintained by a brotherhood there, called St. Ursula at the Strand. Close to this church, between it and the River Thames, was an inn of Chancery commonly known as Chester’s Inn (because it belonged to the Bishop of Chester), and by others, named for its location, Strand Inn.
Then was there a house belonging to the bishop of Landaff; for I find in record, the 4th of Edward II., that a vacant place lying near the church of our Lady at Strand, the said bishop procured it of Thomas, earl of Lancaster, for the enlarging of this house. Then had ye in the high street a fair bridge called Strand bridge, and under it a lane or way down to the landing-place on the bank of Thames.
Then there was a house owned by the bishop of Llandaff; for I find in the records from the 4th year of Edward II, that a vacant piece of land near the Church of Our Lady at Strand was obtained by the bishop from Thomas, Earl of Lancaster, to expand this house. Then there was a nice bridge in the high street called Strand Bridge, with a lane or path leading down to the riverbank of the Thames.
Then was the bishop of Chester’s (commonly called of Lichfield and Coventrie), his inn or London lodging: this house was first built by Walter Langton, bishop of Chester, treasurer of England in the reign of Edward I.
Then there was the bishop of Chester’s (often referred to as of Lichfield and Coventrie) inn or London lodging: this house was originally built by Walter Langton, bishop of Chester and treasurer of England during the reign of Edward I.
And next unto it adjoining was the bishop of Worcester’s inn: all which, to wit, the parish of St. Mary at Strand, Strand[395] inn, Strand bridge, with the lane under it, the bishop of Chester’s inn, the bishop of Worcester’s inn, with all the tenements adjoining, were by commandment of Edward, duke of Somerset, uncle to Edward VI., and lord protector, pulled down, and made level ground in the year 1549; in place whereof he built that large and goodly house, now called Somerset house.
And next to it was the bishop of Worcester’s inn: all of which, including the parish of St. Mary at Strand, Strand inn, Strand bridge, with the lane underneath, the bishop of Chester’s inn, the bishop of Worcester’s inn, and all the nearby buildings, were ordered by Edward, duke of Somerset, uncle to Edward VI., and lord protector, to be demolished and leveled in 1549; in their place, he built that large and impressive house, now known as Somerset House.
In the high street, near unto the Strand, sometime stood a cross of stone against the bishop of Coventrie or Chester his house; whereof I read, that in the year 1294, and divers other times, the justices itinerants sate without London, at the stone cross over against the bishop of Coventrie’s house, and sometime they sate in the Bishop’s house, which was hard by the Strand, as is aforesaid.
In the high street, near the Strand, there used to be a stone cross in front of the bishop of Coventry or Chester's house. I read that in the year 1294, and on several other occasions, traveling judges held court outside London, at the stone cross opposite the bishop of Coventry's house, and sometimes they met in the bishop's house, which was close to the Strand, as mentioned before.
Then next is the Savoy, so called of Peter, earl of Savoy, and Richmond, son to Thomas, earl of Savoy, brother to Boniface, archbishop of Canterbury, and uncle unto Eleanor, wife to King Henry III.
Then next is the Savoy, named after Peter, the Earl of Savoy and Richmond, who was the son of Thomas, the Earl of Savoy, brother of Boniface, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the uncle of Eleanor, who was married to King Henry III.
He first built this house in the year 1245; and here is occasion offered me for satisfying of some deniers thereof, to prove that this Peter of Savoy was also earl of Savoy: wherefore, out of a book of the genealogies of all the whole house of Savoy, compiled by Phillebert Pingonio, baron of Guzani, remaining in the hands of W. Smith, alias Rougedragon, officer of arms, I have gathered this:—Thomas, earl of Savoy, had issue by Beatrix, daughter to Aimon, earl of Geneva, nine sons and three daughters. Amades, his first son, succeeded earl of Savoy in the year 1253; Peter, his second son, earl of Savoy and of Richmond, in 1268; Philip, his third son, earl of Savoy and Burgundie, 1284; Thomas, the fourth, earl of Flanders and prince of Piemont; Boniface, the eighth, archbishop of Canterbury; Beatrix, his daughter, married to Raymond Beringarius of Aragon, earl of Province and Narbone, had issue, and was mother to five queens: the first, Margaret, wife to Lewes, king of France; the second, Eleanor, wife to Henry III. king of England; the third, Sanctia, wife to Richard, king of the Romans; the fourth, Beatrix, wife to Charles, king of Naples; the fifth, Johanna, wife to Philip, king of Navarre.
He built this house in 1245, and now I have the opportunity to address some skeptics by proving that Peter of Savoy was indeed the earl of Savoy. To do this, I've gathered information from a book about the genealogy of the entire House of Savoy, compiled by Phillebert Pingonio, Baron of Guzani, which is with W. Smith, also known as Rougedragon, an officer of arms: Thomas, Earl of Savoy, had nine sons and three daughters with Beatrix, the daughter of Aimon, Earl of Geneva. His first son, Amades, became Earl of Savoy in 1253; Peter, his second son, was Earl of Savoy and Richmond in 1268; Philip, his third son, became Earl of Savoy and Burgundy in 1284; Thomas, the fourth son, was the Earl of Flanders and Prince of Piemonte; Boniface, the eighth, served as Archbishop of Canterbury. Beatrix, his daughter, married Raymond Beringarius of Aragon, Earl of Provence and Narbonne, and had five queens as children: the first, Margaret, married to Louis, King of France; the second, Eleanor, married to Henry III, King of England; the third, Sanctia, married to Richard, King of the Romans; the fourth, Beatrix, married to Charles, King of Naples; and the fifth, Johanna, married to Philip, King of Navarre.
To return again to the house of Savoy: Queen Eleanor, wife to king Henry III., purchased this place afterwards of the fraternity or brethren of Montjoy;[287] unto whom Peter of Savoy, as it seemeth, had given it, for her son, Edmond earl of Lan[396]caster (as M. Camden hath noted out of a register-book of the dukes of Lancaster). Henry, duke of Lancaster, repaired or rather new built it, with the charges of fifty-two thousand marks, which money he had gathered together at the town of Bridgerike. John, the French king, was lodged there in the year 1357, and also in the year 1363; for it was at that time the fairest manor in England.
To go back to the house of Savoy: Queen Eleanor, the wife of King Henry III, later bought this place from the brothers of Montjoy; [287] to whom Peter of Savoy had apparently given it for her son, Edmund, Earl of Lancaster (as noted by M. Camden from a register of the dukes of Lancaster). Henry, Duke of Lancaster, renovated or rather completely rebuilt it, spending fifty-two thousand marks, which he had gathered in the town of Bridgerike. John, the French king, stayed there in 1357 and also in 1363 because at that time, it was the finest manor in England.
In the year 1381, the rebels of Kent and Essex burnt this house; unto the which there was none in the realm to be compared in beauty and stateliness (saith mine author).[288] They set fire on it round about, and made proclamation that none, on pain to lose his head, should convert to his own use anything that there was, but that they should break such plate and vessels of gold and silver as was found in that house (which was in great plenty) into small pieces, and throw the same into the river of Thames: precious stones they should bruise in mortars, that the same might be to no use, and so it was done by them. One of their companions they burnt in the fire, because he minded to have reserved one goodly piece of plate.[289]
In 1381, the rebels from Kent and Essex burned this house, which was unmatched in beauty and grandeur (according to my source).[288] They set it on fire all around and announced that anyone who took anything for themselves would be executed. Instead, they were to break any gold and silver items found in the house (which were abundant) into small pieces and throw them into the Thames River. Precious stones were to be crushed in mortars so they couldn't be used, and that’s exactly what they did. They even burned one of their own for trying to keep a nice piece of silverware.[289]
They found there certain barrels of gunpowder, which they thought had been gold or silver, and throwing them into the fire more suddenly than they thought, the hall was blown up, the houses destroyed, and themselves very hardly escaped away.
They discovered some barrels of gunpowder, which they believed were filled with gold or silver. When they threw them into the fire quicker than they expected, the hall exploded, the houses were destroyed, and they barely managed to escape.
This house being thus defaced, and almost overthrown by these rebels for malice they bare to John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, of latter time came to the king’s hands, and was again raised and beautifully built for an hospital of St. John Baptist by King Henry VII. about the year 1509, for the which hospital, retaining still the old name of Savoy, he purchased lands to be employed upon the relieving of a hundred poor people. This hospital being valued to dispend five hundred and twenty-nine pounds fifteen shillings, etc. by year, was suppressed the tenth of June, the 7th of Edward VI.: the beds, bedding, and other furniture belonging thereunto, with seven hundred marks of the said lands by year, he gave to the citizens of London, with his house of Bridewell, to the furnishing thereof, to be a workhouse for the poor and idle persons, and towards the furnishing of the hospital of St. Thomas in Southwark, lately suppressed.
This house, having been damaged and nearly destroyed by the rebels out of spite against John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, eventually came into the king’s possession. It was restored and beautifully rebuilt as St. John the Baptist's hospital by King Henry VII around the year 1509. For this hospital, which retained the old name of Savoy, he bought lands to support a hundred poor people. This hospital was valued at spending five hundred twenty-nine pounds fifteen shillings a year, but it was closed on June 10, during the 7th year of Edward VI's reign. The beds, bedding, and other furnishings, along with seven hundred marks from the lands each year, were given to the citizens of London, along with his house of Bridewell, to help establish a workhouse for the poor and idle, and to contribute towards the furnishing of the recently closed hospital of St. Thomas in Southwark.
This hospital of Savoy was again new founded, erected, corporated, and endowed with lands by Queen Mary, the third of November: in the 4th of her reign, one Jackson took possession, and was made master thereof in the same month of November. The ladies of the court and maidens of honour (a thing not to be forgotten) stored the same of new with beds, bedding, and other furniture, in very ample manner, etc.; and it was by patent so confirmed at Westminster the 9th of May, the 4th and 5th of Philip and Mary. The chapel of this hospital serveth now as a parish church to the tenements thereof near adjoining, and others.
This hospital in Savoy was newly established, built, incorporated, and given land by Queen Mary on November 3rd. In the 4th year of her reign, a man named Jackson took possession and became its master that same month of November. The ladies of the court and maidens of honor (which is worth noting) supplied it with beds, bedding, and other furnishings in a very generous way, etc. This was officially confirmed by patent at Westminster on May 9th during the 4th and 5th years of Philip and Mary. The chapel of this hospital now serves as a parish church for the nearby tenements and others.
The next was sometime the bishop of Carlisle’s inn, which now belongeth to the earl of Bedford, and is called Russell or Bedford house. It stretcheth from the hospital of Savoy, west to Ivie bridge, where Sir Robert Cecill, principal secretary to her majesty, hath lately raised a large and stately house of brick and timber, as also levelled and paved the highway near adjoining, to the great beautifying of that street and commodity of passengers. Richard II., in the 8th of his reign, granted license to pave with stone the highway called Strand street from Temple bar to the Savoy, and toll to be taken towards the charges; and again the like was granted in the 42nd of Henry VI.
The next was once the bishop of Carlisle’s inn, which now belongs to the Earl of Bedford and is called Russell or Bedford House. It stretches from the Hospital of Savoy, west to Ivy Bridge, where Sir Robert Cecil, the principal secretary to Her Majesty, has recently built a large and impressive house made of brick and timber. He also leveled and paved the nearby road, greatly enhancing that street and making it better for travelers. Richard II, in the 8th year of his reign, granted permission to pave the road known as Strand Street from Temple Bar to the Savoy, and allowed a toll to help cover the costs; a similar grant was made again in the 42nd year of Henry VI.
Ivie bridge, in the high street, which had a way under it leading down to the Thames, the like as sometime had the Strand bridge, is now taken down, but the lane remaineth as afore, or better, and parteth the liberty of the duchy and the city of Westminster on that south side.
Ivie Bridge, located on the high street, which had a path underneath it leading down to the Thames, similar to the old Strand Bridge, is now gone. However, the lane still exists, or has improved, and separates the territory of the duchy and the city of Westminster on the southern side.
Now to begin again at Temple bar, over against it.[290] In the high street, as is afore showed, is one large Middle row of houses and small tenements built, partly opening to the south, partly towards the north; amongst the which standeth the parish church of St. Clement Danes, so called because Harold, a Danish king, and other Danes, were buried there. This Harold, whom king Canutus had by a concubine, reigned three years, and was buried at Westminster; but afterward Hardicanutus, the lawful son of Canutus, in revenge of a displeasure done to his mother, by expelling her out of the realm, and the murder of his brother Allured, commanded the body of Harold to be digged out of the earth, and to be thrown into the Thames, where it was by a fisherman taken up and buried in this churchyard; but out of a fair ledger-book, sometime belonging to the abbey of Chartsey, in the county of Surrey, is noted, as in Francis Thin, after this sort. In the reign of king Etheldred, the[398] monastery of Chartsey was destroyed: ninety monks of that house were slain by the Danes, whose bodies were buried in a place next to the old monastery. William Malmseberie saith,—“They burnt the church, together with the monks and abbot; but the Danes continuing in their fury (throughout the whole land), desirous at the length to return home into Denmarke, were by the just judgment of God all slain at London in a place which is called the church of the Danes.”
Now to start again at Temple Bar, opposite it.[290] In the high street, as mentioned earlier, there is a large middle row of houses and small apartments, some facing south and others to the north; among them stands the parish church of St. Clement Danes, named because Harold, a Danish king, and other Danes were buried there. This Harold, who was the son of King Canute and a concubine, ruled for three years and was buried at Westminster; but later, Hardicanute, the legitimate son of Canute, sought revenge on his mother for being expelled from the realm and for the murder of his brother Allured, commanded that Harold's body be exhumed and thrown into the Thames. A fisherman later found it and buried it in this churchyard; this information is noted in an old ledger book, once belonging to the abbey of Chertsey in Surrey, as referenced by Francis Thin. During King Etheldred’s reign, the monastery of Chertsey was destroyed: ninety monks from that house were killed by the Danes, and their bodies were buried near the old monastery. William of Malmesbury writes, “They burned the church, along with the monks and the abbot; but the Danes, continuing their rampage throughout the land, eventually desiring to return home to Denmark, were all slain in London at a place known as the Church of the Danes.”
This said middle row of houses stretching west to a stone cross, now headless, by or against the Strand, including the said parish church of St. Clement, is also wholly of the liberty and duchy of Lancaster.
This middle row of houses stretching west to a now headless stone cross, by or next to the Strand, which includes the parish church of St. Clement, is also entirely part of the liberty and duchy of Lancaster.
Thus much for the bounds and antiquities of this liberty, wherein I have noted parish churches twain, sometime three, houses of name six; to wit, the Savoy or Lancaster house, now a hospital, Somerset house, Essex house, Arundel house, Bedford or Russell house, and Sir Robert Cecil’s house; besides of Chester’s inn or Strand inn, sometime an inn of Chancery, etc. This liberty is governed by the chancellor of that duchy at this present, Sir Robert Cecil, knight, principal secretary to her majesty, and one of her majesty’s most honourable privy councillors; there is under him a steward that keepeth court and leet for the queen; giveth the charge and taketh the oaths of every under officer: then is there four burgesses and four assistants, to take up controversies; a bailiff, which hath two or three under-bailiffs, that make arrests within that liberty; four constables; four wardens, that keep the lands and stock for the poor; four wardens for highways; a jury or inquest of fourteen or sixteen, to present defaults; four ale-conners, which look to assize of weights and measures, etc.; four scavengers and a beadle; and their common prison is Newgate. There is in this liberty fifty men, which is always to be at an hour’s warning, with all necessary furniture to serve the queen, as occasion shall require. Their charge at a fifteen is thirteen shillings and four pence. Thus much for the suburb in the liberty of the duchy of Lancaster.
Here’s an overview of the boundaries and history of this area, where I've mentioned two, sometimes three, parish churches and six notable houses: the Savoy or Lancaster House, which is now a hospital; Somerset House; Essex House; Arundel House; Bedford or Russell House; and Sir Robert Cecil’s house; along with Chester’s Inn or Strand Inn, which used to be an Inn of Chancery, etc. This area is currently overseen by the Chancellor of the Duchy, Sir Robert Cecil, a knight, principal secretary to the queen, and one of her most esteemed privy councillors. Under him is a steward who manages the court and leet for the queen, administers the oaths for all subordinate officers, and there are four burgesses and four assistants to resolve disputes. A bailiff oversees two or three under-bailiffs who make arrests within the area; there are four constables; four wardens manage the land and finances for the poor; four wardens are responsible for the highways; and a jury or inquest made up of fourteen or sixteen individuals presents any issues. There are four ale-conners, who ensure the correct weights and measures, four scavengers, and a beadle; and their common prison is Newgate. Within this area, there are fifty men who are always ready on an hour’s notice, equipped to serve the queen as needed. Their collective taxation at a fifteen is thirteen shillings and four pence. This concludes the description of the suburb in the Liberty of the Duchy of Lancaster.
THE CITY OF WESTMINSTER, WITH THE ANTIQUITIES, BOUNDS, AND LIBERTIES THEREOF
Now touching the city of Westminster, I will begin at Temple bar, on the right hand or north side, and so pass up west through a back lane or street, wherein do stand three inns of chancery;[399] the first called Clement’s inn, because it standeth near to St. Clement’s church, but nearer to the fair fountain called Clement’s well; the second, New inn, so called as latelier made, of a common hostery, and the sign of Our Lady, an inn of chancery for students than the other, to wit, about the beginning of the reign of Henry VII., and not so late as some have supposed; to wit, at the pulling down of Strand inn, in the reign of King Edward VI.; for I read that Sir Thomas More, sometime lord chancellor, was a student in this new inn, and went from thence to Lincolne’s inn, etc. The third is Lyon’s inn, an inn of chancery also.
Now regarding the city of Westminster, I will start at Temple Bar, on the right or north side, and proceed west through a back lane or street, where three inns of chancery are located;[399] the first is called Clement’s Inn because it is close to St. Clement’s Church, but even closer to the beautiful fountain known as Clement’s Well; the second is New Inn, named after a more recent establishment, built from a common hostelry with the sign of Our Lady, and it became an inn of chancery for students around the start of Henry VII’s reign, not as late as some have thought; specifically, it was established when Strand Inn was torn down during King Edward VI’s reign; I found that Sir Thomas More, who was once Lord Chancellor, was a student at this New Inn before moving to Lincoln’s Inn, etc. The third is Lyon’s Inn, which is also an inn of chancery.
This street stretcheth up unto Drury lane, so called, for that there is a house belonging to the family of the Druries. This lane turneth north toward St. Giles in the field: from the south end of this lane in the high street are divers fair buildings, hosteries, and houses for gentlemen and men of honour; amongst the which Cicile house is one, which sometime belonged to the parson of St. Martin’s in the field, and by composition came to Sir Thomas Palmer, knight, in the reign of Edward VI., who began to build the same of brick and timber, very large and spacious, but of later time it hath been far more beautifully increased by the late Sir William Cicile, baron of Burghley, lord treasurer, and great councillor of the estate.
This street stretches up to Drury Lane, named after a house that belongs to the Drury family. This lane heads north towards St. Giles in the Field. From the south end of this lane on the high street, there are several impressive buildings, inns, and houses for gentlemen and men of honor. Among these is Cecil House, which used to belong to the parson of St. Martin's in the Field. It was then transferred to Sir Thomas Palmer, knight, in the reign of Edward VI, who started building it with brick and timber, making it quite large and spacious. However, in more recent times, it has been beautifully expanded by the late Sir William Cecil, Baron of Burghley, Lord Treasurer, and a major councilor of the state.
From thence is now a continual new building of divers fair houses, even up to the earl of Bedford’s house,[291] lately built nigh to Ivy bridge, and so on the north side to a lane that turneth to the parish church of St. Martin’s in the field, in the liberty of Westminster. Then had ye one house, wherein sometime were distraught and lunatic people, of what antiquity founded or by whom I have not read, neither of the suppression; but it was said that sometime a king of England, not liking such a kind of people to remain so near his palace, caused them to be removed farther off, to Bethlem without Bishops gate of London, and to that hospital: the said house by Charing cross doth yet remain.
From there, new buildings of various beautiful houses are constantly going up, right next to the Earl of Bedford's house,[291] which was recently built near Ivy Bridge, and continuing on the north side to a lane that leads to the parish church of St. Martin’s in the Fields, within the liberty of Westminster. There used to be a house for mentally ill and disturbed people, though I haven't read about its origins or when it was shut down; it was said that a king of England, not wanting such people to be so close to his palace, ordered them to be moved farther away to Bethlem, beyond Bishop's Gate in London, and to that hospital. The old house by Charing Cross still stands.
Then is the Mewse, so called of the king’s falcons there kept by the king’s falconer, which of old time was an office of great account, as appeareth by a record of Richard II., in the first[400] year of his reign. Sir Simon Burley, knight, was made constable for the castles of Windsor, Wigmore, and Guilford, and of the manor of Kenington, and also master of the king’s falcons at the Mewse, near unto Charing cross by Westminster; but in the year of Christ 1534, the 28th of Henry VIII., the king having fair stabling at Lomsbery (a manor in the farthest west part of Oldborne), the same was fired and burnt, with many great horses and great store of hay: after which time, the fore-named house, called the Mewse by Charing cross, was new built, and prepared for stabling of the king’s horses, in the reign of Edward VI. and Queen Mary, and so remaineth to that use: and this is the farthest building west on the north side of that high street.
Then there's the Mewse, named after the king’s falcons that are kept there by the king's falconer, which was once a highly respected position, as shown by a record from Richard II in the first[400] year of his reign. Sir Simon Burley, knight, was appointed constable for the castles of Windsor, Wigmore, and Guilford, as well as the manor of Kenington, and also master of the king’s falcons at the Mewse, near Charing Cross by Westminster. However, in 1534, during the 28th year of Henry VIII’s reign, the king had a stable at Lomsbery (a manor in the far west of Oldborne), which was set on fire, destroying many fine horses and a large quantity of hay. After that, the aforementioned house, known as the Mewse by Charing Cross, was rebuilt and prepared for stabling the king’s horses during the reigns of Edward VI and Queen Mary, and it still serves that purpose today. This is the furthest west building on the north side of that main street.
On the south side of the which street, in the liberties of Westminster (beginning at Ivie bridge), first is Durham house, built by Thomas Hatfielde, bishop of Durham, who was made bishop of that see in the year 1545, and sat bishop there thirty-six years.
On the south side of the street, in the liberties of Westminster (starting at Ivie bridge), first is Durham house, built by Thomas Hatfield, bishop of Durham, who became bishop of that see in 1545 and served for thirty-six years.
Amongst matters memorable concerning this house, this is one:—In the year of Christ 1540, the 32nd of Henry VIII., on May-day, a great and triumphant justing was holden at Westminster, which had been formerly proclaimed in France, Flanders, Scotland, and Spain, for all comers that would undertake the challengers of England; which were, Sir John Dudley, Sir Thomas Seymour, Sir Thomas Ponings, and Sir George Carew, knights, and Anthonie Kingston and Richarde Cromwell, esquires; all which came into the lists that day richly apparelled, and their horses trapped all in white velvet. There came against them the said day forty-six defendants or undertakers, viz., the earl of Surrey, foremost, Lord William Howard, Lord Clinton, and Lord Cromwell, son and heir to Thomas Cromwell, earl of Essex, and chamberlain of England, with other; and that day, after the justs performed, the challengers rode unto this Durham house, where they kept open household, and feasted the king and queen, with her ladies, and all the court: the second day, Anthonie Kingston and Richard Cromwell were made knights there: the third day of May the said challengers did tournay on horseback with swords, and against them came forty-nine defendants; Sir John Dudley and the earl of Surrey running first, which at the first course lost their gauntlets; and that day Sir Richarde Cromwell overthrew master Palmer and his horse in the field, to the great honour of the challengers: the fifth of May the challengers fought on foot at the barriers, and against them came fifty defendants, which fought valiantly;[401] but Sir Richard Cromwell overthrew that day at the barriers master Culpepper in the field; and the sixth day the challengers brake up their household.
Among the memorable events related to this house, this stands out: In the year 1540, during the reign of Henry VIII, on May 1st, a grand and triumphant jousting tournament took place at Westminster. It had been previously announced in France, Flanders, Scotland, and Spain, inviting all challengers to take on the knights of England. The challengers were Sir John Dudley, Sir Thomas Seymour, Sir Thomas Ponings, and Sir George Carew, along with Anthony Kingston and Richard Cromwell, who were all dressed in rich attire and their horses were adorned in white velvet. That day, they faced forty-six challengers, including the Earl of Surrey, Lord William Howard, Lord Clinton, and Lord Cromwell, the son and heir of Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, and Chamberlain of England, among others. After the jousting, the challengers rode to this Durham house, where they hosted an open feast for the king, queen, her ladies, and the entire court. The following day, Anthony Kingston and Richard Cromwell were knighted there. On the third of May, the challengers engaged in a sword tournament on horseback against forty-nine opponents; Sir John Dudley and the Earl of Surrey competed first, and during their initial run, they lost their gauntlets. That day, Sir Richard Cromwell knocked down Master Palmer and his horse, greatly honoring the challengers. On May 5th, the challengers fought on foot at the barriers, facing fifty opponents who fought valiantly; however, Sir Richard Cromwell defeated Master Culpepper in the field that day. On the sixth day, the challengers ended their festivities.
In this time of their housekeeping they had not only feasted the king, queen, ladies, and all the court, as is afore shewed; but also they cheered all the knights and burgesses of the common house in the parliament, and entertained the mayor of London, with the aldermen, and their wives, at a dinner, etc. The king gave to every of the said challengers, and their heirs for ever, in reward of their valiant activity, one hundred marks and a house to dwell in, of yearly revenue, out of the lands pertaining to the hospital of St. John of Jerusalem.
During their hosting, they not only treated the king, queen, ladies, and the entire court to a feast, as mentioned before; but they also entertained all the knights and representatives of the common house in parliament, and they hosted the mayor of London, along with the aldermen and their wives, at a dinner, etc. The king rewarded each of the challengers and their heirs forever for their brave efforts with one hundred marks and a house to live in, with an annual income from the lands belonging to the hospital of St. John of Jerusalem.
Next beyond this Durham house is another great house, sometime belonging to the bishop of Norwich, and was his London lodging, which now pertaineth to the archbishop of York by this occasion. In the year 1529, when Cardinal Wolsey, archbishop of Yorke, was indicted in the Premunire, whereby King Henry VIII. was entitled to his goods and possessions: he also seized into his hands the said archbishop’s house, commonly called Yorke place, and changed the name thereof into White hall; whereby the archbishops of Yorke being dispossessed, and having no house of repair about London, Queen Mary gave unto Nicholas Heath, then archbishop of Yorke, and to his successors, Suffolke house in Southwark, lately built by Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolke, as I have showed.
Next to this Durham house is another large house, which used to belong to the bishop of Norwich and served as his London residence. It now belongs to the archbishop of York for this reason: In 1529, when Cardinal Wolsey, the archbishop of York, was accused in the Premunire, King Henry VIII was entitled to his goods and possessions. He also took over the archbishop’s house, commonly known as York Place, and renamed it Whitehall. As a result, the archbishops of York were left without a residence in London. Queen Mary then granted Suffolk House in Southwark, which had recently been built by Charles Brandon, the duke of Suffolk, to Nicholas Heath, who was then archbishop of York, and to his successors.
This house the said archbishop sold, and bought the aforesaid house of old time belonging to the bishops of Norwich, which of this last purchase is now called Yorke house, the lord chancellors or lord keepers of the great seal of England, have been lately there lodged.
This house that the archbishop sold, he bought the previously mentioned house that originally belonged to the bishops of Norwich, which is now called Yorke House. The lord chancellors or lord keepers of the great seal of England have recently stayed there.
Then was there an hospital of St. Marie Rouncivall by Charing cross (a cell to the priory and covent of Rouncivall in Navar, in Pampelion diocese), where a fraternity was founded in the 15th of Edward IV., but now the same is suppressed and turned into tenements.
Then there was a hospital of St. Mary Rouncivall by Charing Cross (a subsidiary of the priory and convent of Rouncivall in Navarre, in the Pampelion diocese), where a brotherhood was established in the 15th year of Edward IV., but now it has been shut down and converted into apartments.
Near unto this hospital was a hermitage, with a chapel of St. Katherine, over against Charing cross; which cross, built of stone, was of old time a fair piece of work, there made by commandment of Edward I., in the 21st year of his reign, in memory of Eleanor, his deceased queen, as is before declared.
Near this hospital was a hermitage with a chapel dedicated to St. Katherine, across from Charing Cross. That cross, made of stone, used to be a beautiful piece of craftsmanship, built by order of Edward I in the 21st year of his reign, in memory of his late queen, Eleanor, as mentioned earlier.
West from this cross stood sometime an hospital of St. James, consisting of two hides of land, with the appurtenances, in the parish of St. Margaret in Westminster, and founded by the[402] citizens of London, before the time of any man’s memory, for fourteen sisters, maidens, that were leprous, living chastely and honestly in divine service.
West of this cross once stood a hospital of St. James, comprising two hides of land, along with the necessary buildings, in the parish of St. Margaret in Westminster. It was established by the[402] citizens of London, long before anyone can remember, for fourteen sisters, maidens suffering from leprosy, who lived chaste and honest lives dedicated to divine service.
Afterwards divers citizens of London gave five-and-fifty pounds rent thereunto, and then were adjoined eight brethren to minister divine service there. After this, also, sundry devout men of London gave to this hospital four hides of land in the field of Westminster; and in Hendon, Calcote, and Hampsted, eighty acres of land and wood, etc. King Edward I. confirmed those gifts, and granted a fair to be kept on the eve of St. James, the day, the morrow, and four days following, in the 18th of his reign.
Afterward, several citizens of London contributed fifty-five pounds in rent, and then eight brothers were added to conduct divine service there. Following this, various devoted men of London donated four hides of land in the fields of Westminster; and in Hendon, Calcote, and Hampstead, eighty acres of land and woods, etc. King Edward I confirmed these gifts and granted a fair to be held on the eve of St. James, on the day itself, the following day, and for four days after, in the 18th year of his reign.
This hospital was surrendered to Henry VIII. the 23rd of his reign: the sisters being compounded with, were allowed pensions for the term of their lives; and the king built there a goodly manor, annexing thereunto a park, closed about with a wall of brick, now called St. James’ park, serving indifferently to the said manor, and to the manor or palace of White hall.
This hospital was handed over to Henry VIII in the 23rd year of his reign. The sisters who lived there were given pensions for the rest of their lives, and the king built a beautiful manor there, adding a park surrounded by a brick wall, now known as St. James’ Park, which serves both the manor and the palace of Whitehall.
South from Charing cross, on the right hand, are divers fair houses lately built before the park, then a large tilt-yard for noblemen, and other, to exercise themselves in justing, turning, and fighting at barriers.
South of Charing Cross, on the right side, are several nice houses recently built in front of the park, followed by a large jousting yard for noblemen and others to practice jousting, riding, and fighting at the barriers.
On the left hand from Charing cross be also divers fair tenements lately built, till ye come to a large plot of ground inclosed with brick, and is called Scotland, where great buildings have been for receipt of the kings of Scotland, and other estates of that country; for Margaret, queen of Scots, and sister to King Henry VIII., had her abiding there, when she came into England after the death of her husband, as the kings of Scotland had in former times, when they came to the parliament of England.
On the left side from Charing Cross, there are also several nice buildings that have been recently built, until you reach a large enclosed area made of brick, known as Scotland. This place was used to accommodate the kings of Scotland and other nobles from that country. Queen Margaret of Scotland, who was the sister of King Henry VIII, stayed there when she came to England after her husband's death, just as the kings of Scotland had done in the past when they attended the Parliament of England.
Then is the said White hall, sometime belonging to Hubert de Burgh, earl of Kent, and justice of England, who gave it to the Black Friars in Oldborne, as I have before noted. King Henry VIII. ordained it to be called an honour, and built there a sumptuous gallery and a beautiful gate-house, thwart the high street to St. James’ park, etc.
Then the Whitehall, which once belonged to Hubert de Burgh, the Earl of Kent and Justice of England, was given to the Black Friars in Oldbourne, as I mentioned earlier. King Henry VIII designated it as an honor and constructed a lavish gallery and an impressive gatehouse across from the high street to St. James’ Park, etc.
In this gallery the princes, with their nobility, used to stand or sit, and at windows, to behold all triumphant justings and other military exercises.
In this gallery, the princes and their nobles would stand or sit by the windows to watch all the exciting jousts and other military events.
Beyond this gallery, on the left hand, is the garden or orchard belonging to the said White hall.
Beyond this gallery, on the left side, is the garden or orchard belonging to the mentioned White Hall.
On the right hand be divers fair tennis-courts, bowling-alleys, and a cock-pit, all built by King Henry VIII.; and then one[403] other arched gate, with a way over it, thwarting the street from the king’s gardens to the said park.
On the right side, there are several nice tennis courts, bowling alleys, and a cockpit, all built by King Henry VIII; and then there's another arched gate, with a path above it, crossing the street from the king’s gardens to the park.
From this gate up King’s street to a bridge over Long ditch (so called for that the same almost insulateth the city of Westminster), near which bridge is a way leading to Chanon row, so called for that the same belonged to the dean and chanons of St. Stephen’s chapel, who were there lodged, as now divers noblemen and gentlemen be; whereof one is belonging to Sir Edward Hobbey, one other to John Thine, esquire, one stately built by Ann Stanhope, duchess of Somerset, mother to the earl of Hartford, who now enjoyeth that house. Next a stately house, now in building by William earl of Darby; over against the which is a fair house, built by Henry Clinton, earl of Lincoln.
From this gate, up King’s Street to a bridge over Long Ditch (named because it almost isolates the city of Westminster), near that bridge is a path leading to Chanon Row, which is named because it belonged to the dean and canons of St. Stephen’s Chapel, who used to live there, just like several noblemen and gentlemen do now; one belonging to Sir Edward Hobbey, another to John Thine, esquire, and a grand house built by Ann Stanhope, duchess of Somerset, the mother of the Earl of Hartford, who currently enjoys that residence. Next is a grand house currently being built by William, Earl of Derby; across from it is a nice house built by Henry Clinton, Earl of Lincoln.
From this way up to the Woolestaple and to the high tower, or gate which entereth the palace court, all is replenished with buildings and inhabitants.
From this point up to the Woolestaple and the tall tower, or gate that leads into the palace courtyard, everything is filled with buildings and people.
Touching this Woolestaple, I read, that in the reign of Edward I., the staple being at Westminster, the parishioners of St. Margaret and merchants of the staple built of new the said church, the great chancel excepted, which was lately before new built by the abbot of Westminster.
Touching this Woolstaple, I read that during the reign of Edward I, when the staple was in Westminster, the parishioners of St. Margaret and the merchants of the staple rebuilt the church, except for the great chancel, which had recently been rebuilt by the abbot of Westminster.
Moreover, that Edward III., in the 17th of his reign, decreed that no silver be carried out of the realm on pain of death; and that whosoever transporteth wool should bring over for every sack four nobles of silver bullion.
Moreover, Edward III, in the 17th year of his reign, declared that no silver could be taken out of the kingdom under penalty of death; and that anyone transporting wool must bring in four nobles of silver bullion for every sack.
In the 25th of his reign, he appointed the staple of wool to be kept only at Canterbury, for the honour of St. Thomas; but in the 27th of the same King Edward, the staple of wool, before kept at Bruges in Flanders, was ordained by parliament to be kept in divers places of England, Wales, and Ireland, as at Newcastle, Yorke, Lincoln, Canterbury, Norwich, Westminster, Chichester, Winchester, Excester, Bristow, Carmardyn, etc., to the great benefit of the king and loss unto strangers and merchants: for there grew unto the king by this means (as it was said) the sum of one thousand one hundred and two pounds by the year, more than any his predecessors before had received; the staple at Westminster at that time began on the next morrow after the feast of St. Peter ad vincula. The next year was granted to the king by parliament, towards the recovery of his title in France, fifty shillings of every sack of wool transported over seas, for the space of six years next ensuing; by means whereof the king might dispend daily during those years more than a thousand marks sterling: for by the common opinion[404] there were more than one hundred thousand sacks of wool yearly transported into foreign lands, so that during six years the said grant extended to fifteen hundred thousand pounds sterling.
In the 25th year of his reign, he decided that the wool staple would only be located in Canterbury, to honor St. Thomas. However, in the 27th year of King Edward's reign, Parliament ordered that the wool staple, which was previously kept in Bruges, Flanders, would now be established in various locations across England, Wales, and Ireland, including Newcastle, York, Lincoln, Canterbury, Norwich, Westminster, Chichester, Winchester, Exeter, Bristol, Carmarthen, and others. This move greatly benefited the king while disadvantaging foreign merchants, as it was reported that the king gained an annual sum of £1,102 from this arrangement—more than any of his predecessors had received. The staple at Westminster commenced the day after the Feast of St. Peter ad Vincula. The following year, Parliament granted the king 50 shillings for every sack of wool exported overseas for six years to support his claim in France; this meant the king could spend over a thousand marks daily during those years. According to common belief, more than 100,000 sacks of wool were exported each year, making the grant worth £1.5 million over six years.
In the 37th of Edward III., it was granted unto him for two years, to take five-and-twenty shillings and eight pence upon every sack of wool transported; and the same year the staple of wool (notwithstanding the king’s oath and other great estates) was ordained to be kept at Callis, and six-and-twenty merchants, the best and wealthiest of all England, to be farmers there, both of the town and staple, for three years: every merchant to have six men of arms and four archers at the king’s cost. He ordained there also two mayors, one for the town and one for the staple; and he took for mala capta, commonly called Maltorth,[292] twenty shillings, and of the said merchants’ guardians of the town forty pence, upon every sack of wool.
In the 37th year of Edward III’s reign, he was given permission for two years to charge twenty-five shillings and eight pence on every sack of wool that was transported. That same year, despite the king’s oath and the wishes of other prominent figures, it was decided that the staple of wool would be based in Calais, with twenty-six of the richest and most prominent merchants in England appointed as its overseers for three years. Each merchant was allowed to have six men-at-arms and four archers, all at the king's expense. He also established two mayors, one for the town and one for the staple. He imposed a charge of twenty shillings for mala capta, commonly known as Maltorth,[292] and additionally charged forty pence from the guardians of the town for each sack of wool.
In the 44th of Edward III., Quinborough, Kingston-upon-Hull, and Boston, were made staples of wool; which matter so much offended some, that in the 50th of his reign, in a parliament at London, it was complained that the staple of wool was so removed from Callis to divers towns in England, contrary to the statute, appointing that citizens and merchants should keep it there, and that the king might have the profits and customs, with the exchange of gold and silver, that was there made by all the merchants in Christindome (esteemed to amount to eight thousand pounds by year), the exchange only; and the citizens and merchants so ordered the matter, that the king spent nothing upon soldiers, neither upon defence of the town against the enemies; whereas now he spent eight thousand pounds by year.
In the 44th year of Edward III's reign, Quinborough, Kingston-upon-Hull, and Boston were designated as wool staples. This decision upset some people so much that in the 50th year of his reign, during a parliament in London, they complained that the wool staple had been moved from Calais to various towns in England, which went against the law that required citizens and merchants to keep it there. They argued that this relocation deprived the king of the profits and customs, along with the gold and silver exchanges made by all the merchants in Christendom, which was estimated to be around eight thousand pounds a year just from the exchange alone. Consequently, the citizens and merchants organized things in such a way that the king spent nothing on soldiers or on defending the town from enemies, while now he spends eight thousand pounds a year.
In the 51st of Edward III., when the staple was sealed at Callis, the mayor of the staple did furnish the captain of the town upon any road with one hundred bilmen, twelve hundred archers of merchants and their servants, without any wages.
In the 51st year of Edward III, when the staple was sealed at Calais, the mayor of the staple provided the captain of the town with one hundred foot soldiers and twelve hundred archers who were merchants and their servants, all without any pay.
In the year 1388, the 12th of Richard II., in a parliament at Cambridge, it was ordained that the staple of wools should be brought from Middleborough in Holland to Callis.
In the year 1388, the 12th of Richard II., in a parliament at Cambridge, it was decided that the main supply of wool should be brought from Middleborough in Holland to Calais.
In the 14th of his reign, there was granted forty shillings upon every sack of wool, and in the 21st was granted fifty shillings upon every sack transported by Englishmen, and three pounds by strangers, etc. It seemeth that the merchants of this staple be the most ancient merchants of this realm; and that all[405] commodities of the realm are staple merchandises by law and charter as wools, leather, wool fells, lead, tin, cloth, etc.
In the 14th year of his reign, a tax of forty shillings was imposed on every sack of wool, and in the 21st year, a tax of fifty shillings was applied to every sack transported by English merchants, while three pounds was charged for those transported by foreigners, etc. It appears that the merchants at this staple are the oldest merchants in the kingdom; and that all[405] commodities of the realm are considered staple goods by law and charter, including wools, leather, wool fells, lead, tin, cloth, etc.
King Henry VI. had six wool-houses within the staple at Westminster: those he granted to the dean and canons of St. Stephen at Westminster, and confirmed it the 21st of his reign. Thus much for the staple have I shortly noted.
King Henry VI had six wool houses in the staple at Westminster: he gave them to the dean and canons of St. Stephen at Westminster and confirmed it on the 21st year of his reign. That's all I've briefly noted about the staple.
And now to pass to the famous monastery of Westminster: at the very entrance of the close thereof, is a lane that leadeth toward the west, called Thieving lane, for that thieves were led that way to the gate-house, while the sanctuary continued in force.
And now to move on to the famous Westminster Abbey: at the very entrance of its grounds, there is a lane that leads to the west, known as Thieving Lane, because thieves were taken that way to the gatehouse while the sanctuary was still in effect.
This monastery was founded and built by Sebert,[293] king of the East Saxons, upon the persuasion of Ethelbert, king of Kent, how having embraced Christianity, and being baptised by Melitus, bishop of London, immediately (to show himself a Christian indeed) built a church to the honour of God and St. Peter, on the west side of the city of London, in a place which (because it was overgrown with thorns, and environed with water) the Saxons called Thorney, and now of the monastery and west situation thereof is called Westminster.
This monastery was founded and built by Sebert,[293] king of the East Saxons, after being persuaded by Ethelbert, king of Kent. After embracing Christianity and being baptized by Melitus, bishop of London, he immediately (to demonstrate his faith) built a church in honor of God and St. Peter, on the west side of the city of London, in a spot that the Saxons named Thorney because it was overgrown with thorns and surrounded by water. Today, this area is known as Westminster.
In this place (saith Sulcardus) long before was a temple of Apollo, which being overthrown, King Lucius built therein a church of Christianity.
In this place (says Sulcardus), a long time ago, there was a temple of Apollo, which was destroyed, and King Lucius built a church of Christianity in its place.
Sebert was buried in this church, with his wife Athelgoda; whose bodies many years after, to wit, in the reign of Richard II. (saith Walsingham), were translated from the old church to the new, and there entered.
Sebert was buried in this church, along with his wife Athelgoda; whose bodies many years later, specifically during the reign of Richard II. (according to Walsingham), were moved from the old church to the new one, and placed there.
Edgar, king of the West Saxons, repaired this monastery about the year of Christ 958; Edward the Confessor built it of new, whereupon T. Clifford writeth thus:
Edgar, king of the West Saxons, rebuilt this monastery around the year 958 AD; Edward the Confessor constructed it anew, on which T. Clifford writes:
“Without the walls of London (saith he), upon the river of Thames, there was in times passed a little monastery, built to the honour of God and St. Peter, with a few Benedict monks in it, under an abbot, serving Christ: very poor they were, and little was given them for their relief. Here the king intended (for that it was near to the famous city of London and the river of Thames, that brought in all kinds of merchandises from all parts of the world) to make his sepulchre: he commanded, therefore, that of the tenths of all his rents the work should be begun in such sort as should become the prince of the Apostles.
“Without the walls of London,” he said, “along the River Thames, there used to be a small monastery dedicated to the honor of God and St. Peter, home to a few Benedictine monks under an abbot, serving Christ. They were very poor, and not much was given to support them. The king planned to build his tomb there, as it was close to the renowned city of London and the River Thames, which brought all kinds of goods from around the world. Therefore, he ordered that a portion of all his rents should go toward starting this project in a way worthy of the Prince of the Apostles.”
“At this his commandment the work is nobly begun, even[406] from the foundation, and happily proceedeth till the same was finished: the charges bestowed, or to be bestowed, are not regarded. He granted to this church great privileges, above all the churches in this land, as partly appeareth by this his charter:—
“At his command, the work is impressively started, even[406] from the ground up, and continues successfully until it is completed: the expenses incurred or to be incurred are not a concern. He granted this church significant privileges, more than any other church in the country, as is partially shown by this charter:—
“Edwarde, king, greets William, bishop, and Leofstane, and Aelsie Portreves, and all my burgesses of London friendly, and I tell you, that I have this gift given and granted to Christ and St. Peter the holy Apostle, at Westminster, full freedome over all the land that belongeth to that holy place, etc.”
“Edward, king, greets William, bishop, Leofstane, Aelsie Portreves, and all my borough members of London with kindness, and I want to let you know that I have given this gift to Christ and St. Peter, the holy Apostle, at Westminster, full freedom over all the land that belongs to that holy place, etc.”
He also caused the parish church of St. Margaret to be newly built without the abbey church of Westminster, for the ease and commodity of the monks, because before that time the parish church stood within the old abbey church in the south aisle, somewhat to their annoyance.
He also had the parish church of St. Margaret rebuilt next to the abbey church of Westminster, for the convenience of the monks, since previously the parish church was located within the old abbey church in the south aisle, which was somewhat annoying for them.
King Henry III., in the year of Christ 1220, and in the 5th of his reign, began the new work of our Lady’s chapel, whereof he laid the first stone in the foundation; and in the year 1245, the walls and steeple of the old church (built by King Edward) were taken down, and enlarging the same church, caused them to be made more comely; for the furtherance whereof, in the year 1246, the same king (devising how to extort money from the citizens of London towards the charges) appointed a mart to be kept at Westminster, the same to last fifteen days, and in the mean space all trade of merchandise to cease in the city; which thing the citizens were fain to redeem with two thousand pounds of silver.
King Henry III, in the year 1220 and in the 5th year of his reign, started the new construction of Our Lady’s chapel, laying the first stone of the foundation. In 1245, the walls and steeple of the old church (built by King Edward) were taken down, and he enlarged the church to make it more beautiful. To help fund this, in 1246, the king decided to squeeze money out of the citizens of London by setting up a market at Westminster, which would last for fifteen days, during which all trading in the city had to stop. The citizens had to pay two thousand pounds of silver to get out of this situation.
The work of this church, with the houses of office, was finished to the end of the choir, in the year 1285, the 14th of Edward I.: all which labour of sixty-six years was in the year 1299 defaced by a fire kindled in the lesser hall of the king’s palace at Westminster; the same, with many other houses adjoining, and with the queen’s chamber, were all consumed; the flame thereof also (being driven with the wind), fired the monastery, which was also with the palace consumed.
The work on this church, along with the office buildings, was completed up to the end of the choir in the year 1285, during the 14th year of Edward I's reign. All the effort of sixty-six years was destroyed by a fire that started in the smaller hall of the king's palace at Westminster in 1299. The fire consumed the palace, many other nearby buildings, and the queen's chamber. The intense flames, fueled by the wind, also spread to the monastery, which was also burned down along with the palace.
Then was this monastery again repaired by the abbots of that church; King Edward I. and his successors putting to their helping hands.
Then the abbots of that church repaired this monastery again, with King Edward I and his successors lending a helping hand.
Edward II. appropriated unto this church the patronages of the churches of Kelveden and Sawbridgeworth in Essex, in the diocese of London.
Edward II gave the patronages of the churches of Kelveden and Sawbridgeworth in Essex, which are in the diocese of London, to this church.
Simon Langham, abbot (having been a great builder there[407] in the year 1362), gave forty pounds to the building of the body of the church; but (amongst others) Abbot Islip was in his time a great builder there, as may appear in the stonework and glass windows of the church; since whose decease that work hath staid as he left it, unperfected, the church and steeple being all of one height.
Simon Langham, the abbot (who was a significant builder there[407] in 1362), contributed forty pounds to the construction of the church's main body; however, during his time, Abbot Islip was also a prominent builder there, as can be seen in the church's stonework and stained glass windows. Since his passing, that work has remained as he left it, unfinished, with the church and steeple all at the same height.
King Henry VII., about the year of Christ 1502, caused the chapel of our Lady, built by Henry III., with a tavern also, called the White Rose, near adjoining, to be taken down: in which plot of ground, on the 24th of January, the first stone of the new chapel was laid by the hands of Abbot Islip, Sir Reginald Bray, knight of the garter, Doctor Barnes, master of the Rolls, Doctor Wall, chaplain to the king, Master Hugh Aldham, chaplain to the countess of Darby and Richmond (the king’s mother), Sir Edward Stanhope, knight, and divers other: upon the which stone was engraven the same day and year, etc.
King Henry VII, around the year 1502, ordered the demolition of the chapel of our Lady, which was built by Henry III, along with a nearby tavern called the White Rose. On January 24th of that year, the first stone of the new chapel was laid by Abbot Islip, Sir Reginald Bray, a knight of the Garter, Doctor Barnes, the master of the Rolls, Doctor Wall, the king’s chaplain, Master Hugh Aldham, chaplain to the Countess of Derby and Richmond (the king’s mother), Sir Edward Stanhope, knight, and several others. The stone was engraved the same day and year, etc.
The charges in building this chapel amounted to the sum of fourteen thousand pounds. The stone for this work (as I have been informed) was brought from Huddlestone quarry in Yorkshire.
The costs of building this chapel added up to fourteen thousand pounds. The stone for this project (as I've been told) was sourced from Huddlestone quarry in Yorkshire.
The altar and sepulture of the same King Henry VII., wherein his body resteth in this his new chapel, was made and finished in the year 1519 by one Peter, a painter of Florence; for the which he received one thousand pounds sterling for the whole stuff and workmanship at the hands of the king’s executors; Richard, bishop of Winchester; Richard, bishop of London; Thomas, bishop of Durham; John, bishop of Rochester; Thomas, duke of Norfolk, treasurer of England; Charles, earl of Worcester, the king’s chamberlain; John Fineaux, knight, chief justice of the King’s bench; Robert Reade, knight, chief justice of the Common Pleas.
The altar and tomb of King Henry VII, where his body rests in this new chapel, was completed in 1519 by Peter, a painter from Florence. He received one thousand pounds sterling for the entire work and materials from the king’s executors: Richard, the bishop of Winchester; Richard, the bishop of London; Thomas, the bishop of Durham; John, the bishop of Rochester; Thomas, the duke of Norfolk, treasurer of England; Charles, the earl of Worcester, the king’s chamberlain; John Fineaux, knight, chief justice of the King’s Bench; and Robert Reade, knight, chief justice of the Common Pleas.
This monastery being valued to dispend by the year three thousand four hundred and seventy pounds, etc., was surrendered to Henry VIII. in the year 1539. Benson, then abbot, was made the first dean, and not long after it was advanced to a bishop’s see in the year 1541. Thomas Thirlby being both the first and last bishop there, who, when he had impoverished the church, was translated to Norwich in the year 1550, the 4th of Edward VI., and from thence to Elie in the year 1554, the 2nd of Queen Mary. Richard Cox, doctor in divinity (late schoolmaster to King Edward VI.), was made dean of Westminster, whom Queen Mary put out, and made Doctor Wonest dean until the year 1556, and then he being removed from thence[408] on the 21st of November, John Feckenham (late dean of Pauls) was made abbot of Westminster, and took possession of the same, being installed, and fourteen monks more received the habit with him that day of the order of St. Benedict; but the said John Feckenham, with his monks, enjoyed not that place fully three years, for in the year 1559, in the month of July, they were all put out, and Queen Elizabeth made the said monastery a college, instituting there a dean, twelve prebends, a schoolmaster, and usher, forty scholars, called commonly the Queen’s scholars, twelve alms men; and so it was named the Collegiate church of Westminster, founded by Queen Elizabeth, who placed Doctor Bill,[294] first dean of that new erection; after whom succeeded Doctor Gabriel Goodman, who governed that church forty years, and after Doctor Lancelot Andrewes.
This monastery was valued at an annual expenditure of three thousand four hundred and seventy pounds and was surrendered to Henry VIII in 1539. Benson, the then abbot, became the first dean, and shortly after, it was upgraded to a bishop's see in 1541. Thomas Thirlby served as both the first and last bishop there. After he depleted the church's resources, he was moved to Norwich in 1550, during the 4th year of Edward VI, and later to Elie in 1554, during the 2nd year of Queen Mary. Richard Cox, a doctor of divinity and former schoolmaster to King Edward VI, was appointed dean of Westminster. Queen Mary removed him and appointed Doctor Wonest as dean until 1556. When he was removed on November 21, John Feckenham, the former dean of Pauls, became abbot of Westminster and took possession of the position, being installed along with fourteen other monks who received the habit of the order of St. Benedict that same day. However, John Feckenham and his monks did not fully enjoy that position for more than three years, as they were all ousted in July 1559. Queen Elizabeth transformed the monastery into a college, establishing a dean, twelve prebends, a schoolmaster, an usher, forty scholars known as the Queen's scholars, and twelve almsmen. It was then named the Collegiate Church of Westminster, founded by Queen Elizabeth, who appointed Doctor Bill as the first dean of this new establishment, followed by Doctor Gabriel Goodman, who governed the church for forty years, and then Doctor Lancelot Andrewes.
Kings and queens crowned in this church: William, surnamed the Conqueror, and Matilde his wife, were the first, and since them all other kings and queens of this realm have been there crowned.
Kings and queens crowned in this church: William, known as the Conqueror, and his wife Matilde, were the first, and since then, all other kings and queens of this kingdom have been crowned there.
Kings and queens buried in this church are these: Sebert, king of the East Saxons, with his wife Athelgede; Harold, surnamed Harefoot, king of the West Saxons; Edward the Simple, surnamed Confessor, sometime richly shrined in a tomb of silver and gold, curiously wrought by commandment of William the Conqueror; Egitha his wife was there buried also; Hugolyn, chamberlain to Edward the Confessor; King Henry III., whose sepulture was richly garnished with precious stones of jasper, which his son Edward I. brought out of France for that purpose; Eleanor, wife to Henry III.; Edward I., who offered to the shrine of Edward the Confessor the chair of marble, wherein the kings of Scotland were crowned, with the sceptre and crown, also to the same king belonging.
Kings and queens buried in this church include: Sebert, king of the East Saxons, and his wife Athelgede; Harold, nicknamed Harefoot, king of the West Saxons; Edward the Simple, known as the Confessor, who was once laid to rest in a tomb made of silver and gold, intricately designed by order of William the Conqueror; his wife Egitha was buried there as well; Hugolyn, chamberlain to Edward the Confessor; King Henry III., whose burial place was lavishly adorned with precious jasper stones that his son Edward I. brought from France for this purpose; Eleanor, wife of Henry III.; and Edward I., who offered the marble chair, used for the coronation of Scottish kings, along with the scepter and crown, to the shrine of Edward the Confessor.
He gave also to that church lands to the value of one hundred pounds by the year; twenty pounds thereof yearly to be distributed to the poor for ever. Then there lieth Eleanor, his wife, daughter to Ferdinando, king of Castile, 1293; Edward III. by Queen Philippa of Henault his wife; Richard II. and Anne his wife, with their images upon them, which cost more than four hundred marks for the gilding; Henry V., with a royal image of silver and gilt, which Katherine his wife caused to be laid upon him, but the head of this image being of massy silver, is broken off, and conveyed away with the plates of silver and gilt that covered his body; Katherine, his wife, was buried[409] in the old Lady chapel 1438, but her corpse being taken up in the reign of Henry VII., when a new foundation was to be laid, she was never since buried, but remaineth above ground in a coffin of boards behind the east end of the presbytery; Henry VII. in a sumptuous sepulture and chapel before specified, and Elizabeth his wife; Edward VI. in the same chapel, without any monument; Queen Mary, without any monument, in the same chapel; Matilde, daughter to Malcolm, king of Scots, wife to Henry I., died 1118, lieth in the revestry; Anne, wife to Richard III.; Margaret, countess of Richmond and Darby, mother to Henry VII.; Anne of Cleves, wife to Henry VIII.; Edmond, second son to Henry III., first earl of Lancaster, Darby, and Leycester, and Aveline his wife, daughter and heir to William de Fortibus, earl of Albemarle. In St. Thomas’ chapel lie the bones of the children of Henry III. and of Edward I., in number nine. In the chapter-house,—Elianor, countess of Barre, daughter to Edward I.; William of Windsor, and Blaunch his sister, children to Edward III.; John of Eltham, earl of Cornewell, son to Edward II.; Elianor, wife to Thomas of Woodstocke, duke of Gloucester; Thomas of Woodstocke by King Edward III. his father; Margaret, daughter to Edward IV.; Elizabeth, daughter to Henry VII.; William de Valence, earl of Pembroke; Aymer de Valence, earl of Pembroke; Margaret and John, son and daughter to William de Valence; John Waltham, bishop of Sarum, treasurer of England; Thomas Ruthal, bishop of Durham, 1522; Giles, Lord Dawbeny,[295] lord lieutenant of Callis, chamberlain to King Henry VII., 1508, and Elizabeth his wife, of the family of the Arundels in Cornwal, 1500; John, Viscount Wells, 1498; the Lady Katherine, daughter to the duchess of Norfolk; Sir Thomas Hungerford, knight, father to Sir John Hungerford of Downampney, knight; a son and daughter to Humfrey Bohun, earl of Hereford and Essex, and Elizabeth his wife; Philippa, duchess of York, daughter to the Lord Mohun, thrice married, to the Lord Fitzwalter, Sir John Golofer, and to the duke of Yorke; William Dudley, bishop elect of Durham, son to John, baron of Dudley; Nicholas, Baron Carew, 1470; Walter Hungerford, son to Edward Hungerford, knight; Sir John Burley, knight, and Anne his wife, daughter to Alane Buxull, knight, 1416; Sir John Golofer, knight, 1396; Humfrey Burcher, Lord Cromwell, son to Bourchier, earl of Essex, slain at Barnet; Henry Bourchier, son and heir to John Bourchier, Lord Barners, also slain at[410] Barnet, 1471; Sir William Trussell, knight; Sir Thomas Vaughan, knight; Frances Brandon, duchess of Suffolke, 1560; Mary Gray, her daughter, 1578; Sir John Hampden, knight; Sir Lewis, Viscount Robsart, knight; Lord Bourchere of Henalt, 1430, and his wife, daughter and heir to the Lord Bourchere; Robert Brown, and William Browne, esquires; the Lady Johane Tokyne, daughter of Dabridge Court; George Mortimer, bastard; John Felbye, esquire; Ann, wife to John Watkins; William Southwike, esquire; William Southcot, esquire; Ralph Constantine, gentleman; Arthur Troffote, esquire; Robert Hawley, esquire, slain in that church; Sir Richarde Rouse, knight; Sir Geffrey Maundevile, earl of Essex, and Athelarde his wife; Sir Foulke of Newcastle; Sir James Barons, knight; Sir John Salisbury, knight; Margaret Dowglas, countess of Lennox, with Charles her son, earl of Lennox; Henrie Scogan, a learned poet, in the cloister; Geffrey Chaucer, the most famous poet of England, also in the cloister, 1400, but since Nicholas Brigham, gentleman, raised a monument for him in the south cross aisle of the church: his works were partly published in print by William Caxton, in the reign of Henry VI., increased by William Thinne, esquire, in the reign of Henry VIII.; corrected and twice increased, through mine own painful labours, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, to wit, in the year 1561; and again beautified with notes by me, collected out of divers records and monuments, which I delivered to my loving friend, Thomas Speght; and he having drawn the same into a good form and method, as also explained the old and obscure words, etc., hath published them in anno 1597.
He also donated lands worth one hundred pounds a year to that church; twenty pounds of that amount each year is to be given to the poor forever. Then lies Eleanor, his wife, daughter of Ferdinando, king of Castile, 1293; Edward III and Queen Philippa of Henault, his wife; Richard II and Anne, his wife, with their images on them, which cost over four hundred marks for gilding; Henry V, with a royal image of silver and gilt, which Katherine, his wife, had placed upon him, but the head of this image, made of solid silver, has been broken off and taken away along with the silver and gilt plates that covered his body; Katherine, his wife, was buried[409] in the old Lady chapel in 1438, but her body was exhumed during the reign of Henry VII when a new foundation was laid, and she was never buried again, but remains above ground in a wooden coffin behind the east end of the presbytery; Henry VII is in a lavish tomb and chapel as mentioned earlier, along with Elizabeth, his wife; Edward VI is in the same chapel without any monument; Queen Mary is also buried without a monument in the same chapel; Matilde, daughter of Malcolm, king of Scots, and wife of Henry I, who died in 1118, lies in the vestry; Anne, wife of Richard III; Margaret, countess of Richmond and Derby, mother of Henry VII; Anne of Cleves, wife of Henry VIII; Edmond, second son of Henry III, first earl of Lancaster, Derby, and Leicester, and Aveline, his wife, daughter and heir to William de Fortibus, earl of Albemarle. In St. Thomas’ chapel lie the remains of the children of Henry III and Edward I, totaling nine. In the chapter-house—Eleanor, countess of Barre, daughter of Edward I; William of Windsor, and Blanch, his sister, children of Edward III; John of Eltham, earl of Cornwall, son of Edward II; Eleanor, wife of Thomas of Woodstock, duke of Gloucester; Thomas of Woodstock, son of King Edward III; Margaret, daughter of Edward IV; Elizabeth, daughter of Henry VII; William de Valence, earl of Pembroke; Aymer de Valence, earl of Pembroke; Margaret and John, children of William de Valence; John Waltham, bishop of Sarum, treasurer of England; Thomas Ruthal, bishop of Durham, 1522; Giles, Lord Dawbeny,[295] lord lieutenant of Calais, chamberlain to King Henry VII, 1508, and Elizabeth, his wife, from the Arundel family in Cornwall, 1500; John, Viscount Wells, 1498; Lady Katherine, daughter of the duchess of Norfolk; Sir Thomas Hungerford, knight, father of Sir John Hungerford of Downampney, knight; a son and daughter of Humfrey Bohun, earl of Hereford and Essex, and Elizabeth, his wife; Philippa, duchess of York, daughter of Lord Mohun, married three times, to Lord Fitzwalter, Sir John Golofer, and the duke of York; William Dudley, bishop elect of Durham, son of John, baron of Dudley; Nicholas, Baron Carew, 1470; Walter Hungerford, son of Edward Hungerford, knight; Sir John Burley, knight, and Anne, his wife, daughter of Alane Buxull, knight, 1416; Sir John Golofer, knight, 1396; Humfrey Burcher, Lord Cromwell, son of Bourchier, earl of Essex, killed at Barnet; Henry Bourchier, son and heir to John Bourchier, Lord Barners, also killed at[410] Barnet, 1471; Sir William Trussell, knight; Sir Thomas Vaughan, knight; Frances Brandon, duchess of Suffolk, 1560; Mary Gray, her daughter, 1578; Sir John Hampden, knight; Sir Lewis, Viscount Robsart, knight; Lord Bourchere of Henault, 1430, and his wife, daughter and heir to Lord Bourchere; Robert Brown and William Browne, esquires; Lady Johane Tokyne, daughter of Dabridge Court; George Mortimer, illegitimate; John Felbye, esquire; Ann, wife of John Watkins; William Southwike, esquire; William Southcot, esquire; Ralph Constantine, gentleman; Arthur Troffote, esquire; Robert Hawley, esquire, killed in that church; Sir Richard Rouse, knight; Sir Geoffrey Maundevile, earl of Essex, and Athelarde, his wife; Sir Foulke of Newcastle; Sir James Barons, knight; Sir John Salisbury, knight; Margaret Dowglas, countess of Lennox, with her son Charles, earl of Lennox; Henry Scogan, a learned poet, in the cloister; Geoffrey Chaucer, the most famous poet in England, also in the cloister, 1400, but later Nicholas Brigham, gentleman, erected a monument for him in the south cross aisle of the church: his works were partly published in print by William Caxton during the reign of Henry VI, expanded by William Thinne, esquire, in the reign of Henry VIII; corrected and twice expanded through my own labor, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, in the year 1561; and again enhanced with notes that I collected from various records and monuments, which I handed over to my dear friend, Thomas Speght; and he, having organized them well and explained the old and obscure words, etc., published them in the year 1597.
Anne Stanhope, duchess of Somerset, and Jane her daughter; Anne Cecill, countess of Oxford, daughter to the Lord Burghley, with Mildred Burghley her mother; Elizabeth Barkley, countess of Ormond; Frances Sidney, countess of Sussex; Francis Howard, countess of Hertford, 1598; Thomas, Baron Wentworth; Thomas, Baron Warton; John, Lord Russell; Sir Thomas Bromley, lord chancellor; Sir John Puckering, lord keeper; Sir Henry Cary, Lord Hunsdon, and lord chamberlain, 1596, to whose memory his son, Sir George Cary, Lord Hunsdon, and lord chamberlain, hath created a stately monument.
Anne Stanhope, Duchess of Somerset, and her daughter Jane; Anne Cecil, Countess of Oxford, daughter of Lord Burghley, along with her mother Mildred Burghley; Elizabeth Barclay, Countess of Ormond; Frances Sidney, Countess of Sussex; Francis Howard, Countess of Hertford, 1598; Thomas, Baron Wentworth; Thomas, Baron Warton; John, Lord Russell; Sir Thomas Bromley, Lord Chancellor; Sir John Puckering, Lord Keeper; Sir Henry Cary, Lord Hunsdon, and Lord Chamberlain, 1596, to whose memory his son, Sir George Cary, Lord Hunsdon, and Lord Chamberlain, has created a grand monument.
This church hath had great privilege of sanctuary within the precinct thereof, to wit, the church, churchyard, and close, etc.; from whence it hath not been lawful for any prince or other to take any person that fled thither for any cause: which privilege was first granted by Sebert, king of the East Saxons, since[411] increased by Edgar, king of the West Saxons, renewed and confirmed by King Edward the Confessor, as appeareth by this his charter following:
This church has had the important privilege of sanctuary within its grounds, including the church, churchyard, and surrounding area, etc. Because of this, it hasn't been allowed for any prince or anyone else to take a person who fled there for any reason. This privilege was first granted by Sebert, king of the East Saxons, and later[411] expanded by Edgar, king of the West Saxons, and renewed and confirmed by King Edward the Confessor, as shown in the following charter:
“Edward, by the grace of God, king of Englishmen: I make it to be known to all generations of the world after me, that by speciall commandement of our holy father, Pope Leo, I have renewed and honored the holy church of the blessed apostle St. Peter, of Westminster; and I order and establish for ever, that what person, of what condition or estate soever he be, from whence soever he come, or for what offence or cause it be, either for his refuge into the said holy place, he be assured of his life, liberty, and limbs. And over this I forbid, under the paine of everlasting damnation, that no minister of mine, or of my successors, intermeddle them with any the goods, lands, or possessions of the said persons taking the said sanctuary; for I have taken their goodes and livelode into my special protection, and therefore I grant to every each of them, in as much as my terrestriall power may suffice, all maner freedom of joyous libertie; and whosoever presumes or doth contrary to this my graunt, I will hee lose his name, worship, dignity, and power, and that with the great traytor Judas that betraied our Saviour, he be in the everlasting fire of hell; and I will and ordayne that this my graunt endure as long as there remayneth in England eyther love or dread of Christian name.”
“Edward, by the grace of God, king of the English: I want all future generations to know that, by the special command of our holy father, Pope Leo, I have renewed and honored the holy church of the blessed apostle St. Peter in Westminster; and I hereby declare and establish forever that anyone, regardless of their status or background, no matter where they come from or what offense they may have committed, can seek refuge in this holy place and be assured of their life, liberty, and safety. Furthermore, I forbid, under the penalty of eternal damnation, any of my ministers or my successors to interfere with the goods, lands, or possessions of those seeking sanctuary; for I have placed their belongings and livelihoods under my special protection, and therefore I grant each of them, as much as my earthly power allows, complete freedom and liberty. Anyone who dares to go against this grant shall lose their name, honor, dignity, and power, and shall find themselves with the great traitor Judas, who betrayed our Savior, in the everlasting fire of hell; and I decree that this grant shall remain in effect as long as there is love or fear of the Christian name in England.”
More of this sanctuary ye may read in our histories, and also in the statute of Henry VIII., the 32nd year.
More about this sanctuary can be found in our histories, as well as in the statute of Henry VIII, from the 32nd year.
The parish church of St. Margaret, sometime within the abbey, was by Edward the Confessor removed, and built without, for ease of the monks. This church continued till the days of Edward I., at which time the merchants of the staple and parishioners of Westminster built it all of new, the great chancel excepted, which was built by the abbots of Westminster; and this remaineth now a fair parish church, though sometime in danger of down pulling. In the south aisle of this church is a fair marble monument of Dame Mary Billing, the heir of Robert Nesenham of Conington, in Huntingdonshire, first married to William Cotton, to whose issue her inheritance alone descended, remaining with Robert Cotton at this day, heir of her and her first husband’s family; her second husband was Sir Thomas Billing, chief justice of England; and her last, whom likewise she buried, was Thomas Lacy; erecting this monument to the memory of her three husbands, with whose arms she hath garnished it, and for her own burial, wherein she was interred in the year 1499.
The parish church of St. Margaret, once part of the abbey, was moved by Edward the Confessor and rebuilt outside for the convenience of the monks. This church stood until the time of Edward I, when the merchants of the staple and parishioners of Westminster reconstructed it entirely, except for the great chancel, which was built by the abbots of Westminster. It remains a beautiful parish church today, although it faced the risk of collapsing at one point. In the south aisle of this church, there is an elegant marble monument of Dame Mary Billing, the heir of Robert Nesenham of Conington in Huntingdonshire. She was first married to William Cotton, and their descendants inherited her estate, which is still held by Robert Cotton today, the heir of both her and her first husband’s family. Her second husband was Sir Thomas Billing, the chief justice of England; her last husband, whom she also buried, was Thomas Lacy. She erected this monument in memory of her three husbands, decorating it with their coat of arms, and arranged for her own burial, which took place in the year 1499.
Next to this famous monastery is the king’s principal palace, of what antiquity it is uncertain; but Edward the Confessor held his court there, as may appear by the testimony of sundry, and, namely, of Ingulphus, as I have before told you. The said king had his palace, and for the most part remained there; where he also so ended his life, and was buried in the monastery which he had built. It is not to be doubted but that King William I., as he was crowned there, so he built much at his palace, for he found it far inferior to the building of princely palaces in France: and it is manifest, by the testimony of many authors, that William Rufus built the great hall there about the year of Christ 1097. Amongst others, Roger of Wendover and Mathew Paris do write, that King William (being returned out of Normandy into England) kept his feast of Whitsontide very royally at Westminster, in the new hall which he had lately built; the length whereof (say some) was two hundred and seventy feet, and seventy-four feet in breadth; and when he heard men say that this hall was too great, he answered and said, “This hall is not big enough by the one half, and is but a bed-chamber in comparison of that I mean to make.” A diligent searcher (saith Paris) might find out the foundation of the hall, which he was supposed to have built, stretching from the river of Thames, even to the common highway.
Next to this famous monastery is the king’s main palace, the age of which is uncertain; however, Edward the Confessor held court there, as confirmed by various accounts, including Ingulphus, as I mentioned earlier. This king had his palace there and mostly stayed there; it’s also where he ended his life and was buried in the monastery he had built. It’s without a doubt that King William I, having been crowned there, made many improvements to the palace since he found it far inferior to the royal palaces in France. Many authors testify that William Rufus built the great hall around the year 1097. Among others, Roger of Wendover and Matthew Paris wrote that King William, upon returning from Normandy to England, celebrated Whitsun very grandly at Westminster, in the new hall he had recently built; some say it was two hundred and seventy feet long and seventy-four feet wide. When he heard people say that this hall was too large, he replied, “This hall is not big enough by half and is just a bedroom compared to what I plan to create.” A diligent investigator, Paris notes, could find the foundation of the hall he was believed to have built, extending from the River Thames all the way to the main road.
This palace was repaired about the year 1163 by Thomas Becket, chancellor of England, with exceeding great celerity and speed, which before was ready to have fallen down. This hath been the principal seat and palace of all the kings of England since the Conquest; for here have they in the great hall kept their feasts of coronation especially, and other solemn feasts, as at Christmas and such like, most commonly: for proof whereof, I find recorded, that in the year 1236, and the 20th of Henry, III., on the 29th of December, William de Haverhull, the king’s treasurer, is commanded, that upon the day of circumcision of our Lord, he caused six thousand poor people to be fed at Westminster, for the state of the king, the queen, and their children; the weak and aged to be placed in the great hall and in the lesser; those that were most strong, and in reasonable plight, in the king’s chamber; the children in the queen’s; and when the king knoweth the charge, he would allow it in the accounts.[296]
This palace was renovated around 1163 by Thomas Becket, the Chancellor of England, with remarkable speed, as it was on the verge of collapsing. This has been the main residence and palace for all the kings of England since the Conquest; they have held their coronation feasts here, particularly in the great hall, as well as other solemn celebrations, especially Christmas and similar occasions. For instance, in 1236, during the 20th year of Henry III’s reign, on December 29th, William de Haverhull, the king’s treasurer, was instructed to ensure that on the Day of the Circumcision of our Lord, six thousand poor people were fed at Westminster for the benefit of the king, queen, and their children; the elderly and infirm were to be placed in the great hall and the smaller hall, while the stronger ones were to be accommodated in the king’s chamber and the children in the queen’s; and once the king learned of the expenses, he would approve them in the accounts.[296]
In the year 1238, the same King Henry kept his feast of Christmas at Westminster in the great hall; so did he in the year 1241, where he placed the legate in the most honourable place of the table, to wit, in the midst, which the noblemen took in evil part: the king sat on the right hand, and the archbishop on the left, and then all the prelates and nobles according to their estates; for the king himself set the guests. The year 1242 he likewise kept his Christmas in the hall, etc. Also, in the year 1243, Richard, earl of Cornewall, the king’s brother, married Cincia, daughter to Beatrice, countess of Province, and kept his marriage-feast in the great hall at Westminster, with great royalty and company of noblemen: insomuch that there were told (triginta millia) thirty thousand dishes of meats at that dinner.
In 1238, King Henry celebrated Christmas in the great hall at Westminster. He did the same in 1241, where he seated the legate in the most honored spot at the table, right in the center, which upset the noblemen. The king sat on the right, the archbishop on the left, and then all the bishops and nobles were arranged according to their rank, as the king himself assigned the seating. In 1242, he also celebrated Christmas in the hall, and in 1243, Richard, the Earl of Cornwall and the king's brother, married Cincia, the daughter of Beatrice, Countess of Provence, hosting his wedding feast in the great hall at Westminster, with great splendor and a large gathering of nobles. It was said that there were about thirty thousand dishes of food served at that dinner.
In the year 1256, King Henry sate in the exchequer of this hall, and there set down order for the appearance of sheriffs, and bringing in of their accounts: there were five marks set on every sheriff’s head for a fine, because they had not distrained every person that might dispend fifteen pounds land by the year to receive the order of knighthood, as the same sheriffs were commanded. Also, the mayor, aldermen, and sheriffs of London, being accused of oppression and wrongs done by them, and submitting themselves in this place before the king sitting in judgment upon that matter, they were condemned to pay their fines for their offences committed, and further, every one of them discharged of assise and ward.
In 1256, King Henry sat in the treasury of this hall and established guidelines for the attendance of sheriffs and the submission of their accounts. Each sheriff was fined five marks because they hadn’t compelled every person who could afford fifteen pounds a year in land to accept the title of knight, as the sheriffs had been instructed to do. Additionally, the mayor, aldermen, and sheriffs of London, accused of oppression and misdeeds, appeared before the king, who was judging the matter. They were ordered to pay fines for their offenses, and each one was relieved of their duties related to assize and ward.
In the years 1268 and 1269, the same king kept his Christmas feasts at Westminster as before; and also in the same 1269 he translated with great solemnity the body of King Edward the Confessor into a new chapel, at the back of the high altar: which chapel he had prepared of a marvellous workmanship, bestowing a new tomb or shrine of gold; and on the day of his translation he kept a royal feast in the great hall of the palace. Thus much for the feasts of old time in this hall.
In 1268 and 1269, the same king continued the tradition of celebrating Christmas feasts at Westminster as usual. In 1269, he also solemnly moved the body of King Edward the Confessor to a new chapel behind the high altar. He had built this chapel with incredible craftsmanship, providing a new gold tomb or shrine. On the day of this translation, he hosted a royal feast in the palace's great hall. This reflects the feasts of the past in this hall.
We read also, that in the year 1236, the river of Thames overflowing the banks, caused the marshes about Woolwitch to be all on a sea, wherein boats and other vessels were carried with the stream; so that besides cattle, the greatest number of men, women, and children, inhabitants there, were drowned: and in the great palace of Westminster men did row with wherries in the midst of the hall, being forced to ride to their chambers.
We also read that in the year 1236, the River Thames overflowed its banks, turning the marshes around Woolwich into a vast sea, where boats and other vessels were swept along by the current. As a result, many animals, as well as a large number of men, women, and children who lived there, drowned. In the great palace of Westminster, people had to row with wherries in the middle of the hall just to reach their rooms.
Moreover, in the year 1242, the Thames overflowing the banks about Lambhithe, drowned houses and fields by the space of[414] six miles, so that in the great hall at Westminster men took their horses, because the water ran over all. This palace was (in the year 1299, the 27th of Edward I.) burnt by a vehement fire, kindled in the lesser hall of the king’s house: the same, with many other houses adjoining, and with the queen’s chamber, were consumed, but after that repaired.
Moreover, in 1242, the Thames flooded its banks near Lambhithe, submerging homes and fields over a distance of[414]six miles, so much that people in the great hall at Westminster brought their horses inside because the water covered everything. This palace was (in 1299, the 27th year of Edward I.) severely damaged by a large fire that started in the smaller hall of the king’s house; it, along with many other nearby buildings and the queen’s chamber, was destroyed, but then it was rebuilt afterward.
In the year 1313, the 31st of Edward I., the king’s treasury at Westminster was robbed; for the which, Walter, abbot of Westminster, with forty-nine of his brethren and thirty-two other, were thrown into the Tower of London, and indicted of the robbery of a hundred thousand pounds; but they affirming themselves to be clear of the fact, and desiring the king of speedy justice, a commission was directed for inquiry of the truth, and they were freed.
In 1313, during the reign of Edward I, the king's treasury in Westminster was robbed. As a result, Walter, the abbot of Westminster, along with forty-nine of his fellow monks and thirty-two others, was imprisoned in the Tower of London and charged with stealing a hundred thousand pounds. They claimed they were innocent and asked the king for a quick resolution. An investigation was ordered to uncover the truth, and they were acquitted.
In the year 1316, Edward II. did solemnize his feast of Penticost at Westminster, in the great hall; where sitting royally at the table, with his peers about him, there entered a woman adorned like a minstrel, sitting on a great horse, trapped as minstrels then used, who rode round about the tables, showing pastime, and at length came up to the king’s table, and laid before him a letter, and forthwith turning her horse, saluted every one, and departed. The letter being opened, had these contents:,—“Our soveraigne lord and king, hath nothing curteously respected his knights, that in his father’s time, and also in his owne, have put forth their persons to divers perils, and have utterly lost, or greatly diminished their substance, for honor of the said king, and he hath inriched abundantly such as have not borne the waight as yet of the busines, etc.”
In 1316, Edward II held his Pentecost feast at Westminster in the great hall. As he sat royally at the table with his peers around him, a woman dressed like a minstrel rode in on a large horse, outfitted in the style of minstrels at the time. She circled the tables, entertaining the guests, and eventually approached the king's table. She placed a letter before him, then turned her horse, greeted everyone, and left. When the letter was opened, it contained this message: “Our sovereign lord and king has not treated his knights with the courtesy they deserve, despite the fact that, both in his father’s reign and his own, they have put themselves in various dangers and have either completely lost or significantly reduced their wealth for the honor of the king. Meanwhile, he has richly rewarded those who have not yet borne the burden of the business, etc.”
This great hall was begun to be repaired in the year 1397 by Richard II., who caused the walls, windows, and roof, to be taken down, and new made, with a stately porch, and divers lodgings of a marvellous work, and with great costs; all which he levied of strangers banished or flying out of their countries, who obtained license to remain in this land, by the king’s charters, which they had purchased with great sums of money; John Boterell being then clerk of the works.
This grand hall started its renovation in 1397 under Richard II., who had the walls, windows, and roof taken down and rebuilt, along with a magnificent porch and several impressive accommodations, all at a significant expense. This funding came from foreigners who had been exiled or were fleeing their countries and had received permission to stay in England through the king's charters, which they had bought for substantial amounts of money, with John Boterell serving as the clerk of the works at that time.
This hall being finished in the year 1398, the same king kept a most royal Christmas there, with daily justings and runnings at tilt; whereunto resorted such a number of people, that there was every day spent twenty-eight or twenty-six oxen, and three hundred sheep, besides fowl without number: he caused a gown for himself to be made of gold, garnished with pearl and precious stones, to the value of three thousand marks: he was guarded[415] by Cheshire men, and had about him commonly thirteen bishops, besides barons, knights, esquires, and other more than needed; insomuch, that to the household came every day to meat ten thousand people, as appeareth by the messes told out from the kitchen to three hundred servitors.
This hall was completed in 1398, and the king hosted an extravagant Christmas celebration there, featuring daily jousts and tournaments. A massive number of people attended, consuming twenty-eight or twenty-six oxen and three hundred sheep each day, not to mention countless birds. He even had a gown made for himself from gold, embellished with pearls and precious stones, worth three thousand marks. He was protected by men from Cheshire and usually had thirteen bishops around him, along with barons, knights, squires, and many others. As a result, the household served meals to ten thousand people daily, as shown by the number of servings sent from the kitchen to three hundred servants.
Thus was this great hall, for the honour of the prince, oftentimes furnished with guests, not only in this king’s time (a prodigal prince), but in the time of other also, both before and since, though not so usually noted. For when it is said, the king held his feast of Christmas, or such a feast at Westminster, it may well be supposed to be kept in this great hall, as most sufficient to such a purpose.
Thus, this great hall, in honor of the prince, was often filled with guests, not only during the reign of this king (a lavish prince), but also during the times of others, both before and after, although it wasn’t always officially recognized. So when it’s mentioned that the king held his Christmas feast, or some other feast at Westminster, it can be assumed that it took place in this great hall, as it was more than suitable for such an occasion.
I find noted by Robert Fabian (sometime an alderman of London), that King Henry VII., in the 9th of his reign (holding his royal feast of Christmas at Westminster), on the twelfth day, feasted Ralph Austry, then mayor of London, and his brethren the aldermen, with other commoners in great number, and after dinner dubbing the mayor knight, caused him with his brethren to stay and behold the disguisings and other disports in the night following, showed in the great hall, which was richly hanged with arras, and staged about on both sides; which disports being ended in the morning, the king, the queen, the ambassadors, and other estates, being set at a table of stone, sixty knights and esquires served sixty dishes to the king’s mess, and as many to the queen’s (neither flesh nor fish), and served the mayor with twenty-four dishes to his mess, of the same manner, with sundry wines in most plenteous wise: and finally, the king and queen being conveyed with great lights into the palace, the mayor with his company in barges returned and came to London by break of the next day. Thus much for building of this great hall, and feasting therein.
I found noted by Robert Fabian (once an alderman of London) that King Henry VII, during the 9th year of his reign (holding his royal Christmas feast at Westminster), on the twelfth day, hosted Ralph Austry, the mayor of London, and his fellow aldermen, along with a large number of commoners. After dinner, he knighted the mayor and invited him and his fellow aldermen to stay and watch the entertainment and festivities that took place that night in the grand hall, which was lavishly decorated with tapestries and set up on both sides. When the entertainment ended in the morning, the king, the queen, the ambassadors, and others were seated at a stone table, while sixty knights and squires served sixty dishes for the king's table and the same for the queen (neither meat nor fish), and the mayor was served twenty-four dishes at his table, prepared in the same manner, along with plenty of various wines. Finally, after the king and queen were escorted back to the palace with great lights, the mayor and his party returned to London by barge at dawn the next day. This is a summary of the building of this grand hall and the feasting that took place there.
It moreover appeareth that many parliaments have been kept there; for I find noted, that in the year 1397, the great hall at Westminster being out of reparations, and therefore, as it were, new built by Richard II. (as is afore showed), the same Richard, in the mean time having occasion to hold a parliament, caused for that purpose a large house to be built in the midst of the palace-court, betwixt the clock tower and the gate of the old great hall. This house was very large and long, made of timber, covered with tile, open on both the sides and at both the ends, that all men might see and hear what was both said and done.
It also seems that many parliaments have been held there; for I note that in the year 1397, the great hall at Westminster was out of repair, and therefore, as previously mentioned, was essentially rebuilt by Richard II. Having the need to hold a parliament in the meantime, Richard had a large structure built in the center of the palace court, between the clock tower and the entrance of the old great hall. This structure was quite large and long, made of timber, covered with tiles, and open on both sides and at both ends, so everyone could see and hear what was said and done.
The king’s archers (in number four thousand Cheshire men) compassed the house about with their bows bent, and arrows[416] knocked in their hands, always ready to shoot: they had bouch of court (to wit, meat and drink), and great wages of six pence by the day.
The king’s archers, four thousand men from Cheshire, surrounded the house with their bows drawn and arrows ready in their hands, always prepared to shoot. They were provided with meals and drinks, and earned a good wage of six pence a day.
The old great hall being new built, parliaments were again there kept as before:[297] namely, one in the year 1399, for the deposing of Richard II. A great part of this palace at Westminster was once again burnt in the year 1512, the 4th of Henry VIII.; since the which time it hath not been re-edified: only the great hall, with the offices near adjoining, are kept in good reparations, and serveth as afore for feasts at coronations, arraignments of great persons charged with treasons, keeping of the courts of justice, etc. But the princes have been lodged in other places about the city, as at Baynarde’s castle, at Bridewell, and White hall, sometime called York place, and sometime at St. James’.
The old great hall was newly built, and parliaments were once again held there as before:[297] specifically, one in the year 1399 for the deposing of Richard II. A large part of this palace at Westminster was burned again in 1512, during the reign of Henry VIII.; since then, it hasn’t been rebuilt: only the great hall and the nearby offices are kept in good repair, serving as before for feasts at coronations, trials of prominent individuals accused of treason, and the holding of courts of justice, etc. However, the princes have been accommodated in other locations around the city, such as Baynarde’s Castle, Bridewell, Whitehall (formerly known as York Place), and sometimes at St. James’.
This great hall hath been the usual place of pleadings, and ministration of justice, whereof somewhat shortly I will note. In times past the courts and benches followed the king wheresoever he went, as well since the Conquest as before; which thing at length being thought cumbersome, painful, and chargeable to the people, it was in the year 1224, the 9th of Henry III., agreed that there should be a standing place appointed, where matters should be heard and judged, which was in the great hall at Westminster.
This great hall has been the usual place for legal proceedings and the administration of justice, of which I will briefly mention a few points. In the past, the courts and judges followed the king wherever he went, both before and after the Conquest. Eventually, this was seen as burdensome, inconvenient, and costly for the people. So, in the year 1224, during the 9th year of Henry III's reign, it was decided that there should be a designated place for hearings and judgments, which was the great hall at Westminster.
In this hall he ordained three judgment seats; to wit, at the entry on the right hand, the Common Pleas, where civil matters are to be pleaded, specially such as touch lands or contracts: at the upper end of the hall, on the right hand, or south-east corner, the King’s Bench, where pleas of the crown have their hearing; and on the left hand, or south-west corner, sitteth the lord chancellor, accompanied with the master of the rolls, and other men, learned for the most part in the civil law, and called masters of the chancery, which have the king’s fee. The times of pleading in these courts are four in the year, which are called terms: the first is Hillary term, which beginneth the 23rd of January, if it be not Sunday, and endeth the 12th of February; the second is Easter term, and beginneth seventeen days after Easter day, and endeth four days after Ascension day; the third term beginneth six or seven days after Trinity Sunday, and endeth the Wednesday fortnight after; the fourth is Michaelmas term, which[417] beginneth the 9th of October, if it be not Sunday, and endeth the 28th of November.
In this hall, three judgment seats were established: on the right side at the entrance is the Common Pleas, where civil cases, particularly those involving property or contracts, are addressed; at the upper end of the hall, in the right or southeast corner, is the King’s Bench, which handles criminal cases; and on the left side, in the southwest corner, sits the lord chancellor, accompanied by the master of the rolls and other mostly learned individuals in civil law, known as masters of the chancery, who are compensated by the king. The courts hold sessions four times a year, referred to as terms: the first is Hillary term, starting on January 23rd, unless it falls on a Sunday, and ending on February 12th; the second is Easter term, which begins seventeen days after Easter Sunday and concludes four days after Ascension Day; the third term starts six or seven days after Trinity Sunday and ends the Wednesday two weeks later; the fourth is Michaelmas term, which[417] begins on October 9th, unless that day is a Sunday, and ends on November 28th.
And here it is to be noted, that the kings of this realm have used sometimes to sit in person in the King’s Bench; namely, King Edward IV., in the year 1462, in Michaelmas term, sat in the King’s Bench three days together, in the open court, to understand how his laws were ministered and executed.
And it's important to note that the kings of this realm have sometimes sat in the King’s Bench themselves; for example, King Edward IV, in 1462, sat in the King’s Bench for three consecutive days during the Michaelmas term to see how his laws were being applied and enforced.
Within the port, or entry into the hall, on either side are ascendings up into large chambers, without the hall adjoining thereunto, wherein certain courts be kept, namely, on the right hand, is the court of the Exchequer, a place of account for the revenues of the crown: the hearers of the account have auditors under them; but they which are the chief for accounts of the prince, are called barons of the Exchequer, whereof one is called the chief baron. The greatest officer of all is called the high treasurer.[298] In this court be heard those that are delators, or informers, in popular and penal actions, having thereby part of the profit by the law assigned unto them.
Within the port, or entrance to the hall, on either side are stairways leading up to large chambers, separate from the hall, where certain courts are held. On the right side is the court of the Exchequer, which handles the crown's revenue accounts. The account examiners have auditors working under them, but those in charge of the prince’s accounts are called barons of the Exchequer, with one designated as the chief baron. The highest-ranking officer is the high treasurer.[298] In this court, they hear cases from informers in both civil and criminal matters, who are entitled to a portion of the profits as assigned by law.
In this court, if any question be, it is determined after the order of the common law of England by twelve men, and all subsidies, taxes, and customs, by account; for in this office the sheriffs of the shire do attend upon the execution of the commandments of the judges, which the earl should do, if he were not attending upon the princes in the wars, or otherwise about him; for the chief office of the earl was to see the king’s justice to have course, and to be well executed in the shire, and the prince’s revenues to be well answered and brought into the treasury.
In this court, if there is any question, it's settled according to the common law of England by twelve jurors, and all taxes, fees, and tariffs are handled through accounting. In this role, the county sheriffs carry out the orders of the judges, which the earl should do if he weren't occupied with the princes in military campaigns or other matters. The main duty of the earl was to ensure that the king's justice was upheld and effectively implemented in the county, and to make sure the prince's revenues were properly collected and brought into the treasury.
If any fines or amerciaments be extracted out of any of the said courts upon any man, or any arrerages of accounts of such things as is of customs, taxes, and subsidies, or other such like occasions, the same the sheriff of the shire doth gather, and is answerable therefore in the Exchequer: as for other ordinary rents of patrimonial lands, and most commonly of taxes, customs, and subsidies, there be particular receivers and collectors, which do answer it into the Exchequer. This court of the Exchequer hath of old time, and, as I think, since the Conquest, been kept at Westminster, notwithstanding sometimes removed thence by commandment of the king, and after restored again, as, namely, in the year 1209, King John commanded the Exchequer to be removed from Westminster to Northampton, etc.
If any fines or penalties are collected from any of the mentioned courts against a person, or any overdue payments related to customs, taxes, and subsidies, or other similar situations, the sheriff of the county collects these and is accountable for them in the Exchequer. As for regular rents from inherited lands, and generally from taxes, customs, and subsidies, there are specific receivers and collectors who report it to the Exchequer. This court of the Exchequer has been held at Westminster for a long time, and I believe since the Conquest, although sometimes it was moved by the king's order and later restored, such as in 1209 when King John ordered the Exchequer to be relocated from Westminster to Northampton, etc.
On the left hand above the stair is the Duchy chamber, wherein is kept the court for the duchy of Lancaster by a chancellor of that duchy, and other officers under him. Then is there in another chamber the office of the receipts of the queen’s revenues for the crown: then is there also the Star chamber, where in the term time, every week once at the least, which is commonly on Fridays and Wednesdays, and on the next day after the term endeth, the lord chancellor, and the lords, and other of the privy council, and the chief justices of England, from nine of the clock till it be eleven, do sit.
On the left above the stairs is the Duchy chamber, where the court for the Duchy of Lancaster is managed by a chancellor and other officers. In another chamber, there’s the office that handles the queen’s revenues for the crown. There’s also the Star Chamber, which meets at least once a week during term time, usually on Fridays and Wednesdays, and on the day after the term ends. The Lord Chancellor, the lords, other members of the Privy Council, and the Chief Justices of England sit there from 9 AM to 11 AM.
This place is called the Star chamber, because the roof thereof is decked with the likeness of stars gilt: there be plaints heard of riots, routs, and other misdemeanors; which if they be found by the king’s council, the party offender shall be censured by these persons, which speak one after another, and he shall be both fined and commanded to prison.
This area is known as the Star Chamber, because its ceiling is decorated with gold-painted stars. Complaints about riots, disturbances, and other offenses are heard here. If the king’s council finds someone guilty, that person will be judged by these officials, who speak in turn, and will face both fines and imprisonment.
Then at the upper end of the great hall, by the King’s Bench, is a going up to a great chamber, called the White hall, wherein is now kept the court of Wards and Liveries, and adjoining thereunto is the Court of Requests. Then is St. Stephen’s chapel, of old time founded by King Stephen. King John, in the 7th of his reign, granted to Baldwinus de London, clerk of his Exchequer, the chapelship of St. Stephen’s at Westminster, etc. This chapel was again since, of a far more curious workmanship, new built by King Edward III. in the year 1347, for thirty-eight persons in that church to serve God; to wit, a dean, twelve secular canons, thirteen vicars, four clerks, five choristers, two servitors, to wit, a verger and a keeper of the chapel. He built for those from the house of Receipt, along nigh to the Thames, within the same palace, there to inhabit; and since that there was also built for them, betwixt the clock-house and the wool staple, called the Wey house. He also built to the use of this chapel (though out of the palace court), some distance west, in the little sanctuary, a strong clochard of stone and timber, covered with lead, and placed therein three great bells, since usually rung at coronations, triumphs, funeral of princes, and their obits. Of those bells men fabuled that their ringing soured all the drink in the town: more, that about the biggest bell was written,—
Then, at the far end of the great hall, by the King’s Bench, there’s an entrance to a large room called the White Hall, where the Court of Wards and Liveries is now held, and next to it is the Court of Requests. Then there's St. Stephen’s chapel, which was originally founded by King Stephen. King John, in the 7th year of his reign, granted Baldwinus de London, a clerk of his Exchequer, the position of chapelmaster at St. Stephen’s in Westminster, etc. This chapel was later rebuilt with much more intricate craftsmanship by King Edward III in 1347, for thirty-eight people in that church to worship God; specifically, a dean, twelve secular canons, thirteen vicars, four clerks, five choristers, and two attendants: a verger and a chapel keeper. He also constructed residences for those from the house of Receipt, near the Thames, within the same palace, and afterward built additional accommodations for them between the clock house and the wool staple, known as the Wey House. He also built a sturdy bell tower of stone and timber for this chapel, located some distance to the west, in the little sanctuary, covered with lead, which housed three large bells, usually rung during coronations, triumphs, royal funerals, and remembrances of their deaths. There were tales that the ringing of these bells spoiled all the drinks in the town; additionally, it was said that around the largest bell was inscribed,—
Thirty thousand and three; Take me down and weigh me,
"And you will find me more."
But these bells being taken down indeed, were found all three[419] not to weigh twenty thousand. True it is, that in the city of Rouen, in Normandie, there is one great bell, that hath such inscription as followeth:—
But when these bells were taken down, it turned out that all three[419] didn’t weigh twenty thousand. It's true that in the city of Rouen, in Normandy, there is one big bell that has the following inscription:—
Who has thirty-five thousand peas,
But those who weigh me,
Thirty-six thousand will find me.
35,000 in pois; But whoever measures me, "Thirty-six thousand will find me.”
The said King Edward endowed this chapel with lands to the yearly value of five hundred pounds. Doctor John Chambers, the king’s physician, the last dean of this college, built thereunto a cloister of curious workmanship, to the charges of eleven thousand marks. This chapel, or college, at the suppression, was valued to dispend in lands by the year one thousand and eighty-five pounds ten shillings and five pence, and was surrendered to Edward VI.; since the which time the same chapel hath served as a parliament house.
King Edward donated land worth five hundred pounds a year to this chapel. Doctor John Chambers, the king’s physician and the last dean of this college, constructed a beautifully designed cloister at a cost of eleven thousand marks. At the time of its dissolution, this chapel, or college, was valued at one thousand eighty-five pounds, ten shillings, and five pence a year in land revenue, and it was handed over to Edward VI. Since then, this chapel has been used as a parliament house.
By this chapel of St. Stephen was sometime one other smaller chapel, called our Lady of the Pew, to the which lady great offerings were used to be made: amongst other things, I have read, that Richard II., after the overthrow of Wat Tyler and other his rebels, in the 4th of his reign, went to Westminster, and there giving thanks to God for his victory, made his offering in this chapel; but as divers have noted, namely, John Piggot, in the year 1252, on the 17th of February, by negligence of a scholar appointed by his schoolmaster to put forth the lights of this chapel, the image of our lady, richly decked with jewels, precious stones, pearls, and rings, more than any jeweller could judge the price for, so saith mine author, was, with all this apparel, ornaments, and chapel itself, burnt; but since again re-edified by Anthonie, Earl Rivers, Lord Scales, and of the Isle of Wight, uncle and governor to the Prince of Wales, that should have been King Edward V., etc.
By the chapel of St. Stephen, there used to be another smaller chapel called our Lady of the Pew, where many offerings were traditionally made. I’ve read that Richard II, after defeating Wat Tyler and his rebels in the fourth year of his reign, went to Westminster to thank God for his victory and made his offering in this chapel. However, as various accounts note, including John Piggot’s, in the year 1252, on February 17th, due to the negligence of a student chosen by his teacher to manage the lights of this chapel, the image of our lady, adorned with jewels, precious stones, pearls, and rings—more than any jeweler could value, according to my source—was burned along with all her decorations and the chapel itself. It was later rebuilt by Anthonie, Earl Rivers, Lord Scales, and of the Isle of Wight, who was the uncle and guardian of the Prince of Wales, who would have been King Edward V, etc.
The said palace, before the entry thereunto, hath a large court, and in the same a tower of stone, containing a clock, which striketh every hour on a great bell, to be heard into the hall in sitting time of the courts, or otherwise; for the same clock, in a calm, will be heard into the city of London. King Henry VI. gave the keeping of this clock, with the tower called the clock-house, and the appurtenances, unto William Walsby, dean of[420] St. Stephen’s, with the wages of six pence the day out of his Exchequer. By this tower standeth a fountain, which at coronations and great triumphs is made to run with wine out of divers spouts.
The palace has a large courtyard before the entrance, and in that courtyard stands a stone tower that houses a clock. This clock chimes on a large bell every hour, which can be heard in the hall during court sessions or at other times; on a calm day, it can even be heard throughout the city of London. King Henry VI entrusted the care of this clock, along with the tower known as the clock-house and its associated facilities, to William Walsby, the dean of St. Stephen’s, with a salary of six pence a day from his Exchequer. Next to this tower is a fountain that, during coronations and major celebrations, flows with wine from various spouts.
On the east side of this court is an arched gate to the river of Thames, with a fair bridge and landing-place for all men that have occasion. On the north side is the south end of St. Stephen’s alley, or Canon row, and also a way into the old wool staple; and on the west side is a very fair gate, begun by Richard III. in the year 1484, and was by him built a great height, and many fair lodgings in it, but left unfinished, and is called the high tower of Westminster. Thus much for the monastery and palace may suffice. And now will I speak of the gate-house, and of Totehill street, stretching from the west part of the close.
On the east side of this courtyard, there's an arched gate leading to the River Thames, complete with a nice bridge and landing area for anyone who needs it. On the north side is the south end of St. Stephen’s Alley, also known as Canon Row, which provides access to the old wool marketplace; on the west side is a beautiful gate that was started by Richard III in 1484. He built it quite tall and added many nice accommodations inside, but it was left unfinished and is known as the High Tower of Westminster. That covers the monastery and palace. Now, I'll talk about the gatehouse and Totehill Street, which runs from the west side of the close.
The gate-house is so called of two gates, the one out of the College court towards the north, on the east side whereof was the bishop of London’s prison for clerks’ convict; and the other gate, adjoining to the first, but towards the west, is a gaol or prison for offenders thither committed. Walter Warfield, cellarer to the monastery, caused both these gates, with the appurtenances, to be built in the reign of Edward III.
The gatehouse gets its name from two gates: one leads out of the College courtyard to the north, with the bishop of London's prison for convicted clerks on its east side; the other gate is next to the first but faces west and serves as a jail for offenders sent there. Walter Warfield, the cellarer of the monastery, had both of these gates and their facilities built during the reign of Edward III.
On the south side of this gate, King Henry VII. founded an alms-house for thirteen poor men; one of them to be a priest, aged forty-five years, a good grammarian, the other twelve to be aged fifty years, without wives: every Saturday the priest to receive of the abbot, or prior, four pence by the day, and each other two pence halfpenny by the day for ever, for their sustenance, and every year to each one a gown and a hood ready made; and to three women that dressed their meat, and kept them in their sickness, each to have every Saturday sixteen pence, and every year a gown ready made. More, to the thirteen poor men yearly eighty quarters of coal and one thousand of good faggots to their use, in the hall and kitchen of their mansion; a discreet monk to be overseer of them, and he to have forty shillings by the year, etc.; and hereunto was every abbot and prior sworn.
On the south side of this gate, King Henry VII established an alms-house for thirteen poor men; one of them was to be a priest, aged forty-five and a good grammarian, while the other twelve were to be fifty years old and without wives. Every Saturday, the priest was to receive four pence a day from the abbot or prior, and each of the other twelve was to get two and a half pence a day for their support. Every year, each one would also receive a ready-made gown and a hood; additionally, three women who cooked for them and cared for them when they were ill would each receive sixteen pence every Saturday and a ready-made gown each year. Furthermore, the thirteen poor men were to get eighty quarters of coal and one thousand good faggots annually for use in the hall and kitchen of their house. A discreet monk was to oversee them, receiving forty shillings a year, and every abbot and prior was sworn to this commitment.
Near unto this house westward was an old chapel of St. Anne; over against the which the Lady Margaret, mother to King Henry VII., erected an alms-house for poor women, which is now turned into lodgings for the singing men of the college. The place wherein this chapel and alms-house standeth was[421] called the Elemosinary, or Almonry, now corruptly the Ambry,[299] for that the alms of the abbey were there distributed to the poor. And therein Islip, abbot of Westminster, erected the first press of book printing that ever was in England, about the year of Christ 1471. William Caxton, citizen of London, mercer, brought it into England, and was the first that practised it in the said abbey; after which time, the like was practised in the abbeys of St. Augustine at Canterbury, St. Alban’s, and other monasteries.
Near this house to the west was an old chapel dedicated to St. Anne; opposite it, Lady Margaret, mother of King Henry VII, built an alms-house for poor women, which has now been converted into housing for the college’s choir members. The area where this chapel and alms-house are located was[421]called the Elemosinary, or Almonry, which has now become corruptly known as the Ambry,[299]because the abbey's alms were distributed to the poor there. Islip, the abbot of Westminster, established the first printing press in England here around 1471. William Caxton, a London citizen and mercer, brought it to England and was the first to use it in the abbey; afterward, similar practices began in the abbeys of St. Augustine at Canterbury, St. Alban’s, and other monasteries.
From the west gate runneth along Totehil street, wherein is a house of the Lord Gray of Wilton; and on the other side, at the entry into Totehill field, Stourton house, which Gyles, the last Lord Dacre of the south, purchased and built new, whose lady and wife Anne, sister to Thomas, the Lord Buckhurst, left money to her executors to build an hospital for twenty poor women, and so many children, to be brought up under them, for whose maintenance she assigned lands to the value of one hundred pounds by the year, which hospital her executors have new begun in the field adjoining. From the entry into Totehill field the street is called Petty France, in which, and upon St. Hermit’s hill, on the south side thereof, Cornelius Van Dun (a Brabander born, yeoman of the guard to King Henry VIII., King Edward VI., Queen Mary, and Queen Elizabeth,) built twenty houses for poor women to dwell rent-free: and near hereunto was a chapel of Mary Magdalen, now wholly ruinated.
From the west gate, Totehil Street runs along, where there's a house belonging to Lord Gray of Wilton. On the other side, at the entrance to Totehill Field, is Stourton House, which Gyles, the last Lord Dacre of the South, bought and rebuilt. His wife, Anne, sister of Thomas, Lord Buckhurst, left money to her executors to build a hospital for twenty poor women and their children, who would be raised under them. She allocated land worth one hundred pounds a year for their upkeep, and her executors have recently started that hospital in the field nearby. From the entrance to Totehill Field, the street is called Petty France, where, and on St. Hermit’s Hill, on the south side, Cornelius Van Dun (a Brabander by birth, yeoman of the guard to King Henry VIII, King Edward VI, Queen Mary, and Queen Elizabeth) built twenty houses for poor women to live in rent-free. Also nearby was a chapel dedicated to Mary Magdalen, which is now completely in ruins.
In the year of Christ 1256, the 40th of Henry III., John Mansell, the king’s councillor and priest, did invite to a stately dinner the kings and queens of England and Scotland, Edward the king’s son, earls, barons, and knights, the Bishop of London, and divers citizens, whereby his guests did grow to such a number, that his house at Totehill could not receive them, but that he was forced to set up tents and pavilions to receive his guests, whereof there was such a multitude that seven hundred messes of meat did not serve for the first dinner.
In the year 1256, during the reign of Henry III, John Mansell, the king's advisor and priest, hosted an extravagant dinner for the kings and queens of England and Scotland, Edward, the king's son, earls, barons, knights, the Bishop of London, and various citizens. His guests became so numerous that his house in Totehill couldn’t accommodate them, so he had to set up tents and pavilions to host everyone. There were so many guests that seven hundred servings of food were not enough for the first dinner.
The city of Westminster for civil government is divided into twelve several wards; for the which the dean of the collegiate church of Westminster, or the high-steward, do elect twelve burgesses, and as many assistants; that is, one burgess, and one assistant, for every ward; out of the which twelve burgesses two are nominated yearly, upon Thursday in Easter week, for[422] chief burgesses to continue for one year next following, who have authority given them by the act of parliament, 27th Elizabeth, to hear, examine, determine, and punish, according to the laws of the realm, and lawful customs of the city of London, matters of incontinency, common scolds, inmates, and common annoyances; and likewise, to commit such persons as shall offend against the peace, and thereof to give knowledge within four-and-twenty hours to some justice of peace, in the county of Middlesex.
The city of Westminster's civil government is divided into twelve wards. The dean of the collegiate church of Westminster, or the high steward, elects twelve burgesses and an equal number of assistants—one burgess and one assistant for each ward. From these twelve burgesses, two are chosen each year on Thursday during Easter week for[422] chief burgesses to serve for the following year. They are given the authority by the act of parliament, 27th Elizabeth, to hear, review, resolve, and punish issues related to immorality, common disputes, tenants, and public nuisances, according to the laws of the realm and the lawful customs of the city of London. Additionally, they can detain individuals who disturb the peace and must report this to a justice of the peace in Middlesex within twenty-four hours.
GOVERNORS OF THE CITY OF LONDON; AND FIRST OF ECCLESIASTICAL BISHOPS AND OTHER MINISTERS THERE
Having thus run through the description of these cities of London and Westminster, as well in their original foundations, as in their increases of buildings and ornaments, together with such incidents of sundry sorts as are before, both generally and particularly discoursed, it remaineth that somewhat be noted by me touching the policy and government, both ecclesiastical and civil, of London, as I have already done for Westminster, the order whereof is appointed by the late statute, even as that of London is maintained by the customs thereof, most laudably used before all the time of memory.
Having gone through the description of the cities of London and Westminster, including their original foundations, the growth of buildings and decorations, and the various incidents discussed earlier, it’s important to mention a bit about the governance and administration, both religious and civil, of London, just as I have for Westminster. The structure is established by the recent statute, just as London’s is upheld by its traditions that have been well-regarded for as long as anyone can remember.
And first, to begin with the ecclesiastical jurisdiction: I read that the Christian faith was first preached in this island (then called Britaine) by Joseph of Arimathea, and his brethren, disciples of Christ, in the time of Aruiragus, then governor here under the Roman emperor; after which time, Lucius, king of the Britaines, sent his ambassadors, Eluanus and Meduvanus, two men learned in the Scriptures, with letters to Eleutherius,[300] bishop of Rome, desiring him to send some devout and learned men, by whose instruction he and his people might be taught the faith and religion of Christ. Eleutherius baptised those messengers, making Eluanus a bishop, and Meduvius a teacher, and sent over with them into Britain two other famous clerks, Faganus and Deruvianus, by whose diligence Lucius, and his people of Britaine, were instructed in the faith of Christ, and baptized, the temples of idols were converted into cathedral churches, and bishops were placed where Flammines before had been; at London, Yorke, and Carleon upon Uske, were placed archbishops, saith some. The epistle said to be sent by Eleutherius to king Lucius, for the establishing of the faith, ye[423] may read in my Annals, Summaries, and Chronicles, truly translated and set down as mine author hath it, for some have curtailed and corrupted it, and then fathered it upon reverend Bede, who never wrote word thereof, or otherwise to that effect, more than this as followeth.
And first, to start with the church's authority: I read that the Christian faith was first preached on this island (then called Britain) by Joseph of Arimathea and his companions, who were disciples of Christ, during the time of Aruiragus, the governor here under the Roman emperor. After that, Lucius, the king of the Britons, sent his ambassadors, Eluanus and Meduvanus, two knowledgeable men in the Scriptures, with letters to Eleutherius,[300] bishop of Rome, asking him to send some devoted and educated men so that he and his people could learn about the faith and religion of Christ. Eleutherius baptized those messengers, making Eluanus a bishop and Meduvius a teacher, and sent them to Britain with two other well-known clerics, Faganus and Deruvianus, who helped instruct Lucius and his people in the Christian faith and baptized them. The temples of idols were turned into cathedral churches, and bishops were appointed where Flammines had been before; archbishops were placed in London, York, and Caerleon upon Usk, according to some. You can read the letter that Eleutherius supposedly sent to King Lucius for the establishment of the faith in my Annals, Summaries, and Chronicles, accurately translated and presented as my source has it, since some have shortened and distorted it, then claimed it was by the respected Bede, who never wrote anything like that, or to that effect, other than what follows.
In the year 156, Marcus Aurelius Verus, the fourteenth emperor after Augustus, governed the empire with his brother Aurelius Comodus; in whose time, Glutherius, a holy man, being pope of the church of Rome, Lucius, king of Britaines, wrote unto him, desiring that by his commandment he might be made Christian; which his request was granted him; whereby the Britaines receiving then the faith, kept it sound and undefiled in rest and peace until Dioclesian the emperor’s time. Thus far Bede, which may suffice to prove the Christian faith there to be received here. And now of the London bishops as I find them.
In the year 156, Marcus Aurelius Verus, the fourteenth emperor after Augustus, ruled the empire alongside his brother Aurelius Commodus. During this time, Glutherius, a holy man and the pope of the church of Rome, received a letter from Lucius, the king of the Britons, asking to be made a Christian by his command. This request was granted, and as a result, the Britons accepted the faith and maintained it pure and untainted in peace and stability until the time of the emperor Dioclesian. This account from Bede should be enough to demonstrate that the Christian faith was embraced there. Now, let’s look at the bishops of London as I have found them.
There remaineth in the parish church of St. Peter upon Cornhill in London a table, wherein is written, that Lucius founded the same church to be an archbishop’s see, and metropolitan or chief church of his kingdom, and that it so endured the space of four hundred years, until the coming of Augustine the monk, and others, from Rome, in the reign of the Saxons. The archbishops’ names I find only to be set down by Joceline of Furnes, in his book of British bishops, and not elsewhere. Thean (saith he) was the first archbishop of London, in the time of Lucius, who built the said church of St. Peter, in a place called Cornhill in London, by the aid of Ciran, chief butler to King Lucius.
There remains in the parish church of St. Peter upon Cornhill in London a tablet that states Lucius founded this church to be an archbishop’s see and the main church of his kingdom. It served in this capacity for four hundred years until Augustine the monk and others came from Rome during the Saxon reign. The names of the archbishops are only recorded by Joceline of Furnes in his book about British bishops, and not found elsewhere. He mentions that Thean was the first archbishop of London during Lucius’s time, who built the church of St. Peter in a place called Cornhill in London, with the help of Ciran, the chief butler to King Lucius.
2. Eluanus was the second, and he built a library to the same church adjoining, and converted many of the Druids (learned men in the Pagan law) to the Christian faith.
2. Eluanus was the second, and he built a library next to the church, converting many of the Druids (educated men in the Pagan religion) to Christianity.
3. Cadar was the third; then followed,
3. Cadar was third; then came,
4. Obinus.
Obinus.
5. Conan.
Conan.
6. Paludius.
6. Paludius.
7. Stephen.
7. Steve.
8. Iltute.
8. Iltute.
9. Dedwin.
9. Dedwin.
10. Thedred.
Thedred.
11. Hillary.
Hillary Clinton.
12. Guidelium.
12. Guidelium.
13. Vodimus, slain by the Saxons.
13. Vodimus, killed by the Saxons.
14. Theanus, the fourteenth, fled with the Britaines into Wales, about the year of Christ 587.
14. Theanus, the fourteenth, fled with the Britains into Wales, around the year 587 AD.
Thus much out of Joceline of the archbishops; the credit whereof I leave to the judgment of the learned; for I read of a bishop of London (not before named) in the year of Christ 326, to be present at the second council, holden at Arles, in the time of Constantine the Great, who subscribed thereunto in these words: Ex provinciæ Britaniæ Civitate Londiniensi Restitutus Episcopus, as plainly appeareth in the first tome of the councils, he writeth not himself archbishop, and therefore maketh the matter of archbishops doubtful, or rather, overthroweth that opinion.
So much for Joceline concerning the archbishops; I'll leave the evaluation of this to the knowledgeable. I read about a bishop of London (who hasn't been mentioned before) in the year 326 AD, who attended the second council held in Arles during the time of Constantine the Great. He signed it with these words: Ex provinciæ Britaniæ Civitate Londiniensi Restitutus Episcopus. As clearly shown in the first volume of the councils, he doesn't refer to himself as archbishop, which makes the issue of archbishops questionable, or rather, disproves that belief.
The Saxons being pagans, having chased the Britons, with the Christian preachers, into the mountains of Wales and Cornewall; and having divided this kingdom of the Britons amongst themselves, at the length, to wit, in the year 596, Pope Gregory, moved of a godly instinction (sayeth Bede), in the 147th year after the arrival of the Angles or Saxons in Britaine, sent Augustine, Miletus, Justus, and John, with other monks, to preach the Gospel to the said nation of the Angles: these landed in the isle of Thanet, and were first received by Ethelbert, king of Kent, whom they converted to the faith of Christ, with divers other of his people, in the 34th year of his reign, which Ethelbert gave unto Augustine the city of Canterbury.
The Saxons were pagans who chased the Britons, along with the Christian preachers, into the mountains of Wales and Cornwall. They divided the Britons' kingdom among themselves. Finally, in the year 596, Pope Gregory, moved by a divine inspiration (as Bede says), sent Augustine, Miletus, Justus, and John, along with other monks, to preach the Gospel to the Angles. They landed on the Isle of Thanet and were first welcomed by Ethelbert, the king of Kent, whom they converted to the Christian faith, along with various others from his people, in the 34th year of his reign. Ethelbert then gave Augustine the city of Canterbury.
This Augustine, in the year of Christ 604, consecrated Miletus and Justus bishops, appointing Miletus to preach unto the East Saxons, whose chief city was London; and there King Sebert, nephew to Ethelbert, by preaching of Miletus, received the Word of Life: and then Ethelbert king of Kent, built in the city of London St. Paul’s church, wherein Miletus began to be bishop in the year 619, and sat five years. Ethelbert, by his charter, gave lands to this church of St. Paul, so did other kings after him. King Sebert, through the good life, and like preaching of Miletus, having received baptism, to show himself a Christian, built a church to the honour of God and St. Peter, on the west side of London, which church is called Westminster; but the successors of Sebert being pagans, expelled Miletus out of their kingdoms.
This Augustine, in the year 604 AD, appointed Miletus and Justus as bishops, sending Miletus to preach to the East Saxons, whose main city was London. There, King Sebert, the nephew of Ethelbert, accepted the Word of Life through Miletus's preaching. Later, Ethelbert, the king of Kent, built St. Paul’s church in London, where Miletus became bishop in 619 and served for five years. Ethelbert granted lands to St. Paul’s church with his charter, and other kings followed suit. King Sebert, after living a good life and through Miletus's inspiring preaching, was baptized to show his Christian faith and built a church in honor of God and St. Peter on the west side of London, known as Westminster. However, Sebert's pagan successors expelled Miletus from their kingdoms.
Justus, the second bishop for a time, and then Miletus again; after whose decease the seat was void for a time. At length Sigebert, son to Sigebert, brother to Sebert, ruled in Essex; he became a Christian, and took to him a holy man named Cedde, or Chadde, who won many by preaching, and good life, to the Christian religion.
Justus, who was the second bishop for a while, and then Miletus again; after his death, there was a period when the seat was vacant. Eventually, Sigebert, the son of Sigebert, the brother of Sebert, ruled in Essex; he became a Christian and brought in a holy man named Cedde, or Chadde, who converted many people to Christianity through his preaching and good character.
Cedde, or Chad, was by Finan consecrated bishop of the East[425] Saxons, and he ordered priests and deacons in all the parts of Essex, but especially at Ithancaster and Tilberie.
Cedde, or Chad, was consecrated bishop of the East[425]Saxons by Finan, and he appointed priests and deacons throughout Essex, particularly in Ithancaster and Tilberie.
This city of Ithancaster (saith Raph Cogshall) stood on the bank of the river Pante, that runneth by Maldun, in the hundred of Danesey, but now is drowned in Pante, so that nothing remaineth but the ruin of the city in the river Tilberie (both the west and east) standeth on the Thames side, nigh over against Gravesend.
This city of Ithancaster (says Raph Cogshall) was located on the bank of the river Pante, which runs by Maldun, in the hundred of Danesey, but is now submerged in the Pante, leaving only the ruins of the city in the river Tilberie (both the west and east) on the Thames side, close to Gravesend.
Wina, expelled from the church of Winchester by Cenewalche the king, was adopted to be the fourth bishop of London, in the reign of Wolferus king of Mercia, and sat nine years.
Wina, removed from the church of Winchester by King Cenewalche, was appointed as the fourth bishop of London during the reign of King Wolferus of Mercia, and served for nine years.
Erkenwalde, born in the castle or town of Stallingborough in Lindsey, first abbot of Crotesey, was by Theodore archbishop of Canterbury appointed to be bishop of the East Saxons, in the city of London. This Erkenwalde, in the year of Christ 677, before he was made bishop, had built two monasteries, one for himself, being a monk, in the isle of Crote in Surrey, by the river of Thames, and another for his sister Edilburge, being a nun, in a certain place called Berching in Essex; he deceased at Berching in the year 697, and was then buried in Paul’s church, and translated into the new church of St. Paul in the year 1148.
Erkenwalde, born in the town of Stallingborough in Lindsey, was the first abbot of Crotesey and was appointed by Theodore, the archbishop of Canterbury, to be the bishop of the East Saxons in London. In the year 677, before becoming bishop, Erkenwalde built two monasteries: one for himself as a monk on the isle of Crote in Surrey, by the River Thames, and another for his sister Edilburge, a nun, in a place called Berching in Essex. He died in Berching in 697 and was buried in St. Paul's Church, later being moved to the new St. Paul's Church in 1148.
Waldhere was bishop of London. Sebba king of the East Saxons at his hands received the habit of monk, for at that time there were monks in Paul’s church, as writeth Radulphus de Diceto, and others. To this bishop he brought a great sum of money, to be bestowed and given to the poor, reserving nothing to himself, but rather desired to remain poor in goods as in spirit, for the kingdom of heaven. When he had reigned thirty years he deceased at Paul’s, and was there buried, and lieth now in a coffin of stone, on the north side of the aisle next the choir.
Waldhere was the bishop of London. Sebba, the king of the East Saxons, received the monastic habit from him, as at that time there were monks in Paul’s church, as reported by Radulphus de Diceto and others. To this bishop, he brought a large sum of money to be given to the poor, keeping nothing for himself, but instead wishing to remain poor in material wealth as well as in spirit, for the sake of the kingdom of heaven. After reigning for thirty years, he passed away at Paul’s, and was buried there, now lying in a stone coffin on the north side of the aisle next to the choir.
Ingwaldus bishop of London was at the consecration of Tatwine archbishop of Canterbury; he confirmed the foundation of Crowland in the year 716, saith Ingulfus, and deceased in the year 744, as saith Hoveden.
Ingwald, the bishop of London, was present at the consecration of Tatwine, the archbishop of Canterbury. He confirmed the establishment of Crowland in 716, according to Ingulf, and died in 744, as stated by Hoveden.
746. Engulfe bishop of London.
Engulf bishop of London.
754. Wichet, or Wigerus, bishop of London.
754. Wichet, or Wigerus, bishop of London.
761. Eaderightus, or Edbrithe, bishop of London.
761. Eaderightus, or Edbrithe, bishop of London.
768. Eadgain, or Eadgarus, bishop of London.
768. Eadgain, or Eadgarus, bishop of London.
773. Kenewallth bishop of London.
773. Kenewallth, Bishop of London.
784. Eadbaldus bishop of London.
Eadbald, Bishop of London.
795. Heatbright bishop of London, deceased 802, saith Hoveden.
795. The Heatbright bishop of London, who passed away in 802, is mentioned by Hoveden.
813. Osmond bishop of London; he was witness to a charter made to Crowland in the year 833, saith Ingulphus.
813. Osmond, bishop of London; he witnessed a charter given to Crowland in the year 833, says Ingulphus.
835. Ethelmothe bishop of London.
835. Ethelmoth, Bishop of London.
838. Elbertus, or Celbertus, bishop of London.
838. Elbert, or Celbert, bishop of London.
841. Caulfe bishop of London.
841. Caulfe, Bishop of London.
850. Swithulfus bishop of London; he likewise was witness to a charter of Crowland 851.
850. Swithulf, the bishop of London; he was also a witness to a charter of Crowland. 851.
860. Edstanus bishop of London; witness to a charter to Crowland 860.
860. Edstanus, bishop of London; witness to a charter to Crowland 860.
870. Ulsius bishop of London.
870. Ulsius, Bishop of London.
878. Ethelwardus bishop of London.
Ethelward, bishop of London.
886. Elstanus bishop of London, died in the year 900, saith Asser; and all these, saith the author of Flores Historiarum, were buried in the old church of St. Paul, but there remaineth now no memory of them.
886. Elstanus, the bishop of London, died in the year 900, says Asser; and all these, says the author of Flores Historiarum, were buried in the old church of St. Paul, but there is now no memory of them.
900. Theodricus bishop of London; this man confirmed King Edred’s charter made to Winchester in the year 947, whereby it seemeth that he was bishop of London of a later time than is here placed.
900. Theodric, bishop of London; this man confirmed King Edred’s charter granted to Winchester in the year 947, which suggests that he was bishop of London at a later time than indicated here.
922. Welstanus bishop of London.
922. Welstanus, Bishop of London.
941. Brithelme bishop of London.
941. Brithelme, Bishop of London.
958. Dunstanus, abbot of Glastonberie, then bishop of Worcester, and then bishop of London; he was afterwards translated to Canterbury 960.
958. Dunstan, abbot of Glastonbury, then bishop of Worcester, and later bishop of London; he was subsequently appointed to Canterbury in 960.
960. Ealfstanus bishop of London; the 28th in number.
960. Ealfstan, Bishop of London; the 28th in line.
981. Edgare bishop of London; he confirmed the grants made to Winchester and to Crowland 966, and again to Crowland 970, the charter of Ethelred, concerning Ulfrunhampton, 996.
981. Edgare, the bishop of London; he confirmed the grants made to Winchester and to Crowland in 966, and again to Crowland in 970, as well as the charter of Ethelred regarding Ulfrunhampton in 996.
1004. Elphinus bishop of London.
1004. Elphinus, Bishop of London.
1010. Alwinus bishop of London; he was sent into Normandy in the year 1013, saith Asser.
1010. Alwinus, bishop of London; he was sent to Normandy in the year 1013, says Asser.
1044. Robert, a monk of Gemerisins in Normandy, bishop of London seven years, afterwards translated from London to Canterbury.
1044. Robert, a monk from Gemerisins in Normandy, was the bishop of London for seven years before being moved from London to Canterbury.
1050. Specgasius, elected, but rejected by the king.
1050. Specgasius, elected but turned down by the king.
1051. William, a Norman chaplain to Edward the Confessor, was made bishop of London 1051, sate 17 years, and deceased 1070. He obtained of William the Conqueror the charter of liberties for the city of London, as I have set down in my Summary, and appeareth by his epitaph in Paul’s church. 1070. Hugh de Orwell bishop of London; he died of a leprosy when he had sitten fifteen years.
1051. William, a Norman chaplain to Edward the Confessor, became the bishop of London in 1051, served for 17 years, and died in 1070. He received a charter of freedoms for the city of London from William the Conqueror, as I've noted in my Summary, and it is also mentioned in his epitaph in St. Paul's church. 1070. Hugh de Orwell became bishop of London; he died of leprosy after serving for fifteen years.
1085. Maurice bishop of London; in whose time, to wit, in[427] the year 1086, the church of St. Paul was burnt, with the most part of this city; and therefore he laid the foundation of a new large church; and having sat twenty-two years he deceased 1107, saith Paris.
1085. Maurice, bishop of London; during his time, specifically in[427] the year 1086, the church of St. Paul was burned down, along with most of the city; as a result, he laid the foundation for a new, large church. After serving for twenty-two years, he passed away in 1107, according to Paris.
1108. Richard Beame, or Beamor, bishop of London, did wonderfully increase the work of this church begun, purchasing the streets and lanes adjoining with his own money; and he founded the monastery of St. Osyth in Essex. He sat bishop nineteen years, and deceased 1127.
1108. Richard Beame, or Beamor, bishop of London, significantly expanded the work of this church, buying the surrounding streets and lanes with his own money; he also established the monastery of St. Osyth in Essex. He served as bishop for nineteen years and passed away in 1127.
1127. Gilbertus Universalis, a canon of Lyons, elected by Henry I.; he deceased 1141, when he had sat fourteen years.
1127. Gilbertus Universalis, a canon of Lyon, was elected by Henry I. He passed away in 1141 after serving for fourteen years.
1142. Robert de Segillo, a monk of Reading, whom Mawde the empress made bishop of London, where he sat eleven years. Geffrey de Magnavile took him prisoner at Fulham, and he deceased 1152.
1142. Robert de Segillo, a monk from Reading, whom Empress Mawde appointed as bishop of London, served in that role for eleven years. Geffrey de Magnavile captured him at Fulham, and he passed away in 1152.
1153. Richard Beames, archdeacon of Essex, bishop of London ten years, who deceased 1162.
1153. Richard Beames, archdeacon of Essex, bishop of London for ten years, who died in 1162.
1163. Gilbert Foliot, bishop of Hereford, from whence translated to London, sat twenty-three years, and deceased 1186.
1163. Gilbert Foliot, bishop of Hereford, later moved to London, served for twenty-three years, and passed away in 1186.
1189. Richard Fitz Nele, the king’s treasurer, archdeacon of Essex, elected bishop of London at Pipwel, 1189. He sate nine years, and deceased 1198. This man also took great pains about the building of Paul’s church, and raised many other goodly buildings in his diocese.
1189. Richard Fitz Nele, the king’s treasurer and archdeacon of Essex, was elected bishop of London at Pipwel in 1189. He served for nine years and passed away in 1198. This man also worked hard on the construction of St. Paul's Cathedral and initiated many other impressive buildings in his diocese.
1199. William S. Mary Church, a Norman, bishop of London, who was one of the three bishops that, by the pope’s commandment, executed his interdiction, or curse, upon the whole realm of England; but he was forced, with the other bishops, to flee the realm in 1208; and his castle at Stratford in Essex was by commandment of King John overthrown, 1210. This William, in company of the archbishop of Canterburie, and of the bishop of Elie, went to Rome, and there complained against the king, 1212, and returned, so as in the year 1215 King John, in the church of St. Paul, at the hands of this William, took upon him the cross for the Holy Land. He resigned his bishoprick of his own voluntary in the year 1221, saith Cogshall.
1199. William S. Mary Church, a Norman and bishop of London, was one of the three bishops who, by the pope’s order, carried out his ban, or curse, on the entire kingdom of England. However, in 1208, he and the other bishops were forced to flee the country, and in 1210, King John ordered the destruction of his castle at Stratford in Essex. This William, along with the archbishop of Canterbury and the bishop of Ely, went to Rome and complained about the king in 1212. He returned, so that in 1215 King John accepted the cross for the Holy Land at the hands of this William in the church of St. Paul. He voluntarily resigned his bishopric in 1221, according to Cogshall.
1221. Eustachius de Fauconbridge, treasurer of the exchequer (saith Paris), chancellor of the exchequer (saith Textor and Cogshall), bishop of London, 1223, whilst at Chelmesforde he was giving holy orders, a great tempest of wind and rain annoyed so many as came thither, whereof it was gathered how highly God was displeased with such as came to receive orders, to the end that they might live a more easy life of the stipend appointed[428] to the churchmen, giving themselves to banquetting; and so with unclean and filthy bodies (but more unclean souls) presume to minister unto God, the author of purity and cleanness. Falcatius de Brent was delivered to his custody in the year 1224. This Eustachius deceased in the year 1228, and was buried in Paul’s church, in the south side, without, or above, the choir.
1221. Eustachius de Fauconbridge, treasurer of the exchequer (according to Paris), chancellor of the exchequer (according to Textor and Cogshall), and bishop of London in 1223, was at Chelmsford giving holy orders when a strong storm of wind and rain troubled many who had come there. It showed how displeased God was with those attending to receive orders, aiming for an easier life funded by the church's stipend, indulging in feasting while presenting themselves with unclean bodies (and even more unclean souls) to serve God, the source of purity and cleanliness. Falcatius de Brent was put in his care in 1224. Eustachius died in 1228 and was buried in St. Paul's Church, on the south side, either outside or above the choir.
1229. Roger Niger, archdeacon of Colchester, made bishop of London. In the year 1230 (saith Paris), upon the feast day of the Conversion of St. Paul, when he was at mass in the cathedral church of St. Paul, a great multitude of people being there present, suddenly the weather waxed dark, so as one could scantly see another, and a horrible thunder-clap lighted on the church, which so shook it, that it was like to have fallen, and therewithal out of a dark cloud proceeded a flash of lightning, that all the church seemed to be on fire, whereupon such a stench ensued, that all men thought they should have died; thousands of men and women ran out of the church, and being astonied, fell upon the ground void of all sense and understanding; none of all the multitude tarried in the church save the bishop and one deacon, which stood still before the high altar, awaiting the will of God. When the air was cleansed, the multitude returned into the church, and the bishop ended the service.
1229. Roger Niger, the archdeacon of Colchester, became the bishop of London. In 1230 (according to Paris), on the feast day of the Conversion of St. Paul, while he was at mass in the cathedral of St. Paul, a large crowd had gathered there. Suddenly, the weather turned dark, making it hard to see one another, and a terrifying clap of thunder struck the church, shaking it violently as if it were about to collapse. At the same time, a flash of lightning came from a dark cloud, making it look like the entire church was on fire. This caused such an awful smell that everyone thought they would die; thousands of men and women rushed out of the church, and in their panic, collapsed to the ground, unconscious. The only ones who remained in the church were the bishop and one deacon, who stood still before the high altar, waiting for God’s will. Once the air cleared, the crowd returned to the church, and the bishop completed the service.
This Roger Niger is commended to have been a man of worthy life, excellently well-learned, a notable preacher, pleasant in talk, mild of countenance, and liberal at his table. He admonished the usurers of his time to leave such enormities as they tendered the salvation of their souls, and to do penance for that they had committed. But when he saw they laughed him to scorn, and also threatened him, the bishop generally excommunicated and accursed all such, and commanded straitly that such usurers should depart farther from the city of London, which hither towards had been ignorant of such mischief and wickedness, least his diocese should be infected therewithal. He fell sick and died at his manor of Bishops hall, in the lordship and parish of Stebunheth, in the year 1241, and was buried in Paul’s church, on the north side of the presbytery, in a fair tomb, coped, of grey marble.
This Roger Niger is said to have been a man of good character, very well-educated, an impressive preacher, pleasant to converse with, gentle in appearance, and generous at his meals. He urged the moneylenders of his time to abandon their wrongdoings that jeopardized their souls and to do penance for their sins. But when he saw that they mocked him and even threatened him, the bishop ultimately excommunicated and condemned all such individuals and strictly ordered that usurers should leave the city of London, which had previously been unaware of such evil and wickedness, to prevent his diocese from being tainted by it. He became ill and died at his manor of Bishops Hall, located in the lordship and parish of Stebunheth, in the year 1241, and was buried in Paul’s church, on the north side of the presbytery, in a beautiful tomb made of grey marble.
1241. Fulco Basset, dean of Yorke, by the death of Gilbert Basset, possessed his lands, and was then made bishop of London, deceased on the 21st of May, in the year 1259, as saith John Textor, and was buried in Paul’s church.
1241. Fulco Basset, dean of York, inherited his lands after the death of Gilbert Basset, and was later appointed bishop of London. He died on May 21, 1259, according to John Textor, and was buried in St. Paul's Church.
1259. Henry Wingham, chancellor of England, made bishop[429] of London, deceased in the year 1262, saith Textor, and was buried in Paul’s church, on the south side, without or above the choir, in a marble monument, close at the head of Fauconbridge.
1259. Henry Wingham, chancellor of England, became bishop[429] of London, died in 1262, according to Textor, and was buried in St. Paul's Cathedral, on the south side, above or outside the choir, in a marble monument, near the head of Fauconbridge.
1262. Richard Talbot, bishop of London, straightways after his consecration deceased, saith Eversden.
1262. Richard Talbot, bishop of London, immediately after his consecration, passed away, says Eversden.
1262. Henry Sandwich, bishop of London, deceased in the year 1273, the same author affirmeth.
1262. Henry Sandwich, bishop of London, died in the year 1273, the same author states.
1273. John Cheshul, dean of Paul’s, treasurer of the Exchequer, and keeper of the great seal, was bishop of London, and deceased in the year 1279, saith Eversden.
1273. John Cheshul, dean of Paul’s, treasurer of the Exchequer, and keeper of the great seal, was bishop of London, and passed away in the year 1279, according to Eversden.
1280. Fulco Lovel, archdeacon of Colchester, elected bishop of London, but refused that place.
1280. Fulco Lovel, the archdeacon of Colchester, was elected as the bishop of London but declined the position.
1280. Richard Gravesend, archdeacon of Northampton, bishop of London. It appeareth by the charter-warren granted to this bishop, that in his time there were two woods in the parish of Stebunhith pertaining to the said bishop. I have since I kept house for myself known the one of them by Bishops hall; but now they are both made plain of wood, and not to be discerned from other grounds. Some have fabuled that this Richard Gravesend, bishop of London, in the year 1392, the 16th of Richard II., purchased the charter of liberties to this city; which thing hath no possibility of truth, as I have proved, for he deceased in the year 1303, almost ninety years before that time.
1280. Richard Gravesend, archdeacon of Northampton, bishop of London. It appears from the charter granted to this bishop that during his time, there were two woods in the parish of Stebunhith belonging to him. Since I started living on my own, I’ve known one of them as Bishops hall; but now they are both cleared of trees and look just like the other grounds. Some people have claimed that Richard Gravesend, bishop of London, in the year 1392, the 16th year of Richard II, purchased the charter of liberties for this city; this is simply not true, as I have demonstrated, since he passed away in 1303, nearly ninety years before that time.
1307. Raph Baldocke, dean of Paul’s, bishop of London, consecrated at Lyons by Peter, bishop of Alba, in the year 1307; he was a great furtherer of the new work of Paul’s; to wit, the east end, called our Lady chapel, and other adjoining. This Raph deceased in the year 1313, and was buried in the said Lady chapel, under a flat stone.
1307. Raph Baldocke, dean of Paul’s and bishop of London, was consecrated in Lyons by Peter, bishop of Alba, in the year 1307. He was a significant supporter of the new work at Paul’s, specifically the east end known as our Lady chapel, along with other adjacent areas. Raph passed away in 1313 and was buried in the aforementioned Lady chapel, under a flat stone.
1313. Gilbert Segrave was consecrated bishop of London, and sat three years.
1313. Gilbert Segrave was appointed bishop of London and served for three years.
1317. Richard Newport, bishop of London, sat two years, and was buried in Paul’s church.
1317. Richard Newport, bishop of London, served for two years and was buried in St. Paul's Cathedral.
1318. Stephen Gravesend, bishop of London, sat twenty years.
1318. Stephen Gravesend, bishop of London, served for twenty years.
1338. Richard Wentworth, bishop of London, and chancellor of England, and deceased the year 1339.
1338. Richard Wentworth, bishop of London, and chancellor of England, passed away in 1339.
1339. Raph Stratford, bishop of London; he purchased the piece of ground called No Man’s land, beside Smithfield, and dedicated it to the use of burial, as before hath appeared. He was born at Stratford upon Avon, and therefore built a chapel to St. Thomas there: he sat fourteen years, deceased at Stebunhith.
1339. Raph Stratford, bishop of London; he bought a piece of land known as No Man’s Land, next to Smithfield, and dedicated it for burial use, as mentioned before. He was born in Stratford upon Avon, and so he built a chapel to St. Thomas there: he served for fourteen years and died at Stebunhith.
1354. Michael Norbroke, bishop of London, deceased in the year 1361, saith Mirimouth, sat seven years.
1354. Michael Norbroke, bishop of London, died in 1361, according to Mirimouth, and served for seven years.
1362. Simon Sudbery, bishop of London, sat thirteen years, translated to be archbishop of Canterbury in the year 1375.
1362. Simon Sudbery, bishop of London, served for thirteen years before being appointed archbishop of Canterbury in 1375.
1375. William Courtney, translated from Hereford to the bishoprick of London, and after translated from thence to the archbishoprick of Canterbury in the year 1381.
1375. William Courtney was moved from Hereford to the Bishopric of London, and later transferred to the Archbishopric of Canterbury in the year 1381.
1381. Robert Breybrook, canon of Lichfield, bishop of London, made chancellor in the 6th of Richard II., sat bishop twenty years, and deceased in the year 1404: he was buried in the said Lady chapel at Paul’s.
1381. Robert Breybrook, canon of Lichfield and bishop of London, became chancellor in the 6th year of Richard II. He served as bishop for twenty years and passed away in 1404. He was buried in the aforementioned Lady chapel at St. Paul's.
1405. Roger Walden, treasurer of the exchequer, archbishop of Canterbury, was deposed, and after made bishop of London; he deceased in the year 1406, and was buried[301] in Paul’s church, Allhallowes altar.
1405. Roger Walden, the treasurer of the exchequer and archbishop of Canterbury, was removed from his position and later became the bishop of London; he died in 1406 and was buried[301] in St. Paul's church, at the Allhallows altar.
1406. Richard Bubwith, bishop of London, treasurer of the exchequer, translated to Salisbury, and from thence to Bathe, and lieth buried at Wels.
1406. Richard Bubwith, Bishop of London, Treasurer of the Exchequer, moved to Salisbury, then to Bath, and is buried in Wells.
1407. Richard Clifford, removed from Worcester to London, deceased 1422, as saith Thomas Walsingham, and was buried in Paul’s.
1407. Richard Clifford, moved from Worcester to London, died in 1422, according to Thomas Walsingham, and was buried in St. Paul's.
1422. John Kempe, fellow of Martin college in Oxford, was made bishop of Rochester, from whence removed to Chichester, and thence to London; he was made the king’s chancellor in the year 1425, the 4th of Henry VI., and was removed from London to York in the year 1426: he sat archbishop there twenty-five years, and was translated to Canterbury; he was afterwards made cardinal in the year 1452. In the bishop of London’s house at Fulham he received the cross, and the next day the pall, at the hands of Thomas Kempe, bishop of London. He deceased in the year 1454.
1422. John Kempe, a fellow at Martin College in Oxford, was appointed bishop of Rochester, then moved to Chichester, and from there to London. He became the king’s chancellor in 1425, during the 4th year of Henry VI’s reign, and was transferred from London to York in 1426. He served as archbishop there for twenty-five years before being moved to Canterbury, and he was later made a cardinal in 1452. In the bishop of London’s residence at Fulham, he received the cross and the next day the pall from Thomas Kempe, bishop of London. He passed away in 1454.
1426. William Gray, dean of York, consecrated bishop of London, who founded a college at Thele in Hartfordshire, for a master and four canons, and made it a cell to Elsing spittle in London; it had of old time been a college, decayed, and therefore newly-founded. He was translated to Lincoln 1431.
1426. William Gray, the dean of York, was made bishop of London. He established a college at Thele in Hertfordshire for a master and four canons, and turned it into a cell for Elsing Spittle in London; it had previously been a college but had fallen into decline, so it was reestablished. He was moved to Lincoln in 1431.
1431. Robert Fitzhugh, archdeacon of Northampton, consecrated bishop of London, sat five years, deceased 1435, and was buried on the south side of the choir of Paul’s.
1431. Robert Fitzhugh, the archdeacon of Northampton, was consecrated as the bishop of London. He served for five years, passed away in 1435, and was buried on the south side of the choir at St. Paul's.
1435. Robert Gilbert, doctor of divinity, dean of York, consecrated bishop of London, sat twelve years, deceased 1448.
1435. Robert Gilbert, Doctor of Divinity, Dean of York, was consecrated as Bishop of London and served for twelve years before passing away in 1448.
1449. Thomas Kempe, archdeacon of Richmond, consecrated bishop of London at York house (now Whitehall), by the hands of his uncle John Kemp, archbishop of York, the 8th of February, 1449; he founded a chapel of the Trinity in the body of St. Paul’s church, on the north side; he sat bishop of London thirty-nine years and forty-eight days, and then deceased in the year 1489, was there buried.
1449. Thomas Kempe, archdeacon of Richmond, was consecrated as bishop of London at York House (now Whitehall) by his uncle John Kemp, archbishop of York, on February 8, 1449. He founded a chapel dedicated to the Trinity on the north side of St. Paul’s Cathedral. He served as bishop of London for thirty-nine years and forty-eight days, passing away in 1489, and was buried there.
1489. John Marshal, bishop of London, deceased in the year 1493.
1489. John Marshal, Bishop of London, died in the year 1493.
1493. Richard Hall, bishop of London, deceased 1495, and was buried in the body of St. Paul’s church.
1493. Richard Hall, bishop of London, passed away in 1495 and was buried in the main part of St. Paul’s church.
1496. Thomas Savage, first bishop of Rochester, then bishop of London five years, was translated to York 1501, where he sat archbishop seven years, and was there buried in the year 1507.
1496. Thomas Savage, the first bishop of Rochester, then bishop of London for five years, was appointed to York in 1501, where he served as archbishop for seven years and was buried there in 1507.
1502. William Warrham, bishop of London, made keeper of the great seal, sat two years, was translated to Canterbury.
1502. William Warrham, the bishop of London, was appointed keeper of the great seal, served for two years, and was then transferred to Canterbury.
1504. William Barons, bishop of London, sat ten months and eleven days, deceased in the year 1505.
1504. William Barons, bishop of London, served for ten months and eleven days, died in the year 1505.
1505. Richard Fitz James, fellow of Merton college in Oxford, in the reign of Henry VI., was made bishop of Rochester, after bishop of Chichester, then bishop of London; he deceased 1521, and lieth buried hard beneath the north-west pillar of the steeple in St. Paul’s, under a fair tomb of marble, over the which was built a fair chapel of timber, with stairs mounting thereunto: this chapel was burned with fire from the steeple 1561, and the tomb was taken down.
1505. Richard Fitz James, a fellow of Merton College in Oxford during the reign of Henry VI, was appointed bishop of Rochester, then bishop of Chichester, and later bishop of London. He passed away in 1521 and is buried beneath the north-west pillar of the steeple in St. Paul’s, under a beautiful marble tomb. Above it was a lovely wooden chapel, with stairs leading up to it; this chapel was burned down due to a fire from the steeple in 1561, and the tomb was dismantled.
1521. Cuthbert Tunstal, doctor of law, master of the rolls, lord privy seal, and bishop of London, was thence translated to the bishopric of Durham in the year 1529.
1521. Cuthbert Tunstal, a doctor of law, master of the rolls, lord privy seal, and bishop of London, was later moved to the bishopric of Durham in the year 1529.
1529. John Stokeley, bishop of London, sat thirteen years, deceased in the year 1539, and was buried in the Lady chapel in Paul’s.
1529. John Stokeley, bishop of London, served for thirteen years, passed away in 1539, and was buried in the Lady chapel at St. Paul's.
1539. Edmond Boner, doctor of the civil law, archdeacon of Leycester, then bishop of Hereford, was elected to London in the year 1539, whilst he was beyond the seas, ambassador to King Henry VIII. On the 1st of September, 1549, he preached at Paul’s cross; for the which sermon he was charged before the council of King Edward VI., by William Latimer, parson of St. Lawrence Poltney, and John Hooper, sometime a white monk, and being convented before certain commissioners at Lambith, was for his disobedience to the king’s order, on the 20th day of the same month sent to the Marshalsey, and deprived from his bishopric.
1539. Edmond Boner, a doctor of civil law, archdeacon of Leycester, and later bishop of Hereford, was elected to London in 1539 while he was overseas as an ambassador to King Henry VIII. On September 1, 1549, he preached at Paul’s Cross; for this sermon, he was accused before the council of King Edward VI. by William Latimer, the parson of St. Lawrence Poltney, and John Hooper, a former white monk. After being summoned before certain commissioners at Lambeth, he was sent to the Marshalsea on the 20th of the same month for his disobedience to the king’s order and was stripped of his bishopric.
1550. Nicholas Ridley, bishop of Rochester, elected bishop of London, was installed in Paul’s church on the 12th of April. This man by his deed, dated the twelfth day after Christmas, in the 4th year of Edward VI., gave to the king the manors of Branketrie and Southminster, and the patronage of the church of Cogshall in Essex, the manors of Stebunheth and Hackney, in the county of Middlesex, and the marsh of Stebunheth, with all and singular messuages, lands, and tenements, to the said manors belonging, and also the advowson of the vicarage of the parish church of Cogshall in Essex aforesaid; which grant was confirmed by the dean and chapter of Paul’s, the same day and year, with exception of such lands in Southminster, Stebunheth, and Hackney, as only pertained to them. The said King Edward, by his letters patents, dated the 16th of April, in the said 4th year of his reign, granted to Sir Thomas Wentworth, Lord Wentworth, lord chamberlain of the king’s household, for, and in consideration of his good and faithful service before done, a part of the late received gift, to wit, the lordships of Stebunheth and Hackney, with all the members and appurtenances thereunto belonging, in Stebunheth, Hackney way, Shoreditch, Holiwell street, Whitechappell, Stratford at Bow, Poplar, North street, Limehouse, Ratliffe, Cleve street, Brock street, Mile end, Bleten hall green, Oldford, Westheth, Kingsland, Shakelwell, Newinton street alias Hackney street, Clopton, Church street, Wel street, Humbarton, Grove street, Gunston street, alias More street, in the county of Middlesex, together with the marsh of Stebunhith, etc. The manor of Hackney was valued at sixty-one pounds nine shillings and fourpence, and the manor Stebunhith at one hundred and forty pounds eight shillings and eleven pence, by year, to be holden in chief, by the service of the twentieth part of a knight’s fee. This bishop, Nicholas Ridley, for preaching a sermon at Paul’s cross, on the 16th of July, in the year 1553, was committed to the Tower of London, where he remained prisoner till the 10th of April, 1554, and was thence sent to Oxford, there to dispute with the divines and learned men of the contrary opinion; and on the 16th of October, 1555, he was burned at Oxford for opinions against the Romish order of sacraments, etc.
1550. Nicholas Ridley, bishop of Rochester, was appointed bishop of London and was installed at St. Paul's Church on April 12th. On the twelfth day after Christmas, in the 4th year of Edward VI’s reign, he made a deed gifting to the king the manors of Branketrie and Southminster, the patronage of the church of Cogshall in Essex, the manors of Stebunheth and Hackney in Middlesex, as well as the marsh of Stebunheth, along with all associated messuages, lands, and tenements. He also included the rights to the vicarage of the parish church of Cogshall in Essex. This grant was confirmed by the dean and chapter of St. Paul's on the same day and year, except for the lands in Southminster, Stebunheth, and Hackney that belonged solely to them. King Edward, by letters patent dated April 16th of that same 4th year of his reign, granted to Sir Thomas Wentworth, Lord Wentworth, the lord chamberlain of the king's household, a portion of the recently received gift, specifically the lordships of Stebunheth and Hackney, including all its members and appurtenances in Stebunheth, Hackney way, Shoreditch, Holiwell street, Whitechapel, Stratford at Bow, Poplar, North street, Limehouse, Ratcliff, Cleve street, Brock street, Mile End, Bleton Hall Green, Oldford, Westheth, Kingsland, Shacklewell, Newington street aka Hackney street, Clopton, Church street, Wel street, Humbarton, Grove street, Gunston street, aka More street, in Middlesex, along with the marsh of Stebunheth, etc. The manor of Hackney was valued at sixty-one pounds nine shillings and four pence annually, while the manor of Stebunheth was valued at one hundred and forty pounds eight shillings and eleven pence, to be held in chief by the service of one-twentieth of a knight’s fee. Bishop Nicholas Ridley was imprisoned in the Tower of London for preaching a sermon at Paul's Cross on July 16, 1553, where he remained until April 10, 1554. He was then sent to Oxford to dispute with scholars of opposing views; on October 16, 1555, he was burned at Oxford for his beliefs against the Roman Catholic sacraments, among other charges.
1553. Edmond Boner aforesaid, being released out of the Marshalsey, was restored to the bishoprick of London, by Queen Mary, on the 5th of August, in the year 1553, and again deposed by Queen Elizabeth, in the month of July 1559, and was eftsoones committed to the Marshalsey, where he died on the 5th[433] of September, 1569, and was at midnight buried amongst other prisoners in St. George’s churchyard.
1553. Edmond Boner, having been released from Marshalsey, was reinstated as the Bishop of London by Queen Mary on August 5, 1553. He was removed again by Queen Elizabeth in July 1559 and was once more committed to the Marshalsey, where he died on September 5, 1569. He was buried at midnight alongside other prisoners in St. George’s churchyard.
1559. Edmond Grindal, bishop of London, being consecrated the 21st of December, 1559, was translated to York in the year 1570, and from thence removed to Canterbury in the year 1575. He died blind 1583 on the 6th of July, and was buried at Croydowne in Surrey.
1559. Edmond Grindal, bishop of London, was consecrated on December 21, 1559. He was moved to York in 1570 and then to Canterbury in 1575. He died blind on July 6, 1583, and was buried in Croydon, Surrey.
1570. Edwine Stands, being translated from Worcester to the bishoprick of London, in the year 1570, was thence translated to Yorke in the year 1576, and died in the year 1588.
1570. Edwine Stands, who was moved from Worcester to the bishopric of London in 1570, was then transferred to York in 1576, and passed away in 1588.
1576. John Elmere, bishop of London, deceased in the year 1594, on the 3rd of June at Fulham, and was buried in Paul’s church, before St. Thomas chapel.
1576. John Elmere, bishop of London, died in 1594 on June 3rd at Fulham, and he was buried in St. Paul’s Church, in front of St. Thomas Chapel.
1594. Richard Fletcher, bishop of Worcester, was on the 30th of December in Paul’s church elected bishop of London, and deceased on the 15th of June, 1596: he was buried in Paul’s church without any solemn funeral.
1594. Richard Fletcher, the bishop of Worcester, was elected bishop of London on December 30th in Paul's church and passed away on June 15th, 1596. He was buried in Paul's church without any formal funeral.
1597. Richard Bancroft, doctor of divinity, consecrated at Lambeth on Sunday, the 8th of May, now sitteth bishop of London, in the year 1598 being installed there.
1597. Richard Bancroft, Doctor of Divinity, was consecrated at Lambeth on Sunday, May 8th, and is now serving as Bishop of London, having been installed there in 1598.
This much for the succession of the bishops of London, whose diocese containeth the city of London, the whole shires of Middlesex and Essex and part of Hartfordshire. These bishops have for assistants in the cathedral church of St. Paul, a dean, a chaunter, a chancellor, a treasurer, five archdeacons—to wit, London, Middlesex, Essex, Colchester, and St. Alban’s, and thirty prebendaries; there appertaineth also to the said churches for furniture of the choir in Divine service, and ministration of the sacraments, a college of twelve petty canons, six vicars choral, and choristers, etc.
This is the history of the bishops of London, whose diocese includes the city of London, all of Middlesex and Essex, and part of Hertfordshire. These bishops are assisted in the cathedral church of St. Paul by a dean, a chanter, a chancellor, a treasurer, five archdeacons—specifically for London, Middlesex, Essex, Colchester, and St. Albans—and thirty prebendaries. Additionally, the church has a college of twelve minor canons, six choral vicars, and choristers for the support of the choir during Divine service and the administration of the sacraments.
This diocese is divided into parishes, every parish having its parson, or vicar at the least, learned men for the most part, and sufficient preachers, to instruct the people. There were in this city, and within the suburbs thereof, in the reign of Henry II. (as writeth Fitz Stephens), thirteen great conventual churches, besides the lesser sort called parish churches, to the number of one hundred and twenty-six, all which conventual churches, and some others since that time founded, are now suppressed and gone, except the cathedral church of St. Paul in London, and the college of St. Peter at Westminster; of all which parish churches, though I have spoken, yet for more ease to the reader I will here again set them down in manner of a table, not by order of alphabet, but as they be placed in the wards and suburbs.
This diocese is divided into parishes, with each parish having its own rector or at least a vicar, mostly educated men, and enough preachers to guide the community. During the reign of Henry II, there were in this city and its suburbs, as noted by Fitz Stephens, thirteen major conventual churches, in addition to about one hundred and twenty-six smaller parish churches. All of these conventual churches, along with some others that have been founded since, are now closed and gone, except for the cathedral church of St. Paul in London and the college of St. Peter at Westminster. While I have mentioned these parish churches, for the reader's convenience, I will list them again in a table format, not in alphabetical order, but as they appear in the wards and suburbs.
PARISH CHURCHES
1. In Portsoken ward, parish churches, three.
1. In the Portsoken ward, there are three parish churches.
The hospital of St. Katherine, serveth for that liberty.
Trinity, in the Minories, for precinct thereof.
St. Bottolphe, by Aldegate, the only parish church for that ward.
The hospital of St. Katherine serves that area.
Trinity, in the Minories, for its precinct.
St. Botolph, by Aldgate, the only parish church for that ward.
2. In Tower street ward, four.
2. In Tower Street ward, four.
In the Tower, St. Peter, for the inhabitants there.
Alhallowes Barking, by the Tower.
St. Olave, in Hart street.
St. Dunstone in the East.
In the Tower, St. Peter, for the residents there.
Alhallowes Barking, near the Tower.
St. Olave, on Hart Street.
St. Dunstone in the East.
3. In Aldgate ward, three.
3. In Aldgate ward, three.
St. Katheren Christ’s church.
St. Andrewes Undershafte.
St. Katheren Colman church.
St. Katherine Christ's Church.
St. Andrew's Undershaft.
St. Katherine Coleman Church.
4. In Lime street ward none. There was St. Mary at the Axe, and St. Augustine in the Wall, both suppressed and united, the one to Alhallowes in the Wall in Brode street ward, the other to St. Andrewe Undershaft in Lime street ward.
4. In Lime Street ward, none. There was St. Mary at the Axe and St. Augustine in the Wall, both closed and merged, the first with Alhallowes in the Wall in Broad Street ward, the other with St. Andrew Undershaft in Lime Street ward.
5. In Bishopsgate ward, three.
5. In Bishopsgate ward, three.
St. Bottolphes, without Bishopsgate.
St. Ethelburge, within the gate.
St. Helens’, adjoining the nuns’ priory.
St. Bottolphes, outside Bishopsgate.
St. Ethelburge, inside the gate.
St. Helens’, next to the nuns’ priory.
6. In Brode street ward, six.
In Brode Street ward, six.
Alhallowes by the Wall.
St. Peter’s the Poor.
St. Martin’s Oteswitche.
St. Benet Fynke.
St. Bartilmew, by the Exchange.
St. Christopher, by the Stocks’ market.
Alhallowes by the Wall.
St. Peter’s the Poor.
St. Martin’s Oteswitche.
St. Benet Fynke.
St. Bartilmew, by the Exchange.
St. Christopher, by the Stocks’ market.
7. In Cornhill ward, two.
7. In Cornhill ward, two.
St. Peter, upon Cornehill.
St. Michaell, upon Cornehill.
St. Peter, on Cornhill.
St. Michael, on Cornhill.
8. In Langborne ward, seven.
8. In Langborne ward, 7.
St. Gabriel Fenchurch.
St. Dyones Backchurch.
[435]Alhallowes, in Lombard street.
St. Edmond, in Lombard street.
Alhallowes Staning, at Mart lane end.
St. Nicholas Acon, in Lombard street.
St. Mary Wolnoth, in Lombard street.
St. Gabriel Fenchurch.
St. Dyones Backchurch.
[435]All Hallows, on Lombard Street.
St. Edmund, on Lombard Street.
All Hallows Staining, at the end of Mart Lane.
St. Nicholas Acon, on Lombard Street.
St. Mary Wolnoth, on Lombard Street.
9. In Billingsgate ward, five.
9. In Billingsgate ward, five.
St. Buttolph, by Billingsgate.
St. Mary, on the hill.
St. Margaret Pattens.
St. Andrew Hubert, in Eastcheape.
St. George, in Buttolph lane.
St. Buttolph, by Billingsgate.
St. Mary, on the hill.
St. Margaret Pattens.
St. Andrew Hubert, in Eastcheap.
St. George, in Buttolph Lane.
10. In Bridge ward within, four.
In Bridge ward, four.
St. Magnus, at the bridge foot.
St. Margaret, Bridge street.
St. Leonard Milkchurch, Fish street hill.
St. Benet Grasse church.
St. Magnus, at the foot of the bridge.
St. Margaret, Bridge Street.
St. Leonard Milkchurch, Fish Street Hill.
St. Benet Grasse Church.
11. In Candlewike street ward, five.
11. In Candlewike Street ward, five.
St. Clement’s, Eastcheape.
St. Mary Abchurch.
St. Michael, in Crooked lane, sometime a college.
St. Martin’s Orgars.
St. Laurence Pountney, sometime a college.
St. Clement’s, Eastcheape.
St. Mary Abchurch.
St. Michael in Crooked Lane, once a college.
St. Martin’s Orgars.
St. Laurence Pountney, once a college.
12. In Walbrooke ward, five.
12. In Walbrooke ward, five.
St. Swithen, by London stone.
St. Mary Woolchurch.
St. Stephen, by Walbrooke.
St. John, upon Walbrooke.
St. Mary Bothaw.
St. Swithen, by London stone.
St. Mary Woolchurch.
St. Stephen, by Walbrooke.
St. John, on Walbrooke.
St. Mary Bothaw.
13. In Downegate ward, two.
In Downegate ward, two.
Alhallowes, Hay wharf, in the Roperie.
Alhallowes the Less, in the Roperie.
Alhallowes, Hay Wharf, in the Roperie.
Alhallowes the Less, in the Roperie.
14. In the Vintry ward, four.
14. In the Vintry neighborhood, four.
St. Michael Paternoster, in the Royall, sometime a college.
St. Thomas Apostles.
St. Martin, in the Vintrie.
St. James, in Garlicke hith.
St. Michael Paternoster, in the Royal, once a college.
St. Thomas Apostles.
St. Martin, in the Vintry.
St. James, in Garlicke Hit.
15. In Cordwainer street ward, three.
15. On Cordwainer Street, three.
St. Anthonies, in Budge row.
Alde Mary church, new Mary church, or Mary le Bow.
St. Anthony's, on Budge Row.
AldMary Church, New Mary Church, or Mary Le Bow.
16. In Cheap ward, seven, and a chapel.
16. In Cheap ward, seven, and a chapel.
St. Benet Sorhoge, or Syth.
St. Pancreate, by Sopar’s lane.
St. Mildred, in the Poultrie.
St. Mary Colchurch.
St. Martin’s Pomerie, in Ironmonger lane.
Alhallowes, Honie lane.
St. Laurence, in the Jury.
The Chapel in Guildhall, sometime a college.
St. Benet Sorhoge, or Syth.
St. Pancreate, by Sopar’s lane.
St. Mildred, in the Poultry.
St. Mary Colchurch.
St. Martin’s Pomerie, in Ironmonger lane.
All Hallows, Honey lane.
St. Laurence, in the Jury.
The Chapel in Guildhall, once a college.
17. In Coleman street ward, three.
17. In Coleman Street Ward, three.
St. Olave Upwell, in the Old Jurie.
St. Margaret, in Lothburie.
St. Stephen, in Coleman street.
St. Olave Upwell, in the Old Jury.
St. Margaret, in Lothbury.
St. Stephen, on Coleman Street.
18. In Bassings hall ward, one.
18. In Bassing Hall Ward, one.
St. Michael, at Bassings hall.
St. Michael, at Bassing Hall.
19. In Cripplegate ward, six.
19. In Cripplegate ward, six.
St. Mary Aldermanburie.
St. Alphage, sometime an hospital of Elsing.
St. Mary Magdalen, in Milk street.
St. Albon’s, in Wood street.
St. Michael, in Hugen lane.
St. Giles, without Cripplegate.
St. Mary Aldermanbury.
St. Alphage, once a hospital in Elsing.
St. Mary Magdalen, on Milk Street.
St. Alban's, on Wood Street.
St. Michael, on Hugen Lane.
St. Giles, outside Cripplegate.
20. In Aldersgate ward, six.
20. In Aldersgate ward, six.
St. John Zachery.
St. Mary Staning.
St. Olave, in Silver street.
St. Leonard, in Foster Lane.
St. Anne, by Aldersgate.
St. Buttolph, without Aldgate.
St. John Zachery.
St. Mary Staning.
St. Olave, on Silver Street.
St. Leonard, on Foster Lane.
St. Anne, by Aldersgate.
St. Botolph, outside Aldgate.
21. In Faringdon ward within, the cathedral church of St. Paule, and parish churches nine.
21. In Faringdon ward, there’s the cathedral church of St. Paul, along with nine parish churches.
St. Peter’s, at the Cross in Cheape.
St. Fauster, in Fauster lane.
Christ church, made a parish church of the Gray Friers
church, and of two parish churches, St. Nicholas
and St. Ewin, and also an hospital for poor children.
St. Mathew, in Fryday street.
St. Augustine, by Paules gate.
St. Faith, under Paules church.
[437]St. Martin’s, at Ludgate.
St. Anne, at the Blacke Friers.
St. Michael at Corne, by Paules.
Chapel of St. James, by Cripplegate.
St. Peter's, at the Cross in Cheapside.
St. Fauster, on Fauster Lane.
Christ Church, which became a parish church of the Gray Friars
church, along with two local churches, St. Nicholas
and St. Ewin, along with a hospital for disadvantaged children.
St. Matthew, on Friday Street.
St. Augustine, by Paul's Gate.
St. Faith, underneath St. Paul's Church.
[437]St. Martin’s, at Ludgate.
St. Anne, at Black Friars.
St. Michael at Corne, near St. Paul's.
Chapel of St. James, by Cripplegate.
22. In Bread Street ward, four.
22. In Bread Street neighborhood, four.
Alhallowes, in Bread street.
St. Mildred’s, in Bread street.
St. John Evangelist, in Fryday street.
St. Margaret Moses, in Fryday street.
Alhallowes on Bread Street.
St. Mildred’s on Bread Street.
St. John the Evangelist on Friday Street.
St. Margaret Moses on Friday Street.
23. In Queene hithe ward, seven.
23. In Queen's Ward, seven.
St. Trinitie, in Trinity lane.
St. Nicholas, Cold abbey.
St. Nicholas, Olave.
St. Mary Mounthaunt.
St. Michael, at Queene hithe.
St. Mary, at Sommers hithe.
St. Peter’s, at Paules wharf.
St. Trinity, on Trinity Lane.
St. Nicholas, Cold Abbey.
St. Nicholas, Olave.
St. Mary Mounthaunt.
St. Michael, at Queenhithe.
St. Mary, at Summershithe.
St. Peter’s, at Paul’s Wharf.
24. In Castle Baynard’s ward, four.
24. In Castle Baynard’s ward, four.
St. Benet Hude, or hith, by Paules wharf.
St. Andrewe, by the Wardrobe.
St. Mary Magdalen, in Old Fish street.
St. Gregorie, by Paules church
St. Benet Hude, or Hith, by Paul's Wharf.
St. Andrew, by the Wardrobe.
St. Mary Magdalene, on Old Fish Street.
St. Gregory, by Paul's Church.
25. In Faringdon ward without, seven.
25. In Faringdon ward, seven.
St. Sepulcher’s, without Newgate.
St. Andrew, in Oldborne.
St. Dunstone in the West.
St. Bartlemew, by the priory.
St. Bartlemew, the hospital.
St. Briget, or Brides, in Fleet street.
St. Parnell, in the Temple, for the students there.
St. Sepulcher’s, outside Newgate.
St. Andrew, in Oldborne.
St. Dunstone in the West.
St. Bartlemew, next to the priory.
St. Bartlemew, the hospital.
St. Briget, or Brides, on Fleet Street.
St. Parnell, in the Temple, for the students there.
26. In the borough of Southwark, and Bridge ward without, four.
26. In the Southwark area, and the Bridge ward outside, four.
St. Saviour’s in Southwark, made of
twain, viz., St. Mary Magdalen, and
St. Margaret. St. George the Martyr. St. Thomas, the hospital. St. Olave, in Southwark. | Diocese of Winchester. |
Thus have ye in the twenty-six wards of London and borough of Southwark parish churches to the number of one hundred and fourteen.
Thus, there are one hundred fourteen parish churches in the twenty-six wards of London and the borough of Southwark.
And in the suburbs adjoining, parish churches nine, as followeth:—
And in the nearby suburbs, there are nine parish churches, listed as follows:—
St. Mary Magdalen, at Bermondsey, in the borough of Southwark, diocese of Winton.
St. Mary Matfellon, Whitechapel.
St. Leonard, Shoreditch.
St. John Baptist, Clearken well.
St. Giles in the Field, sometime an hospital.
St. Mary Magdalen, in Bermondsey, in the borough of Southwark, diocese of Winton.
St. Mary Matfellon, Whitechapel.
St. Leonard, Shoreditch.
St. John the Baptist, Clerkenwell.
St. Giles in the Fields, once a hospital.
In the duchy of Lancaster:
In the Duchy of Lancaster:
St. Clement Danes, without Temple bar.
St. John Baptist, Savoy, an hospital.
St. Clement Danes, outside Temple Bar.
St. John the Baptist, Savoy, a hospital.
In the city of Westminster, that liberty, as followeth:
In the city of Westminster, that freedom is as follows:
The college of St. Peter, called Westminster.
The College of St. Peter, known as Westminster.
Parish churches twain:
Two parish churches
St. Margaret, a parish church, by Westminster.
St. Martin in the Field, by Charing cross.
St. Margaret, a parish church near Westminster.
St. Martin in the Fields, near Charing Cross.
Thus have ye in the wards of London, and in the suburbs of the same city, the borough of Southwark, and the city of Westminster, a cathedral church of St. Paul, a collegiate church of St. Peter in Westminster, and parish churches one hundred and twenty-three.
Thus you have in the neighborhoods of London, and in the suburbs of the same city, the borough of Southwark, and the city of Westminster, a cathedral church of St. Paul, a collegiate church of St. Peter in Westminster, and one hundred and twenty-three parish churches.
HOSPITALS IN THIS CITY, AND SUBURBS THEREOF, THAT HAVE BEEN OF OLD TIME, AND NOW PRESENTLY ARE, I READ OF THESE AS FOLLOWETH:
Hospital of St. Mary, in the parish of Barking church, that was provided for poor priests and others, men and women in the city of London, that were fallen into frenzy or loss of their memory, until such time as they should recover, was since suppressed and given to the hospital of St. Katherine, by the Tower.
Hospital of St. Mary, located in the parish of Barking church, was established for poor priests and others, both men and women, in the city of London, who had fallen into madness or memory loss, until they were able to recover. It was later closed down and transferred to the hospital of St. Katherine, by the Tower.
St. Anthonies, an hospital of thirteen poor men, and college, with a free school for poor men’s children, founded by citizens of London, lately by John Tate, first a brewer and then a mercer, in the ward of Broad street, suppressed in the reign of Edward VI., the school in some sort remaining, but sore decayed.
St. Anthony's, a hospital for thirteen poor men and a college with a free school for the children of the poor, was founded by citizens of London, recently by John Tate, who was a brewer and later a mercer, located in the Broad Street ward. It was shut down during the reign of Edward VI, and while the school still exists in some form, it has greatly declined.
St. Bartlemew, in Smithfield, an hospital of great receipt and relief for the poor, was suppressed by Henry VIII., and again by him given to the city, and is endowed by the citizens’ benevolence.
St. Bartholomew's Hospital, located in Smithfield, is a large hospital that provides care and support for the poor. It was closed down by Henry VIII, but he later gave it back to the city, and it is funded by the generosity of the citizens.
St. Giles in the Fields was an hospital for leprous people out of the city of London and shire of Middlesex, founded by Matilde the queen, wife to Henry I., and suppressed by King Henry VIII.
St. Giles in the Fields was a hospital for people with leprosy outside the city of London and the county of Middlesex, founded by Matilda, the queen and wife of Henry I, and shut down by King Henry VIII.
St. John of Jerusalem, by West Smithfield, an hospital of the Knights of the Rhodes, for maintenance of soldiers against the Turks and infidels, was suppressed by King Henry VIII.
St. John of Jerusalem, near West Smithfield, was a hospital for the Knights of Rhodes, meant to support soldiers fighting against the Turks and non-believers, but it was shut down by King Henry VIII.
St. James in the Field was an hospital for leprous virgins of the city of London, founded by citizens for that purpose, and suppressed by King Henry VIII.
St. James in the Field was a hospital for leprous women of the city of London, established by the citizens for that purpose, and shut down by King Henry VIII.
St. John, at Savoy, an hospital for relief of one hundred poor people, founded by Henry VII., suppressed by Edward VI.: again new founded, endowed, and furnished by Queen Mary, and so remaineth.
St. John, at Savoy, is a hospital that helps one hundred poor people. It was founded by Henry VII, shut down by Edward VI, then reestablished, funded, and equipped by Queen Mary, and it still exists today.
St. Katherine, by the Tower of London, an hospital, with a master, brethren, and sisters, and alms women, founded by Matilde, wife to King Stephen; not suppressed, but in force as before.
St. Katherine, by the Tower of London, is a hospital with a master, brothers, sisters, and charity women, founded by Matilda, the wife of King Stephen; not abolished, but still operating as before.
St. Mary within Cripplegate, an hospital founded by William Elsing, for a hundred blind people of the city, was suppressed by King Henry VIII.
St. Mary within Cripplegate, a hospital established by William Elsing for a hundred blind people from the city, was shut down by King Henry VIII.
St. Mary Bethelem, without Bishopsgate, was an hospital, founded by Simon Fitzmary, a citizen of London, to have been a priory, and remaineth for lunatic people, being suppressed and given to Christ’s hospital.
St. Mary Bethlehem, just outside Bishopsgate, was a hospital founded by Simon Fitzmary, a citizen of London. It was meant to be a priory and is still used for people with mental illnesses, although it was shut down and handed over to Christ’s Hospital.
St. Mary, without Bishopsgate, was an hospital and priory, called St. Mary Spittle, founded by a citizen of London for relief of the poor, with provision of one hundred and eighty beds there for the poor: it was suppressed in the reign of King Henry VIII.
St. Mary, outside Bishopsgate, was a hospital and priory, called St. Mary Spittle, founded by a citizen of London to help the needy, with a provision of one hundred and eighty beds for the poor: it was shut down during the reign of King Henry VIII.
St. Mary Rouncevall, by Charing cross, was an hospital suppressed with the priories aliens in the reign of King Henry V.; then was it made a brotherhood in the 15th of Edward IV., and again suppressed by King Edward VI.
St. Mary Rouncevall, near Charing Cross, was a hospital shut down along with the foreign priories during King Henry V's reign; it was then established as a brotherhood in the 15th year of Edward IV's rule, and later closed again by King Edward VI.
St. Thomas of Acres, in Cheape, was an hospital for a master and brethren (in the record called Militia); it was surrendered and sold to the mercers.
St. Thomas of Acres, located on Cheapside, was a hospital for a master and brethren (referred to in the records as Militia); it was handed over and sold to the mercers.
St. Thomas, in Southwark, being an hospital of great receipt for the poor, was suppressed, but again newly founded and endowed by the benevolence and charity of the citizens of London.
St. Thomas in Southwark, which was a major hospital for the poor, was shut down but was later reestablished and funded through the kindness and generosity of the people of London.
An hospital there was without Aldersgate, a cell to the house of Cluny, of the French order, suppressed by King Henry V.
An hospital existed near Aldersgate, a branch of the Cluny house from the French order, which was shut down by King Henry V.
An hospital without Cripplegate, also a like cell to the said house of Cluny, suppressed by King Henry V.
An hospital without Cripplegate, also similar to the house of Cluny, which was shut down by King Henry V.
A third hospital in Oldborne, being also a cell to the said house of Cluny, suppressed by King Henry V.
A third hospital in Oldborne, which was also a branch of the Cluny house, was shut down by King Henry V.
The hospital, or alms-house, called God’s house, for thirteen poor men, with a college, called Whitington college, founded by Richard Whitington, mercer, and suppressed; but the poor remain, and are paid their allowance by the mercers.
The hospital, or charity house, called God’s house, for thirteen poor men, with a college, called Whitington college, founded by Richard Whitington, merchant, and shut down; but the poor still remain, and receive their allowance from the merchants.
Christ’s hospital, in Newgate market, of a new foundation in the Grey Fryers church by King Henry VIII.: poor fatherless children be there brought up and nourished at the charges of the citizens.
Christ’s Hospital, in Newgate Market, is a new institution established in the Grey Friars Church by King Henry VIII. Poor, fatherless children are cared for and raised at the expense of the citizens.
Bridewell, now an hospital (or house of correction), founded by King Edward VI., to be a workhouse for the poor and idle persons of the city, wherein a great number of vagrant persons be now set a-work, and relieved at the charges of the citizens. Of all these hospitals, being twenty in number, you may read before in their several places, as also of good and charitable provisions made for the poor by sundry well-disposed citizens.
Bridewell, now a hospital (or correctional facility), was established by King Edward VI. as a workhouse for the poor and idle people of the city, where a large number of vagrants are now employed and supported at the expense of the citizens. Of all these hospitals, which number twenty, you can read more about them in their respective places, as well as about the generous and charitable provisions made for the poor by various well-meaning citizens.
NOW OF LEPROSE PEOPLE, AND LAZAR HOUSES
It is to be observed that leprous persons were always, for avoiding the danger of infection, to be separated from the sound, etc.; God himself commanding to put out of the host every leper.[302] Whereupon I read, that in a provincial synod holden at Westminster by Hubert, archbishop of Canterbury, in the year of Christ 1200, the 2nd of King John, it was decreed, according to the institution of the Lateran council, that when so many leprous people were assembled, that might be able to build a church, with a churchyard, for themselves, and to have one especial priest of their own, that they should be permitted to have the same without contradiction, so they be not injurious to the old churches, by that which was granted to them for pity’s sake. And further, it was decreed that they be not compelled to give any tithes of their gardens or increase of cattle.
It's important to note that people with leprosy were always to be kept away from the healthy to prevent the risk of infection; God himself commanded that every leper be removed from the community.[302] Following this, I read that in a provincial synod held in Westminster by Hubert, the archbishop of Canterbury, in the year 1200, during the reign of King John, it was decreed, in line with the Lateran council's guidelines, that if a sufficient number of leprous individuals gathered to establish a church and cemetery for themselves, along with having their own dedicated priest, they were allowed to do so without interference, as long as they didn't harm the existing churches with what was granted to them out of compassion. Additionally, it was decided that they shouldn't be forced to pay any tithes from their gardens or livestock increases.
I have moreover heard, that there is a writ in our law, de leproso amovendo; and I have read that King Edward III., in the 20th year of his reign, gave commandment to the mayor and sheriffs of London, to make proclamation in every ward of[441] the city and suburbs, that all leprous persons inhabiting there should avoid within fifteen days next, and that no man suffer any such leprous person to abide within his house, upon pain to forfeit his said house, and to incur the king’s further displeasure; and that they should cause the said lepers to be removed into some out places of the fields, from the haunt or company of sound people: whereupon certain lazar-houses, as may be supposed, were then built without the city some good distance; to wit, the Locke without Southwark in Kent street; one other betwixt the Miles end and Stratford, Bow; one other at Kingsland, betwixt Shoreditch and Stoke Newington; and another at Knightes bridge, west from Charing cross. These four I have noted to be erected for the receipt of leprous people sent out of the city. At that time, also, the citizens required of the guardian of St. Giles’ hospital to take from them, and to keep continually, the number of fourteen persons leprous, according to the foundation of Matilde the queen, which was for leprous persons of the city of London and the shire of Middlesex, which was granted. More, the wardens, or keepers of the ports, gates, or posterns of this city, were sworn in the mayor’s court before the recorder, etc., that they should well and faithfully keep the same ports and posterns, and not to suffer any leprous person to enter the said city.
I have also heard that there is a law writ, de leproso amovendo; and I read that King Edward III, in the 20th year of his reign, commanded the mayor and sheriffs of London to announce in every ward of[441] the city and suburbs that all people with leprosy living there should leave within the next fifteen days, and that no one should allow any such person to stay in their house, under penalty of losing their home and incurring the king’s further displeasure; and that they should ensure these lepers were moved to some remote areas outside the city, away from healthy people. Because of this, several lazar houses were built outside the city some distance away; specifically, the Locke outside Southwark on Kent Street; another between Mile End and Stratford, Bow; another at Kingsland, between Shoreditch and Stoke Newington; and another at Knightsbridge, west of Charing Cross. I have noted these four were established to receive leprous people sent out of the city. At that time, the citizens also requested the guardian of St. Giles’ Hospital to take and continually care for fourteen leprous individuals, according to the foundation established by Matilde the queen, which was for leprous individuals from the city of London and the county of Middlesex, which was granted. Furthermore, the wardens, or keepers of the city’s ports, gates, or posterns, were sworn in the mayor’s court before the recorder, etc., that they would properly and faithfully guard these ports and posterns, and not allow any leprous person to enter the city.
John Gardener, porter of the postern by the Tower, his oath before the mayor and recorder of London, on Monday, after the feast of St. Bartlemew, the 49th of Edward III.: That the gates and postern be well and faithfully kept in his office and baylywicke, and that he should not suffer any lepers or leper to enter the city, or to remain in the suburbs; and if any leper or lepers force themselves to enter by his gates or postern, he to bind them fast to horses, and send them to be examined of the superiors, etc.
John Gardener, the gatekeeper by the Tower, took his oath before the mayor and recorder of London on Monday, after the feast of St. Bartlemew, during the 49th year of Edward III.: That he would keep the gates and postern secure and properly managed in his role, and that he would not allow any lepers to enter the city or stay in the suburbs; and if any lepers try to get in through his gates or postern, he must tie them to horses and send them for examination by the authorities, etc.
Finally, I read that one William Pole, yeoman of the crown to King Edward IV., being stricken with a leprosy, was also desirous to build an hospital, with a chapel, to the honour of God and St. Anthony, for the relief and harbouring of such leprous persons as were destitute in the kingdom, to the end they should not be offensive to other in their passing to and fro: for the which cause Edward IV. did by his charter, dated the 12th of his reign, give unto the said William for ever a certain parcel of his land lying in his highway of Highgate and Haloway, within the county of Middlesex, containing sixty feet in length and thirty-four in breadth.
Finally, I read that William Pole, a servant to King Edward IV, who was afflicted with leprosy, wanted to build a hospital, with a chapel, in honor of God and St. Anthony. His aim was to provide shelter and care for leprous individuals who were destitute in the kingdom, ensuring they wouldn’t disturb others as they moved about. For this reason, Edward IV granted William a specific piece of land along the highways of Highgate and Holloway, in Middlesex, through his charter dated the 12th year of his reign. The land measured sixty feet long and thirty-four feet wide.
THE TEMPORAL GOVERNMENT OF THIS CITY, SOMEWHAT IN BRIEF MANNER
This city of London, being under the government of the Britons, Romans, and Saxons, the most ancient and famous city of the whole realm, was at length destroyed by the Danes, and left desolate, as may appear by our histories. But Aelfred, king of the West Saxons, having brought this whole realm (from many parts) into one monarchy, honourably repaired this city, and made it again habitable, and then committed the custody thereof to his son-in-law Adhered, earl of Mercia; after whose decease the city, with all other possessions pertaining to the said earl, returned to King Edward, surnamed the Elder, etc.: and so remained in the king’s hands, being governed under him by portgraves (or portreves), which name is compounded of the two Saxon words, porte and gerefe, or reve. Porte betokeneth a town, and gerefe signifieth a guardian, ruler, or keeper of the town.
This city of London, governed by the Britons, Romans, and Saxons, the oldest and most renowned city in the entire realm, was eventually destroyed by the Danes and left in ruins, as can be seen in our histories. However, Alfred, king of the West Saxons, united the whole realm into one monarchy from many parts and honorably rebuilt this city, making it livable again. He then entrusted its care to his son-in-law Adhered, earl of Mercia. After his death, the city and all the other possessions belonging to the earl reverted to King Edward, known as the Elder, etc.: and it remained under the king’s control, managed by portgraves (or portreves), a term derived from the two Saxon words, porte and gerefe, or reve. Porte means a town, while gerefe signifies a guardian, ruler, or keeper of the town.
These governors of old time (saith Robert Fabian), with the laws and customs then used within this city, were registered in a book called the Dooms’ day, written in the Saxon tongue; but of later days, when the said laws and customs were changed, and for that also the said book was of a small hand, sore defaced, and hard to be read or understood, it was less set by, so that it was embezzled and lost. Thus far Fabian.
These governors from the past (says Robert Fabian), along with the laws and customs used in this city, were recorded in a book called the Doomsday, written in Old English. However, over time, when those laws and customs changed, and because the book was small, badly damaged, and difficult to read or understand, it became less valued and was misappropriated and lost. That's what Fabian states.
Notwithstanding, I have found, by search of divers old registers and other records abroad, namely, in a book sometime appertaining to the monastery of St. Alban’s, of the portgraves, and other governors of this city, as followeth:
Notably, I have discovered, through the examination of various old registers and other records abroad, specifically in a book that once belonged to the monastery of St. Alban’s, about the portgraves and other leaders of this city, as follows:
First, that in the reign of King Edward, the last before the Conquest, Wolfegare was portgrave, as may appear by the charter of the same king, in these words: “Edward, king, greeteth Alfward, bishop, and Wolfegare, my portgrave, and all the burgesses in London.” And afterward that, in another charter, “King Edward greeteth William, bishop, and Sweetman, my portgrave.” And after, that in another charter to the abbey of Chertsey, to William, bishop, and Leofstane and Alsy, portgraves. In the reign of William the Conqueror, William, bishop of London, procured of the said Conqueror his charter of liberties, to the same William, bishop, and Godfrey, portgrave, in Saxon tongue, and corrected in English thus:
First, during the reign of King Edward, the last king before the Conquest, Wolfegare was the portgrave, as shown in the charter from that king, which reads: “Edward, king, greets Alfward, bishop, and Wolfegare, my portgrave, and all the burgesses in London.” Then, in another charter, “King Edward greets William, bishop, and Sweetman, my portgrave.” Additionally, in another charter to the abbey of Chertsey, it mentions William, bishop, and Leofstane and Alsy, portgraves. In the reign of William the Conqueror, William, bishop of London, obtained a charter of liberties from the Conqueror for himself and Godfrey, portgrave, written in Saxon and later corrected in English as follows:
“William, king, greet William, bishop, and Godfrey, portgrave, and all the burgeses within London, French and English.[443] And I graunt that they be all their law worthy that they were in Edward’s dayes the king. And I will that each child bee his father’s heire. And I will not suffer that any man do you wrong, and God you keepe.” And then in the reign of the said Conqueror and of William Rufus, Godfrey de Magnavile was portgrave (or sheriff), as may appear by their charters, and Richard de Par was provost.
“William, king, greetings to William, bishop, and Godfrey, portgrave, and all the citizens of London, both French and English.[443] I grant that they all have the rights they had in the days of King Edward. I declare that each child will inherit from their father. I will not allow anyone to do you wrong, and may God keep you.” In the reign of the Conqueror and William Rufus, Godfrey de Magnavile served as portgrave (or sheriff), as shown in their charters, and Richard de Par served as provost.
In the reign of King Henry I., Hugh Buche was portgrave, and Leofstanus, goldsmith, provost, buried at Bermondsey.
In the reign of King Henry I, Hugh Buche was the portgrave, and Leofstanus, the goldsmith, was the provost, buried at Bermondsey.
After them Aubrey de Vere was portgrave, and Robert Bar Querel provost. This Aubrey de Vere was slain in the reign of King Stephen. It is to be noted, also, that King Henry I. granted to the citizens of London the shrivewick thereof, and of Middlesex, as in another place is showed.
After them, Aubrey de Vere was the portgrave, and Robert Bar Querel was the provost. Aubrey de Vere was killed during King Stephen's reign. It's also worth mentioning that King Henry I granted the citizens of London the shrivewick of London and Middlesex, as shown in another place.
In the reign of King Stephen, Gilbert Becket was portgrave, and Andrew Buchevet provost.
In King Stephen's reign, Gilbert Becket was the portgrave, and Andrew Buchevet was the provost.
After him, Godfrey Magnavile, the son of William, the son of Godfrey Magnavile, by the gift of Maude, the empress, was portgrave, or sheriff of London and Middlesex, for the yearly farm of three hundred pounds, as appeareth by the charter.
After him, Godfrey Magnavile, the son of William, the son of Godfrey Magnavile, was made portgrave, or sheriff of London and Middlesex, by the grant of Maude, the empress, for the annual payment of three hundred pounds, as stated in the charter.
In the time of King Henry II., Peter Fitzwalter was portgrave; after him John Fitznigel was portgrave; after him Ernulfus Buchel became portgrave; and after him William Fitz Isabel. These portgraves are also in divers records called vice-counties, vicounties, or sheriffs,[303] as being under an earl; for that they then, as since, used that office as the sheriffs of London do till this day. Some authors do call them domesmen, aldermen, or judges of the king’s court,
In the time of King Henry II, Peter Fitzwalter was the portgrave; after him, John Fitznigel took on the role; then Ernulfus Buchel became portgrave; and after him, William Fitz Isabel. These portgraves are also referred to in various records as vice-counties, vicounties, or sheriffs,[303] since they held that position under an earl; they performed this role just like the sheriffs of London do today. Some authors call them domesmen, aldermen, or judges of the king’s court,
William Fitz Stephen, noting the estate of this city, and government thereof in his time, under the reign of King Stephen and of Henry II., hath these words:
William Fitz Stephen, observing the state of this city and its governance during his time, under the rule of King Stephen and Henry II, wrote the following:
“This city (saith he), even as Rome, is divided into wards; it hath yearly sheriffs instead of consuls; it hath the dignity of senators and aldermen; it hath under officers, and, according to the quality of laws, it hath several courts and general assemblies upon appointed days.” Thus much for the antiquity of sheriffs, and also of aldermen, in several wards of this city, may suffice. And now for the name of bailiffs, and after that of mayors, as followeth:
“This city, he says, just like Rome, is divided into neighborhoods; it has yearly sheriffs instead of consuls; it has the status of senators and aldermen; it has subordinate officers, and according to the nature of its laws, it has different courts and general assemblies on designated days.” That’s enough about the history of sheriffs and aldermen in various neighborhoods of this city. Now let’s move on to the title of bailiffs, and after that, mayors, as follows:
In the first year of King Richard I., the citizens of London[444] obtained to be governed by two bailiffs, which bailiffs are in divers ancient deeds called sheriffs, according to the speech of the law, which called the shire Balliva, for that they, like as the portgraves, used the same office of shrivewicke, for the which the city paid to fee farm three hundred pounds yearly as before, since the reign of Henry I., which also is yet paid by the city into the Exchequer until this day.
In the first year of King Richard I, the citizens of London[444] managed to have their governance overseen by two bailiffs, who are referred to as sheriffs in various old documents. According to legal terminology, these officers were called Balliva of the shire, as they performed similar duties to the portgraves and held the same responsibilities as the shrivewicke. The city continued to pay an annual fee of three hundred pounds for this privilege, a payment that has been made since the reign of Henry I and is still paid to the Exchequer by the city today.
They also obtained to have a mayor, to be their principal governor and lieutenant of the city, as of the king’s chamber.
They also got to have a mayor, who would be their main governor and deputy of the city, as designated by the king’s chamber.
1180. The names of the first bailiffs, or officers, entering into their office at the feast of St. Michael the Archangel, in the year of Christ 1189, were named Henry Cornhill and Richard Reynere, bailiffs or sheriffs.
1180. The names of the first bailiffs, or officers, taking office at the feast of St. Michael the Archangel, in the year of Christ 1189, were Henry Cornhill and Richard Reynere, bailiffs or sheriffs.
Their first mayor was Henry Fitz Alwin Fitz Liefstane, goldsmith, appointed by the said king, and continued mayor from the 1st of Richard I. until the 15th of King John, which was twenty-four years and more.
Their first mayor was Henry Fitz Alwin Fitz Liefstane, a goldsmith, appointed by the king mentioned, and he served as mayor from the 1st year of Richard I until the 15th year of King John, which was over twenty-four years.
1190. The 2nd of Richard I., sheriffs, John Herlion, Roger Duke; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1190. The 2nd of Richard I., sheriffs, John Herlion, Roger Duke; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1191. The 3rd, sheriffs, William Haverill, John Bucknote; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1191. The 3rd, sheriffs, William Haverill, John Bucknote; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1192. The 4th, Nicholas Duke, Peter Newlay; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1192. The 4th, Nicholas Duke, Peter Newlay; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1193. The 5th, Roger Duke, Richard Fitz Alwin; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1193. The 5th, Roger Duke, Richard Fitz Alwin; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1194. The 6th, William Fitz Isabel, William Fitz Arnold; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1194. The 6th, William Fitz Isabel, William Fitz Arnold; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1195. The 7th, Robert Besaunt, John de Josue; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1195. The 7th, Robert Besaunt, John de Josue; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1196. The 8th, Gerard de Anteloche, Robert Durant; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1196. The 8th, Gerard de Anteloche, Robert Durant; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1197. The 9th, Roger Blunt, Nicholas Ducket; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1197. The 9th, Roger Blunt, Nicholas Ducket; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1198. The 10th, Constantine Fitz Arnold, Richard de Beaco; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1198. The 10th, Constantine Fitz Arnold, Richard de Beaco; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
King John began his reign the 6th of April, 1199.
King John started his reign on April 6, 1199.
1199. The 1st of King John, sheriffs, Arnold Fitz Arnold, Richard Fitz Bartilmew; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1199. The 1st of King John, sheriffs, Arnold Fitz Arnold, Richard Fitz Bartilmew; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
King John granted the sheriffwicke of London and Middlesex to the citizens thereof, as King Henry I. before had done, for the sum of three hundred pounds yearly. Also he gave them authority to choose and deprive their sheriffs at their pleasure.
King John gave the sheriffdom of London and Middlesex to the citizens, just like King Henry I. had done before, for the yearly payment of three hundred pounds. He also gave them the power to choose and remove their sheriffs whenever they wanted.
1200. The 2nd, sheriffs, Roger Dorsit, James Bartilmew; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1200. The 2nd, sheriffs, Roger Dorsit, James Bartilmew; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1201. The 3rd, Walter Fitz Alis, Simon de Aldermanbury; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1201. The 3rd, Walter Fitz Alis, Simon de Aldermanbury; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1202. The 4th, Norman Blundel, John de Glie; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1202. The 4th, Norman Blundel, John de Glie; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1203. The 5th, Walter Browne, William Chamberlain; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1203. The 5th, Walter Browne, William Chamberlain; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
Walter Brune, and Rose his wife, founded the hospital of St. Mary without Bishopsgate, commonly called St. Mary Spittle.
Walter Brune and his wife Rose started the hospital of St. Mary just outside Bishopsgate, often referred to as St. Mary Spittle.
1204. The 6th, Thomas Haverel, Hamond Brond; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1204. The 6th, Thomas Haverel, Hamond Brond; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1205. The 7th, John Walgrave, Richard Winchester; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1205. The 7th, John Walgrave, Richard Winchester; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1206. The 8th, John Holland, Edmond Fitz Gerard; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1206. The 8th, John Holland, Edmond Fitz Gerard; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1207. The 9th, Roger Winchester, Edmond Hardle; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1207. The 9th, Roger Winchester, Edmond Hardle; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1208. The 10th, Peter Duke, Thomas Nele; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1208. The 10th, Peter Duke, Thomas Nele; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
The king, by his letters patents, granted to the citizens of London liberty and authority yearly to choose to themselves a mayor.
The king, through his official letters, granted the citizens of London the freedom and authority to elect a mayor each year.
1209. The 11th, Peter le Josue, William Blund; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1209. The 11th, Peter le Josue, William Blund; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1210. The 12th, Adam Whitley, Stephen le Grace; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1210. The 12th, Adam Whitley, Stephen le Grace; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1211. The 13th, John Fitz Peter, John Garland; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1211. The 13th, John Fitz Peter, John Garland; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1212. The 14th, Randolph Giland, Constantine Josue; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
1212. The 14th, Randolph Giland, Constantine Josue; mayor, Henry Fitz Alwin.
This Henry Fitz Alwin deceased, and was buried in the priory of the Holy Trinity, near unto Aldgate.
This Henry Fitz Alwin passed away and was buried in the priory of the Holy Trinity, near Aldgate.
1213. The 15th, Martin Fitz Alis, Peter Bate; mayor, Roger Fitz Alwin.
1213. The 15th, Martin Fitz Alis, Peter Bate; mayor, Roger Fitz Alwin.
This year the ditch about London was begun to be made, of two hundred and four feet broad, by the Londoners.
This year, the ditch around London started being built by the people of London, measuring two hundred and four feet wide.
1214. The 16th, Salomon Basing, Hugh Basing; mayor, Serle Mercer.
1214. The 16th, Salomon Basing, Hugh Basing; mayor, Serle Mercer.
1215. The 17th, John Travars, Andrew Newland; mayor, William Hardel.
1215. The 17th, John Travars, Andrew Newland; mayor, William Hardel.
King Henry III. began his reign the 19th of October, 1216.
King Henry III began his reign on October 19, 1216.
1216. The 1st, sheriffs, Benet Senturer, William Bluntinars: mayor, James Alderman for part, and Salomon Basing for part.
1216. The 1st, sheriffs, Benet Senturer, William Bluntinars: mayor, James Alderman for part, and Salomon Basing for part.
1217. The 2nd, Thomas Bokerel, Ralph Eiland; mayor, Serle Mercer.
1217. The 2nd, Thomas Bokerel, Ralph Eiland; mayor, Serle Mercer.
1218. The 3rd, John Viel, John le Spicer; mayor, Serle Mercer.
1218. The 3rd, John Viel, John le Spicer; mayor, Serle Mercer.
The forest of Middlesex and the warren of Staines were this year disafforested.
The Middlesex forest and the Staines warren were disafforested this year.
1219. The 4th, Richard Wimbledon, John Viel; mayor, Serle Mercer.
1219. The 4th, Richard Wimbledon, John Viel; mayor, Serle Mercer.
1220. The 5th, Richard Renger, John Viel; mayor, Serle Mercer.
1220. The 5th, Richard Renger, John Viel; mayor, Serle Mercer.
1221. The 6th, Richard Renger, Thomas Lambart; mayor, Serle Mercer.
1221. The 6th, Richard Renger, Thomas Lambart; mayor, Serle Mercer.
1222. The 7th, Richard Renger, Thomas Lambart; mayor, Serle Mercer.
1222. The 7th, Richard Renger, Thomas Lambart; mayor, Serle Mercer.
Constantine Fitz Aluf raised great troubles in this city, and was hanged with his nephew and other.
Constantine Fitz Aluf caused a lot of trouble in this city and was hanged along with his nephew and others.
1223. The 8th, John Travars, Andrew Bokerel; mayor, Richard Renger.
1223. The 8th, John Travars, Andrew Bokerel; mayor, Richard Renger.
1224. The 9th, John Travars, Andrew Bokerel; mayor Richard Renger.
1224. The 9th, John Travars, Andrew Bokerel; mayor Richard Renger.
The king granted to the commonalty of London to have a common seal.
The king allowed the people of London to have a common seal.
1225. The 10th, Roger Duke, Martin Fitz William; mayor, Richard Renger.
1225. The 10th, Roger Duke, Martin Fitz William; mayor, Richard Renger.
1226. The 11th, Roger Duke, Martin Fitz William; mayor, Richard Renger.
1226. The 11th, Roger Duke, Martin Fitz William; mayor, Richard Renger.
This year the king confirmed to the citizens of London free warren or liberty to hunt a certain circuit about the city, in the warren of Staines, etc. And, also, that the citizens of London should pass toll-free throughout all England, and that the keddles, or wears, in the river of Thames and Medway should be plucked up and destroyed for ever, etc. Patent, 16th Henry III.
This year, the king granted the citizens of London the right to hunt in a specific area around the city, in the warren of Staines, and so on. He also declared that the citizens of London could travel toll-free throughout all of England, and that the traps, or weirs, in the rivers Thames and Medway would be removed and destroyed forever, etc. Patent, 16th Henry III.
1227. The 12th, Stephen Bokerel, Henry Cocham; mayor, Roger Duke.
1227. The 12th, Stephen Bokerel, Henry Cocham; mayor, Roger Duke.
The liberties and franchises of London were ratified; and the king granted that either sheriff should have two clerks and two sergeants, also that the citizens should have a common seal.
The rights and privileges of London were confirmed, and the king allowed each sheriff to have two clerks and two sergeants, as well as granting the citizens a common seal.
1228. The 13th, Stephen Bokerell, Henry Cocham; mayor, Roger Duke.
1228. The 13th, Stephen Bokerell, Henry Cocham; mayor, Roger Duke.
1229. The 14th, William Winchester, Robert Fitz John; mayor, Roger Duke.
1229. The 14th, William Winchester, Robert Fitz John; mayor, Roger Duke.
1230. The 15th, Richard Walter, John de Woborne; mayor, Roger Duke.
1230. On the 15th, Richard Walter, John de Woborne; mayor, Roger Duke.
1231. The 16th, Michael S. Helan, Walter de Bussell; mayor, Andrew Bokerel, pepperer.
1231. The 16th, Michael S. Helan, Walter de Bussell; mayor, Andrew Bokerel, pepper merchant.
1232. The 17th, Henry de Edmonton, Gerard Bat; mayor, Andrew Bokerel, pepperer.
1232. The 17th, Henry de Edmonton, Gerard Bat; mayor, Andrew Bokerel, pepper trader.
1233. The 18th, Simon Fitzmary, Roger Blunt; mayor, Andrew Bokerel, pepperer.
1233. The 18th, Simon Fitzmary, Roger Blunt; mayor, Andrew Bokerel, spice dealer.
1234. The 19th, Raph Ashwye, John Norman; mayor, Andrew Bokerel, pepperer.
1234. The 19th, Raph Ashwye, John Norman; mayor, Andrew Bokerel, spice merchant.
1235. The 20th, Gerard Bat, Richard Hardle; mayor, Andrew Bokerel, pepperer.
1235. The 20th, Gerard Bat, Richard Hardle; mayor, Andrew Bokerel, pepper seller.
1236. The 21st, Henry Cocham, Jordan of Coventrie; mayor, Andrew Bokerel, pepperer.
1236. On the 21st, Henry Cocham, Jordan of Coventrie; mayor, Andrew Bokerel, spice merchant.
1237. The 22nd, John Toloson, Gervais the cordwainer; mayor, Andrew Bokerel, pepperer.
1237. The 22nd, John Toloson, Gervais the shoemaker; mayor, Andrew Bokerel, spice dealer.
1238. The 23rd, John Codras, John Withal; mayor, Richard Renger.
1238. The 23rd, John Codras, John Withal; mayor, Richard Renger.
1239. The 24th, Roger Bongey, Raph Ashwye; mayor, William Joyner.
1239. The 24th, Roger Bongey, Raph Ashwye; mayor, William Joyner.
This William Joyner builded the choir of the Grey Friers church in London, and became a lay brother of that house.
This William Joyner built the choir of the Grey Friars church in London and became a lay brother of that community.
1240. The 25th, John Gisors, Michael Tony; mayor, Gerard Bat.
1240. The 25th, John Gisors, Michael Tony; mayor, Gerard Bat.
This year aldermen of London were chosen, and changed yearly, but that order lasted not long. Gerard Bat was again elected mayor for that year to come, but the king would not admit him, being charged with taking money of the victuallers in the precedent year.
This year, the city council members of London were elected and changed every year, but that arrangement didn't last long. Gerard Bat was elected mayor again for the upcoming year, but the king refused to accept him because he was accused of accepting money from the suppliers the previous year.
1241. The 26th, Thomas Duresme, John Viel; mayor, Reginald Bongey.
1241. The 26th, Thomas Duresme, John Viel; mayor, Reginald Bongey.
1242. The 27th, John Fitzjohn, Raph Ashwye; mayor, Reginald Bongey.
1242. The 27th, John Fitzjohn, Raph Ashwye; mayor, Reginald Bongey.
1243. The 28th, Hugh Blunt, Adam Basing; mayor, Raph Ashwye.
1243. The 28th, Hugh Blunt, Adam Basing; mayor, Raph Ashwye.
1244. The 29th, Raph Foster, Nicholas Bat; mayor, Michael Tony.
1244. The 29th, Raph Foster, Nicholas Bat; mayor, Michael Tony.
1245. The 30th, Robert of Cornehil, Adam of Bentley; mayor, John Gisors, pepperer.
1245. The 30th, Robert of Cornehil, Adam of Bentley; mayor, John Gisors, spice dealer.
1246. The 31st, Simon Fitz Mary, Laurence Frowicke; mayor, John Gisors, pepperer.
1246. The 31st, Simon Fitz Mary, Laurence Frowicke; mayor, John Gisors, pepper merchant.
Simon Fitz Mary founded the hospital of Mary, called Bethlem without Bishopsgate. Queene hithe let to farm to the citizens of London.
Simon Fitz Mary established the hospital of Mary, known as Bethlem, just outside Bishopsgate. Queenhithe was leased to the citizens of London.
1247. The 32nd, John Viel, Nicholas Bat; mayor, Peter Fitz Alwin.
1247. The 32nd, John Viel, Nicholas Bat; mayor, Peter Fitz Alwin.
1248. The 33rd, Nicholas Fitz Josey, Geffrey Winchester; mayor, Michael Tony.
1248. The 33rd, Nicholas Fitz Josey, Geffrey Winchester; mayor, Michael Tony.
1249. The 34th, Richard Hardell, John Tholason; mayor, Roger Fitz Roger.
1249. The 34th, Richard Hardell, John Tholason; mayor, Roger Fitz Roger.
1250. The 35th, Humfrey Bat, William Fitz Richard; mayor, John Norman.
1250. The 35th, Humfrey Bat, William Fitz Richard; mayor, John Norman.
The king granted that the mayor should be presented to the barons of the exchequer, and they should admit him.
The king agreed that the mayor would be introduced to the barons of the treasury, and they would accept him.
1251. The 36th, Laurence Frowike, Nicholas Bat; mayor, Adam Basing.
1251. The 36th, Laurence Frowike, Nicholas Bat; mayor, Adam Basing.
1252. The 37th, William Durham, Thomas Wimborne; mayor, John Tolason, draper.
1252. The 37th, William Durham, Thomas Wimborne; mayor, John Tolason, draper.
The liberties of this city were seized, the mayor charged that he looked not to the assise of bread.
The city's freedoms were taken away, and the mayor claimed he wasn't paying attention to the price of bread.
1253. The 38th, John Northampton, Richard Pickard; mayor, Richard Hardell, draper.
1253. The 38th, John Northampton, Richard Pickard; mayor, Richard Hardell, cloth merchant.
1254. The 39th, Raph Ashwie, Robert of Limon; mayor, Richard Hardell, draper.
1254. The 39th, Raph Ashwie, Robert of Limon; mayor, Richard Hardell, fabric merchant.
1255. The 40th, Stephen Doo, Henry Walmond; mayor, Richard Hardle, draper.
1255. The 40th, Stephen Doo, Henry Walmond; mayor, Richard Hardle, draper.
The mayor, divers aldermen, and the sheriffs of London, were deprived, and others placed in their rooms.
The mayor, various aldermen, and the sheriffs of London were removed from their positions, and others were appointed in their place.
1256. The 41st, Michael Bockeril, John the Minor; mayor, Richard Hardle, draper.
1256. The 41st, Michael Bockeril, John the Minor; mayor, Richard Hardle, cloth merchant.
1257. The 42nd, Richard Owel, William Ashwie; mayor, Richard Hardle, draper.
1257. The 42nd, Richard Owel, William Ashwie; mayor, Richard Hardle, draper.
The king caused the walls of this city to be repaired and made with bulwarks.
The king had the walls of this city rebuilt and reinforced with battlements.
1258. The 43rd, Robert Cornhill, John Adrian; mayor, Richard Hardle, draper.
1258. The 43rd, Robert Cornhill, John Adrian; mayor, Richard Hardle, draper.
1259. The 44th, John Adrian, Robert Cornhill; John Gisors, pepperer.
1259. The 44th, John Adrian, Robert Cornhill; John Gisors, spice merchant.
1260. The 45th, Adam Browning, Henry Coventry; mayor, William Fitz Richard.
1260. The 45th, Adam Browning, Henry Coventry; mayor, William Fitz Richard.
1261. The 46th, John Northampton, Richard Picard; mayor, William Fitz Richard.
1261. The 46th, John Northampton, Richard Picard; mayor, William Fitz Richard.
1262. The 47th, John Tailor, Richard Walbrooke; mayor, Thomas Fitz Richard.
1262. The 47th, John Tailor, Richard Walbrooke; mayor, Thomas Fitz Richard.
1263. The 48th, Robert de Mountpilier, Osbert de Suffolke; mayor, Thomas Fitz Thomas Fitz Richard.
1263. The 48th, Robert de Mountpilier, Osbert de Suffolke; mayor, Thomas Fitz Thomas Fitz Richard.
The citizens of London fortified the city with iron chains drawn thwart their streets.
The people of London strengthened the city by stretching iron chains across their streets.
1264. The 49th, Gregory Rokesly, Thomas de Deford; mayor, Thomas Fitz Thomas Fitz Richard.
1264. The 49th, Gregory Rokesly, Thomas de Deford; mayor, Thomas Fitz Thomas Fitz Richard.
1265. The 50th, Edward Blund, Peter Angar; mayor, Thomas Fitz Thomas Fitz Richard.
1265. The 50th, Edward Blund, Peter Angar; mayor, Thomas Fitz Thomas Fitz Richard.
The chains and posts in London were plucked up, the mayor and principal citizens committed to ward, and Othon, constable of the tower, was made custos of the city, etc.
The chains and posts in London were taken down, the mayor and key citizens were placed under guard, and Othon, the constable of the tower, was appointed as the keeper of the city, etc.
1266. The 51st, John Hind, John Walraven; mayor, William Richards.
1266. The 51st, John Hind, John Walraven; mayor, William Richards.
The earl of Gloucester entered the city with an army, and therein builded bulwarks, cast trenches, etc.
The Earl of Gloucester entered the city with an army and built fortifications, dug trenches, and so on.
1267. The 52nd, John Adrian, Lucas de Batencourt; mayor, Alen de la Souch. This Alen de la Souch, being a baron of this realm, and also chief justice, was in the year 1270 slain in Westminster hall by John Warren earl of Surrey.
1267. The 52nd, John Adrian, Lucas de Batencourt; mayor, Alen de la Souch. This Alen de la Souch, a baron of this realm and also the chief justice, was killed in 1270 in Westminster Hall by John Warren, Earl of Surrey.
Thomas Fitz Theobald and Agnes his wife, founded the hospital of St. Thomas of Acon in Westcheap.
Thomas Fitz Theobald and his wife Agnes established the hospital of St. Thomas of Acon in Westcheap.
1268. The 53rd, Walter Harvy, William Duresm, Thomas Wimborn; mayor, Sir Stephen Edward.
1268. The 53rd, Walter Harvy, William Duresm, Thomas Wimborn; mayor, Sir Stephen Edward.
A variance fell in London between the goldsmiths and the tailors, wherethrough many men were slain.
A conflict broke out in London between the goldsmiths and the tailors, resulting in many deaths.
1269. The 54th, Thomas Basing, Robert Cornhill; custos, Hugh Fitz Ottonis, custos of London, and constable of the tower.[304]
1269. The 54th, Thomas Basing, Robert Cornhill; guardian, Hugh Fitz Ottonis, guardian of London, and constable of the tower.[304]
1270. The 55th, Walter Potter, Philip Tailor; mayor, John Adrian, vintner.
1270. The 55th, Walter Potter, Philip Tailor; mayor, John Adrian, wine merchant.
1271. The 56th, Gregory Rocksley, Henry Waleys; mayor, John Adrian, vintner.
1271. The 56th, Gregory Rocksley, Henry Waleys; mayor, John Adrian, wine merchant.
The steple of Bow church in Cheap fell down, and slew many people.
The steeple of Bow church in Cheap collapsed and killed many people.
1272. The 57th, Richard Paris, John de Wodeley; mayor, Sir Walter Harvy; custos, Henry Frowike, pepperer, for part of that year.
1272. The 57th, Richard Paris, John de Wodeley; mayor, Sir Walter Harvy; custodian, Henry Frowike, spice merchant, for part of that year.
Edward I. began his reign the 16th of November, 1272.
Edward I started his reign on November 16, 1272.
1273. The first sheriffs, John Horne, Walter Potter; mayor, Sir Walter Harvy, knight.
1273. The first sheriffs, John Horne and Walter Potter; mayor, Sir Walter Harvy, knight.
1274. The 2nd, Nicholas Winchester, Henry Coventry; mayor, Henry Walles.
1274. The 2nd, Nicholas Winchester, Henry Coventry; mayor, Henry Walles.
1275. The 3rd, Lucas Batecorte, Henry Frowike; mayor, Gregory Rocksley: chief say-master of all the king’s mints throughout England, and keeper of the king’s exchange at London.
1275. The 3rd, Lucas Batecorte, Henry Frowike; mayor, Gregory Rocksley: chief master of all the king’s mints across England, and keeper of the king’s exchange in London.
1276. The 4th, John Horn, Raph Blunt; mayor, Gregory Rocksley.
1276. The 4th, John Horn, Raph Blunt; mayor, Gregory Rocksley.
1277. The 5th, Robert de Arar, Raph L. Fewre; mayor, Gregory Rocksley.
1277. The 5th, Robert de Arar, Raph L. Fewre; mayor, Gregory Rocksley.
1278. The 6th, John Adrian, Walter Langley; mayor, Gregory Rocksley.
1278. The 6th, John Adrian, Walter Langley; mayor, Gregory Rocksley.
1279. The 7th, Robert Basing, William Maraliver; mayor, Gregory Rocksley.
1279. The 7th, Robert Basing, William Maraliver; mayor, Gregory Rocksley.
1280. The 8th, Thomas Fox, Raph Delamere; mayor, Gregory Rocksley.
1280. The 8th, Thomas Fox, Raph Delamere; mayor, Gregory Rocksley.
1281. The 9th, William Farindon, Nicholas Winchester; mayor, Gregory Rocksley.
1281. The 9th, William Farindon, Nicholas Winchester; mayor, Gregory Rocksley.
This William Farindon, goldsmith, one of the sheriffs, was father to Nicholas Farindon: of these two, Farindon ward took that name.
This William Farindon, a goldsmith and one of the sheriffs, was the father of Nicholas Farindon. Of these two, the Farindon ward got its name.
1282. The 10th, William Maraliver, Richard Chigwel; mayor, Henry Walleis.
1282. The 10th, William Maraliver, Richard Chigwel; mayor, Henry Walleis.
This Henry Walleis builded the tun upon Cornhill to be a prison, and the stocks to be a market house.
This Henry Walleis built the town on Cornhill to be a prison, and the stocks to be a market house.
1283. The 11th, Raph Blund, Anketrin de Betanil; mayor, Henry Walleis.
1283. The 11th, Raph Blund, Anketrin de Betanil; mayor, Henry Walleis.
1284. The 12th, Jordain Goodcheape, Martin Box: mayor, Henry Walleis.
1284. The 12th, Jordain Goodcheape, Martin Box: mayor, Henry Walleis.
Laurence Ducket, goldsmith, murdered in Bow church, and the murderers hanged.
Laurence Ducket, a goldsmith, was killed in Bow church, and the murderers were executed.
1285. The 13th, Stephen Cornhill, Robert Rocksley; mayor, Gregory Rocksley; custos, Raph Sandwitch, and John Briton.
1285. The 13th, Stephen Cornhill, Robert Rocksley; mayor, Gregory Rocksley; custodian, Raph Sandwitch, and John Briton.
It was ordained, that millers should have but one halfpenny for a quarter of wheat grinding, and the great water conduit in Cheap was begun to be made.
It was decided that millers would receive only half a penny for grinding a quarter of wheat, and the major water pipe in Cheap was started.
1286. The 14th, Walter Blunt, John Wade; custos, Raph Sandwitch.
1286. On the 14th, Walter Blunt, John Wade; custodian, Raph Sandwitch.
Wheat was sold at London for sixteen pence, and for twelve pence the quarter.
Wheat was sold in London for sixteen pence, and for twelve pence per quarter.
1287. The 15th, Thomas Cros, Walter Hawtoune; custos, Raph Sandwitch.
1287. On the 15th, Thomas Cros, Walter Hawtoune; custodian, Raph Sandwitch.
1288. The 16th, William Hereford, Thomas Stanes; custos, Raph Sandwitch.
1288. The 16th, William Hereford, Thomas Stanes; custodian, Raph Sandwitch.
1289. The 17th, William Betain, John Canterbury; custos, Raph Sandwitch, Raph Barnauars, and Sir John Britaine.
1289. The 17th, William Betain, John Canterbury; custodian, Raph Sandwitch, Raph Barnauars, and Sir John Britaine.
This year a subsidy was granted, for the reparations of London bridge.
This year, a grant was issued for the repairs of London Bridge.
1290. The 18th, Falke S. Edmond, Salamon Le Sotel; custos, Sir John Briton, knight.
1290. The 18th, Falke S. Edmond, Salamon Le Sotel; custodian, Sir John Briton, knight.
1291. The 19th, Thomas Romain, William de Lier; custos, Sir John Briton, knight, Raph Sandwitch.
1291. The 19th, Thomas Romain, William de Lier; custodian, Sir John Briton, knight, Raph Sandwitch.
1292. The 20th, Raph Blunt, Hamo. Box; custos, Raph Sandwitch.
1292. The 20th, Raph Blunt, Hamo. Box; keeper, Raph Sandwitch.
1293. The 21st, Henry Bole, Elias Russel; custos, Raph Sandwitch.
1293. The 21st, Henry Bole, Elias Russel; custodian, Raph Sandwitch.
Three men had their right hands cut off at the Standard in Cheape, for rescuing of a prisoner, arrested by a sergeant of London.
Three men had their right hands chopped off at the Standard in Cheape for trying to rescue a prisoner who had been arrested by a sergeant from London.
1294. The 22nd, Robert Rokesley the younger, Martin Amersbery; custos, Sir Raph Sandwitch.
1294. The 22nd, Robert Rokesley the younger, Martin Amersbery; custodian, Sir Raph Sandwitch.
1295. The 23rd, Henry Box, Richard Gloucester; custos, Sir Raph Sandwitch.
1295. The 23rd, Henry Box, Richard Gloucester; custodian, Sir Raph Sandwitch.
1296. The 24th, John Dunstable, Adam de Halingbery; custos, Sir John Briton.
1296. The 24th, John Dunstable, Adam de Halingbery; custodian, Sir John Briton.
This year all the liberties of the city were restored, the mayoralty excepted.
This year, all the freedoms of the city were restored, except for the mayorship.
1297. The 25th, Thomas of Suffolke, Adam of Fulham; custos, Sir John Briton.
1297. The 25th, Thomas from Suffolk, Adam from Fulham; curator, Sir John Briton.
1298. The 26th, Richard Resham, Thomas Sely; mayor, Henry Walleis.
1298. The 26th, Richard Resham, Thomas Sely; mayor, Henry Walleis.
Certain citizens of London brake up the tun upon Cornhill, and took out prisoners, for the which they were grievously punished.
Certain citizens of London broke up the tun on Cornhill and took out prisoners, for which they were severely punished.
1299. The 27th, John Amenter, Henry Fingene; mayor, Elias Russel.
1299. The 27th, John Amenter, Henry Fingene; mayor, Elias Russel.
1300. The 28th, Lucas de Havering, Richard Champs; mayor, Elias Russel.
1300. The 28th, Lucas de Havering, Richard Champs; mayor, Elias Russel.
1301. The 29th, Robert Callor, Peter de Bosenho; mayor, Sir John Blunt, knight.
1301. The 29th, Robert Callor, Peter de Bosenho; mayor, Sir John Blunt, knight.
1302. The 30th, Hugh Pourt, Simon Paris; mayor, Sir John Blunt.
1302. The 30th, Hugh Pourt, Simon Paris; mayor, Sir John Blunt.
1303. The 31st, William Combmartin, John Buckford; custos, Sir John Blunt.
1303. The 31st, William Combmartin, John Buckford; custodian, Sir John Blunt.
1304. The 32nd, Roger Paris, John de Lincolne; custos, Sir John Blunt.
1304. The 32nd, Roger Paris, John de Lincolne; custodian, Sir John Blunt.
Geffrey Hertilepole Alderman was elected to be recorder of London, and took his oath, and was appointed to wear his apparel as an alderman.
Geffrey Hertilepole Alderman was elected as the recorder of London, took his oath, and was assigned to wear his official clothing as an alderman.
1305. The 33rd, William Cosine, Reginald Thunderley; custos, Sir John Blunt.
1305. The 33rd, William Cosine, Reginald Thunderley; custodian, Sir John Blunt.
1306. The 34th, Geffrey Cundute, Simon Bilet; custos, Sir John Blunt.
1306. The 34th, Geffrey Cundute, Simon Bilet; custodian, Sir John Blunt.
Seacoal was forbid to be burned in London, Southwark, etc.
Seacoal was banned from being burned in London, Southwark, and other places.
Edward II. began his reign 7th of July, the year of Christ, 1307.
Edward II began his reign on July 7, 1307.
1307. The 1st, sheriffs, Nicholas Pigot, Nigellus Drury; mayor, Sir John Blunt.
1307. The 1st, sheriffs, Nicholas Pigot, Nigellus Drury; mayor, Sir John Blunt.
1308. The 2nd, William Basing, James Botenar; mayor, Nicholas Farringdon, goldsmith.
1308. The 2nd, William Basing, James Botenar; mayor, Nicholas Farringdon, goldsmith.
1309. The 3rd, Roger le Paumer, James of St. Edmond; mayor, Thomas Romaine.
1309. The 3rd, Roger le Paumer, James of St. Edmond; mayor, Thomas Romaine.
1310. The 4th, Simon de Corpe, Peter Blakney; mayor, Richard Reffam, mercer.
1310. The 4th, Simon de Corpe, Peter Blakney; mayor, Richard Reffam, mercer.
The king commanded the mayor and commonality, to make the wall of London from Ludgate to Fleetbridge, and from thence to the Thames.
The king ordered the mayor and the citizens to build the wall of London from Ludgate to Fleetbridge, and then to the Thames.
1311. The 5th, Simon Merwood, Richard Wilford; mayor, Sir John Gisors, pepperer.
1311. The 5th, Simon Merwood, Richard Wilford; mayor, Sir John Gisors, pepper merchant.
Order was taken, that merchant strangers should sell their wares within forty days after their arrival, or else the same to be forfeited.
Order was issued that foreign merchants must sell their goods within forty days of their arrival, or else those goods will be forfeited.
1312. The 6th, John Lambin, Adam Lutkin; mayor, Sir John Gisors, pepperer.
1312. The 6th, John Lambin, Adam Lutkin; mayor, Sir John Gisors, spice merchant.
1313. The 7th, Robert Gurden, Hugh Garton; mayor, Nicholas Farrindon, goldsmith.
1313. On the 7th, Robert Gurden, Hugh Garton; mayor, Nicholas Farrindon, goldsmith.
Prices set on victuals:—a fat stalled ox, twenty-four shillings; a fat mutton, twenty pence; a fat goose, two pence halfpenny; a fat capon, two pence; a fat hen, one penny; two chickens, one penny; three pigeons, one penny; twenty-four eggs, one penny, etc.
Prices for food:—a fat stalled ox, twenty-four shillings; a fat sheep, twenty pence; a fat goose, two and a half pence; a fat capon, two pence; a fat hen, one penny; two chickens, one penny; three pigeons, one penny; twenty-four eggs, one penny, etc.
1314. The 8th, Stephen Abingdon, Hamond Chigwel; mayor, Sir John Gisors, pepperer.
1314. The 8th, Stephen Abingdon, Hamond Chigwel; mayor, Sir John Gisors, pepper merchant.
Famine and mortality of the people, so that the quick might unneath bury the dead; horse-flesh, and dogs-flesh, was good meat.
Famine and death among the people, so that the living could quickly bury the dead; horse meat and dog meat became acceptable food.
1315. The 9th, Hamond Goodcheap, William Bodelay; mayor, Stephen Abendon.
1315. The 9th, Hamond Goodcheap, William Bodelay; mayor, Stephen Abendon.
1316. The 10th, William Canston, Raph Belancer; mayor, John Wingrave.
1316. The 10th, William Canston, Raph Belancer; mayor, John Wingrave.
An early harvest, a bushel of wheat that had been sold for ten shillings, was now sold for ten pence, etc.
An early harvest, a bushel of wheat that had been sold for ten shillings, was now sold for ten pence, etc.
1317. The 11th, John Prior, William Furneis; mayor, John Wingrave.
1317. The 11th, John Prior, William Furneis; mayor, John Wingrave.
Such a murrain of kine, that dogs and ravens that fed on them were poisoned.
Such a plague of cattle that the dogs and ravens that fed on them were poisoned.
1318. The 12th, John Pontel, John Dalling; mayor, John Wingrave.
1318. The 12th, John Pontel, John Dalling; mayor, John Wingrave.
1319. 13th, Simon Abindon, John Preston; mayor, Hamond Chickwel, pepperer.
1319. 13th, Simon Abindon, John Preston; mayor, Hamond Chickwel, spice trader.
John Gisors late mayor of London, and many other citizens, fled the city for things laid to their charge.
John Gisors, the former mayor of London, along with many other citizens, left the city due to accusations against them.
1320. The 14th, Renauld at Conduit, William Produn; mayor, Nicholas Farindon, goldsmith.
1320. On the 14th, Renauld at Conduit, William Produn; mayor, Nicholas Farindon, goldsmith.
1321. The 15th, Richard Constantine, Richard Hackney; mayor, Hamond Chickwell, pepperer.
1321. The 15th, Richard Constantine, Richard Hackney; mayor, Hamond Chickwell, spice merchant.
1322. The 16th, John Grantham, Richard Elie; mayor, Hamond Chickwell, pepperer.
1322. The 16th, John Grantham, Richard Elie; mayor, Hamond Chickwell, pepper merchant.
Fish and flesh market established at the Stocks in the midst of the city.
Fish and meat market set up at the Stocks in the center of the city.
1323. The 17th, Adam of Salisbury, John of Oxford; mayor, Nicholas Farindon, goldsmith.
1323. On the 17th, Adam of Salisbury, John of Oxford; mayor, Nicholas Farindon, goldsmith.
Of this Nicholas Farindon, and of William Farindon, and of William Farindon his father, read more in Farindon ward.
Of Nicholas Farindon, William Farindon, and William Farindon, his father, read more in Farindon ward.
1324. The 18th, Benet of Fulham, John Cawson; mayor, Hamond Chickwell, pepperer.
1324. The 18th, Benet of Fulham, John Cawson; mayor, Hamond Chickwell, pepper merchant.
1325. The 19th, Gilbert Mordon, John Cotton; mayor, Hamond Chickwell, pepperer.
1325. The 19th, Gilbert Mordon, John Cotton; mayor, Hamond Chickwell, spice merchant.
The citizens of London took the bishop of Exeter, and cut off his head at the Standard in Cheape.
The people of London captured the bishop of Exeter and executed him by beheading at the Standard in Cheape.
1326. The 20th, Richard Rothing, Roger Chaunteclere; mayor, Richard Britaine, goldsmith.
1326. The 20th, Richard Rothing, Roger Chaunteclere; mayor, Richard Britaine, goldsmith.
This Richard Rothing is said to new build the parish church of St. James at Garlicke hith.
This Richard Rothing is said to be rebuilding the parish church of St. James at Garlicke hith.
Edward III. began his reign the 25th of January, the year 1326.
Edward III began his reign on January 25, 1326.
This King Edward granted, that the mayor should be justice for the gaol delivery at Newgate, that the citizens of London should not be constrained to go out of the city of London to any war. More he granted, that the liberties and the franchises of the city should not after this time for any cause be taken into[454] the king’s hands, etc. More, he granted by his letters patents, dated the 6th of March, that no Escheater should be in the city, but the mayor for his time.
This is what King Edward granted: the mayor would be responsible for overseeing the release of prisoners at Newgate, and the citizens of London wouldn’t be forced to leave the city for any war. He also granted that the rights and privileges of the city could not be taken into[454] the king’s control for any reason from now on. Additionally, he stated in his letters patent, dated March 6th, that there should be no Escheater in the city, only the mayor during his term.
1327. The 1st sheriffs, Henry Darcie, John Hauton; mayor, Hamond Chickwell, pepperer.
1327. The 1st sheriffs, Henry Darcie, John Hauton; mayor, Hamond Chickwell, spice vendor.
This year the walls of London were repaired.
This year, the walls of London were fixed.
1328. The 2nd, Simon Francis, Henry Combmartin; mayor, John Grantham.
1328. The 2nd, Simon Francis, Henry Combmartin; mayor, John Grantham.
1329. The 3rd, Richard Lazar, William Gisors; mayor, Richard Swandland.
1329. The 3rd, Richard Lazar, William Gisors; mayor, Richard Swandland.
This year, the king kept a great justing in Cheape, betwixt Sopars lane and the great Crosse.
This year, the king held a big jousting event in Cheape, between Sopars Lane and the Great Cross.
1330. The 4th, Robert of Elie, Thomas Whorwode; mayor, Sir John Pultney, draper.
1330. The 4th, Robert of Elie, Thomas Whorwode; mayor, Sir John Pultney, draper.
1331. The 5th, John Mocking, Andrew Auberie; mayor, Sir John Pultney, draper.
1331. The 5th, John Mocking, Andrew Auberie; mayor, Sir John Pultney, fabric seller.
1332. The 6th, Nicholas Pike, John Husbond; mayor, John Preston, draper.
1332. The 6th, Nicholas Pike, John Husbond; mayor, John Preston, draper.
This year was founded Elsinges’ spittle, by W. Elsing, mercer, that became first prior of that hospital.
This year, Elsinges’ spittle was established by W. Elsing, a merchant, who became the first head of that hospital.
1333. The 7th, John Hamond, William Hansard; mayor, Sir John Pultney, draper.
1333. The 7th, John Hamond, William Hansard; mayor, Sir John Pultney, draper.
1334. The 8th, John Hingstone, Walter Turke; mayor, Reginald at Conduct, vintner.
1334. The 8th, John Hingstone, Walter Turke; mayor, Reginald at Conduct, wine merchant.
1335. The 9th, Walter Motdon, Richard Upton; mayor, Nicholas Woton.
1335. The 9th, Walter Motdon, Richard Upton; mayor, Nicholas Woton.
1336. The 10th, John Clark, William Curtis; mayor, Sir John Pultney, draper.
1336. The 10th, John Clark, William Curtis; mayor, Sir John Pultney, draper.
This Sir John Pultney founded a college in the parish church of St. Laurence, by Candlewicke street.
This Sir John Pultney established a college in the parish church of St. Laurence, located on Candlewicke Street.
1337. The 11th, Walter Nele, Nicholas Crane; mayor, Henry Darcy.
1337. The 11th, Walter Nele, Nicholas Crane; mayor, Henry Darcy.
Walter Nele, bladesmith, gave lands to the repairing of the high ways about London.
Walter Nele, bladesmith, donated land for the maintenance of the roads around London.
1338. The 12th, William Pomfret, Hugh Marbeler; mayor, Henry Darcy.
1338. The 12th, William Pomfret, Hugh Marbeler; mayor, Henry Darcy.
The king granted that the sergeants of the mayor, and sheriffs of London, should bear maces of silver and gilt with the king’s arms.
The king allowed the mayor's sergeants and the sheriffs of London to carry silver maces that were gold-plated with the king’s emblem.
1339. The 13th, William Thorney, Roger Frosham; mayor, Andrew Aubery, grocer.
1339. The 13th, William Thorney, Roger Frosham; mayor, Andrew Aubery, grocer.
1340. The 14th, Adam Lucas, Bartemew Maris; mayor, Andrew Aubery, grocer.
1340. The 14th, Adam Lucas, Bartemew Maris; mayor, Andrew Aubery, grocer.
1341. The 15th, Richard de Barking, John de Rokesley: mayor, John of Oxenford, vintner.
1341. The 15th, Richard de Barking, John de Rokesley: mayor, John of Oxenford, wine merchant.
1342. The 16th, John Louekin, Richard Killingbury; mayor, Simon Francis, mercer.
1342. The 16th, John Louekin, Richard Killingbury; mayor, Simon Francis, merchant.
The price of Gascoyn wines at London, four pence, and Rheinish wine, six pence the gallon.
The price of Gascoyn wines in London is four pence, and Rheinish wine is six pence per gallon.
1343. The 17th, John Steward, John Aylesham; mayor, John Hamond.
1343. The 17th, John Steward, John Aylesham; mayor, John Hamond.
1344. The 18th, Geffrey Wichingham, Thomas Leg; mayor, John Hamond.
1344. The 18th, Geffrey Wichingham, Thomas Leg; mayor, John Hamond.
1345. The 19th, Edmond Hemenhall, John of Gloucester; mayor, Richard Leget.
1345. The 19th, Edmond Hemenhall, John of Gloucester; mayor, Richard Leget.
1346. The 20th, John Croyden, William Cloptun; mayor, Geffrey Winchingham.
1346. The 20th, John Croyden, William Cloptun; mayor, Geffrey Winchingham.
1347. The 21st, Adam Brapsen, Richard Bas; mayor, Thomas Leggy, skinner.
1347. The 21st, Adam Brapsen, Richard Bas; mayor, Thomas Leggy, skinner.
King Edward won Calais from the French.
King Edward took Calais from the French.
1348. The 22nd, Henry Picard, Simon Dolseby; mayor, John Louekin, fishmonger.
1348. The 22nd, Henry Picard, Simon Dolseby; mayor, John Louekin, fishmonger.
A great pest. Sir Walter Mannie, knight, founded the Charterhouse by Smithfield, to be a burial for the dead.
A major nuisance. Sir Walter Mannie, knight, established the Charterhouse by Smithfield as a burial place for the dead.
1349. The 23rd, Adam of Bury, Raph of Lym; mayor, Walter Turk, fishmonger.
1349. The 23rd, Adam of Bury, Raph of Lym; mayor, Walter Turk, fishmonger.
1350. The 24th, John Notte, W. Worcester; mayor, Richard Killingbury.
1350. The 24th, John Notte, W. Worcester; mayor, Richard Killingbury.
1351. The 25th, John Wroth, Gilbert of Stenineshorpe; mayor, Andrew Aubery, grocer.
1351. The 25th, John Wroth, Gilbert of Stenineshorpe; mayor, Andrew Aubery, grocer.
1352. The 26th, John Pech, John Stotley; mayor, Adam Francis, mercer.
1352. On the 26th, John Pech, John Stotley; mayor, Adam Francis, merchant.
This mayor procured an act of parliament, that no known whore should wear any hood or attire on her head, except red or striped cloth of divers colours, etc.
This mayor got a law passed that no known sex worker could wear any head covering or clothing on her head, except for red or striped fabric in different colors, etc.
1353. The 27th, William Wilde, John Little; mayor, Adam Francis, mercer.
1353. On the 27th, William Wilde, John Little; mayor, Adam Francis, merchant.
This Adam Francis was one of the founders of the college in Guildhall chapel, etc., Henry Fowke was the other.
This Adam Francis was one of the founders of the college in Guildhall Chapel, and Henry Fowke was the other.
1354. The 28th, William Tottingham, Richard Smelt; mayor, Thomas Leggy, skinner.
1354. The 28th, William Tottingham, Richard Smelt; mayor, Thomas Leggy, skinner.
Aldermen of London were used to be changed yearly, but now it was ordained that they should not be removed without some special cause.
Aldermen of London used to be changed every year, but now it has been decided that they cannot be removed without a specific reason.
1355. The 29th, Walter Foster, Thomas Brandon; mayor, Simon Francis, mercer.
1355. The 29th, Walter Foster, Thomas Brandon; mayor, Simon Francis, merchant.
1356. The 30th, Richard Nottingham, Thomas Dossel; mayor, Henry Picard, vintner.
1356. The 30th, Richard Nottingham, Thomas Dossel; mayor, Henry Picard, wine merchant.
This Henry Picard feasted the kings of England, of France, Cypres, and Scots, with other great estates, all in one day.
This Henry Picard hosted the kings of England, France, Cyprus, and Scotland, along with other nobility, all in a single day.
1357. The 31st, Stephen Candish, Bartilmew Frostling; mayor, Sir John Stody, vintner.
1357. The 31st, Stephen Candish, Bartilmew Frostling; mayor, Sir John Stody, wine merchant.
This John Stody gave tenements to the vintners in London, for relief of the poor of that company.
This John Stody gave properties to the wine merchants in London, for the support of the poor in that group.
1358. The 32nd, John Barnes, John Buris; mayor, John Louekin, stock-fishmonger.
1358. The 32nd, John Barnes, John Buris; mayor, John Louekin, fishmonger.
1359. The 33rd, Simon of Benington, John of Chichester; mayor, Simon Dolseby, grocer.
1359. The 33rd, Simon of Benington, John of Chichester; mayor, Simon Dolseby, grocer.
1360. The 34th, John Denis, Walter Berny; mayor, John Wroth, fishmonger.
1360. The 34th, John Denis, Walter Berny; mayor, John Wroth, fishmonger.
1361. The 35th, William Holbech, James Tame; mayor, John Peche, fishmonger.
1361. The 35th, William Holbech, James Tame; mayor, John Peche, fishmonger.
1362. The 36th, John of St. Albans, James Andrew; mayor, Stephen Gondish, draper.
1362. The 36th, John of St. Albans, James Andrew; mayor, Stephen Gondish, draper.
1363. The 37th, Richard Croyden, John Litoft; mayor, John Not, pepperer.
1363. The 37th, Richard Croyden, John Litoft; mayor, John Not, spice trader.
1364. The 38th, John de Mitford, Simon de Mordon; mayor, Adam of Bury, skinner.
1364. The 38th, John de Mitford, Simon de Mordon; mayor, Adam of Bury, skinner.
1365. The 39th, John Bukulsworth, Thomas Ireland; mayor, John Louekin, fishmonger, and Adam of Bury, skinner.
1365. The 39th, John Bukulsworth, Thomas Ireland; mayor, John Louekin, fish dealer, and Adam of Bury, furrier.
1366. The 40th, John Warde, Thomas of Lee; mayor, John Lofkin, fishmonger.
1366. The 40th, John Warde, Thomas of Lee; mayor, John Lofkin, fishmonger.
This John Lofkin builded the parish church of St. Michael in Crooked lane.
This John Lofkin built the parish church of St. Michael in Crooked Lane.
1367. The 41st, John Turngold, William Dikeman; mayor, James Andrew, draper.
1367. The 41st, John Turngold, William Dikeman; mayor, James Andrew, fabric seller.
1368. The 42nd, Robert Cordeler, Adam Wimondham; mayor, Simon Mordon, stock-fishmonger.
1368. The 42nd, Robert Cordeler, Adam Wimondham; mayor, Simon Mordon, fishmonger.
This year wheat was sold for two shillings and six pence the bushel.
This year, wheat was sold for two shillings and six pence per bushel.
1369. The 43rd, John Piel, Hugh Holdich; mayor, John Chichester, goldsmith.
1369. The 43rd, John Piel, Hugh Holdich; mayor, John Chichester, goldsmith.
1370. The 44th, William Walworth, Robert Geyton; mayor, John Barnes, mercer.
1370. The 44th, William Walworth, Robert Geyton; mayor, John Barnes, merchant.
1371. The 45th, Adam Staple, Robert Hatfield; mayor, John Barnes, mercer.
1371. The 45th, Adam Staple, Robert Hatfield; mayor, John Barnes, merchant.
This John Barnes gave a chest with three locks, and one thousand marks to be lent to poor young men.
This John Barnes provided a chest with three locks and offered one thousand marks to be lent to young men in need.
1372. The 46th, John Philpot, Nicholas Brembar; mayor, John Piel, mercer.
1372. The 46th, John Philpot, Nicholas Brembar; mayor, John Piel, merchant.
1373. The 47th, John Aubery, John Fished; mayor, Adam of Bury, skinner.
1373. The 47th, John Aubery, John Fished; mayor, Adam of Bury, skinner.
1374. The 48th, Richard Lions, William Woodhouse; mayor, William Walworth, fishmonger.
1374. The 48th, Richard Lions, William Woodhouse; mayor, William Walworth, fishmonger.
1375. The 49th, John Hadley, William Newport; mayor, John Ward, grocer.
1375. The 49th, John Hadley, William Newport; mayor, John Ward, grocer.
1376. The 50th, John Northampton, Robert Laund; mayor, Adam Staple, mercer.
1376. The 50th, John Northampton, Robert Laund; mayor, Adam Staple, merchant.
The Londoners meant to have slain John duke of Lancaster: Adam Staple, mayor, put down, and Nicholas Brembar elected. Also the aldermen were deposed, and others set in their places.
The people of London planned to kill John, Duke of Lancaster: Adam Staple, the mayor, was removed, and Nicholas Brembar was elected in his place. The aldermen were also removed, and others were appointed to take their positions.
Richard II. began his reign the 21st of June, in the year 1377.
Richard II began his reign on June 21, 1377.
1377. The 1st sheriffs, Nicholas Twiford, Andrew Pikeman; mayor, Sir Nicholas Brembar, grocer.
1377. The 1st sheriffs, Nicholas Twiford, Andrew Pikeman; mayor, Sir Nicholas Brembar, grocer.
John Philpot, a citizen of London, sent ships to the sea, and scoured it of pirates, taking many of them prisoners.
John Philpot, a citizen of London, sent ships out to sea and cleared it of pirates, capturing many of them.
1378. The 2nd, John Boseham, Thomas Cornwalis; mayor, Sir John Philpot, grocer.
1378. The 2nd, John Boseham, Thomas Cornwalis; mayor, Sir John Philpot, grocer.
This Sir John Philpot gave to the city, lands for the finding of thirteen poor people for ever.
This Sir John Philpot donated land to the city to support thirteen poor people forever.
1379. The 3rd, John Helisdon, William Barat; mayor, John Hadley, grocer.
1379. The 3rd, John Helisdon, William Barat; mayor, John Hadley, grocer.
1380. The 4th, Walter Doget, William Knightcoate; mayor, William Walworth, fishmonger.
1380. The 4th, Walter Doget, William Knightcoate; mayor, William Walworth, fishmonger.
This William Walworth arrested Wat Tyler the rebel, and was knighted. He increased the parish church of St. Michael in Crooked lane, and founded there a college. Other aldermen were also knighted for their service in the field.
This William Walworth arrested Wat Tyler the rebel and was knighted. He expanded the parish church of St. Michael in Crooked Lane and established a college there. Other aldermen were also knighted for their service in battle.
1381. The 5th, John Rote, John Hend; mayor, John Northampton, draper.
1381. The 5th, John Rote, John Hend; mayor, John Northampton, draper.
1382. The 6th, Adam Bamme, John Sely; mayor, John Northampton, draper, or skinner, as I find in record.
1382. The 6th, Adam Bamme, John Sely; mayor, John Northampton, draper, or skinner, as I find in record.
1383. The 7th, Simon Winchcombe, John More; mayor, Sir Nicholas Brembar, grocer.
1383. The 7th, Simon Winchcombe, John More; mayor, Sir Nicholas Brembar, grocer.
John Northampton, late mayor of London, was committed to perpetual prison, and his goods confiscated.
John Northampton, the former mayor of London, was sentenced to life in prison, and his possessions were seized.
1384. The 8th, Nicholas Exton, John French; mayor, Sir Nicholas Brembar, grocer, knighted with William Walworth.
1384. The 8th, Nicholas Exton, John French; mayor, Sir Nicholas Brembar, grocer, knighted alongside William Walworth.
1385. The 9th, John Organ, John Churchman; mayor, Sir Nicholas Brembar, grocer.
1385. The 9th, John Organ, John Churchman; mayor, Sir Nicholas Brembar, grocer.
The foresaid John Churchman new-built the custom-house, near to the Tower of London, and did many other works for the commodity of this city.
The aforementioned John Churchman built a new custom house near the Tower of London and completed many other projects for the benefit of this city.
1386. The 10th, W. Standone, W. More; mayor, Nicholas Exton, fishmonger.
1386. The 10th, W. Standone, W. More; mayor, Nicholas Exton, fishmonger.
This year the citizens of London, fearing the French, pulled down houses near about their city, repaired their walls, and cleansed their ditches, etc.
This year, the people of London, afraid of the French, took down houses around the city, fixed their walls, and cleaned their ditches, among other things.
1387. The 11th, William Venor, Hugh Forstalfe; mayor, Nicholas Exton, fishmonger.
1387. The 11th, William Venor, Hugh Forstalfe; mayor, Nicholas Exton, fishmonger.
Sir Nicholas Brembar, late mayor of London, was this year beheaded.
Sir Nicholas Brembar, the former mayor of London, was beheaded this year.
1388. The 12th, Thomas Austin, Adam Carlhul; mayor, Nicholas Tuiford, goldsmith, knighted with W. Walworth.
1388. On the 12th, Thomas Austin and Adam Carlhul; mayor, Nicholas Tuiford, goldsmith, knighted along with W. Walworth.
1389. The 13th, John Walcot, John Lovenay; mayor, William Venor, grocer.
1389. The 13th, John Walcot, John Lovenay; mayor, William Venor, grocer.
1390. The 14th, John Francis, Thomas Vivent; mayor, Adam Bamme, goldsmith.
1390. The 14th, John Francis, Thomas Vivent; mayor, Adam Bamme, goldsmith.
This Adam Bamme provided from beyond the seas corn in great abundance, so that the city was able to serve the country.
This Adam Bamme provided a huge supply of corn from overseas, enabling the city to support the country.
1391. The 15th, John Shadworth, Henry Vamer; mayor, John Hend, draper.
1391. The 15th, John Shadworth, Henry Vamer; mayor, John Hend, draper.
This mayor was for displeasure taken, sent to Windsor castle, and the king made wardens of the city, etc.
This mayor was taken for displeasure and sent to Windsor Castle, and the king appointed wardens for the city, etc.
1392. The 16th, Gilbert Maghfield, Thomas Newington; mayor, William Stondon, grocer.
1392. The 16th, Gilbert Maghfield, Thomas Newington; mayor, William Stondon, grocery store owner.
1393. The 17th, Drew Barintin, Richard Whitington; mayor, John Hadley, grocer.
1393. The 17th, Drew Barintin, Richard Whitington; mayor, John Hadley, grocer.
Faringdon ward was by parliament appointed to be divided into two wards, to wit, infra and extra.
Faringdon ward was designated by parliament to be split into two wards, namely, infra and extra.
1394. The 18th, William Branston, Thomas Knoles; mayor, John Froshe, mercer.
1394. The 18th, William Branston, Thomas Knoles; mayor, John Froshe, merchant.
1395. The 19th, Roger Elles, William Sevenoke; mayor, William More, vintner.
1395. The 19th, Roger Elles, William Sevenoke; mayor, William More, wine merchant.
1396. The 20th, Thomas Wilford, William Parker; mayor, Adam Bamme, goldsmith.
1396. The 20th, Thomas Wilford, William Parker; mayor, Adam Bamme, goldsmith.
1397. The 21st, John Wodcoke, William Askam; mayor, Richard Whitington, mercer.
1397. The 21st, John Wodcoke, William Askam; mayor, Richard Whitington, merchant.
1398. The 22nd, John Wade, John Warnar; mayor, Drew Barentin, goldsmith.
1398. The 22nd, John Wade, John Warnar; mayor, Drew Barentin, goldsmith.
Henry IV. began his reign the 29th of September, the year 1399.
Henry IV started his reign on September 29, 1399.
1399. The 1st sheriffs, William Waldern, William Hende; mayor, Thomas Knoles, grocer.
1399. The 1st sheriffs, William Waldern, William Hende; mayor, Thomas Knoles, grocer.
1400. The 2nd, John Wakel, William Ebot; mayor, John Francis, goldsmith.
1400. The 2nd, John Wakel, William Ebot; mayor, John Francis, goldsmith.
1401. The 3rd, William Venor, John Fremingham; mayor, John Shadworth, mercer.
1401. The 3rd, William Venor, John Fremingham; mayor, John Shadworth, merchant.
The conduit upon Cornhill was this year made of an old prison house called the Tun.
The passage on Cornhill this year was created from an old jailhouse known as the Tun.
1402. The 4th, Richard Marlow, Robert Chicheley; mayor, I. Walcote, draper.
1402. The 4th, Richard Marlow, Robert Chicheley; mayor, I. Walcote, draper.
1403. The 5th, Thomas Falconer, Thomas Poole; mayor, W. Ascham, fishmonger.
1403. The 5th, Thomas Falconer, Thomas Poole; mayor, W. Ascham, fishmonger.
1404. The 6th, William Bouth, Stephen Spilman; mayor, John Hend, draper.
1404. The 6th, William Bouth, Stephen Spilman; mayor, John Hend, draper.
This John Hend was a new builder of the parish church of St. Swithen, by London stone.
This John Hend was a new builder of the local parish church of St. Swithen, near London Stone.
1405. The 7th, Henry Barton, William Grome; mayor, John Wodcocke, mercer.
1405. The 7th, Henry Barton, William Grome; mayor, John Wodcocke, merchant.
This mayor caused all the weirs in the river of Thames, from Stanes to the river of Medway, to be destroyed, and the trinkes to be burned, etc.
This mayor had all the weirs in the River Thames, from Stanes to the River Medway, destroyed, and all the trinkets burned, etc.
1406. The 8th, Nicholas Wooton, Gefferey Brooke; mayor, Richard Whitington, mercer.
1406. The 8th, Nicholas Wooton, Gefferey Brooke; mayor, Richard Whitington, merchant.
This year a great pestilence in London took away more than thirty thousand people.
This year, a terrible disease in London claimed the lives of more than thirty thousand people.
1407. The 9th, Henry Pontfrackt, Henry Halton, mercer; mayor, William Sandon, grocer.
1407. The 9th, Henry Pontfrackt, Henry Halton, merchant; mayor, William Sandon, grocer.
1408. The 10th, Thomas Ducke, William Norton; mayor, Drew Barentine, goldsmith.
1408. The 10th, Thomas Ducke, William Norton; mayor, Drew Barentine, goldsmith.
This Drew Barentine built a part of the Goldsmiths’ hall, and gave them lands.
This Drew Barentine constructed a section of the Goldsmiths' hall and donated land to them.
1409. The 11th, John Law, William Chichley; mayor, Richard Marlow, ironmonger.
1409. The 11th, John Law, William Chichley; mayor, Richard Marlow, ironmonger.
A great play at Skinners’ well, which lasted eight days, and was of matter from the Creation of the world; the most part of all the great estates of England were there to behold it.
A big play at Skinners' Well, which went on for eight days and was about the Creation of the world; most of the prominent estates of England came to see it.
1410. The 12th, John Penne, Thomas Pike; mayor, Thomas Knoles, grocer.
1410. The 12th, John Penne, Thomas Pike; mayor, Thomas Knoles, grocer.
This Thomas Knoles began anew to build the Guildhall in London, etc.
This Thomas Knoles started over to construct the Guildhall in London, etc.
1411. The 13th, John Rainwel, William Cotton; mayor, Robert Chichley, grocer.
1411. The 13th, John Rainwel, William Cotton; mayor, Robert Chichley, grocer.
1412. The 14th, Raph Lovinhinde, William Sevenocke; mayor, William Waldren, mercer.
1412. The 14th, Raph Lovinhinde, William Sevenocke; mayor, William Waldren, merchant.
Henry V. began his reign, the 20th of March, the year 1412.
Henry V began his reign on March 20, 1412.
1413. The 1st sheriffs, John Sutton, John Michell; mayor, William Cromar, draper.
1413. The first sheriffs, John Sutton, John Michell; mayor, William Cromar, draper.
Sir John Oldcastle assembled a great power in Fickets field, by London, which power was overcome and taken by the king and his power.
Sir John Oldcastle gathered a large force in Fickets field near London, which was defeated and captured by the king and his army.
1414. The 2nd, John Michell, Thomas Allen; mayor, Th. Falconer, mercer.
1414. The 2nd, John Michell, Thomas Allen; mayor, Th. Falconer, merchant.
This mayor caused the postern called Moregate to be built, and he lent to the king ten thousand marks upon jewels, etc.
This mayor had the gate called Moregate constructed, and he lent the king ten thousand marks in jewels, etc.
1415. The 3rd, William Cambridge, Alen Everard; mayor, Nicholas Wotton, draper.
1415. The 3rd, William Cambridge, Alen Everard; mayor, Nicholas Wotton, draper.
1416. The 4th, Robert Whittington, John Coventrie; mayor, Henry Barton, skinner.
1416. The 4th, Robert Whittington, John Coventrie; mayor, Henry Barton, skinner.
This Henry Barton ordained lanthorns with lights to be hanged out on the winter evening betwixt Hallontide[305] and Candlemasse.
This Henry Barton ordered lanterns with lights to be hung out on winter evenings between Hallontide[305] and Candlemas.
1417. The 5th, H. Read, John Gidney; mayor, Richard Marlow, ironmonger.
1417. The 5th, H. Read, John Gidney; mayor, Richard Marlow, ironmonger.
1418. The 6th, John Brian, Raph Barton, John Parnesse; mayor, William Sevenoke.
1418. The 6th, John Brian, Raph Barton, John Parnesse; mayor, William Sevenoke.
This William Sevenoke, son to William Rumsched of Sevenoke in Kent, was by his father bound an apprentice with Hugh de Bois, citizen and ferrer of London, for a term of years, which being expired in the year 1394, the 18th of Richard II., John Hadley being mayor of London, and Stephen Spilman, chamberlain of the Guildhall, he alleged that his master had used the trade or mystery of a grocer, and not of a ferrer, and therefore required to be made free of the grocers’ company, which was granted. This William Sevenoke founded in the town of Sevenoke a free school, and alms houses for the poor.
This William Sevenoke, the son of William Rumsched from Sevenoke in Kent, was apprenticed to Hugh de Bois, a citizen and blacksmith in London, for a set number of years. Once that time was up in 1394, during the 18th year of Richard II's reign, with John Hadley as mayor of London and Stephen Spilman as chamberlain of the Guildhall, he claimed that his master practiced the trade of a grocer rather than a blacksmith, and so he requested to be admitted to the grocers’ company, which was approved. This William Sevenoke established a free school and almshouses for the needy in the town of Sevenoke.
1419. The 7th, Robert Whittington, John Butler; mayor, Richard Whittington, mercer.
1419. The 7th, Robert Whittington, John Butler; mayor, Richard Whittington, merchant.
This mayor founded Whittington college.
This mayor established Whittington College.
1420. The 8th, John Butler, John Wels; mayor, William Cambridge, grocer.
1420. The 8th, John Butler, John Wels; mayor, William Cambridge, grocer.
1421. The 9th, Richard Gosseline, William Weston; mayor, Robert Chichley, grocer.
1421. The 9th, Richard Gosseline, William Weston; mayor, Robert Chichley, grocer.
This mayor gave one plot of ground, thereupon to build the parish church of St. Stephen upon Walbrooke.
This mayor donated a piece of land to build the parish church of St. Stephen on Walbrooke.
Henry VI. began his reign the 31st of August, the year 1422.
Henry VI began his reign on August 31, 1422.
1422. The 1st sheriffs, William Eastfield, Robert Tatarsal; mayor, William Waldern, mercer.
1422. The first sheriffs were William Eastfield and Robert Tatarsal; the mayor was William Waldern, a mercer.
This year the west gate of London was begun to be built by the executors of Richard Whitington.
This year, the west gate of London was started by the executors of Richard Whitington.
1423. The 2nd, Nicholas James, Thomas Windford; mayor, William Cromer, draper.
1423. The 2nd, Nicholas James, Thomas Windford; mayor, William Cromer, draper.
1424. The 3rd, Simon Seman, John Bywater; mayor, John Michel, fishmonger.
1424. The 3rd, Simon Seman, John Bywater; mayor, John Michel, fishmonger.
1425. The 4th, William Melreth, John Brokell; mayor, John Coventrie, mercer.
1425. The 4th, William Melreth, John Brokell; mayor, John Coventrie, merchant.
1426. The 5th, John Arnold, John Higham; mayor, John Reinwell, fishmonger.
1426. The 5th, John Arnold, John Higham; mayor, John Reinwell, fishmonger.
This mayor gave tenements to the city for the discharge of three wards in London for fifteens, etc.
This mayor provided tenements to the city to settle the debts of three wards in London for fifteens, etc.
1427. The 6th, Henry Frowicke, Robert Oteley; mayor, John Gidney, draper.
1427. The 6th, Henry Frowicke, Robert Oteley; mayor, John Gidney, cloth merchant.
1428. The 7th, Thomas Duffehouse, John Abbot; mayor, Henry Barton, skinner.
1428. The 7th, Thomas Duffehouse, John Abbot; mayor, Henry Barton, skinner.
1429. The 8th, William Russe, Raph Holland; mayor, William Eastfield, mercer.
1429. The 8th, William Russe, Raph Holland; mayor, William Eastfield, merchant.
Raph Holland gave to impotent poor, one hundred and twenty pounds, to prisoners eighty pounds, to hospitals forty pounds, etc.
Raph Holland donated £120 to the needy, £80 to prisoners, £40 to hospitals, and so on.
1430. The 9th, Walter Chartesey, Robert Large; mayor, Nicholas Wootton, draper.
1430. The 9th, Walter Chartesey, Robert Large; mayor, Nicholas Wootton, draper.
Walter Chartesey, draper, gave to the poor one hundred pounds, besides twenty pounds to the hospitals, etc.
Walter Chartesey, a fabric merchant, donated one hundred pounds to the poor, along with twenty pounds to the hospitals and other causes.
1431. The 10th, John Aderley, Stephen Browne; mayor, John Wels, grocer.
1431. The 10th, John Aderley, Stephen Browne; mayor, John Wels, grocer.
This John Wels, a great benefactor to the new building of the chapel by the Guildhall, and of his goods the standard in West Cheape was made.
This John Wels, a significant supporter of the new chapel building near the Guildhall, also provided the goods for the standard in West Cheape.
1432. The 11th, John Olney, John Paddesley; mayor, John Patneis, fishmonger.
1432. The 11th, John Olney, John Paddesley; mayor, John Patneis, fishmonger.
1433. The 12th, Thomas Chalton, John Ling; mayor, John Brokle, draper.
1433. The 12th, Thomas Chalton, John Ling; mayor, John Brokle, draper.
1434. The 13th, Thomas Barnewell, Simon Eyre; mayor, Roger Oteley, grocer.
1434. The 13th, Thomas Barnewell, Simon Eyre; mayor, Roger Oteley, grocer.
1435. The 14th, Thomas Catworth, Robert Clopton; mayor, Henry Frowicke, mercer.
1435. The 14th, Thomas Catworth, Robert Clopton; mayor, Henry Frowicke, merchant.
1436. The 15th, Thomas Morsted, William Gregorie; mayor, John Michel, fishmonger.
1436. The 15th, Thomas Morsted, William Gregorie; mayor, John Michel, fishmonger.
1437. The 16th, William Hales, William Chapman; mayor, Sir William Eastfield, mercer.
1437. The 16th, William Hales, William Chapman; mayor, Sir William Eastfield, merchant.
This Sir William Eastfield, knight of the Bath, a great benefactor to the water-conduits.
This Sir William Eastfield, Knight of the Bath, was a significant supporter of the water supply system.
1438. The 17th, Hugh Diker, Nicholas Yoo; mayor, Stephen Brown, grocer.
1438. The 17th, Hugh Diker, Nicholas Yoo; mayor, Stephen Brown, grocer.
Wheat sold for three shillings the bushel; but this man sent into Prussia, and caused to be brought from thence certain ships laden with rye, which did great relief.
Wheat sold for three shillings a bushel; but this man sent to Prussia and had ships loaded with rye brought back, which provided great relief.
1439. The 18th, Philip Malpas, Robert Marshal; mayor, Robert Large, mercer.
1439. The 18th, Philip Malpas, Robert Marshal; mayor, Robert Large, merchant.
Philip Malpas at his decease gave one hundred and twenty pounds to poor prisoners, and every year for five years four hundred and three shirts and smocks, forty pairs of sheets, and one hundred and fifty gowns of frieze to the poor, to poor maids’ marriages one hundred marks, to highways one hundred marks, and to five hundred poor people in London every one six shillings and eight pence, etc.
Philip Malpas, at his death, donated one hundred and twenty pounds to help poor prisoners. Every year for five years, he provided four hundred and three shirts and smocks, forty pairs of sheets, and one hundred and fifty frieze gowns to the needy. He also gave one hundred marks for the marriages of poor maids, one hundred marks for road improvements, and six shillings and eight pence each to five hundred poor individuals in London, among other contributions.
1440. The 19th, John Sutton, William Wetinhall; mayor, John Paddesley, goldsmith, master of the works of money in the Tower of London.
1440. The 19th, John Sutton, William Wetinhall; mayor, John Paddesley, goldsmith, master of the works of money in the Tower of London.
1441. The 20th, William Combis, Richard Rich; mayor, Robert Clopton, draper.
1441. The 20th, William Combis, Richard Rich; mayor, Robert Clopton, draper.
1442. The 21st, Thomas Beamont, Richard Morden; mayor, John Hatherley, ironmonger.
1442. The 21st, Thomas Beaumont, Richard Morden; mayor, John Hatherley, ironmonger.
1443. The 22nd, Nicholas Wilforde, John Norman; mayor, Thomas Catworth, grocer.
1443. The 22nd, Nicholas Wilforde, John Norman; mayor, Thomas Catworth, grocer.
1444. The 23rd, Stephen Forstar, Hugh Witch; mayor, Henry Frowicke, mercer.
1444. The 23rd, Stephen Forstar, Hugh Witch; mayor, Henry Frowicke, merchant.
This year Paul’s steeple was fired with lightning, and hardly quenched.
This year, Paul’s steeple was struck by lightning and barely survived.
1445. 24th, John Darby, Godfrey Fielding; mayor, Simon Eyre, draper.
1445. 24th, John Darby, Godfrey Fielding; mayor, Simon Eyre, fabric dealer.
This Simon Eyre built the Leaden hall in London, to be a common garner for the city, etc.
This Simon Eyre built Leaden Hall in London to serve as a communal storage place for the city, etc.
1446. The 25th, Robert Horne, Godfrey Bolaine; mayor, John Olney, mercer.
1446. The 25th, Robert Horne, Godfrey Bolaine; mayor, John Olney, merchant.
1447. The 26th, William Abraham, Thomas Scot; mayor, John Sidney, draper.
1447. The 26th, William Abraham, Thomas Scot; mayor, John Sidney, fabric merchant.
1448. The 27th, William Catlow, William Marrow; mayor, Stephen Browne, grocer.
1448. The 27th, William Catlow, William Marrow; mayor, Stephen Browne, grocer.
1449. The 28th, William Hulin, Thomas Caninges; mayor, Thomas Chalton, mercer.
1449. The 28th, William Hulin, Thomas Caninges; mayor, Thomas Chalton, merchant.
This year Jack Cade, a rebel of Kent, came to London, entered the city, etc.
This year, Jack Cade, a rebel from Kent, arrived in London, entered the city, etc.
1450. The 29th, I. Middleton, William Deere; mayor, Nicholas Wilforde, grocer.
1450. The 29th, I. Middleton, William Deere; mayor, Nicholas Wilforde, grocer.
Soldiers made a fray against the mayor the same day he took his charge at Westminster.
Soldiers clashed with the mayor on the same day he assumed his position at Westminster.
1451. The 30th, Matthew Philip, Christopher Warton; mayor, William Gregory, skinner.
1451. The 30th, Matthew Philip, Christopher Warton; mayor, William Gregory, skinner.
1452. The 31st, Richard Lee, Richard Alley; mayor, Godfrey Fielding, mercer, of council to Henry VI. and Edward IV.
1452. The 31st, Richard Lee, Richard Alley; mayor, Godfrey Fielding, merchant, of council to Henry VI and Edward IV.
This year was a great fray at the wrestling.
This year was a great struggle at the wrestling.
1453. The 32nd, John Waldron, Thomas Cooke; mayor, John Norman, draper.
1453. The 32nd, John Waldron, Thomas Cooke; mayor, John Norman, draper.
This John Norman was the first mayor that was rowed to Westminster by water, for before that time they rode on horseback.
This John Norman was the first mayor to be rowed to Westminster by boat, because before that, they traveled on horseback.
1454. The 33rd, John Field, W. Taylor; mayor, Stephen Forstar, fishmonger.
1454. The 33rd, John Field, W. Taylor; mayor, Stephen Forstar, fishmonger.
This Stephen Forstar enlarged Ludgate, for the ease of prisoners there, etc.
This Stephen Forstar expanded Ludgate for the convenience of the prisoners there, etc.
1455. The 34th, John Yong, Thomas Olgrave; mayor, William Marrow, grocer.
1455. The 34th, John Yong, Thomas Olgrave; mayor, William Marrow, grocer.
The mercers’ servants made a riot upon the Lombards and other strangers.
The mercers’ workers caused a ruckus against the Lombards and other outsiders.
1456. The 35th, John Steward, Raph Verney; mayor, Thomas Caning, grocer.
1456. The 35th, John Steward, Raph Verney; mayor, Thomas Caning, grocer.
1457. The 36th, William Edwards, Thomas Reiner; mayor, Godfrey Boloine, mercer.
1457. The 36th, William Edwards, Thomas Reiner; mayor, Godfrey Boloine, merchant.
This Godfrey Boloine gave one thousand pounds to poor householders in London, etc.
This Godfrey Boloine donated a thousand pounds to low-income families in London, etc.
1458. The 37th, Ralph Joceline, Richard Medham; mayor, Thomas Scot, draper.
1458. The 37th, Ralph Joceline, Richard Medham; mayor, Thomas Scot, draper.
1459. The 38th, John Plommar, John Stockar; mayor, William Hulin, fishmonger.
1459. The 38th, John Plommar, John Stockar; mayor, William Hulin, fishmonger.
1460. 39th, Richard Fleming, John Lambard; mayor, Richard Lee, grocer.
1460. 39th, Richard Fleming, John Lambard; mayor, Richard Lee, grocer.
Edward IV. began his reign the 4th of March, in the year 1460, after the account of the Church of England.
Edward IV began his reign on March 4, 1460, according to the Church of England's records.
1461. The 1st sheriffs, George Ireland, John Locke; mayor, Hugh Witch, mercer.
1461. The first sheriffs, George Ireland and John Locke; mayor, Hugh Witch, merchant.
1462. The 2nd, William Hampton, Bartholomew James; mayor, Thomas Cooke, draper, made knight of the Bath in the 5th of Edward IV. and had great troubles after.
1462. The 2nd, William Hampton, Bartholomew James; mayor, Thomas Cooke, a cloth merchant, was made a Knight of the Bath in the 5th year of Edward IV. and faced significant troubles afterward.
1463. The 3rd, Robert Baslet, Thomas Muschampe; mayor, Matthew Philip, goldsmith, made knight of the Bath the 5th of Edward IV., and after in the field, the 10th of Edward IV.
1463. The 3rd, Robert Baslet, Thomas Muschampe; mayor, Matthew Philip, a goldsmith, was knighted as a knight of the Bath on the 5th of Edward IV., and later in the field, on the 10th of Edward IV.
1464. The 4th, John Tate, John Stone; mayor, Raph Joceline, draper, knight of the Bath, and also in the field.
1464. The 4th, John Tate, John Stone; mayor, Raph Joceline, draper, knight of the Bath, and also in the field.
1465. The 5th, Henry Waver, William Constantine; mayor, Raph Verney, mercer. Henry Waver, one of the sheriffs, made knight of the Bath.
1465. The 5th, Henry Waver, William Constantine; mayor, Raph Verney, mercer. Henry Waver, one of the sheriffs, was made a Knight of the Bath.
1466. The 6th, John Browne, Henry Brice; mayor, John Yong, grocer, made knight in the field.
1466. On the 6th, John Browne and Henry Brice; mayor, John Yong, a grocer, was knighted in the field.
This year began the troubles of Sir Thomas Cooke, and other aldermen, as ye may read in my Summary.
This year marked the start of the troubles for Sir Thomas Cooke and other aldermen, as you can read in my Summary.
1467. The 7th, Thomas Stalbroke, Humfrey Heyford; mayor, Thomas Oldgrave, skinner.
1467. The 7th, Thomas Stalbroke, Humfrey Heyford; mayor, Thomas Oldgrave, skinner.
1468. The 8th, Symon Smith, William Hariot; mayor, William Taylor, grocer.
1468. The 8th, Symon Smith, William Hariot; mayor, William Taylor, grocery store owner.
This mayor gave tenements to discharge Cordwainer street ward of fifteens.
This mayor provided tenements to clear Cordwainer Street ward of its fifteens.
1469. The 9th, Richard Gardener, Robert Drope; mayor, Richard Lee, grocer.
1469. The 9th, Richard Gardener, Robert Drope; mayor, Richard Lee, grocer.
This year the Tower of London being delivered to the mayor and his brethren, they delivered King Henry from thence.
This year, the Tower of London was handed over to the mayor and his associates, and they released King Henry from there.
1470. The 10th, Sir John Crosbie, John Ward; mayor, Sir John Stockton, mercer.
1470. The 10th, Sir John Crosbie, John Ward; mayor, Sir John Stockton, merchant.
Thomas the Bastard Fauconbridge, with a riotous company, set upon this city at Aldgate, Bishopsgate, the Bridge, etc., and twelve aldermen, with the recorder, were knighted in the field by Edward IV., to wit, John Stockton, mayor, Raph Verney, late mayor, John Yong, later mayor, William Tayler, late mayor, Richard Lee, late mayor, Matthew Philips, late mayor, George Ireland, William Stoker, William Hampton, since mayor, Thomas Stolbroke, John Crosbie, and Bartlemew James, since mayor, with Thomas Urswike, recorder.
Thomas the Bastard Fauconbridge, along with a wild group, attacked this city at Aldgate, Bishopsgate, the Bridge, etc. Twelve aldermen, along with the recorder, were knighted in the field by Edward IV., including John Stockton, the mayor, Raph Verney, a former mayor, John Yong, a later mayor, William Tayler, a former mayor, Richard Lee, a former mayor, Matthew Philips, a former mayor, George Ireland, William Stoker, William Hampton, a later mayor, Thomas Stolbroke, John Crosbie, and Bartlemew James, a later mayor, along with Thomas Urswike, the recorder.
1471. The 11th, John Allin, John Shelley; mayor, William Edward, grocer.
1471. The 11th, John Allin, John Shelley; mayor, William Edward, grocer.
The water-conduit at Aldermanburie, and the standard in Fleet street were finished.
The water conduit at Aldermanbury and the standard in Fleet Street were completed.
1472. The 12th, John Browne, Thomas Bedlow; mayor, Sir William Hampton, fishmonger.
1472. The 12th, John Browne, Thomas Bedlow; mayor, Sir William Hampton, fish merchant.
This Sir William Hampton punished strumpets, and caused stocks to be set in every ward to punish vagabonds.
This Sir William Hampton punished prostitutes and had stocks set up in every neighborhood to punish vagrants.
1473. The 13th, Sir William Sokar, Robert Belisdon; mayor, John Tate, mercer.
1473. The 13th, Sir William Sokar, Robert Belisdon; mayor, John Tate, merchant.
This year the sheriffs of London were appointed each of them to have sixteen serjeants, every serjeant to have his yeoman, and six clerks, to wit, a secondary, a clerk of the papers, and four other clerks, besides the under-sheriff’s clerks.
This year, the sheriffs of London were assigned to each have sixteen serjeants, with each serjeant having a yeoman and six clerks, including a secondary, a clerk for the papers, and four additional clerks, not counting the under-sheriff’s clerks.
1474. The 14th, Edmond Shaw, Thomas Hill; mayor, Robert Drope, draper.
1474. The 14th, Edmond Shaw, Thomas Hill; mayor, Robert Drope, draper.
This Robert Drope increased the water-conduit upon Cornhill, etc.
This Robert Drope expanded the water system on Cornhill, etc.
1475. The 15th, Hugh Brice, Robert Colwich; mayor, Robert Basset, salter.
1475. The 15th, Hugh Brice, Robert Colwich; mayor, Robert Basset, salt merchant.
This Robert Basset corrected the bakers and other victuallers of this city.
This Robert Basset set straight the bakers and other food sellers of this city.
1476. The 16th, Richard Rawson, William Horne; mayor, Sir Raph Joceline, draper, knight of the Bath.
1476. The 16th, Richard Rawson, William Horne; mayor, Sir Raph Joceline, draper, knight of the Bath.
By the diligence of this mayor the walls of the city were repaired.
By the hard work of this mayor, the city's walls were fixed.
1477. The 17th, Henry Collet, John Stoker; mayor, Humphrey Hayford, goldsmith.
1477. The 17th, Henry Collet, John Stoker; mayor, Humphrey Hayford, goldsmith.
1478. The 18th, Robert Harding, Robert Bifield; mayor, Richard Gardener, mercer.
1478. The 18th, Robert Harding, Robert Bifield; mayor, Richard Gardener, merchant.
Robert Bifield, sheriff, was fined by the mayor, and paid fifty pounds toward the water-conduits.
Robert Bifield, the sheriff, was fined by the mayor and paid fifty pounds for the water pipes.
1479. The 19th, Thomas Ilam, John Warde; mayor, Sir Bartholomew James, draper, made knight in the field by Edward IV.
1479. The 19th, Thomas Ilam, John Warde; mayor, Sir Bartholomew James, a draper, was knighted in battle by Edward IV.
Thomas Ilam newly built the great conduit in West Cheape.
Thomas Ilam just finished building the big pipeline in West Cheape.
1480. The 20th, Thomas Daniel, William Bacon; mayor, John Browne, mercer.
1480. The 20th, Thomas Daniel, William Bacon; mayor, John Browne, merchant.
1481. The 21st, Robert Tate, William Wiking; mayor, William Hariot, draper.
1481. The 21st, Robert Tate, William Wiking; mayor, William Hariot, draper.
1482. The 22nd, William Whit, John Mathew; mayor, Edmond Sha, goldsmith.
1482. The 22nd, William Whit, John Mathew; mayor, Edmond Sha, goldsmith.
This Edmond Sha caused the postern called Cripplesgate to be newly built, etc.
This Edmond Sha had the gate known as Cripplesgate rebuilt, etc.
Edward V. began his reign the 9th of April, in the year 1483.
Edward V. began his reign on April 9, 1483.
Richard III. began his reign the 22nd of June, in the year 1483.
Richard III began his reign on June 22, 1483.
1483. The 1st sheriffs, Thomas Norland, William Martin; mayor, Robert Bilisden, haberdasher.
1483. The first sheriffs, Thomas Norland and William Martin; mayor, Robert Bilisden, haberdasher.
1484. The 2nd, Richard Chester, Thomas Brittaine, Raphe Austrie; mayor, Thomas Hill, grocer, Sir William Stoaker, draper, John Ward, grocer.
1484. The 2nd, Richard Chester, Thomas Brittaine, Ralph Austrie; mayor, Thomas Hill, grocer, Sir William Stoaker, draper, John Ward, grocer.
Three sheriffs and three mayors this year by means of the sweating sickness, etc. Thomas Hill appointed by his testament the water-conduit in Grasse street to be built.
Three sheriffs and three mayors this year due to the sweating sickness, etc. Thomas Hill, in his will, appointed for the water-conduit in Grasse street to be constructed.
Henry VII. began his reign the 22nd of August, in the year 1485.
Henry VII began his reign on August 22, 1485.
1485. The 1st sheriffs, John Tate, John Swan; mayor, Hugh Brise, goldsmith.
1485. The first sheriffs, John Tate and John Swan; mayor, Hugh Brise, goldsmith.
This Hugh Brise was keeper of the king’s mints at London.
This Hugh Brise was in charge of the king’s mints in London.
1486. The 2nd, John Percivall, Hugh Clopton; mayor, Henry Cellet, mercer.
1486. The 2nd, John Percivall, Hugh Clopton; mayor, Henry Cellet, merchant.
The cross in Cheap was new built in beautiful manner.
The cross in Cheap was newly built in a beautiful way.
1487. The 3rd, John Fenkell, William Remington; mayor, Sir William Horne, salter.
1487. The 3rd, John Fenkell, William Remington; mayor, Sir William Horne, salter.
This William Horne made knight in the field by Henry VII., gave to the repairing of highways betwixt London and Cambridge five hundred marks, and to the preachers at Paul’s cross, etc.
This William Horne, knighted in the field by Henry VII, contributed five hundred marks to repairing the roads between London and Cambridge, as well as to the preachers at Paul's Cross, etc.
1488. The 4th, W. Isaack, Raph Tilney; mayor, Robert Tate, mercer.
1488. The 4th, W. Isaack, Raph Tilney; mayor, Robert Tate, mercer.
1489. The 5th, William Caple, John Brocke; mayor, W. White, draper.
1489. The 5th, William Caple, John Brocke; mayor, W. White, cloth merchant.
1490. The 6th, Henry Cote, Robert Revell, Hugh Pemberton; mayor, John Mathew, mercer.
1490. The 6th, Henry Cote, Robert Revell, Hugh Pemberton; mayor, John Mathew, mercer.
1491. The 7th, Thomas Wood, William Browne; mayor, Hugh Clopton, mercer.
1491. The 7th, Thomas Wood, William Browne; mayor, Hugh Clopton, merchant.
Hugh Clopton built the great stone bridge at Stratford upon Haven in Warwickshire.
Hugh Clopton built the impressive stone bridge at Stratford upon Avon in Warwickshire.
1492. The 8th, William Purchase, William Welbecke; mayor, William Martin, skinner.
1492. The 8th, William Purchase, William Welbecke; mayor, William Martin, skinner.
A riot made upon the Esterlings by the mercers’ servants and other.
A riot caused by the mercers' servants and others against the Esterlings.
1493. The 9th, Robert Fabian, John Winger; mayor, Sir Raph Astrie, fishmonger, made knight by Henry VII.
1493. The 9th, Robert Fabian, John Winger; mayor, Sir Raph Astrie, fishmonger, was knighted by Henry VII.
Robert Fabian, alderman, made Fabian’s Chronicle, a painful labour, to the honour of the city, and the whole realm.
Robert Fabian, an alderman, created Fabian’s Chronicle, a challenging work, to honor the city and the entire realm.
1494. The 10th, Nicholas Alwine, John Warner; mayor, Richard Chawry, salter.
1494. The 10th, Nicholas Alwine, John Warner; mayor, Richard Chawry, salter.
1495. The 11th, Thomas Knesworth, Henry Somer; mayor, Henry Colet, mercer.
1495. The 11th, Thomas Knesworth, Henry Somer; mayor, Henry Colet, merchant.
1496. The 12th, Sir John Sha, Sir Richard Haddon; mayor, Sir John Tate, the younger, mercer.
1496. The 12th, Sir John Sha, Sir Richard Haddon; mayor, Sir John Tate, the younger, merchant.
The king made this mayor, Robert Shefield, recorder, and both the sheriffs, knights, for their good service against the rebels at Black Hith field.
The king appointed this mayor, Robert Shefield, as the recorder, along with both sheriffs, as knights, for their excellent service against the rebels at Black Hith field.
1497. The 13th, Bartlemew Read, Thomas Windout; mayor, W. Purchase, mercer.
1497. The 13th, Bartlemew Read, Thomas Windout; mayor, W. Purchase, merchant.
All the gardens in the Morefield were destroyed, and made plain ground.
All the gardens in the Morefield were destroyed and turned into flat land.
1498. Thomas Bradbury, Stephen Jeninges; mayor, Sir John Percevall, made knight in the field by King Henry VII.
1498. Thomas Bradbury, Stephen Jeninges; mayor, Sir John Percevall, knighted in battle by King Henry VII.
1499. The 15th, James Wilford, Thomas Brond; mayor, Nicholas Alwin, mercer.
1499. The 15th, James Wilford, Thomas Brond; mayor, Nicholas Alwin, merchant.
This Nicholas Alwin gave to three thousand poor people in London twelve pence the piece, and to three thousand in the town of Spalding, the like, etc.
This Nicholas Alwin gave twelve pence each to three thousand poor people in London, and to three thousand in the town of Spalding, the same amount, etc.
1500. The 16th, John Hawes, William Steede; mayor, W. Remington, fishmonger.
1500. The 16th, John Hawes, William Steede; mayor, W. Remington, fishmonger.
1501. The 17th, Lawrence Ailmer, Henry Hede; mayor, Sir John Sha, goldsmith, made knight in the field by Henry VII.
1501. The 17th, Lawrence Ailmer, Henry Hede; mayor, Sir John Sha, goldsmith, was knighted in the field by Henry VII.
This Sir John Sha caused his brethren the aldermen to ride from the Guildhall unto the water’s side, where he took his barge to Westminster; he was sworn by the king’s council: he commonly in the afternoons kept a court alone, called before him many matters, and redressed them.
This Sir John Sha made his fellow aldermen ride from the Guildhall to the riverside, where he took his boat to Westminster; he was sworn in by the king’s council. He usually held a court alone in the afternoons, summoned various issues, and resolved them.
1502. The 18th, Henry Kebel, Nicholas Nines; mayor, Bartlemew Reade, goldsmith.
1502. The 18th, Henry Kebel, Nicholas Nines; mayor, Bartlemew Reade, goldsmith.
1503. The 19th, Christopher Hawes, Robert Wats, Thomas Granger; mayor, Sir William Capell, draper, made knight by Henry VII.
1503. The 19th, Christopher Hawes, Robert Wats, Thomas Granger; mayor, Sir William Capell, a draper, was knighted by Henry VII.
This Sir William caused a cage in every ward to be set for punishing of vagabonds.
This Sir William had a cage set up in every ward to punish vagrants.
1504. The 20th, Roger Acheley, William Brown; mayor, John Winger, grocer.
1504. The 20th, Roger Acheley, William Brown; mayor, John Winger, grocery store owner.
1505. The 21st, Richard Shore, Roger Grove; mayor, Thomas Knesworth, fishmonger.
1505. On the 21st, Richard Shore, Roger Grove; mayor, Thomas Knesworth, fishmonger.
This Thomas Knesworth appointed the water-conduit at Bishopsgate to be built, etc.
This Thomas Knesworth had the water conduit at Bishopsgate constructed, etc.
1506. The 22nd, William Copenger, Thomas Johnson, William Fitzwilliams, merchant-tailor, after of council to Henry VIII.; mayor, Sir Richard Haddon, mercer.
1506. The 22nd, William Copenger, Thomas Johnson, William Fitzwilliams, merchant-tailor, formerly of counsel to Henry VIII.; mayor, Sir Richard Haddon, mercer.
1507. The 23rd, William Butler, John Kirkby; mayor, William Browne, mercer, for part, Lawrence Ailmer, draper.
1507. The 23rd, William Butler, John Kirkby; mayor, William Browne, mercer, for part, Lawrence Ailmer, draper.
1508. The 24th, Thomas Exmew, Richard Smith; mayor, Stephen Jeninges, merchant-tailor.
1508. The 24th, Thomas Exmew, Richard Smith; mayor, Stephen Jeninges, merchant-tailor.
This Stephen Geninges built the greatest part of St. Andrewes church called Undershaft. He built a free-school at Ulfrunehampton in Staffordshire, etc.
This Stephen Geninges constructed the main section of St. Andrew’s Church, known as Undershaft. He also established a free school in Wolverhampton, Staffordshire, and so on.
Henry VIII. began his reign the 22nd of April, the year 1509.
Henry VIII began his reign on April 22, 1509.
1509. The 1st sheriffs, George Monoxe, John Doget; mayor, Thomas Bradbury, mercer, for part, Sir William Caple, draper.
1509. The first sheriffs, George Monoxe and John Doget; mayor, Thomas Bradbury, a mercer, for part, Sir William Caple, a draper.
1510. The 2nd, John Milborne, John Rest; mayor, Henry Keble, grocer.
1510. The 2nd, John Milborne, John Rest; mayor, Henry Keble, grocer.
This Henry Keble gave one thousand pounds toward the new building of his parish church of Aldermary.
This Henry Keble donated one thousand pounds for the new construction of his local parish church, Aldermary.
1511. The 3rd, Nicholas Shelton, Thomas Mirfine; mayor, Roger Achiley, draper.
1511. The 3rd, Nicholas Shelton, Thomas Mirfine; mayor, Roger Achiley, draper.
This Roger Achiley provided corn for service of this city in great plenty. He caused the same to be stowed up in the common garner called Leaden hall.
This Roger Achiley provided a large supply of corn for the service of this city. He had it stored in the public granary known as Leaden Hall.
1512. The 4th, Robert Aldarnes, Robert Fenrother; mayor, Sir William Copinger, fishmonger, for part, Richard Haddon, mercer, for the rest.
1512. The 4th, Robert Aldarnes, Robert Fenrother; mayor, Sir William Copinger, fishmonger, for part, Richard Haddon, mercer, for the rest.
Sir W. Copinger gave half his goods to his wife, and the other half to the poor that had most need.
Sir W. Copinger gave half of his belongings to his wife and the other half to the poor who needed it the most.
1513. The 5th, John Dawes, John Bridges, Roger Bafford; mayor, W. Browne, mercer, and John Tate, mercer.
1513. The 5th, John Dawes, John Bridges, Roger Bafford; mayor, W. Browne, merchant, and John Tate, merchant.
This John Tate new built the church of St. Anthonies hospital in London.
This John Tate just built the church of St. Anthony's Hospital in London.
1514. The 6th, James Yarford, John Monday; mayor, George Monoux, draper.
1514. The 6th, James Yarford, John Monday; mayor, George Monoux, draper.
1515. The 7th, Henry Warley, Richard Grey, W. Bayly; mayor, Sir William Butler, grocer.
1515. The 7th, Henry Warley, Richard Grey, W. Bayly; mayor, Sir William Butler, grocer.
1516. The 8th, Thomas Seimer, John Thurstone; mayor, John Rest, grocer.
1516. The 8th, Thomas Seimer, John Thurstone; mayor, John Rest, grocer.
1517. The 9th, Thomas Baldrie, Raph Simondes; mayor, Sir Thomas Exmew, goldsmith.
1517. The 9th, Thomas Baldrie, Raph Simondes; mayor, Sir Thomas Exmew, goldsmith.
Sir Thomas Exmew made the water-conduit in London wall by Mooregate, etc.
Sir Thomas Exmew built the water conduit in the London wall by Moorgate, etc.
1518. The 10th, John Allen, James Spencer; mayor, Thomas Mirfin, skinner.
1518. The 10th, John Allen, James Spencer; mayor, Thomas Mirfin, skinner.
1519. The 11th, John Wilkenson, Nicholas Partrich; mayor. Sir James Yarford, mercer.
1519. The 11th, John Wilkenson, Nicholas Partrich; mayor. Sir James Yarford, merchant.
From this time the mayors of London, for the most part, have been knighted by courtesy of the kings, and not otherwise.
From this time on, most mayors of London have been knighted as a courtesy by the kings, and not in any other way.
1520. The 12th, Sir John Skevington, John Kyme; mayor, Sir John Bruge, draper.
1520. The 12th, Sir John Skevington, John Kyme; mayor, Sir John Bruge, draper.
1521. The 13th, John Breton, Thomas Pargetor; mayor, Sir John Milborne, draper.
1521. The 13th, John Breton, Thomas Pargetor; mayor, Sir John Milborne, draper.
This Sir John Milborne founded fourteen alms houses by the Crossed Fryers church, etc.
This Sir John Milborne established fourteen almshouses by the Crossed Fryers church, etc.
1522. The 14th, John Rudstone, John Champneis; mayor, Sir John Mundy, goldsmith.
1522. The 14th, John Rudstone, John Champneis; mayor, Sir John Mundy, goldsmith.
1523. The 15th, Michael English, Nicholas Jenines; mayor, Sir T. Baldry, mercer.
1523. The 15th, Michael English, Nicholas Jenines; mayor, Sir T. Baldry, merchant.
1524. The 16th, Raph Dodmer, William Roch; mayor, Sir W. Bayly, draper.
1524. The 16th, Raph Dodmer, William Roch; mayor, Sir W. Bayly, draper.
1525. The 17th, John Caunton, Christopher Askew; mayor, Sir John Allen, mercer.
1525. The 17th, John Caunton, Christopher Askew; mayor, Sir John Allen, merchant.
1526. The 18th, Stephen Peacocke, Nicholas Lambert; mayor, Sir Thomas Seamer, mercer.
1526. The 18th, Stephen Peacocke, Nicholas Lambert; mayor, Sir Thomas Seamer, merchant.
1527. The 19th, John Hardy, William Holles; mayor, Sir James Spencer, vintner.
1527. The 19th, John Hardy, William Holles; mayor, Sir James Spencer, wine merchant.
1528. The 20th, Raph Warren, John Long; mayor, Sir John Rudstone, draper.
1528. The 20th, Raph Warren, John Long; mayor, Sir John Rudstone, draper.
1529. The 21st, Michael Dormer, Walter Champion; mayor, Sir Raph Dodmer, mercer.
1529. The 21st, Michael Dormer, Walter Champion; mayor, Sir Raph Dodmer, merchant.
This year it was decreed that no man should be mayor of London more than one year.
This year, it was decided that no man could serve as mayor of London for more than one year.
1530. The 22nd, William Dauntsey, Richard Champion; mayor, Sir T. Pargitor, salter.
1530. The 22nd, William Dauntsey, Richard Champion; mayor, Sir T. Pargitor, salter.
1531. The 23rd, Richard Gresham, Edward Altham; mayor, Sir Nicholas Lambard, grocer.
1531. The 23rd, Richard Gresham, Edward Altham; mayor, Sir Nicholas Lambard, grocer.
1532. The 24th, Richard Reynoldes, Nicholas Pinchon, John Martin, John Prist; mayor, Sir Stephen Pecocke, haberdasher.
1532. The 24th, Richard Reynoldes, Nicholas Pinchon, John Martin, John Prist; mayor, Sir Stephen Pecocke, haberdasher.
1533. The 25th, William Forman, Sir T. Kitson; mayor, Sir Christopher Askew, draper.
1533. The 25th, William Forman, Sir T. Kitson; mayor, Sir Christopher Askew, draper.
1534. The 26th, Nicholas Levison, W. Denham; mayor, Sir John Chamneis, skinner.
1534. The 26th, Nicholas Levison, W. Denham; mayor, Sir John Chamneis, skinner.
1535. The 27th, Humfrey Munmoth, John Cootes; mayor, Sir John Allen, mercer. By the king’s appointment he was of his council. A man of great wisdom, and also of great charity.
1535. The 27th, Humfrey Munmoth, John Cootes; mayor, Sir John Allen, merchant. By the king’s appointment, he was on his council. A man of great wisdom and also of great generosity.
The forenamed sheriffs, Munmouth and Cootes, put away twelve serjeants and twelve yeomen, but were by a common council forced to take them again.
The aforementioned sheriffs, Munmouth and Cootes, dismissed twelve serjeants and twelve yeomen, but were compelled by a common council to rehire them.
1536. The 28th, Robert Paget, William Boyer; mayor, Sir Raph Waren, mercer.
1536. The 28th, Robert Paget, William Boyer; mayor, Sir Raph Waren, merchant.
1537. The 29th, Sir John Gresham, Thomas Lewen; mayor, Sir Richard Gresham, mercer.
1537. The 29th, Sir John Gresham, Thomas Lewen; mayor, Sir Richard Gresham, merchant.
1538. The 30th, William Welkenson, Nicholas Gibson; mayor, William Forman, haberdasher.
1538. The 30th, William Welkenson, Nicholas Gibson; mayor, William Forman, hat maker.
1539. The 31st, John Feiry, Thomas Huntlow; mayor, Sir W. Holles, mercer.
1539. The 31st, John Feiry, Thomas Huntlow; mayor, Sir W. Holles, merchant.
1540. The 32nd, Sir William Laxton, Martin Bowes; mayor, Sir William Roch, draper.
1540. The 32nd, Sir William Laxton, Martin Bowes; mayor, Sir William Roch, draper.
1541. The 33rd, Rowland Hill, Henry Suckley; mayor, Sir Michael Dormer, mercer.
1541. The 33rd, Rowland Hill, Henry Suckley; mayor, Sir Michael Dormer, merchant.
1542. The 34th, Henry Habberthorne, Henry Amcotes; mayor, John Cootes, salter.
1542. The 34th, Henry Habberthorne, Henry Amcotes; mayor, John Cootes, salter.
1543. The 35th, John Toleus, Richard Dobbes; mayor, Sir W. Bowyer, draper, for part, Sir Raph Waren, mercer.
1543. The 35th, John Toleus, Richard Dobbes; mayor, Sir W. Bowyer, draper, for part, Sir Raph Waren, mercer.
1544. The 36th, John Wilford, Andrew Jude; mayor, Sir W. Laxton, grocer.
1544. The 36th, John Wilford, Andrew Jude; mayor, Sir W. Laxton, grocer.
1545. The 37th, George Barnes, Ralph Alley; mayor, Sir Martin Bowes, goldsmith.
1545. The 37th, George Barnes, Ralph Alley; mayor, Sir Martin Bowes, goldsmith.
1546. The 38th, Richard Jarveis, Thomas Curteis; mayor, Sir Henry Hubbathorne, merchant-tailor.
1546. The 38th, Richard Jarveis, Thomas Curteis; mayor, Sir Henry Hubbathorne, merchant-tailor.
Edward VI. began his reign the 28th of January, in the year 1546.
Edward VI began his reign on January 28, 1546.
1547. The 1st sheriffs, Thomas White, Robert Charsey; mayor, Sir John Gresham, mercer.
1547. The first sheriffs, Thomas White and Robert Charsey; mayor, Sir John Gresham, mercer.
1548. The 2nd, William Locke, Sir John Ailife; mayor, Sir Henry Amcotes, fishmonger.
1548. The 2nd, William Locke, Sir John Ailife; mayor, Sir Henry Amcotes, fishmonger.
1549. The 3rd, Richard Turke, John Yorke; mayor, Rowland Hill, mercer.
1549. The 3rd, Richard Turke, John Yorke; mayor, Rowland Hill, merchant.
1550. The 4th, Augustine Hind, John Lyon; mayor, Sir Andrew Jude, skinner.
1550. The 4th, Augustine Hind, John Lyon; mayor, Sir Andrew Jude, skinner.
1551. The 5th, John Lamberd, John Cowper; mayor, Sir Richard Dobbes, skinner.
1551. The 5th, John Lamberd, John Cowper; mayor, Sir Richard Dobbes, skinner.
1552. The 6th, William Gerard, John Maynard; mayor, Sir George Barnes, haberdasher.
1552. The 6th, William Gerard, John Maynard; mayor, Sir George Barnes, haberdasher.
Queen Mary began her reign, the 6th of July, the year 1553.
Queen Mary began her reign on July 6, 1553.
1553. The 1st sheriffs, Thomas Ofley, William Huet; mayor, Sir Thomas White, merchant-tailor.
1553. The 1st sheriffs, Thomas Ofley, William Huet; mayor, Sir Thomas White, merchant-tailor.
This Thomas White founded St. John’s college, in Oxford. He gave to the city of Bristow two thousand pounds.
This Thomas White founded St. John’s College in Oxford. He donated two thousand pounds to the city of Bristol.
1554. The 2nd, David Woodrofe, William Chester; mayor, Sir John Lion, grocer.
1554. The 2nd, David Woodrofe, William Chester; mayor, Sir John Lion, grocer.
1555. The 3rd, Thomas Leigh, John Machil; mayor, Sir William Gerard, haberdasher.
1555. The 3rd, Thomas Leigh, John Machil; mayor, Sir William Gerard, haberdasher.
1556. The 4th, William Harper, John White; mayor, Sir Thomas Ofley, merchant-tailor.
1556. The 4th, William Harper, John White; mayor, Sir Thomas Ofley, merchant-tailor.
1557. The 5th, Richard Malorie, James Aitham; mayor, Sir Thomas Curteis, fishmonger.
1557. The 5th, Richard Malorie, James Aitham; mayor, Sir Thomas Curteis, fishmonger.
1558. The 6th, John Halse, Richard Champion; mayor, Sir Thomas Legh, mercer.
1558. The 6th, John Halse, Richard Champion; mayor, Sir Thomas Legh, merchant.
Queen Elizabeth began her reign, the 17th of November, in the year of Christ 1558.
Queen Elizabeth started her reign on November 17, 1558.
1559. The 1st sheriffs, Thomas Lodge, Roger Martin; mayor, Sir William Huet, clothworker.
1559. The first sheriffs, Thomas Lodge and Roger Martin; mayor, Sir William Huet, clothworker.
1560. The 2nd, Christopher Draper, Thomas Row; mayor, Sir William Chester, draper.
1560. The 2nd, Christopher Draper, Thomas Row; mayor, Sir William Chester, draper.
This year the merchant-tailors founded their notable free-school for poor men’s children, etc.
This year, the merchant-tailors established their well-known free school for the children of low-income families, etc.
1561. The 3rd, Alexander Avenon, Humfrey Baskervile; mayor, Sir William Harper, merchant-tailor.
1561. The 3rd, Alexander Avenon, Humfrey Baskervile; mayor, Sir William Harper, merchant-tailor.
1562. The 4th, William Alin, Richard Chamberlaine; mayor, Sir Thomas Lodge, grocer.
1562. The 4th, William Alin, Richard Chamberlaine; mayor, Sir Thomas Lodge, grocer.
1563. The 5th, Edward Bankes, Rowland Heyward; mayor, Sir John White, grocer.
1563. The 5th, Edward Bankes, Rowland Heyward; mayor, Sir John White, grocer.
1564. The 6th, Edward Jackeman, Lionel Ducket; mayor, Sir Richard Malorie, mercer.
1564. The 6th, Edward Jackeman, Lionel Ducket; mayor, Sir Richard Malorie, merchant.
1565. The 7th, John Rivers, James Hawes; mayor, Sir Richard Champion, draper.
1565. The 7th, John Rivers, James Hawes; mayor, Sir Richard Champion, draper.
1566. The 8th, Richard Lambert, Ambrose Nicholas, John Langley; mayor, Sir Christopher Draper, ironmonger.
1566. The 8th, Richard Lambert, Ambrose Nicholas, John Langley; mayor, Sir Christopher Draper, ironmonger.
1567. The 9th, Thomas Ramsey, William Bond; mayor, Sir Roger Martin, mercer.
1567. The 9th, Thomas Ramsey, William Bond; mayor, Sir Roger Martin, merchant.
1568. The 10th, John Oleph, Robert Harding, James Bacon; mayor, Sir Thomas Row, merchant-tailor.
1568. The 10th, John Oleph, Robert Harding, James Bacon; mayor, Sir Thomas Row, merchant-tailor.
1569. The 11th, Henry Becher, William Dane; mayor, Alexander Avenon, ironmonger.
1569. The 11th, Henry Becher, William Dane; mayor, Alexander Avenon, ironmonger.
1570. The 12th, Francis Bernam, William Box; mayor, Sir Rowland Heyward, clothworker.
1570. The 12th, Francis Bernam, William Box; mayor, Sir Rowland Heyward, clothworker.
1571. The 13th, Henry Miles, John Braunch; mayor, Sir William Allin, mercer.
1571. The 13th, Henry Miles, John Braunch; mayor, Sir William Allin, merchant.
1572. The 14th, Richard Pipe, Nicholas Woodrofe; mayor, Sir Lionel Ducket, mercer.
1572. The 14th, Richard Pipe, Nicholas Woodrofe; mayor, Sir Lionel Ducket, merchant.
1573. The 15th, James Harvy, Thomas Pullison; mayor, Sir J. Rivers, grocer.
1573. The 15th, James Harvy, Thomas Pullison; mayor, Sir J. Rivers, grocer.
1574. The 16th, Thomas Blanke, Anthony Gamage; mayor, James Hawes, clothworker.
1574. The 16th, Thomas Blanke, Anthony Gamage; mayor, James Hawes, clothworker.
1575. The 17th, Edward Osborne, Wolstane Dixie; mayor, Ambrose Nicholas, salter.
1575. The 17th, Edward Osborne, Wolstane Dixie; mayor, Ambrose Nicholas, salter.
1576. The 18th, William Kimpton, George Barne; mayor, Sir John Langley, goldsmith.
1576. The 18th, William Kimpton, George Barne; mayor, Sir John Langley, goldsmith.
1577. The 19th, Nicholas Backhouse, Francis Bowyer; mayor, Sir Thomas Ramsey, grocer.
1577. The 19th, Nicholas Backhouse, Francis Bowyer; mayor, Sir Thomas Ramsey, grocer.
1578. The 20th, George Bond, Thomas Starkie; mayor, Sir Richard Pipe, draper.
1578. The 20th, George Bond, Thomas Starkie; mayor, Sir Richard Pipe, draper.
1579. The 21st, Martin Calthrope, John Hart; mayor, Sir Nicholas Woodrofe, haberdasher.
1579. The 21st, Martin Calthrope, John Hart; mayor, Sir Nicholas Woodrofe, haberdasher.
1580. The 22nd, Ralph Woodcock, John Alate; mayor, Sir John Branch, draper.
1580. The 22nd, Ralph Woodcock, John Alate; mayor, Sir John Branch, draper.
1581. The 23rd, Richard Martin, William Webbe; mayor, Sir James Harvie, ironmonger.
1581. The 23rd, Richard Martin, William Webbe; mayor, Sir James Harvie, ironmonger.
1582. The 24th, William Roe, John Hayden, Cuthbert Buckle; mayor, Sir Thomas Blancke, haberdasher.
1582. The 24th, William Roe, John Hayden, Cuthbert Buckle; mayor, Sir Thomas Blancke, haberdasher.
1583. The 25th, William Masham, John Spencer; mayor, Edward Osborne, clothworker.
1583. The 25th, William Masham, John Spencer; mayor, Edward Osborne, clothworker.
1584. The 26th, Stephen Slany, Henry Billingsley; mayor, Sir Thomas Pullison, draper.
1584. The 26th, Stephen Slany, Henry Billingsley; mayor, Sir Thomas Pullison, draper.
1585. The 27th, Anthony Radclife, Henry Pranell; mayor, Sir Wolstane Dixie, skinner.
1585. The 27th, Anthony Radclife, Henry Pranell; mayor, Sir Wolstane Dixie, skinner.
1586. The 28th, Robert House, William Elkin; mayor, Sir George Barne, haberdasher.
1586. The 28th, Robert House, William Elkin; mayor, Sir George Barne, hat maker.
1587. The 29th, Thomas Skinner, John Katcher; mayor, Sir George Bond, haberdasher.
1587. The 29th, Thomas Skinner, John Katcher; mayor, Sir George Bond, haberdasher.
1588. The 30th, Hugh Ofley, Richard Saltenstall; mayor, Sir Martin Calthorpe, draper, for part, and Richard Martin, goldsmith, for the rest of that year.
1588. The 30th, Hugh Ofley, Richard Saltenstall; mayor, Sir Martin Calthorpe, draper, for part, and Richard Martin, goldsmith, for the rest of that year.
1589. The 31st, Richard Gurney, Stephen Some; mayor, Sir John Hart, grocer.
1589. The 31st, Richard Gurney, Stephen Some; mayor, Sir John Hart, grocer.
1590. The 32nd, Nicholas Mosley, Robert Broke; mayor, John Allot, fishmonger, for part, Sir Rowland Heyward, clothworker, for the rest.
1590. The 32nd, Nicholas Mosley, Robert Broke; mayor, John Allot, fishmonger, for part, Sir Rowland Heyward, clothworker, for the rest.
1591. The 33rd, William Rider, Benet Barnham; mayor, Sir William Webb, salter.
1591. The 33rd, William Rider, Benet Barnham; mayor, Sir William Webb, salt merchant.
1592. The 34th, John Garrard, Robert Taylor; mayor, Sir William Roe, ironmonger.
1592. The 34th, John Garrard, Robert Taylor; mayor, Sir William Roe, ironmonger.
1593. The 35th, Paule Banning, Peter Hauton; mayor, Sir[473] Cuthbert Buckle, vintner, for part, Sir Richard Martin, goldsmith, for the rest.
1593. The 35th, Paule Banning, Peter Hauton; mayor, Sir[473] Cuthbert Buckle, wine merchant, for part, Sir Richard Martin, goldsmith, for the rest.
1594. The 36th, Robert Lee, Thomas Benet; mayor, Sir John Spencer, clothworker.
1594. The 36th, Robert Lee, Thomas Benet; mayor, Sir John Spencer, clothworker.
1595. The 37th, Thomas Low, Leonard Holiday; mayor, Sir Stephen Slany, skinner.
1595. The 37th, Thomas Low, Leonard Holiday; mayor, Sir Stephen Slany, skinner.
1596. The 38th, John Wattes, Richard Godard; mayor, Thomas Skinner, clothworker, for part, Sir Henry Billingsley, haberdasher.
1596. The 38th, John Wattes, Richard Godard; mayor, Thomas Skinner, clothworker, for part, Sir Henry Billingsley, haberdasher.
1597. The 39th, Henry Roe, John More; mayor, Sir Richard Saltenstall, skinner.
1597. The 39th, Henry Roe, John More; mayor, Sir Richard Saltenstall, skinner.
1598. The 40th, Edward Holmeden, Robert Hampson; mayor, Sir Stephen Some, grocer.
1598. The 40th, Edward Holmeden, Robert Hampson; mayor, Sir Stephen Some, grocer.
1599. The 41st, Humfrey Welde, grocer, Roger Clarke, salter; mayor, Sir Nicholas Mosley, clothworker.
1599. The 41st, Humfrey Welde, grocer, Roger Clarke, salter; mayor, Sir Nicholas Mosley, clothworker.
1600. The 42nd, Thomas Cambell, ironmonger, Thomas Smith, haberdasher, William Craven, merchant-tailor; mayor, Sir William Rider, haberdasher.
1600. The 42nd, Thomas Cambell, ironmonger, Thomas Smith, haberdasher, William Craven, merchant-tailor; mayor, Sir William Rider, haberdasher.
1601. The 43rd, Henry Anderson, girdler; William Glover, dyer; mayor, Sir John Garrard, haberdasher.
1601. The 43rd, Henry Anderson, girdler; William Glover, dyer; mayor, Sir John Garrard, haberdasher.
1602. The 44th, James Pemberton, goldsmith, John Swinerton, merchant-tailor; mayor, Robert Lee, merchant-tailor.
1602. The 44th, James Pemberton, goldsmith; John Swinerton, merchant-tailor; mayor, Robert Lee, merchant-tailor.
Thus much for the chief and principal governors of this famous city; of whose public government, with the assistance of inferior officers, their charges for keeping of the peace, service of the prince, and honour of this city, much might have been said, and I had thought to have touched more at large; but being informed that a learned gentleman (James Dalton, a citizen born), minded such a labour, and promised to perform it, I have forborne and left the same to his good leisure, but he being now lately deceased without finishing any such work (a common fault to promise more than to perform), and I hear not of any other that taketh it in hand, I have been divers times minded to add certain chapters to this book, but being (by the good pleasure of God) visited with sickness, such as my feet (which have borne me many a mile) have of late years refused, once in four or five months, to convey me from my bed to my study, and therefore could not do as I would.
So much for the main governors of this renowned city; about their public administration, supported by lower officials, there's plenty that could be said regarding their responsibilities for maintaining peace, serving the prince, and upholding the city's honor. I had intended to elaborate more, but I learned that a knowledgeable individual (James Dalton, a native citizen) was planning to tackle this task and had promised to do so. Therefore, I held back and left it to his discretion. However, since he recently passed away before completing any such work (a common issue of overpromising and underdelivering), and I haven’t heard of anyone else taking it on, I've often felt compelled to add some chapters to this book. Unfortunately, due to the grace of God, I've been plagued with an illness that has kept my feet (which have carried me many miles) from taking me from my bed to my study once every four to five months, preventing me from doing what I wanted.
At length, remembering I had long since gathered notes to have chaptered, am now forced to deliver them unperfected, and desire the readers to pardon me, that want not will to pleasure them.
At last, remembering that I had collected notes a while ago to organize into chapters, I now have to present them unfinished and ask readers to forgive me, as I truly want to please them.
ALDERMEN AND SHERIFFS OF LONDON
There be in this city, according to the number of wards, twenty-six aldermen; whereof yearly, on the feast day of St. Michael the Archangel, one of them is elected to be mayor for the year following, to begin on the 28th of October: the other aldermen, his brethren, are to him assistants in councils, courts, etc.
In this city, there are twenty-six aldermen, corresponding to the number of wards. Every year, on the feast day of St. Michael the Archangel, one of them is chosen to be the mayor for the upcoming year, starting on October 28th. The other aldermen, his colleagues, assist him in councils, courts, and other matters.
More, there is a recorder of London, a grave and learned lawyer, skilful in the customs of this city, also assistant to the lord mayor: he taketh place in councils and in courts before any man that hath not been mayor, and learnedly delivereth the sentences of the whole court.
More, there is a recorder of London, a serious and knowledgeable lawyer, skilled in the traditions of this city, also an assistant to the lord mayor: he takes precedence in councils and in courts over anyone who hasn't been mayor, and he expertly explains the decisions of the entire court.
The sheriffs of London, of old time chosen out of the commonalty, commoners, and oftentimes never came to be aldermen, as many aldermen were never sheriffs, and yet advanced to be mayor, but of late (by occasion) the sheriffs have been made aldermen before or presently after their election.
The sheriffs of London, in the past chosen from the common people, often never became aldermen, just as many aldermen were never sheriffs, yet advanced to be mayor. However, recently, the sheriffs have been made aldermen either before or right after their election.
Nicholas Faringdon was never sheriff, yet four times mayor of this city, and so of other, which reproveth a bye word, such a one will be mayor, or he be sheriff, etc.
Nicholas Faringdon was never sheriff, yet he served as mayor of this city four times, and of another, which disproves a saying that someone can only be mayor if they also have been sheriff, etc.
Then is there a chamberlain of London. A common clerk, or town clerk. A common sergeant.
Then there is a chamberlain of London. A city clerk, or town clerk. A common sergeant.
OFFICERS BELONGING TO THE LORD MAYOR’S HOUSE
Sword-bearer, Common hunt, Common crier, Water bailiff. | esquires, four. |
Sergeant carvers, three.
Sergeants of the chamber, three.
Sergeant of the channel.
Yeoman of the channel.
Yeomen of the water side, four.
Under water-bailiff.
Yeomen of the chamber, two.
Meal weighers, three.
[475]Yeomen of the wood wharfs, two.
The sword-bearer’s man. Common hunt’s men, two. Common crier’s man. Water-bailiffs’ men, two. The carver’s man. | gentlemen’s men, seven. |
Whereof nine of these have liveries of the lord mayor, viz., the sword-bearer, and his man, the three carvers, and the four yeomen of the water side; all the rest have their liveries from the chamber of London.
Where nine of these have uniforms from the lord mayor, namely, the sword-bearer and his assistant, the three carvers, and the four water side attendants; all the others get their uniforms from the City of London.
Thus far after my notes delivered by an officer of the lord mayor’s house, but unperfected; for I remember a crowner, an under-chamberlain, and four clerks of the mayor’s court, and others.
Thus far after my notes were delivered by an officer from the lord mayor’s house, but incomplete; because I recall a coroner, an under-chamberlain, four clerks from the mayor’s court, and others.
THE SHERIFFS OF LONDON; THEIR OFFICERS
The sheriffs of London, in the year 1471, were appointed each of them to have sixteen sergeants, every sergeant to have his yeoman, and six clerks; to wit, a secondary, a clerk of the papers, and four other clerks, besides the under sheriffs’ clerks, their stewards, butlers, porters, and other in household many.
The sheriffs of London, in 1471, were each assigned sixteen sergeants, with each sergeant having their yoeman and six clerks; specifically, a secondary, a clerk of the papers, and four other clerks, not to mention the under sheriffs' clerks, their stewards, butlers, porters, and many others in the household.
OF THE MAYOR’S AND SHERIFFS’ LIVERIES SOMEWHAT
To follow precedent of former time, the clerks of companies were to inquire for them of their companies that would have the mayor’s livery, their money as a benevolence given, which must be twenty shillings at the least put in a purse, with their names that gave it, and the wardens to deliver it to the mayor by the first of December; for the which every man had then sent him four yards of broad cloth, rowed or striped athwart, with a different colour to make him a gown, and these were called ray gowns, which was then the livery of the mayor, and also of the sheriffs, but each differing from others in the colours.
To follow the tradition of the past, company clerks were to ask their members who wanted the mayor’s official clothing for a contribution of at least twenty shillings, which was to be put in a purse along with the names of the contributors. The wardens were to deliver this to the mayor by December 1st. In return, each person would receive four yards of broad cloth, either patterned or striped, in a different color to make a gown. These gowns were known as ray gowns, which were the official attire of the mayor and the sheriffs, though each had different colors.
Of older times I read, that the officers of this city wore gowns of party colours, as the right side of one colour and the left side of another; as, for example, I read in books of accounts in the Guildhall, that in the 19th year of Henry VI. there was bought for an officer’s gown two yards of cloth, coloured mustard villars (a colour now out of use), and two yards of cloth, coloured blue, price two shillings the yard, in all eight shillings. More, paid to John Pope, draper, for two gown cloths, eight yards of two colours, eux ombo deux de rouge (or red), medle bune, and porre[476] (or purple) colour, price the yard two shillings. These gowns were for Piers Rider and John Bukles, clerks of the chamber.
I read that in the past, the officials of this city wore gowns made of two different colors, like one side being one color and the other side being another. For instance, I found in account books in the Guildhall that in the 19th year of Henry VI, two yards of mustard-colored cloth (which is no longer used) and two yards of blue cloth were purchased for an officer's gown, costing two shillings per yard, totaling eight shillings. Additionally, John Pope, the draper, was paid for two gown fabrics, eight yards in two colors, red and a blend of purple, with each yard costing two shillings. These gowns were for Piers Rider and John Bukles, clerks of the chamber.
More, I read that in the year 1516, in the 7th of Henry VIII., it was agreed by a common council in the Guildhall that the sheriffs of London should (as they had been accustomed) give yearly rayed gowns to the recorder, chamberlain, common sergeant, and common clerk, the sword-bearer, common hunt, water-bailiff, common crier, like as to their own offices, etc.
More, I read that in the year 1516, in the 7th year of Henry VIII, a common council in the Guildhall agreed that the sheriffs of London should continue their tradition of giving yearly striped gowns to the recorder, chamberlain, common sergeant, common clerk, sword-bearer, common hunt, water-bailiff, and common crier, just as they did for their own offices, etc.
1525. More, in the 16th of Henry VIII., Sir William Bayly, then being mayor, made a request, for that clothes of ray (as he alleged) were evil wrought, his officers might be permitted (contrary to custom) for that year to wear gowns of one colour; to the which, in a common council, one answered and said, “Yea, it might be permitted,” and no man said, “Nay,” and so it passed. Thus much for party coloured and ray gowns have I read: but for benevolence to the mayor, I find that of later time that each man giving forty shillings towards his charges, received four yards of broad cloth to make him a gown, for Thomas White performed it in the 1st of Queen Mary; but Sir Thomas Lodge gave instead of four yards of broad cloth, three yards of satin to make them doublets, and since that the three yards of satin is turned into a silver spoon, and so it holdeth.
1525. In the 16th year of Henry VIII's reign, Sir William Bayly, who was the mayor at the time, made a request because he believed the ray clothes were poorly made. He asked if his officers could wear gowns of one color for that year, which was against custom. During a common council, one person agreed, saying, “Yes, it can be allowed,” and no one objected, so it was approved. I have read this much about party-colored and ray gowns: later, to show goodwill to the mayor, I found that anyone who contributed forty shillings towards his expenses received four yards of broad cloth to make a gown. This was done by Thomas White in the 1st year of Queen Mary; however, Sir Thomas Lodge opted to give three yards of satin instead of four yards of broad cloth to make doublets. Since then, the three yards of satin have been changed into a silver spoon, and that tradition continues.
The days of attendance that the fellowships do give to the mayor at his going to Paules were seven, as followeth:—
The days of attendance that the fellowships provide to the mayor when he goes to Paul’s are seven, as follows:—
1. Alhallowen day.
2. Christmasse day.
3. St. Stephen’s day.
4. St. John’s day.
5. New Year’s day.
6. Twelfth day.
7. Candlemasse day.
1. Halloween day.
2. Christmas day.
3. St. Stephen's day.
4. St. John's day.
5. New Year's day.
6. Twelfth day.
7. Candlemas day.
The 23rd of Henry VIII., these companies had place at the mayor’s feast in the Guildhall, in order as followeth; I speak by precedent, for I was never feast-follower:—
The 23rd of Henry VIII, these groups were present at the mayor’s feast in the Guildhall, in the following order; I mention this as a reference, for I have never been one to follow feasts:—
1. Mercers, the wardens, and seventeen persons, five messes.
2. Grocers, the wardens, and sixteen persons, four messes.
3. Drapers, the wardens, and twelve persons, four messes.
4. Fishmongers, the wardens, and twelve persons, four messes.
[477]5. Goldsmiths, the wardens, and ten persons, three messes.
6. Skinners, the wardens, and eight persons, three messes.
7. Merchant-tailors, the wardens, and nine persons, three messes.
8. Vintners, the wardens, and six persons, two messes.
9. Ironmongers, the wardens, and four persons, four messes and a half.
10. Merchant-haberdashers, the wardens, and fourteen persons, four messes and a half.
11. Salters, the wardens, and eight persons, two messes and a half.
12. Dyers, the wardens, and six persons, two messes.
13. Leathersellers, the wardens, and eight persons, three messes.
14. Pewterers, the wardens, and five persons, two messes.
15. Cutlers, the wardens and five persons, two messes.
16. Armourers, the wardens and three persons, one mess.
17. Waxchandlers, the wardens and six persons, two messes.
18. Tallow-chandlers, the wardens and three persons, two messes.
19. Shiremen, the wardens and five persons, two messes.
20. Fullers, the wardens and nine persons, two messes.
21. Sadlers, the wardens and four persons, two messes.
22. Brewers, the wardens and twelve persons, four messes.
23. Scriveners, the wardens and six persons, two messes.
24. Butchers, the wardens and seven persons, three messes.
25. Bakers, the wardens and four persons, two messes.
26. Poulterers, the wardens and one person, one mess.
27. Stationers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
28. Inholders, the wardens and four persons, two messes.
29. Girdlers, the wardens and four persons, two messes.
30. Chirurgeons, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
31. Founders, the wardens and one person, one mess.
32. Barbers, the wardens and four persons, two messes.
No Clothing. Upholders, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
34. Broiderers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
35. Bowyers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
36. Fletchers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
No Clothing. Turners, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
38. Cordwainers, the wardens and four persons, two messes.
[478]39. Painters-stainers, the wardens and five persons, two messes.
40. Masons, the wardens and one person, one mess.
41. Plumbers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
42. Carpenters, the wardens and four persons, two messes.
43. Pouch-makers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
44. Joiners, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
45. Coopers, the wardens and one person, one mess.
No Clothing. Glaziers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
No Clothing. Linendrapers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
No Clothing. Woodmongers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
49. Curriers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
No Clothing. Foystors, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
No Clothing. Grey Tanners, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
52. Tilers, the wardens and one person, one mess.
53. Weavers, the wardens and one person, one mess.
54. Blacksmiths, the wardens, and one mess.
No Clothing. Lorimars, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
56. Spurriers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
57. Wiresellers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
No Clothing. Fruiterers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
No Clothing. Farriers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
60. Bladesmiths, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
1. Mercers, the wardens, and seventeen people, five meals.
2. Grocers, the wardens, and sixteen people, four meals.
3. Drapers, the wardens, and twelve people, four meals.
4. Fishmongers, the wardens, and twelve people, four meals.
[477]5. Goldsmiths, the wardens, and ten people, three meals.
6. Skinners, the wardens, and eight people, three meals.
7. Merchant-tailors, the wardens, and nine people, three meals.
8. Vintners, the wardens, and six people, two meals.
9. Ironmongers, the wardens, and four people, four and a half meals.
10. Merchant-haberdashers, the wardens, and fourteen people, four and a half meals.
11. Salters, the wardens, and eight people, two and a half meals.
12. Dyers, the wardens, and six people, two meals.
13. Leathersellers, the wardens, and eight people, three meals.
14. Pewterers, the wardens, and five people, two meals.
15. Cutlers, the wardens, and five people, two meals.
16. Armourers, the wardens, and three people, one meal.
17. Waxchandlers, the wardens, and six people, two meals.
18. Tallow-chandlers, the wardens, and three people, two meals.
19. Shiremen, the wardens, and five people, two meals.
20. Fullers, the wardens, and nine people, two meals.
21. Sadlers, the wardens, and four people, two meals.
22. Brewers, the wardens, and twelve people, four meals.
23. Scriveners, the wardens, and six people, two meals.
24. Butchers, the wardens, and seven people, three meals.
25. Bakers, the wardens, and four people, two meals.
26. Poulterers, the wardens, and one person, one meal.
27. Stationers, the wardens, and two people, one meal.
28. Inholders, the wardens, and four people, two meals.
29. Girdlers, the wardens, and four people, two meals.
30. Chirurgeons, the wardens, and two people, one meal.
31. Founders, the wardens, and one person, one meal.
32. Barbers, the wardens, and four people, two meals.
No Clothing. Upholders, the wardens, and two people, one meal.
34. Broiderers, the wardens, and two people, one meal.
35. Bowyers, the wardens, and two people, one meal.
36. Fletchers, the wardens, and two people, one meal.
No Clothing. Turners, the wardens, and two people, one meal.
38. Cordwainers, the wardens, and four people, two meals.
[478]39. Painters-stainers, the wardens, and five people, two meals.
40. Masons, the wardens, and one person, one meal.
41. Plumbers, the wardens, and two people, one meal.
42. Carpenters, the wardens, and four people, two meals.
43. Pouch-makers, the wardens, and two people, one meal.
44. Joiners, the wardens, and two people, one meal.
45. Coopers, the wardens, and one person, one meal.
No Clothing. Glaziers, the wardens, and two people, one meal.
No Clothing. Linendrapers, the wardens, and two people, one meal.
No Clothing. Woodmongers, the wardens, and two people, one meal.
49. Curriers, the wardens, and two people, one meal.
No Clothing. Foystors, the wardens, and two people, one meal.
No Clothing. Grey Tanners, the wardens, and two people, one meal.
52. Tilers, the wardens, and one person, one meal.
53. Weavers, the wardens, and one person, one meal.
54. Blacksmiths, the wardens, and one meal.
No Clothing. Lorimars, the wardens, and two people, one meal.
56. Spurriers, the wardens, and two people, one meal.
57. Wiresellers, the wardens, and two people, one meal.
No Clothing. Fruiterers, the wardens, and two people, one meal.
No Clothing. Farriers, the wardens, and two people, one meal.
60. Bladesmiths, the wardens, and two people, one meal.
These companies severally, at sundry times, purchased the king’s favour and license by his letters patents, to associate themselves in brotherhoods, with master and wardens for their government: many also have procured corporations, with privileges, etc.; but I read not of license by them procured for liveries to be worn, but at their governor’s discretion to appoint, as occasion asketh, some time in triumphant manner, some time more mourning like, and such liveries have they taken upon them, as well before, as since they were by license associated into brotherhoods, or corporations. For the first of these companies that I read of to be a guild, brotherhood, or fraternity, in this city, were the weavers, whose guild was confirmed by Henry II. The next fraternity, which was of St. John Baptist,[479] time out of mind, called of tailors and linen-armourers of London; I find that King Edward I., in the 28th of his reign, confirmed that guild by the name of tailors and linen-armourers, and gave to the brethren there of authority yearly to choose unto them a governor, or master, with wardens, etc. The other companies have since purchased license of societies, brotherhoods, or corporations, in the reigns of Edward III., Richard II., Henry IV., Henry V., Henry VI., and Edward IV., etc.
These companies, at various times, bought the king's favor and permission through his letters patent to form associations with masters and wardens for their governance. Many have also obtained charters with certain privileges, etc.; however, I haven’t found any mention of a license obtained for clothing to be worn, except at their governor's discretion, based on circumstances—sometimes in a celebratory manner, other times more somber. They have adopted such clothing both before and after receiving permission to form their associations or corporations. The first company I know of that was recognized as a guild, brotherhood, or fraternity in this city was the weavers, whose guild was confirmed by Henry II. The next fraternity, associated with St. John the Baptist,[479] known since ancient times, comprised tailors and linen armorers of London. I find that King Edward I, in the 28th year of his reign, confirmed that guild under the name of tailors and linen armorers, granting the members the authority to elect a governor or master and wardens each year. The other companies then acquired permission to form societies, brotherhoods, or corporations during the reigns of Edward III, Richard II, Henry IV, Henry V, Henry VI, and Edward IV, etc.
SOMEWHAT OF LIVERIES WORN BY CITIZENS OF LONDON, IN TIME OF TRIUMPHS AND OTHERWAYS
1236. The 20th of Henry III., the mayor, aldermen, sheriffs, and citizens of London, rode out to meet the king and his new wife, Queen Elianor, daughter to Reymond Beringarius of Aragon, earl of Provence and Narbone. The citizens were clothed in long garments, embroidered about with gold, and silk in divers colours, their horses finely trapped, to the number of three hundred and sixty, every man bearing a golden or silver cup in his hand, the king’s trumpets before them sounding, etc., as ye may read in my Annales.
1236. On the 20th of Henry III, the mayor, aldermen, sheriffs, and citizens of London rode out to meet the king and his new wife, Queen Elianor, daughter of Reymond Beringarius of Aragon, earl of Provence and Narbone. The citizens wore long garments, embroidered with gold, and silk in various colors, with their horses elegantly adorned, totaling three hundred and sixty. Every man held a golden or silver cup in his hand, with the king’s trumpets sounding ahead of them, etc., as you can read in my Annales.
1300. The 29th of Edward I., the said king took to wife Margaret, sister to Philip Le Beau, king of France; they were married at Canterbury. The queen was conveyed to London, against whom the citizens to the number of six hundred rode in one livery of red and white, with the cognizances of their mysteries embroidered upon their sleeves, they received her four miles out of London, and so conveyed her to Westminster.
1300. On the 29th of Edward I, the king married Margaret, the sister of Philip Le Beau, king of France; their wedding took place in Canterbury. The queen was brought to London, and six hundred citizens rode out to meet her, all dressed in matching red and white outfits, with the symbols of their guilds embroidered on their sleeves. They welcomed her four miles outside of London and escorted her to Westminster.
1415. The 3rd of Henry V., the said king arriving at Dover, the mayor of London with the aldermen and crafts-men riding in red, with hoods red and white, met with the king on the Blacke hith, coming from Eltham with his prisoners out of France.
1415. On the 3rd of Henry V, the king arrived at Dover. The mayor of London, along with the aldermen and craftsmen dressed in red, wearing red and white hoods, met the king on Blackheath as he returned from Eltham with his prisoners from France.
1432. The 10th of Henry VI., he being crowned in France, returning into England, came to Eltham towards London, and the mayor of London, John Welles, the aldermen, with the commonalty, rode against him on horseback, the mayor in crimson velvet, a great velvet hat furred, a girdle of gold about his middle, and a bawdrike of gold about his neck trilling down behind him, his three henxemen, on three great coursers following him, in one suit of red, all spangled in silver, then the aldermen in gowns of scarlet, with sanguine hoods, and all the commonality of the city clothed in white gowns, and[480] scarlet hoods, with divers cognizances embroidered on their sleeves, etc.
1432. On the 10th of Henry VI, after being crowned in France and returning to England, he arrived at Eltham near London. The mayor of London, John Welles, along with the aldermen and the townspeople, rode out to greet him on horseback. The mayor wore crimson velvet, a large fur-lined velvet hat, a gold belt around his waist, and a gold chain around his neck that trailed down his back. Behind him followed his three henchmen, all dressed in matching red outfits adorned with silver sparkles, while the aldermen wore scarlet gowns with red hoods. The rest of the city's residents were dressed in white gowns and red hoods, with various emblems embroidered on their sleeves, etc.
1485. The 1st of Henry VII., the mayor, aldermen, sheriffs, and commonality, all clothed in violet (as in a mourning colour), met the king at Shorditch, and conveyed him to Powles church, where he offered his banners.
1485. On the 1st of Henry VII, the mayor, aldermen, sheriffs, and common people, all dressed in violet (a color of mourning), met the king at Shoreditch and escorted him to St. Paul's Cathedral, where he presented his banners.
Thus much for liveries of citizens in ancient times, both in triumphs and otherwise, may suffice, whereby may be observed, that the coverture of men’s heads was then hoods, for neither cap nor hat is spoken of, except that John Welles mayor of London to wear a hat in time of triumph, but differing from the hats lately taken in use, and now commonly worn for noblemen’s liveries. I read that Thomas earl of Lancaster in the reign of Edward II. gave at Christmas in liveries, to such as served him, a hundred and fifty-nine broad cloaths, allowing to every garment furs to fur their hoods: more near our time, there yet remaineth the counterfeits and pictures of aldermen, and others that lived in the reigns of Henry VI. and Edward IV., namely alderman Darby dwelling in Fenchurch street, over against the parish church of St. Diones, left his picture, as of an alderman, in a gown of scarlet on his back, a hood on his head, etc., as is in that house (and elsewhere) to be seen: for a further monument of those late times, men may behold the glass windows of the mayor’s court in the Guildhall above the stairs, the mayor is there pictured sitting in habit, party-coloured, and a hood on his head, his swordbearer before him with a hat or cap of maintenance: the common clerk, and other officers bare-headed, their hoods on their shoulders; and therefore I take it, that the use of square bonnets worn by noblemen, gentlemen, citizens, and others, took beginning in this realm by Henry VII. and in his time, and of further antiquity, I can see no counterfeit or other proof of use. Henry VIII. (towards his latter reign) wore a round flat cap of scarlet or of velvet, with a bruch or jewel, and a feather; divers gentlemen, courtiers, and others, did the like. The youthful citizens also took them to the new fashion of flat caps, knit of woollen yarn black, but so light, that they were obliged to tie them under their chins, for else the wind would be master over them. The use of these flat round caps so far increased (being of less price than the French bonnet) that in short time young aldermen took the wearing of them; Sir John White wore it in his mayoralty, and was the first that left example to his followers; but now the Spanish felt, or the like counterfeit, is most commonly of all[481] men both spiritual and temporal taken to use, so that the French bonnet or square cap, and also the round or flat cap, have for the most part given place to the Spanish felt; but yet in London amongst the graver sort (I mean the liveries of companies), remaineth a memory of the hoods of old time worn by their predecessors: these hoods were worn, the roundlets upon their heads, the skirts to hang behind in their necks to keep them warm, the tippet to lie on their shoulder, or to wind about their necks, these hoods were of old time made in colours according to their gowns, which were of two colours, as red and blue, or red and purple, murrey, or as it pleased their masters and wardens to appoint to the companies; but now of late time, they have used their gowns to be all of one colour, and those of the saddest, but their hoods being made the one half of the same cloth their gowns be of, the other half remaineth red as of old time. And so I end, as wanting time to travel further in this work.
Here's a summary of the history of citizens' clothing in ancient times, particularly in triumphs and other events. Back then, men typically wore hoods, as there are no mentions of caps or hats, apart from John Welles, the mayor of London, who wore a hat during a triumph, which was different from the hats currently worn by noblemen. I found that Thomas, the Earl of Lancaster, during Edward II's reign, gave away a hundred and fifty-nine broadcloths as Christmas gifts to those who served him, with furs provided for the hoods. More recently, we still see depictions of aldermen and others from the reigns of Henry VI and Edward IV. For instance, alderman Darby, who lived on Fenchurch Street across from St. Dionis Church, had a portrait showing him in a scarlet gown with a hood. As another reminder of those times, the glass windows of the mayor's court in the Guildhall display the mayor in a colorful outfit and a hood, with his swordbearer wearing a hat or cap. Other officials are seen bare-headed, with their hoods on their shoulders. I believe the use of square bonnets by noblemen, gentlemen, citizens, and others started in Henry VII's time, and I can't find any earlier evidence of their use. Toward the end of Henry VIII's reign, he wore a round flat cap of scarlet or velvet, adorned with a jewel and a feather, and many gentlemen and courtiers followed suit. The younger citizens also adopted the new style of flat caps made of lightweight black wool yarn, which they had to tie under their chins to keep from blowing away. These flat round caps became so popular—being cheaper than the French bonnet—that young aldermen began to wear them too. Sir John White wore one during his time as mayor and set an example for his peers. Today, the Spanish felt or similar styles are now the most commonly worn by all men, both religious and secular, pushing aside the French bonnet or square cap, as well as the round or flat cap. However, in London among the more serious types, particularly the liveries of companies, there is still some memory of the hoods worn by their predecessors. These hoods had round tops, skirts hanging down their necks for warmth, and tippets draped over their shoulders or wrapped around their necks. Historically, these hoods matched the colors of their two-colored gowns—like red and blue, or red and purple—chosen as per the preference of their masters and wardens. Recently, they have adopted gowns of a single color, usually darker, while half of their hoods still remain red like in the past. And with that, I conclude as I lack time to delve further into this topic.
Now since that I have given you an outward view of this city, it shall not be impertinent to let you take an insight also of the same, such as a Londoner born discoursed about twenty years gone, for answer (as it seemeth) to some objections that then were made against the growing greatness thereof. The author gave it me, and therefore, howsoever I conceal his name (which itself pretendeth not), I think I may without his offence impart it to others, that they may take pleasure in the reading, as I doubt not but he did in the writing. Long may they (that list) envy, and long may we and our posterity enjoy the good estate of this city.
Now that I've given you an overview of this city, it wouldn't be irrelevant to let you take a look at what someone who was born in London discussed about twenty years ago, as a response to some criticisms that were raised about its growing prominence. The author shared it with me, so even though I’m keeping his name private (which he doesn’t claim), I believe I can share it with others so they can enjoy reading it, just as I’m sure he enjoyed writing it. May those who wish to envy us do so for a long time, and may we and our descendants enjoy the prosperity of this city for many years to come.
A DISCOURSE OF THE NAMES AND FIRST CAUSES OF THE INSTITUTION OF CITIES AND PEOPLED TOWNS AND OF THE COMMODITIES THAT DO GROW BY THE SAME; AND, NAMELY, OF THE CITY OF LONDON
WRITTEN BY WAY OF AN APOLOGY (OR DEFENCE) AGAINST THE OPINION OF SOME MEN, WHICH THINK THAT THE GREATNESS OF THAT CITY STANDETH NOT WITH THE PROFIT AND SECURITY OF THIS REALM
WRITTEN AS AN APOLOGY (OR DEFENSE) AGAINST THE OPINION OF SOME PEOPLE WHO BELIEVE THAT THE GREATNESS OF THAT CITY DOESN'T ALIGN WITH THE PROFIT AND SECURITY OF THIS REALM
Cities and well-peopled places be called Oppida, in Latin; either ab ope danda, or ab opibus, or ab opponendo se hostibus. They be named also Civitates a cöeundo, and urbes, either of the word urbare, because the first inclosure of them was described with the draught of a plough, or else ab orbe, for the round compass that they at the first had.
Cities and populated areas are called Oppida in Latin; either ab ope danda, or ab opibus, or ab opponendo se hostibus. They are also referred to as Civitates a cöeundo and urbes, either from the word urbare, because their first enclosure was marked by a plow's draft, or ab orbe, for the round shape they originally had.
In the Greek a city is termed πόλις, either of the word πολὺς, multus, or of πολεῖνω πολένεον,[306] id est, habitare, alere, gubernare.
In Greek, a city is called city, derived either from the word πολὺς, multus, or from πολεῖνω πολένεον,[306] that is, to live, to nourish, to govern.
In the Saxon (or old English) sometimes Tun, which we now call town, derived of the word Tynan, to inclose or tyne, as some yet speak. But forasmuch as that word was proper to every village and inclosed dwelling, therefore our ancestors called their walled towns Burh or Byrg, and we now Bury and Borough, of the Greek word πύργος (as I think), which signifieth a tower or a high building.
In Old English, sometimes referred to as Saxon, the word Tun, which we now call town, came from the word Tynan, meaning to enclose or to tie, as some still say. However, since that word applied to every village and enclosed dwelling, our ancestors called their walled towns Burh or Byrg, which we now use as Bury and Borough, derived from the Greek word tower (as I believe), meaning a tower or a tall building.
The walls of these towns had their name of vallum, because at the first they were but of that earth which was cast out of the trench, or ditch, wherewith they were environed. But afterward, being made of matter more fit for defence, they were named a muniendo mœnia. By the etymology of these names, it may appear that common weals, cities, and towns, were at the first invented, to the end that men might lead a civil life amongst themselves, and be saved harmless against their[483] enemies; whereupon Plato saith, “Civitates ab initio utilitatis causa constitutæ sunt.” Aristotle, 1. Politicorum, 2. saith, “Civitas a natura profecta est: homo enim animal aptum est ad cœtus, et proinde civitatis origo ad viuendum, institutio ad bene viuendum refertur.” And Cicero, lib. primo de Inventione, in the beginning, saith, “Fuit quoddam tempus cum in agris homines passim bestiarum more vagabantur, etc. quo quidem tempore, quidam (magnus, viz. vir et sapiens) dispersos homines in agris, et tectis silvestribus abditos, ratione quadam compulit in unum locum, atque eos in unamquamq; rem induxit utilem et honestam. Urbibus vero constitutis fidem colere, et justitiam retinere discebant, et aliis parere sua voluntate consuescebant,” etc. The same man discourseth notably to the same effect in his Oration Pro Sestio, a little after the midst thereof, showing that in the life of men dispersed, vis, beareth all the sway; but in the civil life, ars is better maintained, etc. This thing well saw King William the Conqueror, who in his laws, fol. 125, saith, “Burgi et civitates fundata, et edificata sunt, ad tuitionem gentium et populorum Regni, et idcirco observari debent cum omni libertate, integritate et ratione.” And his predecessors, King Ethelstane and King Canutus, in their laws, fol. 62 and 106, had commanded thus: “Oppida instaurantur,” etc.
The walls of these towns were called vallum because initially they were just made from the earth that was dug out of the surrounding trench or ditch. However, later on, as they were built using stronger materials for defense, they were referred to as a muniendo mœnia. From the origins of these names, it’s evident that communities, cities, and towns were first created so that people could live together civilly and protect themselves from their[483] enemies; regarding this, Plato says, “Civitates ab initio utilitatis causa constitutæ sunt.” Aristotle, in 1. Politicorum, 2, states, “Civitas a natura profecta est: homo enim animal aptum est ad cœtus, et proinde civitatis origo ad viuendum, institutio ad bene viuendum refertur.” Cicero, in lib. primo de Inventione, begins by saying, “Fuit quoddam tempus cum in agris homines passim bestiarum more vagabantur, etc. quo quidem tempore, quidam (magnus, viz. vir et sapiens) dispersos homines in agris, et tectis silvestribus abditos, ratione quadam compulit in unum locum, atque eos in unamquamq; rem induxit utilem et honestam. Urbibus vero constitutis fidem colere, et justitiam retinere discebant, et aliis parere sua voluntate consuescebant,” etc. This same man discusses a similar idea in his speech Pro Sestio, a little after the middle, showing that in the lives of scattered people, vis dominates, but in civil life, ars is better sustained, etc. King William the Conqueror recognized this well, stating in his laws, fol. 125, “Burgi et civitates fundata, et edificata sunt, ad tuitionem gentium et populorum Regni, et idcirco observari debent cum omni libertate, integritate et ratione.” And his predecessors, King Ethelstane and King Canutus, in their laws, fol. 62 and 106, commanded this: “Oppida instaurantur,” etc.
Seeing, therefore, that as Cicero, 2. Officior. saith, “Proxime et secundum Deos, homines hominibus maxime utiles esse possunt;” and that men are congregated into cities and commonwealths for honesty and utility’s sake, these shortly be the commodities that do come by cities, commonalties, and corporations. First, men by this nearness of conversation are withdrawn from barbarous feritie and force to a certain mildness of manners, and to humanity and justice; whereby they are contented to give and take right, to and from their equals and inferiors, and to hear and obey their heads and superiors. Also the doctrine of God is more fitly delivered, and the discipline thereof more aptly to be executed, in peopled towns than abroad, by reason of the facility of common and often assembling; and consequently such inhabitants be better managed in order, and better instructed in wisdom: whereof it came to pass, that at the first, they that excelled others this way, were called astuti, of the Greek word ἄστυ, which signifieth a city, although the term be now declined to the worst part, and do betoken evil, even as tyrannus, sophista, and some such other originally good words are fallen; and hereof also good behaviour is yet called urbanitas, because it is rather found in[484] cities than elsewhere. In some, by often hearing men be better persuaded in religion, and for that they live in the eyes of others, they be by example the more easily trained to justice, and by shamefastness restrained from injury.
Seeing, therefore, that as Cicero says in 2. Officior., “Next to the gods, men can be most helpful to each other,” and that people come together in cities and communities for the sake of decency and usefulness, here are the benefits that arise from cities, commonwealths, and corporations. First, because of this close interaction, people are moved away from savage behavior and violence towards a certain gentleness of manners, and towards humanity and fairness; as a result, they are willing to give and receive fairness from their equals and those below them, and to hear and obey their leaders and superiors. Additionally, the teachings of God are more effectively communicated, and the practice of those teachings is more suitably carried out in populated towns than in isolated areas, due to the ease of gathering together frequently. Consequently, such inhabitants are better organized and better educated in wisdom: thus, initially, those who excelled in this regard were called astuti, from the Greek word city, which means a city, even though the term has since taken on a negative connotation, now referring to something undesirable, like tyrannus, sophista, and some other originally positive words that have fallen. It’s also from this that good behavior is still referred to as urbanitas, because it is more commonly found in cities than elsewhere. In some cases, by frequently hearing others, people are more easily persuaded in matters of faith, and because they live under the scrutiny of others, they are more readily trained to act justly by example and are held back from wrongdoing by a sense of shame.
And whereas commonwealths and kingdoms cannot have, next after God, any surer foundation than the love and goodwill of one man towards another, that also is closely bred and maintained in cities, where men by mutual society and companying together, do grow to alliances, commonalties, and corporations.
And since commonwealths and kingdoms can’t have, next to God, a more solid foundation than the love and goodwill one person has for another, this is especially cultivated and sustained in cities, where people, through mutual interactions and companionship, form alliances, communities, and organizations.
The liberal sciences and learnings of all sorts, which be lumina reipublicæ, do flourish only in peopled towns; without the which a realm is in no better case than a man that lacketh both his eyes.
The liberal arts and various forms of knowledge, which are the lumina reipublicæ, only thrive in populated towns; without them, a kingdom is no better off than a person who is blind.
Manual arts, or handicrafts, as they have for the most part been invented in towns and cities, so they cannot anywhere else be either maintained or amended. The like is to be said of merchandise, under which name I comprehend all manner of buying, selling, bartering, exchanging, communicating of things that men need to and fro. Wealth and riches, which are truly called subsidia belli, et ornamenta pacis, are increased chiefly in towns and cities both to the prince and people.
Manual arts, or handicrafts, have mostly been developed in towns and cities, so they can only be sustained or improved in those places. The same goes for trade, which includes all kinds of buying, selling, bartering, exchanging, and sharing of things that people need. Wealth and resources, which are truly called subsidia belli, et ornamenta pacis, primarily grow in towns and cities for both the ruler and the people.
The necessity of the poor and needy is in such places both sooner to be espied, and hath means to be more charitably relieved.
The needs of the poor and needy are more visible in these places and there are better ways to help them.
The places themselves be surer refuges in all extremities of foreign invasion, and the inhabitants be a ready hand and strength of men, with munition to oppress intestine sedition.
The places themselves are reliable safe havens in times of foreign invasion, and the people are quick to lend a hand and have the strength to deal with internal conflict.
Moreover, forasmuch as the force of the wars of our time consisteth chiefly in shot, all other soldiers being either horsemen or footmen, armed on land, or mariners at the sea, it seemeth to me that citizens and townsmen be as fit to be employed in any of these services, that on horseback only excepted, as the inhabitants that be drawn out of the country.
Moreover, since the warfare of our time mainly relies on firearms, with all other soldiers being either cavalry, infantry armed on land, or sailors at sea, it seems to me that citizens and townspeople are just as suitable to serve in any of these roles, except for those on horseback, as the residents who come from the countryside.
Furthermore, even as these societies and assemblies of men in cities and great towns are a continual bridle against tyranny, which was the cause that Tarquin, Nero, Dionysius, and such others, have always sought to weaken them: so, being well tempered, they are a strong fort and bulwark, not only in the aristocracy, but also in the lawful kingdom or just royalty.
Furthermore, even though these societies and groups of people in cities and large towns constantly stand against tyranny, which is why Tarquin, Nero, Dionysius, and others have always tried to weaken them, when they’re well balanced, they serve as a strong defense and protection, not just in an aristocracy, but also in a legitimate kingdom or rightful monarchy.
At once the propagation of religion, the execution of good policy, the exercise of charity, and the defence of the country, is best performed by towns and cities; and this civil life approacheth nearest to the shape of that mystical body whereof[485] Christ is the head, and men be the members; whereupon both at the first, that man of God Moses, in the commonwealth of the Israelites, and the governors of all countries, in all ages since, have continually maintained the same; and to change it were nothing else but to metamorphose the world, and to make wild beasts of reasonable men. To stand longer upon this it were, in re non dubia, uti oratione non necessaria; and therefore I will come to London.
The spread of religion, the implementation of good policies, the practice of charity, and the defense of the country are best carried out by towns and cities. This civic life closely resembles the structure of that mystical body of which[485] Christ is the head and people are the members. This principle has been upheld since the time of that man of God, Moses, in the commonwealth of the Israelites, and by the leaders of all nations throughout history. To change this would be nothing short of transforming the world and turning rational beings into wild animals. To elaborate further on this would be, in re non dubia, uti oratione non necessaria; so I will move on to London.
THE SINGULARITIES OF THE CITY OF LONDON
Whatsoever is said of cities generally, maketh also for London specially; howbeit, these things are particularly for our purpose to be considered in it. The situation; the former estimation that it hath had; the service that it hath done; the present estate and government of it, and such benefits as do grow to the realm by the maintenance thereof.
What is said about cities in general also applies to London specifically; however, these aspects are particularly relevant for our discussion. The location, its historical reputation, the services it has provided, its current condition and governance, and the benefits that the realm receives from its upkeep are all important to consider.
This realm hath only three principal rivers, whereon a royal city may well be situated: Trent, in the north, Severn in the south-west, and Thames in the south-east; of the which Thames, both for the straight course in length reacheth furthest into the belly of the land, and for the breadth and stillness of the water is most navigable up and down the stream; by reason whereof London, standing almost in the middle of that course, is more commodiously served with provision of necessaries than any town standing upon the other two rivers can be, and doth also more easily communicate to the rest of the realm the commodities of her own intercourse and traffic.
This region has only three main rivers where a royal city could be located: the Trent in the north, the Severn in the southwest, and the Thames in the southeast. Among these, the Thames stretches the furthest inland due to its straight course, and its width and calm waters make it the most navigable both upstream and downstream. Because of this, London, situated almost at the midpoint of the Thames, has better access to essential supplies than any town on the other two rivers and can also more easily share its trade and goods with the rest of the country.
This river openeth indifferently upon France and Flanders, our mightiest neighbours, to whose doings we ought to have a bent eye and special regard; and this city standeth thereon in such convenient distance from the sea, as it is not only near enough for intelligence of the affairs of those princes, and for the resistance of their attempts, but also sufficiently removed from the fear of any sudden dangers that may be offered by them; whereas for the prince of this realm to dwell upon Trent were to turn his back or blind side to his most dangerous borderers; and for him to rest and dwell upon Severn were to be shut up in a cumbersome corner, which openeth but upon Ireland only, a place of much less importance.
This river flows equally into France and Flanders, our strongest neighbors, whose actions we should pay close attention to; and this city is located at a convenient distance from the sea, making it not only close enough to keep track of what’s happening with those rulers and to defend against their attempts, but also far enough to avoid any sudden threats they might pose. Meanwhile, if the prince of this realm were to live on the Trent, it would mean turning his back or leaving himself vulnerable to his most dangerous borders; and if he were to stay on the Severn, he would be stuck in an awkward position, with access only to Ireland, a place of much lesser significance.
Neither could London be pitched so commodiously upon any other part of the same river of Thames as where it now standeth; for if it were removed more to the west it should lose the benefit[486] of the ebbing and flowing, and if it were seated more towards the east it should be nearer to danger of the enemy, and further both from the good air and from doing good to the inner parts of the realm; neither may I omit that none other place is so plentifully watered with springs as London is.
London couldn't be situated as conveniently on any other part of the River Thames as it is now; if it were moved further west, it would miss out on the benefits of the tides, and if it were located further east, it would be closer to enemy threats and farther from good air and its positive influence on the interior of the country. Additionally, I must mention that no other place has as many springs as London does.
And whereas, amongst other things, corn and cattle, hay and fuel, be of great necessity; of the which cattle may be driven from afar, and corn may easily be transported. But hay and fuel, being of greater bulk and burthen, must be at hand: only London, by the benefit of this situation and river, may be sufficiently served therewith. In which respect an alderman of London reasonably (as me thought) affirmed, that although London received great nourishment by the residence of the prince, the repair of the parliament and courts of justice, yet it stood principally by the advantage of the situation upon the river; for when, as on a time, it was told him by a courtier that Queen Mary, in her displeasure against London, had appointed to remove with the parliament and term to Oxford, this plain man demanded whether she meant also to divert the river of Thames from London, or no? and when the gentleman had answered “No,” “Then,” quoth the alderman, “by God’s grace, we shall do well enough at London, whatsoever become of the term and parliament.” I myself being then a young scholar at Oxford, did see great preparation made towards that term and parliament, and do well remember that the common opinion and voice was, that they were not holden there, because provision of hay could not be made in all the country to serve for ten whole days together, and yet is that quarter plentifully stored with hay for the proportion of the shire itself.
And while things like corn and cattle, hay and fuel are very necessary, cattle can be brought from a distance, and corn is easy to transport. However, hay and fuel, being bulkier and heavier, need to be nearby: only London, thanks to its location and river, can be adequately supplied with them. In this regard, a London alderman reasonably stated that, even though London benefited greatly from the presence of the prince and the meetings of parliament and courts of justice, it relied primarily on its position by the river. Once, when a courtier told him that Queen Mary, upset with London, had decided to move the parliament and court to Oxford, this straightforward man asked whether she intended to also divert the River Thames away from London. When the gentleman replied "No," the alderman said, "Then, by God’s grace, we’ll do just fine in London, no matter what happens to the court and parliament." At that time, I was a young student at Oxford and saw a lot of preparations being made for that parliament session, and I clearly remember that the general opinion was that it couldn't be held there because there wasn't enough hay in the entire region to last for ten whole days, even though that area was well-stocked with hay for the county’s needs.
For proof of the ancient estimation of London, I will not use the authority of the British history, nor of such as follow it (although some hold it credible enough that London was first Trinobantum civitas, or Troja nova, that famous city in our histories, and then Ludstoune, and by corruption London, as they report), because they be not of sufficient force to draw the gainsayers. Neither will I stand much upon that honourable testimony which Gervas. Tilburiens. giveth to London in his book, De Otiis Imperialibus, saying thus, concerning the blessing of God towards it:—“In Urbe London. exceptione habet divulgatum id per omnes æquè gentes Lucani proverbium:
For evidence of how people valued London in ancient times, I won’t rely on British history or similar sources (even though some believe it's credible enough that London was originally Trinobantum civitas or Troja nova, that well-known city from our histories, and later became Ludstoune, which eventually turned into London, as they say), because that isn’t strong enough to convince those who disagree. I also won’t focus too much on the honorable mention that Gervas Tilburiens gives to London in his book, De Otiis Imperialibus, where he states about God's blessing on it:—“In Urbe London. exceptione habet divulgatum id per omnes æquè gentes Lucani proverbium:
“Nam ea annis 354 ante Romam condita nunquam amisit principatum, nec bello consumpta est.”
For 354 years before the founding of Rome, it never lost its leadership and was not consumed by war.
But I will rather use the credit of one or two ancient foreign writers, and then descend to later histories. Cornel. Tacitus, lib. 4. Annal., saith, “Londinum copia negociatorum, et comeatu maxime celebris,” and Herodian, in the Life of Severus the emperor, saith, “Londinum urbs magna et opulenta.” Beda, lib. Ecclesiastic. 10. chap. 29, showeth that Pope Gregory appointed two archbishops’ sees in England, the one at London, the other at York. King Ethelstane, in his laws, appointing how many mint-masters should be in each city, allotteth eight to London, and not so many to any other city. The penner of those laws, that are said to be made by Edward the Confessor, and confirmed by William the Conqueror, saith, “London est caput Regni, et Legum.” King Henry I., in the third chapter of his Laws, commandeth that no citizen of London should be amerced above one hundred shillings for any pecuniary pain. The great charter of England, that Helena for which there was so long and so great war and contention, in the ninth chapter, saith, “Civitas London. habeat omnes suas Libertates antiquas,” etc. About the time of King John London was reputed “regni firmata Columna,” as Alexander Neckham writeth; and in the beginning of the reign of Richard II. it was called “Camera regis,” as Thomas Walsingham reporteth. I pass over the recital of the Saxon charter of King William the Conqueror, the Latin charter of Henry I. and II., of Richard I., of John, and of Edward I., all which gave unto the citizens of London great privileges, and of Edward III., who reciting all the grants of his predecessors, not only confirmed but also increased the same, and of the latter kings, who have likewise added many things thereunto. Only I wish to be noted by them, that during all this time, all those wise and politic princes have thought it fit, not only to maintain London in such plight as they found it, but also to adorn, increase, and amplify it with singular tokens of their liberal favour and good liking. And whether there be not now the same or greater causes to draw the like, or better estimation and cherishing, let any man be judge, that will take the pains to compare the present estate of London, yet still growing to better, with the former condition of the same.
But I’d prefer to reference a couple of ancient foreign writers before moving on to more recent histories. Cornelius Tacitus, in book 4 of his Annals, says, “Londinum is very well-known for its trade and supplies,” and Herodian, in the Life of Emperor Severus, states, “Londinum is a great and wealthy city.” Bede, in book 10, chapter 29 of his Ecclesiastical History, shows that Pope Gregory established two archbishops’ sees in England, one in London and the other in York. King Ethelstan, in his laws, determined how many mint-masters there should be in each city, assigning eight to London and fewer to any other city. The author of those laws, attributed to Edward the Confessor and confirmed by William the Conqueror, states, “London is the head of the Kingdom and of the Laws.” King Henry I, in the third chapter of his Laws, commands that no citizen of London should be fined more than one hundred shillings for any monetary penalty. The Great Charter of England, the cause of so much war and contention, in the ninth chapter, states, “The city of London shall have all its ancient liberties,” etc. Around the time of King John, London was regarded as the “firm pillar of the kingdom,” as Alexander Neckham wrote; and at the beginning of Richard II’s reign, it was referred to as the “King’s chamber,” according to Thomas Walsingham. I won’t go into the details of the Saxon charter from King William the Conqueror, or the Latin charters from Henry I, II, Richard I, John, and Edward I, all of which granted significant privileges to the citizens of London, or that of Edward III, who, reiterating all the grants from his predecessors, not only confirmed but also expanded them, along with the later kings who added even more. I just want to point out that throughout all this time, these wise and politically savvy princes deemed it appropriate not only to maintain London as they found it, but also to enhance, grow, and enrich it with distinctive signs of their generous favor and approval. And whether there are now similar or greater reasons for the same or increased respect and support, let anyone be the judge who is willing to take the time to compare the current state of London, which continues to improve, with its past condition.
It were too much to recite particularly the martial services that this city hath done from time to time; neither do I think that they be all committed to writing; only for a taste, as it were, I will note these few following.
It would be too much to go into detail about the military services this city has performed over time; I also don’t think they’ve all been recorded in writing. Just to give you a sense, I will mention a few of the following.
Almost sixty years before the Conquest a huge army of the Danes (whereof King Sweyne was the leader) besieged King Etheldred in London (than the which, as the story saith, then he had none other refuge), but they were manfully repulsed, and a great number of them slain.
Almost sixty years before the Conquest, a massive army of Danes, led by King Sweyne, laid siege to King Etheldred in London (the only refuge he had at the time, according to the story). However, they were bravely pushed back, and many of them were killed.
After the death of this Sweyne, his son Canutus (afterward king of England) besieged London, both by land and water; but after much labour, finding it impregnable, he departed; and in the same year repairing his forces, he girded it with a new siege, in the which the citizens so defended themselves, and offended him, that in the end he went away with shame.
After Sweyne died, his son Canutus (who later became king of England) laid siege to London, attacking from both land and water. After a lot of effort, he found the city too strong to capture, so he left. That same year, he regrouped his forces and surrounded the city again, but the citizens defended themselves so well and pushed back against him that in the end, he left in disgrace.
In the dissension that arose between King Edward the Confessor and his father-in-law, Earl Goodwin (which was the mightiest subject within this land that ever I have read of), the earl with a great army came to London, and was for all that by the countenance of the citizens resisted, till such time as the nobility made reconciliation between them. About seventy years after the Conquest, Maude, the empress, made war upon King Stephen for the right of the crown, and had taken his person prisoner; but, by the strength and assistance of the Londoners and Kentishmen, Maude was put to flight at Winchester, and her brother Robert, then earl of Gloucester, was taken, in exchange for whom King Stephen was delivered: I dispute not whose right was better, but I avouch the service, seeing Stephen was in possession.
In the conflict that arose between King Edward the Confessor and his father-in-law, Earl Godwin (which was the biggest issue in this land that I have ever read about), the earl came to London with a large army, but he was resisted by the citizens until the nobility helped them reconcile. About seventy years after the Conquest, Empress Maud went to war against King Stephen for the crown and captured him; however, with the strength and support of the Londoners and Kentishmen, Maud was defeated at Winchester, and her brother Robert, the Earl of Gloucester, was taken prisoner in exchange for King Stephen’s release. I won’t argue over who had the better claim but I acknowledge the service, since Stephen was in possession.
The history of William Walworth, the mayor of London, is well known; by whose manhood and policy the person of King Richard II. was rescued, the city saved, Wat Tiler killed, and all his straglers discomfited; in reward of which service, the mayor and other aldermen were knighted.
The story of William Walworth, the mayor of London, is widely recognized; through his bravery and strategy, King Richard II was saved, the city was protected, Wat Tyler was killed, and all his followers were defeated; in recognition of this service, the mayor and other aldermen were knighted.
Jack Cade also having discomfited the king’s army that was sent against him, came to London, and was there manfully and with long fight resisted, until that by the good policy of the citizens his company was dispersed.
Jack Cade, after defeating the king's army that was sent to confront him, arrived in London, where he was bravely and fiercely resisted until the citizens used their clever tactics to scatter his group.
Finally, in the 10th year of the reign of King Edward IV., and not many days before the death of Henry VI., Thomas Nevill, commonly called the bastard of Fauconbridge, armed a great company against the king, and being denied passage through London, he assaulted it on divers parts; but he was repulsed by the citizens, and chased as far as Stratford, with the loss of a great many.
Finally, in the 10th year of King Edward IV's reign, and not long before Henry VI's death, Thomas Nevill, popularly known as the bastard of Fauconbridge, gathered a large group against the king. When he was denied passage through London, he attacked in several places, but the citizens pushed him back and chased him all the way to Stratford, suffering significant losses.
Thus much of certain their principal and personal services in war only, for it were infinite to repeat the particular aids of[489] men and money which London hath ministered; and I had rather to leave it to be conjectured at, by comparison to be made between it and other cities, whereof I will give you this one note for an example. In the 12th year of the reign of King Edward II., it was ordered by parliament that every city of the realm should make out soldiers against the Scots; at which time London was appointed to send two hundred men, and Canterbury, being then one of our best cities, forty, and no more: and this proportion of five to one is now in our age increased, at the least five to one, both in soldiers and subsidy. As for the other services that London hath done in times of peace, they are to be measured by consideration of the commodities, whereof I will speak anon. In the mean season, let the estate and government of this city be considered, to the end that it may appear that it standeth well with the policy of the realm.
Thus, much of their main and personal contributions in war alone, as it would be endless to repeat the specific support of[489] men and money that London has provided; I would prefer to leave it to be speculated upon, by comparing it to other cities, of which I will give you this one note as an example. In the 12th year of King Edward II's reign, it was decreed by parliament that every city in the realm should raise soldiers against the Scots; at that time, London was tasked with sending two hundred men, while Canterbury, one of our best cities back then, sent only forty: this ratio of five to one has now increased, at least five to one, both in soldiers and contributions. As for the other services that London has performed in times of peace, they should be evaluated based on the benefits, which I will discuss shortly. In the meantime, let us consider the state and governance of this city, so that it can be shown that it aligns well with the realm's policy.
Cæsar, in his Commentaries, is witness, that in his time the cities of Britain had large territories annexed unto them, and were several estates of themselves, governed by particular kings, or potentates, as in Italy and Germany yet be; and that Mandubratius was king of the Trinobants, whose chief city London is taken to have been. And I find not that this government was altered either by Cæsar or his successors, notwithstanding that the country became tributary unto them: but that it continued until at length the Britons themselves reduced all their peoples into one monarchy; howbeit, that lasted not any long season, for upon Vortiger their king came the Saxons our ancestors, and they drave the Britons into Wales, Cornwall, and Bretagne in France, and in process of war divided the country amongst themselves into an heptarchy, or seven kingdoms; of the which one was called the kingdom of the East Saxons, which having in manner the same limits that the bishopric of London now enjoyeth, contained Essex, Middlesex, and a part of Hertfordshire, and so included London. Again, it appeareth, that in course of time, and about eight hundred years after Christ, Egbert (then king of the West Saxons), ut pisces sæpe minutos magnus comest, overcame the rest of the kings, and once more erected a monarchy; the which till the coming in of the Normans, and from thence even hitherto hath continued.
Cæsar, in his Commentaries, notes that during his time, the cities of Britain had large territories attached to them and were separate estates governed by their own kings or rulers, similar to what was seen in Italy and Germany. He mentions that Mandubratius was the king of the Trinobantes, whose main city was believed to be London. I don’t see that this governance changed under Cæsar or his successors, even though the region became a tribute state; it persisted until the Britons unified all their peoples into one monarchy. However, this didn’t last long because, after King Vortigern, the Saxons—our ancestors—arrived and drove the Britons into Wales, Cornwall, and Brittany in France. In the course of conflict, they divided the land among themselves into an heptarchy, or seven kingdoms, one of which was known as the kingdom of the East Saxons. This kingdom had roughly the same boundaries as the current diocese of London, covering Essex, Middlesex, and part of Hertfordshire, thereby including London. Furthermore, it is evident that over time, around eight hundred years after Christ, Egbert (then king of the West Saxons), ut pisces sæpe minutos magnus comest, defeated the other kings and re-established a monarchy, which continued until the arrival of the Normans and has lasted up to the present day.
Now I doubt not (whatsoever London was in the time of Cæsar), but that under the heptarchy and monarchy it hath been a subject, and no free city, though happily endowed with some large privileges, for King William the Conqueror found a portreeve there, whose name was Godfrey (by which name he[490] greeteth him in his Saxon Charter), and his office was none other than the charge of a bailiff or reeve, as by the self-same name continuing yet in Gravesend, and certain other places, may well appear: but the Frenchmen, using their own language, called him sometimes a provost and sometime a bailiff: whatsoever his name and office were, he was perpetuus magistratus, given by the prince, and not chosen by the citizens, as it seemeth; for what time King Richard I. needed money towards his expedition in the Holy Land, they first purchased of him the liberty to choose yearly from amongst themselves two bailiffs; and King John, his successor, at their like suit, changed their bailiffs into a mayor and two sheriffs. To these Henry III. added aldermen, at the first eligible yearly, but afterward by King Edward III. made perpetual magistrates and justices of the peace within their wards, in which plight of government it presently standeth. This, shortly as I could, is the historical and outward estate of London; now come I to the inward pith and substance.
Now I have no doubt (no matter what London was during Caesar's time), that under both the heptarchy and monarchy, it has been a subject and not a free city, although it was fortunate enough to have some significant privileges. King William the Conqueror found a portreeve there named Godfrey (the same name he uses in his Saxon Charter), and his role was nothing more than that of a bailiff or reeve, as evidenced by the same title that still exists in Gravesend and a few other places. The French, using their own language, sometimes called him a provost and other times a bailiff. Regardless of his title and position, he was a perpetuus magistratus, appointed by the prince and not elected by the citizens, it seems; for when King Richard I needed funds for his campaign in the Holy Land, they first obtained from him the right to choose two bailiffs each year from among themselves. King John, his successor, at their request, changed their bailiffs into a mayor and two sheriffs. King Henry III added aldermen to these, initially elected annually, but later made by King Edward III into permanent magistrates and justices of the peace within their wards, which is how their government currently operates. This is, in summary, the historical and outward situation of London; now I will discuss its inner essence and substance.
The estate of this city is to be examined by the quantity and by the quality.
The estate of this city is to be assessed by both the amount and the quality.
The quantity therefore consisteth in the number of the citizens which is very great, and far exceedeth the proportion of Hippodamus, which appointed ten thousand, and of others which have set down other numbers, as meet stintes in their opinions to be well governed; but yet seeing both reason and experience have freed us from the law of any definite number, so that other things be observed, let that be admitted: neither is London, I fear me, so great as populous; for well saith one, “Non idem est magna civitas et frequens, magna est enim quæ multos habet qui arma ferre possunt:” whatsoever the number be, it breedeth no fear of sedition; forasmuch as the same consisteth not in the extremes, but in a very mediocrity of wealth and riches, as it shall better appear anon.
The quantity, therefore, consists of the number of citizens, which is very large and far exceeds the proportions set by Hippodamus, who recommended ten thousand, and others who have proposed different numbers as suitable limits for good governance. However, since both reason and experience have freed us from the constraint of any specific number, as long as other conditions are met, that should be accepted. I fear that London is not as populous as it is large; for as one wisely said, “Non idem est magna civitas et frequens, magna est enim quæ multos habet qui arma ferre possunt.” Regardless of the actual number, it does not create fear of rebellion; for the essence lies not in extremes, but in a balanced state of wealth and resources, which will be clearer shortly.
And if the causes of English rebellions be searched out, they shall be found in effect to be these twain, ambition and covetousness; of which the first reigneth in the minds of high and noble personages, or of such others as seek to be gracious and popular, and have robbed the hearts of the multitude; whereas in London, if any where in the world, honos vere onus est, and every man rather shunneth than seeketh the mayoralty, which is the best mark amongst them; neither hath there been any strong faction, nor any man more popular than the rest, forasmuch as the government is by a pattern, as it were, and always the same, how often soever they change their magistrate. Covetousness,[491] that other sire of sedition, possesseth the miserable and needy sort, and such as be naughty packs, unthrifts, which although it cannot be chosen, but that in a frequent city as London is, there shall be found many, yet bear they not any great sway, seeing the multitude and most part there is of a competent wealth, and earnestly bent to honest labour. I confess that London is a mighty arm and instrument to bring any great desire to effect, if it may be known to a man’s devotion; whereof also there want not examples in the English history. But forasmuch as the same is, by the like reason, serviceable and meet to impeach any disloyal attempt, let it rather be well governed than evil liked therefore; for it shall appear anon, that as London hath adhered to some rebellions, so hath it resisted many, and was never the author of any one. The quality of this city consisteth either in the law and government thereof, or in the degrees and condition of the citizens or in their strength and riches.
And if we look into the reasons for English rebellions, we’ll find they largely come down to two things: ambition and greed. Ambition dominates the minds of the wealthy and powerful, or those who want to be liked and popular, and it has stolen the hearts of the people. In London, if anywhere in the world, honos vere onus est, and every man tends to avoid rather than pursue the position of mayor, which is the highest honor among them. There hasn't been a strong faction or anyone more popular than the others because the government follows a consistent pattern, regardless of how often they change their leaders. Greed, on the other hand, is a source of unrest among the miserable and needy, as well as among some dishonest and reckless individuals. Although it’s inevitable that a busy city like London will have its share of these people, they don't hold much power since most of the population is reasonably well-off and committed to honest work. I admit that London is a powerful resource for achieving great ambitions, if it aligns with a person’s commitment; there are certainly examples of this throughout English history. But because it can also be used to counteract any disloyal actions, it should be governed well rather than poorly liked for that reason. It will soon become clear that although London has supported some rebellions, it has resisted many and has never initiated any. The essence of this city lies either in its laws and governance, the status and conditions of its citizens, or in their strength and wealth.
It is besides the purpose to dispute, whether the estate of the government here be a democracy or aristocracy; for whatever it be, being considered in itself, certain it is, that in respect of the whole realm, London is but a citizen and no city, a subject and no free estate, an obedienciary and no place endowed with any distinct or absolute power; for it is governed by the same law that the rest of the realm is, both in causes criminal and civil, a few customs only excepted, which also are to be adjudged or forejudged by the common law. And in the assembly of the estates of our realm (which we call parliament) they are but a member of the commonalty, and send two burgesses for their city, as every poor borough doth, and two knights for their county, as every other shire doth; and are as straitly bound by such laws as any part of the realm is, for if contribution in subsidy of money to the prince be decreed, the Londoners have none exemption; no, not so much as to assess themselves, for the prince doth appoint the commissioners.
It's pointless to argue whether the government's structure here is a democracy or an aristocracy; regardless of what it is, when looked at as a whole, London is just a citizen and not a city, a subject and not a free estate, an obedient part and not a place with any distinct or absolute power. It's governed by the same laws that apply to the rest of the realm in both criminal and civil matters, with only a few exceptions, which are also subject to common law. In the assembly of the realm's estates (which we call parliament), they are just a member of the common people, sending two representatives for their city, just like every small borough does, and two knights for their county, just like every other shire. They are just as bound by the laws as any part of the realm; if a contribution of money to the prince is mandated, the people of London have no exemptions—not even the ability to assess themselves, as the prince appoints the commissioners.
If soldiers must be mustered, Londoners have no law to keep themselves at home; if provision for the prince’s household be to be made, their goods are not privileged. In sum, therefore, the government of London differeth not in substance, but in ceremony, from the rest of the realm, as, namely, in the names and choice of their officers, and in their guilds and fraternities, established for the maintenance of handicrafts and labourers, and for equity and good order to be kept in buying and selling. And yet in these also are they to be controlled by the general law;[492] for by the statutes, 28 Edward III. chap. 10, and 1 Henry IV. chap. 15, the points of their misgovernment are inquirable by the inhabitants of the foreign shires adjoining, and punishable by such justiciars as the prince shall thereunto depute: to conclude, therefore, the estate of London, for government, is so agreeable a symphony with the rest, that there is no fear of dangerous discord to ensue thereby.
If soldiers need to be called up, Londoners are not required to stay home; if provisions for the prince’s household need to be made, their belongings are not protected. In summary, the governance of London is not fundamentally different from the rest of the country, except for ceremonial aspects, such as the names and selection of their officials, as well as their guilds and brotherhoods established for supporting trades and labor and for maintaining fairness and order in buying and selling. Yet, they are still subject to the same general laws; according to the statutes, 28 Edward III. chap. 10, and 1 Henry IV. chap. 15, their mismanagement can be investigated by the residents of surrounding counties and penalized by any justices appointed by the prince. In conclusion, London’s governance aligns closely with the rest of the realm, posing no significant risk of serious discord.
The multitude (or whole body) of this populous city is two ways to be considered, generally and specially: generally, they be natural subjects, a part of the commons of this realm, and are by birth for the most part a mixture of all countries of the same; by blood gentlemen, yeomen, and of the basest sort, without distinction, and by profession busy bees, and travailers for their living in the hive of this commonwealth; but specially considered, they consist of these three parts,—merchants, handicraftsmen, and labourers.
The large number of people in this busy city can be seen in two ways: generally and specifically. Generally, they are natural citizens, part of the commons of this realm, and mostly born from a mix of all countries. By background, there are gentlemen, common folk, and those of the lowest status, without distinction, and by profession, they are hard workers, contributing to the economy of this community. Specifically, they are made up of three groups: merchants, skilled tradespeople, and laborers.
Merchandise is also divided into these three sorts,—navigation, by the which merchandizes are brought, and carried in and out over the seas; invection, by the which commodities are gathered into the city, and dispersed from thence into the country by land and negotiation, which I may call the keeping of a retailing or standing shop. In common speech, they of the first sort be called merchants, and both the other retailers.
Merchandise is also categorized into these three types: navigation, which involves bringing goods in and out over the seas; invection, which is how products are collected in the city and then distributed to the countryside by land and trade, similar to running a retail shop. In everyday language, those in the first category are called merchants, while the others are referred to as retailers.
Handicraftsmen be those which do exercise such arts as require both labour and cunning, as goldsmiths, tailors, and haberdashers, skinners, etc.
Handicraftsmen are those who engage in trades that require both skill and effort, such as goldsmiths, tailors, and haberdashers, skinners, and others.
Labourers and hirelings I call those quorum operæ non artes emuntur, as Tullie saith; of which sort be porters, carmen, watermen, etc.
Labourers and hired workers I call those quorum operæ non artes emuntur, as Tully says; this group includes porters, cart drivers, watermen, etc.
Again, these three sorts may be considered, either in respect of their wealth or number: in wealth, merchants and some of the chief retailers have the first place; the most part of retailers and all artificers the second or mean place; and hirelings the lowest room: but in number they of the middle place be first, and do far exceed both the rest; hirelings be next, and merchants be the last. Now, out of this, that the estate of London, in the persons of the citizens, is so friendly interlaced, and knit in league with the rest of the realm, not only at their beginning by birth and blood, as I have showed, but also very commonly at their ending by life and conversation, for that merchants and rich men (being satisfied with gain) do for the most part marry their children into the country, and convey themselves, after Cicero’s counsel, “Veluti ex portu in agros et possessiones:” I[493] do infer that there is not only no danger towards the common quiet thereby, but also great occasion and cause of good love and amity. Out of this, that they be generally bent to travel, and do fly poverty, “Per mare, per saxa, per ignes,” as the poet saith: I draw hope that they shall escape the note of many vices which idle people do fall into. And out of this, that they be a great multitude, and that yet the greatest part of them be neither too rich nor too poor, but do live in the mediocrity, I conclude with Aristotle, that the prince needeth not to fear sedition by them, for thus saith he: “Magnæ urbes magis sunt a seditione liberæ, quod in eis dominetur mediocritas; nam in parvis nihil medium est, sunt enim omnes vel pauperes vel opulenti.” I am now to come to the strength and power of this city, which consisteth partly in the number of the citizens themselves, whereof I have spoken before, partly in their riches, and in their warlike furniture; for as touching the strength of the place itself, that is apparent to the eye, and therefore is not to be treated of.
Again, these three types can be considered regarding their wealth or numbers: in wealth, merchants and some of the main retailers take the top spot; most retailers and all craftsmen occupy the second tier; and laborers rank the lowest. However, in numbers, those in the middle tier are the most numerous, far surpassing the others; laborers come next, and merchants follow at the end. From this, we see that the status of London, represented by its citizens, is closely linked and united with the rest of the country, not just through their origins in birth and blood, as I've explained, but also commonly through their lives and interactions. Merchants and wealthy individuals, satisfied with their earnings, often marry their children into local families and establish themselves, following Cicero’s advice, “Veluti ex portu in agros et possessiones.” I infer that this interconnection poses no threat to public peace, but rather fosters goodwill and friendship. Furthermore, since they generally have a desire to travel and escape poverty, “Per mare, per saxa, per ignes,” as the poet says, I hope they will avoid many of the vices that idle people tend to fall into. Additionally, since they are a vast crowd, and most of them are neither too rich nor too poor but live in moderation, I agree with Aristotle that the prince has no need to fear rebellion from them, for he states: “Magnæ urbes magis sunt a seditione liberæ, quod in eis dominetur mediocritas; nam in parvis nihil medium est, sunt enim omnes vel pauperes vel opulenti.” I now turn to the strength and power of this city, which is partly based on the number of its citizens, as mentioned earlier, and partly on their wealth and military readiness; as for the strength of the location itself, that is visible and doesn’t need further discussion.
The wealth and warlike furniture of London is either public or private, and no doubt the common treasure cannot be much there, seeing that the revenue which they have hardly sufficeth to maintain their bridge and conduits, and to pay their officers and servants. Their toll doth not any more than pay their fee farm, that they pay to the prince. Their issues for default of appearances be never levied, and the profits of their courts of justice do go to particular men’s hands. Arguments hereof be these two: one, that they can do nothing of extraordinary charge without a general contribution; another, that they have suffered such as have borne the chief office amongst them, and were become bankrupt, to depart the city without relief, which I think they neither would nor could have done, if the common treasure had sufficed to cover their shame; hereof therefore we need not be afraid. The public armour and munition of this city remaineth in the halls of the companies, as it doth throughout the whole realm, for a great part in the parish churches; neither is that kept together, but only for obedience to the law, which commandeth it, and therefore if that threaten danger to the estate, it may by another law be taken from them, and committed to a more safe armoury.
The wealth and military resources of London are either public or private, and it’s clear that the common funds are limited, considering their revenue barely covers the costs of maintaining their bridge and water supply, as well as paying their officials and staff. The tolls they collect don’t even cover what they owe to the prince. They never collect penalties for absences, and the profits from their courts go into individual pockets. The reasons for this are twofold: first, they can’t undertake anything costly without a collective contribution; second, they have allowed those who held top positions among them and went bankrupt to leave the city without help, which I believe they wouldn't have been able to do if their funds were enough to save face. Therefore, there’s no need for concern. The public arms and ammunition of the city are stored in the company halls, as is the case throughout the kingdom, with a significant portion in parish churches; however, these are only kept together to comply with the law, and if they pose a threat to the state, they can be seized by another law and placed in a more secure armory.
The private riches of London resteth chiefly in the hands of the merchants and retailers, for artificers have not much to spare, and labourers have need that it were given unto them. Now how necessary and serviceable the estate of merchandise[494] is to this realm, it may partly appear by the practice of that peaceable, politic, and rich prince, King Henry VII., of whom Polidore (writing his life) sayeth thus: “Mercatores ille sæpenumero pecunia multa data gratuite juvabat, ut mercatura ars una omnium cunctis æque mortalibus tum commoda, tum necessaria, in suo regno copiosior esset.” But chiefly by the inestimable commodities that grow thereby: for who knoweth not that we have extreme need of many things, whereof foreign countries have great store, and that we may spare many things whereof they have need: or who is ignorant of this, that we have no mines of silver or gold within our realm, so that the increase of our coin and bullion cometh from elsewhere; and yet nevertheless we be both fed, clad, and otherwise served with foreign commodities and delights, as plentiful as with our domestical; which thing cometh to pass by the mean of merchandise only, which importeth necessaries from other countries, and exporteth the superfluities of our own.
The wealth of London mainly lies in the hands of merchants and retailers, as skilled workers have little to spare and laborers need what they can get. The importance and usefulness of trade to this country is partly shown by the actions of the peaceful, strategic, and wealthy King Henry VII. Polidore, who wrote about his life, says: “He often helped merchants with generous amounts of money to make trade, an art beneficial and necessary for all people, more abundant in his kingdom.” But mainly this is evident in the countless benefits that arise from it: who doesn’t know that we have a huge need for many items that other countries have in abundance, while we can offer them many things they need? And who is unaware that we don’t have any silver or gold mines in our country, so our increase in coin and bullion comes from other places? Yet, despite this, we are both fed, clothed, and served with foreign goods as plentifully as with our own; all of this happens through trade, which brings in necessities from other countries and exports our excess goods.
For seeing we have no way to increase our treasure by mines of gold or silver at home, and can have nothing without money or ware from other countries abroad, it followeth necessarily, that if we follow the counsel of that good old husband, Marcus Cato, saying, “Oportet patrem familias vendacem esse, non emacem,” and do carry more commodities in value over the seas than we bring hither from thence, that then the realm shall receive that overplus in money; but if we bring from beyond the seas merchandise of more value than that which we do send over may countervail, then the realm payeth for that overplus in ready money, and consequently is a loser by that ill husbandry; and therefore in this part great and heedful regard must be had that symmetry and due proportion be kept, lest otherwise either the realm be defrauded of her treasure, or the subjects corrupted in vanity, by excessive importation of superfluous and needless merchandise, or else that we feel penury, even in our greatest plenty and store, by immoderate exportation of our own needful commodities.
Since we can’t increase our wealth by mining gold or silver at home and can’t obtain anything without money or goods from other countries, it follows that if we heed the advice of that wise old farmer, Marcus Cato, who says, “Oportet patrem familias vendacem esse, non emacem,” and export more valuable goods than we import, then the country will gain that surplus in money. However, if we bring back goods from abroad that are worth more than what we send out, then the country pays for that excess in cash, which means it loses out due to poor management. Therefore, we must pay close attention to maintain balance and proper proportions, or else the country could lose its wealth, or the people could be misled by excessive imports of unnecessary goods, or we could face shortages even when we have plenty by sending out too much of our essential goods.
Other the benefits that merchandise bringeth shall hereafter appear in the general recital of the commodities that come by London; and therefore it resteth that I speak a word of retailers, and finally show that much good groweth by them both. The chief part of retailing is but a handmaid to merchandise, dispersing by piecemeal that which the merchant bringeth in gross; of which trade be mercers, vintners, haberdashers, ironmongers, milliners, and all such as sell wares growing or made beyond the[495] seas; and therefore so long as merchandise itself shall be profitable, and such proportion kept as neither we lose our treasure thereby, nor be cloyed with unnecessary foreign wares, this kind of retailing is to be retained also.
Other benefits that merchandise brings will be detailed later in the overview of the goods that come through London; so now I should mention retailers and finally illustrate that much good arises from them both. The main role of retailing is simply to serve merchandise, selling off in small amounts what the merchant brings in bulk; this trade includes mercers, vintners, haberdashers, ironmongers, milliners, and all those who sell goods produced or made overseas; therefore, as long as merchandise remains profitable and we manage to avoid losing our treasure or becoming overwhelmed with unnecessary foreign goods, this type of retailing should also be maintained.
Now that merchants and retailers of London be very rich and great, it is so far from any harm, that it is a thing both praiseworthy and profitable; for “Mercatura (saith Cicero), si tenuis est, sordida putanda est; sin magna est et copiosa, non est vituperanda.” And truly merchants and retailers do not altogether intus canere, and profit themselves only, for the prince and realm both are enriched by their riches: the realm winneth treasure, if their trade be so moderated by authority that it break not proportion, and they besides bear a good fleece, which the prince may shear when he seeth good.
Now that the merchants and retailers in London are very wealthy and influential, it is not harmful at all; in fact, it's something commendable and beneficial. As Cicero said, “Mercatura (trade), if it's poor, is to be considered dirty; but if it's rich and abundant, it's not to be condemned.” And truly, merchants and retailers don’t just benefit themselves; they also enrich the prince and the kingdom. The kingdom gains wealth if their trade is properly regulated by authority so that it doesn't become imbalanced, and they also maintain a good stock, which the prince can utilize when he deems necessary.
But here, before I conclude this part, I have shortly to answer the accusation of those men, which charge London with the loss and decay of many (or most) of the ancient cities, corporate towns, and markets within this realm, by drawing from them to herself alone, say they, both all trade of traffic by sea, and the retailing of wares and exercise of manual arts also. Touching navigation, which I must confess is apparently decayed in many port towns, and flourisheth only or chiefly at London, I impute that partly to the fall of the Staple, the which being long since a great trade, and bestowed sometimes at one town and sometimes at another within the realm, did much enrich the place where it was, and being now not only diminished in force, but also translated over the seas, cannot but bring some decay with it, partly to the impairing of havens, which in many places have impoverished those towns, whose estate doth ebb and flow with them, and partly to the dissolution of religious houses, by whose wealth and haunt many of those places were chiefly fed and nourished. I mean not to rehearse particular examples of every sort, for the thing itself speaketh, and I haste to an end.
But before I wrap up this section, I need to briefly address the accusation from some people that London is responsible for the loss and decline of many (if not most) of the ancient cities, corporate towns, and markets in this country. They claim that London has drawn all the trade and business away from them, both in sea shipping and local goods and crafts. Regarding navigation, which I must admit has clearly decreased in many port towns and mainly thrives in London, I attribute this partly to the decline of the Staple, which used to be a major trade center that moved between various towns in the realm, enriching those places. Now that it has significantly diminished and primarily shifted overseas, it undoubtedly leads to some decline. This is also partly due to the deterioration of harbors, which has impoverished many towns that relied on their vitality, and partly due to the closure of religious houses, whose wealth and activities used to support many of these places. I don’t intend to list specific examples for every case, as the situation speaks for itself, and I want to finish up.
As for retailers, therefore, and handicraftsmen, it is no marvel if they abandon country towns, and resort to London; for not only the court, which is now-a-days much greater and more gallant than in former times, and which was wont to be contented to remain with a small company, sometimes at an abbey or priory, sometimes at a bishop’s house, and sometimes at some mean manor of the king’s own, is now for the most part either abiding at London, or else so near unto it, that the provision[496] of things most fit for it may easily be fetched from thence; but also by occasion thereof, the gentlemen of all shires do fly and flock to this city; the younger sort of them to see and show vanity, and the elder to save the cost and charge of hospitality and house-keeping.
For retailers and craftsmen, it's no surprise that they leave rural towns and head to London. The court today is much bigger and more fashionable than it used to be, where it was once content to stay with a small group, sometimes at an abbey, a priory, a bishop's residence, or a modest manor owned by the king. Now, it mostly stays in London or nearby, making it easy to get the supplies needed for it. Because of this, gentlemen from all over the counties flock to the city; younger ones to show off and enjoy the latest trends, and older ones to save on hospitality and household expenses.
For hereby it cometh to pass, that the gentlemen being either for a good portion of the year out of the country, or playing the farmers, graziers, brewers, or such like, more than gentlemen were wont to do within the country, retailers and artificers, at the least of such things as pertain to the back or belly, do leave the country towns, where there is no vent, and do fly to London, where they be sure to find ready and quick market. And yet I wish, that even as many towns in the low countries of King Philip do stand, some by one handy art, and some by another; so also that it might be provided here that the making of some things might (by discreet dispensation) be allotted to some special towns, to the end, that although the daintiness of men cannot be restrained, which will needs seek those things at London, yet other places also might be relieved, at the least by the workmanship of them.
For this reason, it happens that the gentlemen are either out of the country for a good part of the year or are more involved in farming, grazing, brewing, or similar activities than gentlemen usually are in the countryside. Retailers and craftsmen, especially those dealing with food or essentials, leave the countryside towns, where there is no market, and head to London, where they can be sure to find a quick and ready market. I wish that, just like many towns in the Low Countries under King Philip thrive on different crafts, it could be arranged here that the production of certain items could be assigned to specific towns. This way, even though people's desire for luxury items will always draw them to London, other places might also benefit, at least through their craftsmanship.
Thus much then of the estate of London, in the government thereof, in the condition of the citizens, and in their power and riches. Now follow the enumeration of such benefits as redound to the prince and this realm by this city: in which doing I profess not to rehearse all, but only to recite and run over the chief and principal of them.
Thus, that's the state of London regarding its government, the condition of its citizens, and their power and wealth. Next, I’ll list the benefits that this city brings to the prince and the realm. I won't mention everything but will focus on the main ones.
Besides the commodities of the furtherance of religion and justice, the propagation of learning, the maintenance of arts, the increase of riches, and the defence of countries (all which are before showed to grow generally by cities, and be common to London with them), London bringeth singularly these good things following.
Besides the benefits of promoting religion and justice, spreading knowledge, supporting the arts, increasing wealth, and defending nations (all of which are proven to generally thrive in cities and are shared by London with them), London uniquely offers the following advantages.
By advantage of the situation it disperseth foreign wares (as the stomach doth meat) to all the members most commodiously.
By taking advantage of the situation, it spreads foreign goods (like the stomach processes food) to all the parts in the most convenient way.
By the benefit of the river of Thames, and great trade of merchandise, it is the chief maker of mariners, and nurse of our navy; and ships (as men know) be the wooden walls for defence of our realm.
Thanks to the River Thames and its thriving trade, it is the main producer of sailors and the supporter of our navy; and ships (as everyone knows) are the wooden walls that defend our country.
It maintaineth in flourishing estate the countries of Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, Kent, and Sussex, which as they lie in the face of our most puissant neighbour, so ought they above others to be conserved in the greatest strength and riches; and these,[497] as it is well known, stand not so much by the benefit of their own soil, as by the neighbourhood and nearness which they have to London.
It sustains the thriving regions of Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, Kent, and Sussex, which, being directly facing our powerful neighbor, should be maintained with the utmost strength and wealth; and these,[497] as is well known, rely not so much on the advantages of their own land, but on their proximity to London.
It relieveth plentifully, and with good policy, not only her own poor people, a thing which scarcely any other town or shire doth, but also the poor that from each quarter of the realm do flock unto it, and it imparteth liberally to the necessity of the universities besides. It is an ornament to the realm by the beauty thereof, and a terror to other countries, by reason of the great wealth and frequency. It spreadeth the honour of our country far abroad by her long navigations, and maketh our power feared, even of barbarous princes. It only is stored with rich merchants, which sort only is tolerable; for beggarly merchants do bite too near, and will do more harm than good to the realm.
It provides generously and wisely, not just for its own poor residents—something that hardly any other town or county does—but also for the needy who come from all corners of the country. It also shares openly with the universities in need. It's a beauty of the realm and a source of fear for other nations due to its great wealth and density of population. It spreads the honor of our country wide through its extensive trade routes and makes our power respected, even by barbarian kings. It is filled with wealthy merchants, which is the only acceptable kind; because poor merchants can be too risky and do more harm than good to the realm.
It only of any place in this realm is able to furnish the sudden necessity with a strong army. It availeth the prince in tronage, poundage, and other her customs, much more than all the rest of the realm.
It is the only place in this kingdom that can quickly provide a strong army when needed. It benefits the prince in taxes, fees, and other duties far more than anywhere else in the kingdom.
It yieldeth a greater subsidy than any one part of the realm; I mean not for the proportion of the value of the goods only, but also for the faithful service there used, in making the assess, for no where else be men taxed so near to their just value as in London; yea, many are found there, that for their countenance and credit sake, refuse not to be rated above their ability, which thing never happeneth abroad in the country. I omit that in ancient time the inhabitants of London and other cities were accustomably taxed after the tenth of their goods, when the country was assessed at the fifteenth, and rated at the eighth; when the country was set at the twelfth, for that were to awake a sleeping dog; and I should be thought “dicenda, tacenda, locutus,” as the poet said.
It provides a greater contribution than any other part of the kingdom; I’m not just talking about the value of the goods, but also about the honest service involved in determining the taxes. Nowhere else are people taxed as closely to their actual worth as they are in London. In fact, many individuals there, for the sake of their reputation and status, even agree to be valued higher than they can afford, which doesn’t happen in the countryside. I won't mention that in the past, the people of London and other cities were typically taxed at a tenth of their goods, while the countryside was taxed at a fifteenth and assessed at an eighth; or when the countryside was set at a twelfth, because that would just stir up trouble, and I would be considered “dicenda, tacenda, locutus,” as the poet puts it.
It only doth and is able to make the prince a ready present or loan of money.
It only does and can provide the prince with a quick gift or loan of money.
It only is found fit and able to entertain strangers honourably, and to receive the prince of the realm worthily.
It is only suitable and capable of welcoming strangers respectfully, and of receiving the prince of the realm appropriately.
Almighty God (qui nisi custodiat civitatem, frustrà vigilat custos) grant that her majesty evermore rightly esteem and rule this city; and he give grace, that the citizens may answer duty, as well towards God and her majesty, as towards this whole realm and country. Amen.
Almighty God (who unless He guards the city, the watchman watches in vain) grant that her majesty always values and governs this city correctly; and may He give grace so that the citizens fulfill their duties, both to God and her majesty, as well as to this entire realm and country. Amen.
AN APPENDIX, CONTAINING THE EXAMINATION OF SUCH CAUSES AS HAVE HERETOFORE MOVED THE PRINCES EITHER TO FINE AND RANSOM THE CITIZENS OF LONDON, OR TO SEIZE THE LIBERTIES OF THE CITY ITSELF.
These all may be reduced to these few heads; for either the citizens have adhered, in aid or arms, to such as have warred upon the prince, or they have made tumult, and broken the common peace at home; or they have misbehaved themselves in point of government and justice; or finally, and to speak the plain truth, the princes have taken hold of small matters, and coined good sums of money out of them.
These can all be summarized into a few key points: either the citizens have supported those who have fought against the prince, or they have caused disorder and disturbed the peace at home; or they have mismanaged affairs related to governance and justice; or, to be blunt, the princes have exploited minor issues for profit.
To the first head I will refer whatsoever they have done, either in those wars that happened between King Stephen and Maude the empress, being competitors of the crown, or between King John and his nobles, assisting Lewis, the French king’s son, when he invaded the realm; for it is apparent by all histories that the Londoners were not the movers of these wars, but were only used as instruments to maintain them. The like is to be said of all the offences that King Henry III., whose whole reign was a continual warfare, conceived against this city, concerning the bearing of armour against him; for the first part of his reign was spent in the continuation of those wars that his father had begun with Lewis; and the rest of his life he bestowed in that contention, which was commonly called the Barons’ wars: in which tragedy London, as it could not be otherwise, had now and then a part, and had many a snub at the king’s hand for it: but in the end, when he had triumphed over Simon Montford at Evesham, London felt it most tragical; for then he both seized their liberties and sucked themselves dry; and yet Edictum Kenilworth, made shortly after, hath an honourable testimony for London, saying, “Te London laudamus,” etc. As for the other offences that he took against the Londoners, they pertain to the other parts of my division.
To the first point, I'll mention everything they've done, whether during the wars between King Stephen and Empress Maude, who were competing for the crown, or during the conflict between King John and his nobles who supported Lewis, the son of the French king, when he invaded the kingdom. It's clear from all historical accounts that the people of London were not the instigators of these wars; they were simply used as tools to sustain them. The same can be said about all the offenses committed by King Henry III, whose entire reign was marked by constant warfare, against this city, particularly regarding the bearing of armor against him. The first part of his reign was spent continuing the wars that his father started with Lewis, and the rest of his life was dedicated to what was often referred to as the Barons' Wars. In these events, London, as might be expected, occasionally played a role and received many rebukes from the king for it. However, in the end, when he triumphed over Simon Montfort at Evesham, London felt it most tragically; he seized their liberties and drained them of resources. Yet, the Edictum Kenilworth, created shortly after, contains a commendable acknowledgment for London, stating, “Te London laudamus,” etc. As for the other offenses he held against the Londoners, they relate to the other sections of my discussion.
Next after this, against whom the Londoners did put on arms, followeth King Edward II., who in the end was deprived of his kingdom, not by their means, but by a general defection both of his own wife and son, and almost of the whole nobility and realm besides. In which trouble, that furious assault and slaughter committed by them upon the bishop of Excester, then treasurer of the realm, is to be imputed partly to the sway of the time[499] wherewith they were carried, and partly to a private displeasure which they had to the bishop.
Next after this, the Londoners took up arms against King Edward II, who ultimately lost his kingdom, not because of them, but due to a complete defection from both his wife and son, as well as nearly all the nobility and the realm. In this turmoil, the violent attack and killing they carried out against the Bishop of Exeter, who was then the treasurer of the realm, can be attributed partly to the influence of the times that drove them, and partly to a personal grudge they held against the bishop.
Finally cometh to hand King Richard II.; for these three only, in all the catalogue of our kings, have been heavy lords to London, who also had much contention with his nobility, and was in the end deposed. But whatsoever countenance and aid the city of London brought to the wars and uproars of that time, it is notoriously true that London never led the dance, but ever followed the pipe of the nobility. To close up this first part, therefore, I affirm, that in all the troublesome actions during the reign of these three kings, as also in all that heaving in and hurling out that afterward happened between King Henry VI. and King Edward IV., the city of London was many times a friend and fautor, but never the first motive or author of any intestine war or sedition.
Finally, we come to King Richard II.; for these three, among all the kings in our history, were harsh rulers over London, who also had many conflicts with their nobility and were ultimately deposed. However much support and involvement the city of London contributed to the wars and upheavals of that time, it's well known that London never took the lead but always followed the influence of the nobility. To wrap up this first part, I assert that in all the tumultuous events during the reigns of these three kings, and also in all the back-and-forth that later occurred between King Henry VI and King Edward IV, the city of London was often an ally and supporter, but never the primary instigator or cause of any internal conflict or rebellion.
In the second room I place a couple of tumultuous affrays that chanced in the days of King Richard I.; the one upon the day of his coronation against the Jews, which, contrary to the king’s own proclamation, would needs enter the church to see him sacred, and were therefore cruelly handled by the common people. The other was caused by William with the long beard, who after that he had inflamed the poor people against the richer sort, and was called to answer for his fault, took Bow church for sanctuary, and kept it, castle-like, till he was fired out.
In the second room, I show a couple of chaotic fights that happened during the reign of King Richard I. One fight occurred on the day of his coronation when the Jews, despite the king’s own announcement, insisted on entering the church to witness the ceremony, and as a result, they were brutally mistreated by the general public. The other incident involved William with the long beard, who, after stirring up the common people against the wealthy, sought refuge in Bow church for his wrongdoing and held it like a fortress until he was forcibly removed.
Here is place also for the stoning to death of a gentleman, servant to the half-brother of King Henry III., which had before provoked the citizens to fury by wounding divers of them without any cause, 1257; for the riotous fray between the servants of the goldsmiths and the tailors, 1268; for the hurly burly and bloodshed between the Londoners and the men of Westminster, moved by the young men upon an occasion of a wrestling on St. James’ day, 1221; and made worse by one Constantine, an ancient citizen, for the brawl and business that arose about a baker’s loaf at Salisbury place, 1391; for the which, and some other misdemeanours, King Richard II. was so incensed by evil counsel against the Londoners, that he determined to destroy them and raze their city: and for the fight that was between the citizens and sanctuary men of St. Martin’s, 1454, under King Henry VI.: and finally, for the misrule on evil May-day 1519, and for such other like, if there have been any.
Here’s a spot for the execution by stoning of a gentleman, a servant to King Henry III's half-brother, who had previously angered the citizens by wounding several of them for no reason, 1257; for the violent clash between the goldsmiths' and tailors' servants, 1268; for the chaos and bloodshed between the people of London and Westminster, incited by young men during a wrestling event on St. James’ Day, 1221; and worsened by a man named Constantine, an old citizen, due to the fight that erupted over a baker’s loaf at Salisbury Place, 1391; for which, along with other offenses, King Richard II was so fueled by bad advice against the Londoners that he decided to destroy them and demolish their city: and for the conflict that took place between the citizens and the sanctuary men of St. Martin’s, 1454, under King Henry VI; and finally, for the chaos of Evil May Day in 1519, and any similar incidents that may have occurred.
To the third head may be referred the seizure of their liberties, for a false judgment given against a poor widow, called Margaret Viel, 1246; the two several seizures in one year, 1258, for false[500] packing in collections of money and other enormities; and finally the seizure made by King Edward I. for taking of bribes of the bakers, 1285. But all this security in seizing and resuming of the liberties, which was in old time the only ordinary punishment, was at length mitigated by King Edward III. and King Henry IV., in their statutes before remembered.
To the third point, we can refer to the loss of their freedoms, due to an unfair judgment passed against a poor widow named Margaret Viel in 1246; the two separate losses in one year in 1258 for illegal dealings in money collections and other wrongdoings; and finally, the seizure made by King Edward I in 1285 for accepting bribes from bakers. However, this strict enforcement of seizing and revoking liberties, which used to be the main form of punishment, was eventually softened by King Edward III and King Henry IV in their previously mentioned statutes.
In the last place stand those offences, which I repute rather taken than given, and do fall within the measure of the adage, “Ut canem cædas, cito invenias baculum:” for King John, in the 10th of his reign, deposed the bailiffs of London, because they had bought up the wheat in the market, so that there was not to serve his purveyors. King Henry III., his son, compelled the Londoners to pay him five thousand pounds, because they had lent to Lewis, the French king, the like sum, of a good mind to dispatch him out of their city and the realm, at such time as the protector and the whole nobility fell to composition with him for his departure. And the same king fined them at three thousand marks for the escape of a prisoner out of Newgate, of whom they took no charge; for he was a clerk, prisoner to the bishop of London, under the custody of his own servants; and as for the place, it was only borrowed of the Londoners to serve that turn. Hitherto of these things to this end, that whatsoever misdemeanour shall be objected out of history against London, the same may herein appear, both in its true place and proper colour.
In the end, we have those offenses that I consider more to be taken than given, which fall under the saying, "Ut canem cædas, cito invenias baculum": for King John, in the 10th year of his reign, removed the bailiffs of London because they had bought up all the wheat in the market, leaving nothing for his suppliers. King Henry III., his son, forced the people of London to pay him five thousand pounds because they had lent the same amount to Lewis, the French king, with the intention of getting him out of their city and the kingdom, at the time when the protector and all the nobility were negotiating with him for his departure. The same king also fined them three thousand marks for a prisoner's escape from Newgate, for which they held no responsibility; he was a clerk held by the bishop of London, under the custody of his own servants; and the location was merely borrowed from the Londoners for that purpose. Thus, these points are presented so that any wrongdoing attributed to London from history can be seen here in its rightful context and true nature.
FITZSTEPHEN’S DESCRIPTION OF LONDON
OF THE SITUATION OF THE SAME
Amongst the noble and celebrated cities of the world, that of London, the capital of the kingdom of England, is one of the most renowned, possessing above all others abundant wealth, extensive commerce, great grandeur and magnificence. It is happy in the salubrity of its climate, in the profession of the Christian religion, in the strength of its fortresses, the nature of its situation, the honour of its citizens, and the chastity of its matrons; in its sports too it is most pleasant, and in the production of illustrious men most fortunate. All which things I wish separately to consider.
Among the great and famous cities of the world, London, the capital of England, stands out as one of the most well-known, boasting unmatched wealth, extensive trade, and impressive grandeur. Its climate is healthy, it practices Christianity, it has strong fortifications, a strategic location, honorable citizens, and virtuous women. It is also very enjoyable for sports and has produced many notable individuals. I want to look at each of these things in detail.
OF THE MILDNESS OF THE CLIMATE
There then
There now
not so however that they are addicted to licentiousness, but so that they are not savage and brutal, but rather kind and generous.
not that they are given to excessive behavior, but that they are not cruel or harsh; instead, they are kind and generous.
OF THE RELIGION
There is in St. Paul’s church an episcopal see: it was formerly metropolitan, and, it is thought, will be so again, should the citizens return to the island: unless perhaps the archiepiscopal title of St. Thomas, and his bodily presence there, should always retain that dignity at Canterbury, where it now is. But as St. Thomas has ennobled both these cities, London by his birth, and Canterbury by his death, each of them, with respect to the saint, has much to allege against the other, and with justice too. As regards divine worship, there are also in London and in the suburbs thirteen larger conventual churches, besides one hundred and thirty-six lesser parochial ones.
In St. Paul’s church, there's an episcopal see: it used to be metropolitan and it's believed it could be again if the citizens return to the island. Unless, of course, the archiepiscopal title of St. Thomas and his physical presence there keep that honor in Canterbury, where it currently is. However, since St. Thomas has honored both cities—London by his birth and Canterbury by his death—each city has plenty of valid arguments against the other regarding their connection to the saint. In terms of divine worship, there are also thirteen larger conventual churches in London and its suburbs, in addition to one hundred and thirty-six smaller parochial churches.
OF THE STRENGTH OF THE CITY
On the east stands the Palatine tower, a fortress of great size and strength, the court and walls of which are erected upon a very deep foundation, the mortar used in the building being tempered with the blood of beasts. On the west are two castles strongly fortified; the wall of the city is high and thick, with seven double gates, having on the north side towers placed at proper intervals. London formerly had walls and towers in like manner on the south, but that most excellent river the Thames, which abounds with fish, and in which the tide ebbs and flows, runs on that side, and has in a long space of time washed down, undermined, and subverted the walls in that part. On the west also, higher up on the bank of the river, the royal palace rears its head, an incomparable structure, furnished with a breastwork and bastions, situated in a populous suburb, at a distance of two miles from the city.
On the east is the Palatine tower, a massive and strong fortress, with its courts and walls built on a very deep foundation. The mortar used in its construction is mixed with the blood of animals. To the west are two heavily fortified castles; the city wall is tall and thick, featuring seven double gates, with towers placed at regular intervals on the north side. London used to have similar walls and towers on the south, but the great River Thames, rich in fish and with a tide that ebbs and flows, has over time eroded, undermined, and brought down those walls. Also to the west, further up the riverbank, stands the royal palace, an incredible structure equipped with a parapet and bastions, located in a busy suburb about two miles from the city.
OF THE GARDENS
Adjoining to the houses on all sides lie the gardens of those citizens that dwell in the suburbs, which are well furnished with trees, spacious and beautiful.
Adjoining the houses on all sides are the gardens of the residents who live in the suburbs, which are well-equipped with trees, spacious, and beautiful.
OF THE PASTURE AND TILLAGE LANDS
On the north side too are fields for pasture, and a delightful plain of meadow land, interspersed with flowing streams, on which stand mills, whose clack is very pleasing to the ear. Close by lies an immense forest, in which are densely wooded thickets, the coverts of game, stags, fallow-deer, boars, and wild bulls. The tillage lands of the city are not barren gravelly soils, but like the fertile plains of Asia, which produce abundant crops, and fill the barns of their cultivators with
On the north side, there are also fields for grazing and a lovely plain of meadows, dotted with flowing streams, where mills stand, making a sound that is very pleasing to hear. Nearby is a vast forest, filled with dense thickets that serve as hiding places for game, including stags, fallow deer, boars, and wild bulls. The farmland around the city is not just barren gravel but resembles the fertile plains of Asia, producing plentiful crops and filling the barns of the farmers.
OF THE SPRINGS
There are also round London, on the northern side, in the suburbs, excellent springs; the water of which is sweet, clear, and salubrious,
There are also around London, on the northern side, in the suburbs, excellent springs; their water is sweet, clear, and healthy,
amongst which, Holywell, Clerkenwell, and St. Clement’s well, are of most note, and most frequently visited, as well by the scholars from the schools, as by the youth of the city when they go out to take the air in the summer evenings. The city is delightful indeed, when it has a good governor.
among which Holywell, Clerkenwell, and St. Clement’s well are the most notable and often visited, both by students from the schools and by the city's youth when they go out to enjoy the fresh air on summer evenings. The city is truly delightful when it has a good governor.
OF THE HONOUR OF THE CITIZENS
This city is ennobled by her men, graced by her arms, and peopled by a multitude of inhabitants; so that in the wars under King Stephen there went out to a muster, of armed horsemen, esteemed fit for war, twenty thousand, and of infantry sixty thousand. The citizens of London are respected and noted above all other citizens for the elegance of their manners, dress, table, and discourse.
This city is elevated by its men, enhanced by its beauty, and populated by many residents; so that during the wars under King Stephen, there were twenty thousand armed horsemen and sixty thousand infantry deemed fit for battle. The citizens of London are admired and distinguished above all other citizens for the sophistication of their behavior, clothing, dining, and conversation.
OF THE MATRONS
The matrons of the city are perfect Sabines.
The women of the city are just like the Sabines.
OF THE SCHOOLS
The three principal churches possess, by privilege and ancient dignity, celebrated schools; yet often, by the favour of some person of note, or of some learned men eminently distinguished for their philosophy, other schools are permitted upon sufferance. On festival days the masters assemble their pupils at those churches where the feast of the patron saint is solemnised; and there the scholars dispute, some in the demonstrative way, and others logically; some again recite enthymemes, while others use the more perfect syllogism. Some, to show their abilities, engage in such disputation as is practised among persons contending for victory alone; others dispute upon a truth, which is the grace of perfection. The sophisters, who argue upon feigned topics, are deemed clever according to their fluency of speech and command of language. Others endeavour to impose by false conclusions. Sometimes certain orators in their rhetorical harangues employ all the powers of persuasion, taking care to observe the precepts of the art, and to omit nothing apposite to the subject. The boys of the different schools wrangle with each other in verse, and contend about the principles of grammar or the rules of the perfect and future tenses. There are some who in epigrams, rhymes, and verses, use that trivial raillery so much practised amongst the ancients, freely[504] attacking their companions with Fescennine licence, but suppressing the names, discharging their scoffs and sarcasms against them, touching with Socratic wit the failings of their schoolfellows, or perhaps of greater personages, or biting them more keenly with a Theonine tooth. The audience,
The three main churches have, by privilege and long-standing prestige, well-known schools; however, sometimes, with the support of a notable person or distinguished scholars renowned for their philosophy, other schools are allowed to operate as a favor. On festival days, the teachers gather their students at the churches where the patron saint's feast is celebrated; there, the scholars engage in discussions, with some presenting arguments in a demonstrative way and others using a more logical approach. Some recite enthymemes, while others use the more refined syllogism. Some, eager to showcase their skills, engage in debates like those competing solely for victory, while others argue about truths, which represent the essence of perfection. The sophists, who debate hypothetical topics, are considered clever based on their eloquent speech and command of language. Others attempt to impress with misleading conclusions. Occasionally, certain orators, in their speeches, use all the persuasive techniques available, making sure to follow the rules of their art and not leave out anything relevant to the topic. The students from different schools argue with each other in verse, debating grammar principles or the rules governing the perfect and future tenses. Some, in epigrams, rhymes, and verses, use the light-hearted banter commonly practiced by the ancients, boldly mocking their peers with playful license but omitting their names, hurling jabs and sarcasms, cleverly pointing out the shortcomings of their classmates, or sometimes targeting more prominent figures, delivering sharper critiques. The audience,
“With a curled nose, double the trembling rings.”
OF THE MANNER IN WHICH THE AFFAIRS OF THE CITY ARE DISPOSED
The artizans of the several crafts, the vendors of the various commodities, and the labourers of every kind, have each their separate station, which they take every morning. There is also in London, on the bank of the river, amongst the wine-shops which are kept in ships and cellars, a public eating-house: there every day, according to the season, may be found viands of all kinds, roast, fried, and boiled, fish large and small, coarser meat for the poor, and more delicate for the rich, such as venison, fowls, and small birds. If friends, wearied with their journey, should unexpectedly come to a citizen’s house, and, being hungry, should not like to wait till fresh meat be bought and cooked:
The artisans of various trades, the sellers of different goods, and workers of all kinds each have their own spot that they take every morning. There is also in London, by the riverbank, among the wine bars in ships and cellars, a public restaurant: there each day, depending on the season, you can find dishes of all sorts, roasted, fried, and boiled, large and small fish, heartier meat for the poor, and fancier options for the wealthy, like venison, poultry, and small birds. If friends, tired from their journey, unexpectedly arrive at a citizen’s home and, feeling hungry, don't want to wait for fresh meat to be bought and cooked:
The attendants provide water for their hands: — Dryden.
Meanwhile some run to the river side, and there every thing that they could wish for is instantly procured. However great the number of soldiers or strangers that enters or leaves the city at any hour of the day or night, they may turn in there if they please, and refresh themselves according to their inclination; so that the former have no occasion to fast too long, or the latter to leave the city without dining. Those who wish to indulge themselves would not desire a sturgeon, or the bird of Africa, or the godwit of Ionia, when the delicacies that are to be found there are set before them. This indeed is the public cookery, and is very convenient to the city, and a distinguishing mark of civilisation. Hence we read in Plato’s Gorgias, “Juxta medicinam esse coquorum officium, simulantium et adulationem quartæ particulæ civilitatis.” There is, without one of the gates, immediately in the suburb, a certain smooth field in name and in reality. There every Friday, unless it be one of the more solemn festivals, is a noted show of well-bred horses exposed for sale. The earls, barons, and knights, who are at[505] the time resident in the city, as well as most of the citizens, flock thither either to look on or buy. It is pleasant to see the nags, with their sleek and shining coats, smoothly ambling along, raising and setting down alternately, as it were, their feet on either side: in one part are horses better adapted to esquires; these, whose pace is rougher but yet expeditious, lift up and set down, as it were, the two opposite fore and hind feet together; in another the young blood colts, not yet accustomed to the bridle,
Meanwhile, some rush to the riverside, where they can instantly get everything they desire. No matter how many soldiers or strangers come in or out of the city at any hour of the day or night, they can stop by and refresh themselves as they like, ensuring that the former don’t have to fast for too long, nor do the latter have to leave the city without a meal. Those looking to treat themselves wouldn’t ask for a sturgeon, an African bird, or an Ionia godwit when the local delicacies are laid out in front of them. This is essentially the public kitchen, which is very convenient for the city and a hallmark of civilization. As mentioned in Plato’s Gorgias, “The role of cooks is closely related to medicine, and it simulates and flatters the fourth element of civility.” There is, just outside one of the gates, a smooth field both by name and reality. Every Friday, unless it's one of the more significant festivals, there’s a well-known showcase of finely-bred horses for sale. The earls, barons, and knights currently residing in the city, along with most of the citizens, gather there to watch or buy. It’s enjoyable to see the horses, with their sleek and shiny coats, smoothly trotting along, alternately lifting and setting down their feet. In one section, there are horses better suited for squires; these animals, with a rougher but still quick gait, pick up and set down their fore and hind feet on opposite sides together; while in another area, the young colts, not yet used to the bridle,
"Their movements are smooth, with a lively stride." — Dryden.
in a third are the horses for burden, strong and stout-limbed; and in a fourth, the more valuable chargers, of an elegant shape and noble height, with nimbly moving ears, erect necks, and plump haunches. In the movements of these the purchasers observe first their easy pace, and then their gallop, which is when the fore-feet are raised from the ground and set down together, and the hind ones in like manner, alternately. When a race is to be run by such horses as these, and perhaps by others, which in like manner, according to their breed, are strong for carriage, and vigorous for the course, the people raise a shout, and order the common horses to be withdrawn to another part of the field. The jockeys, who are boys expert in the management of horses, which they regulate by means of curb-bridles, sometimes by threes, and sometimes by twos, according as the match is made, prepare themselves for the contest. Their chief aim is to prevent a competitor getting before them. The horses, too, after their manner, are eager for the race; their limbs tremble, and, impatient of delay, they cannot stand still; upon the signal being given, they stretch out their limbs, hurry over the course, and are borne along with unremitting speed. The riders, inspired with the love of praise and the hope of victory, clap spurs to their flying horses, lashing them with their whips, and inciting them by their shouts. You would think with Heraclitus, that all things were in motion, and that Zeno’s opinion was altogether erroneous, when he said, that there was no such thing as motion, and that it was impossible to reach the goal. In another quarter, apart from the rest, stand the goods of the peasants, implements of husbandry, swine with their long sides, cows with distended udders,
in a third area are the heavy-duty horses, strong and muscular; and in a fourth, the more valuable riding horses, with a graceful shape and impressive height, featuring eagerly moving ears, upright necks, and robust hindquarters. Buyers first notice their smooth gait, followed by their gallop, when the front hooves are lifted off the ground and placed down together, while the hind hooves follow in alternation. When it's time for a race with these horses, and possibly others that are strong for hauling and fit for racing, the crowd cheers and asks the common horses to move to another part of the field. The jockeys, who are skilled boys in handling horses, control them using curb-bridles, sometimes riding in threes and sometimes in twos, depending on the match. Their main goal is to prevent anyone from getting ahead of them. The horses, eager for the race, tremble with excitement and can’t hold still; when the signal is given, they stretch their limbs, speed down the track, and maintain relentless velocity. The riders, driven by the desire for praise and the hope of winning, prod their speeding horses with spurs, whip them, and encourage them with their shouts. You'd almost agree with Heraclitus that everything is in motion, completely disagreeing with Zeno, who claimed that motion didn't exist and that reaching the finish line was impossible. In another area, separated from the others, stand the goods of the farmers: farming tools, pigs with their long bodies, and cows with full udders,
There, too, stand the mares fitted for the plough, the dray, and the cart, of which some are big with foal, others have their frolic[506]some colts running close by their sides. To this city, from every nation under heaven, merchants bring their commodities by sea,
There, too, stand the mares equipped for the plow, the cart, and the wagon, some are pregnant with foal, while others have their playful colts trotting close by their sides. Merchants from every country in the world bring their goods to this city by sea,
The sharp weapons of Scythia and palm oil From Babylon's fertile land, Nile's valuable gems,
Norway's warm furs, Russia's expensive sables,
Sera’s luxurious garments and the wines from Gaul,
Here they are sent.”
According to the evidence of chroniclers London is more ancient than Rome: for, as both derive their origin from the same Trojan ancestors, this was founded by Brutus before that by Romulus and Remus. Hence it is that, even to this day, both cities use the same ancient laws and ordinances. This, like Rome, is divided into wards; it has annual sheriffs instead of consuls; it has an order of senators and inferior magistrates, and also sewers and aqueducts in its streets; each class of suits, whether of the deliberative, demonstrative, or judicial kind, has its appropriate place and proper court; on stated days it has its assemblies. I think that there is no city in which more approved customs are observed—in attending churches, honouring God’s ordinances, keeping festivals, giving alms, receiving strangers, confirming espousals, contracting marriages, celebrating weddings, preparing entertainments, welcoming guests, and also in the arrangement of the funeral ceremonies and the burial of the dead. The only inconveniences of London are, the immoderate drinking of foolish persons, and the frequent fires. Moreover, almost all the bishops, abbots, and great men of England, are, in a manner, citizens and freemen of London; as they have magnificent houses there, to which they resort, spending large sums of money, whenever they are summoned thither to councils and assemblies by the king or their metropolitan, or are compelled to go there by their own business.
According to the records of historians, London is older than Rome. Both cities share their roots in the same Trojan ancestors, with London being founded by Brutus before Rome was established by Romulus and Remus. Because of this, even today, both cities operate under the same ancient laws and regulations. Like Rome, London is divided into wards; it has annual sheriffs instead of consuls, a senate as well as lower magistrates, and also has sewers and aqueducts in its streets. Each category of cases—whether legislative, demonstrative, or judicial—has its designated place and court. On specific days, assemblies are held. I believe there is no other city that observes more established customs—such as attending churches, honoring God's laws, celebrating festivals, giving to charity, welcoming strangers, confirming engagements, entering into marriages, celebrating weddings, hosting feasts, and organizing funeral services and burial of the dead. The only downsides of London are the excessive drinking of foolish people and the frequent fires. Furthermore, almost all the bishops, abbots, and prominent individuals in England are, in some way, citizens and residents of London, as they possess lavish homes there where they spend significant amounts of money whenever they are called for councils and meetings by the king or their metropolitan, or are required to go there for their own affairs.
OF THE SPORTS
Let us now proceed to the sports of the city; since it is expedient that a city be not only an object of utility and importance, but also a source of pleasure and diversion. Hence even in the seals of the chief pontiffs, up to the time of Pope Leo, there was engraved on one side of the Bull the figure of St. Peter as a fisherman, and above him a key stretched out to him, as it were, from heaven by the hand of God, and around him this verse—
Let’s now move on to the sports in the city; it’s important that a city is not just useful and significant, but also a place of enjoyment and entertainment. This is why even on the seals of the chief pontiffs, up until Pope Leo, one side of the Bull featured the image of St. Peter as a fisherman, with a key being extended to him from heaven by God’s hand, and surrounding him were these words—
On the obverse side was represented a city, with this inscription, Golden Rome. It was also said in praise of Augustus Cæsar and the city of Rome,
On the front side, there was a depiction of a city, with the inscription, Golden Rome. It also praised Augustus Caesar and the city of Rome,
"Caesar, you share power with Jove alternately."
London, instead of theatrical shows and scenic entertainments, has dramatic performances of a more sacred kind, either representations of the miracles which holy confessors have wrought, or of the passions and sufferings in which the constancy of martyrs was signally displayed. Moreover, to begin with the sports of the boys (for we have all been boys), annually on the day which is called Shrovetide, the boys of the respective schools bring each a fighting cock to their master, and the whole of that forenoon is spent by the boys in seeing their cocks fight in the school-room. After dinner, all the young men of the city go out into the fields to play at the well-known game of foot-ball. The scholars belonging to the several schools have each their ball; and the city tradesmen, according to their respective crafts, have theirs. The more aged men, the fathers of the players, and the wealthy citizens, come on horseback to see the contests of the young men, with whom, after their manner, they participate, their natural heat seeming to be aroused by the sight of so much agility, and by their participation in the amusements of unrestrained youth. Every Sunday in Lent, after dinner, a company of young men enter the fields, mounted on warlike horses—
London, instead of theatrical shows and scenic entertainments, has dramatic performances of a more sacred kind, either reenactments of the miracles performed by holy confessors or portrayals of the passions and sufferings that highlighted the steadfastness of martyrs. To start with the boys' games (because we've all been boys), every year on the day known as Shrovetide, the boys from different schools each bring a fighting cock to their teacher, and that entire morning is spent watching their cocks fight in the classroom. After lunch, all the young men from the city head out to the fields to play the familiar game of football. The students from the various schools each have their own ball, and the city tradesmen, according to their different trades, have theirs as well. The older men, the fathers of the players, and the wealthy citizens ride in on horseback to watch the contests among the young men, joining in the excitement, their spirits seemingly lifted by all the agility on display and by participating in the carefree fun of youthful amusements. Every Sunday during Lent, after dinner, a group of young men rides out into the fields on their warhorses—
of which
of which
The lay-sons of the citizens rush out of the gates in crowds, equipped with lances and shields, the younger sort with pikes from which the iron head has been taken off, and there they get up sham fights, and exercise themselves in military combat. When the king happens to be near the city, most of the courtiers attend, and the young men who form the households of the earls and barons, and have not yet attained the honour of knighthood, resort thither for the purpose of trying their skill. The hope of victory animates every one. The spirited horses neigh, their limbs tremble, they champ their bits, and, impatient of delay, cannot endure standing still. When at length
The young citizens rush out of the gates in crowds, armed with lances and shields, while the younger ones carry pikes with the iron tips removed. They engage in mock battles and practice military skills. When the king is near the city, most of the courtiers are present, and the young men serving the earls and barons, who haven't yet earned the title of knight, come to show off their abilities. The desire to win drives everyone. The spirited horses whinny, their legs shake, they bite their bits, and, unable to stand still, they grow restless. When finally
the young riders having been divided into companies, some[508] pursue those that go before without being able to overtake them, whilst others throw their companions out of their course, and gallop beyond them. In the Easter holidays they play at a game resembling a naval engagement. A target is firmly fastened to the trunk of a tree which is fixed in the middle of the river, and in the prow of a boat driven along by oars and the current stands a young man who is to strike the target with his lance; if, in hitting it, he break his lance, and keep his position unmoved, he gains his point, and attains his desire: but if his lance be not shivered by the blow, he is tumbled into the river, and his boat passes by, driven along by its own motion. Two boats, however, are placed there, one on each side of the target, and in them a number of young men to take up the striker, when he first emerges from the stream, or when
the young riders are split into groups, some[508] chase those ahead without managing to catch up, while others push their friends off their path and race past them. During the Easter holidays, they play a game similar to a naval battle. A target is securely attached to the trunk of a tree positioned in the middle of the river, and in the bow of a boat powered by oars and the current stands a young man who is supposed to hit the target with his lance; if he breaks his lance while hitting it and maintains his position steady, he achieves his goal and fulfills his wish. But if his lance doesn’t break from the impact, he gets knocked into the river, and his boat floats away, carried by its own momentum. However, there are two boats stationed there, one on each side of the target, with several young men ready to retrieve the striker as soon as he surfaces from the water, or when
On the bridge, and in balconies on the banks of the river, stand the spectators,
On the bridge and in the balconies along the riverbanks, the spectators are gathered,
During the holydays in summer the young men exercise themselves in the sports of leaping, archery, wrestling, stone-throwing, slinging javelins beyond a mark, and also fighting with bucklers. Cytherea leads the dances of the maidens, who merrily trip along the ground beneath the uprisen moon. Almost on every holyday in winter, before dinner, foaming boars, and huge-tusked hogs, intended for bacon, fight for their lives, or fat bulls or immense boars are baited with dogs. When that great marsh which washes the walls of the city on the north side is frozen over, the young men go out in crowds to divert themselves upon the ice. Some, having increased their velocity by a run, placing their feet apart, and turning their bodies sideways, slide a great way: others make a seat of large pieces of ice like mill-stones, and a great number of them running before, and holding each other by the hand, draw one of their companions who is seated on the ice: if at any time they slip in moving so swiftly, all fall down headlong together. Others are more expert in their sports upon the ice; for fitting to, and binding under their feet the shinbones of some animal, and taking in their hands poles shod with iron, which at times they strike against the ice, they are carried along with as great rapidity as a bird flying or a bolt discharged from a cross-bow. Sometimes two of the skaters having placed themselves a great distance apart by mutual agreement, come together from opposite sides; they[509] meet, raise their poles, and strike each other; either one or both of them fall, not without some bodily hurt: even after their fall they are carried along to a great distance from each other by the velocity of the motion; and whatever part of their heads comes in contact with the ice is laid bare to the very skull. Very frequently the leg or arm of the falling party, if he chance to light upon either of them, is broken. But youth is an age eager for glory and desirous of victory, and so young men engage in counterfeit battles, that they may conduct themselves more valiantly in real ones. Most of the citizens amuse themselves in sporting with merlins, hawks, and other birds of a like kind, and also with dogs that hunt in the woods. The citizens have the right of hunting in Middlesex, Hertfordshire, all the Chilterns, and Kent, as far as the river Cray. The Londoners, then called Trinovantes, repulsed Caius Julius Cæsar, a man who delighted to mark his path with blood. Whence Lucan says,
During the summer holidays, young men engage in activities like jumping, archery, wrestling, stone-throwing, slingshot contests, and fighting with shields. Cytherea leads the dances of the maidens, who happily move along the ground under the rising moon. Almost every winter holiday, before dinner, fierce boars and large, tusked pigs, meant for bacon, fight for their lives, or huge bulls and enormous boars are hunted with dogs. When the great marsh that borders the city on the north side freezes over, young men gather in crowds to have fun on the ice. Some, picking up speed by running, position their feet apart and turn sideways to slide a long distance; others create a seat from large blocks of ice resembling millstones, while many run in front, holding hands, to pull a friend sitting on the ice: if they slip while moving quickly, they all tumble down together. Others are more skilled on the ice; they attach animal shinbones to their feet and use poles with iron tips, which they occasionally strike against the ice, letting them glide as fast as a bird in flight or a bolt shot from a crossbow. Sometimes, two skaters, positioned far apart by mutual agreement, rush towards each other from opposite ends; they meet, raise their poles, and hit each other; one or both may fall, often sustaining injuries: even after they fall, they slide far away from each other due to their momentum, and any part of their heads that hits the ice is exposed to the skull. It's common for the leg or arm of a falling skater to break if they land on either of them. However, youth is a time eager for glory and victory, prompting young men to participate in mock battles so they can act more bravely in real ones. Most citizens enjoy playing with merlins, hawks, and other similar birds, as well as with hunting dogs in the woods. Citizens have the right to hunt in Middlesex, Hertfordshire, all the Chilterns, and Kent, up to the River Cray. The Londoners, then known as the Trinovantes, repelled Caius Julius Caesar, a man who loved to leave a bloody path. Hence, Lucan says,
The city of London has produced some men, who have subdued many kingdoms, and even the Roman empire; and very many others, whose virtue has exalted them to the skies, as was promised to Brutus by the oracle of Apollo:
The city of London has given rise to men who have conquered many kingdoms, including the Roman Empire, and countless others whose greatness has elevated them to the heavens, just like the oracle of Apollo promised to Brutus:
Their fate decides to build a second Troy,
And discover an empire in your royal lineage. "Which time will never destroy, nor boundaries confine."
Since the planting of the Christian religion there, London has given birth to the noble emperor Constantine, who gave the city of Rome and all the insignia of the empire to God and St. Peter, and Pope Sylvester, whose stirrup he held, and chose rather to be called defender of the holy Roman church, than emperor: and that the peace of our lord the Pope might not, by reason of his presence, be disturbed by the turmoils consequent on secular business, he withdrew from the city which he had bestowed upon our lord the Pope, and built for himself the city of Byzantium. London also in modern times has produced illustrious and august princes, the empress Matilda, King Henry the Third, and St. Thomas, the archbishop and glorious martyr of Christ, than whom no man was more guileless or more devoted to all good men throughout the whole Roman world.
Since the establishment of Christianity there, London has birthed the great emperor Constantine, who dedicated the city of Rome and all the symbols of the empire to God and St. Peter, holding the stirrup of Pope Sylvester, and preferred to be known as the defender of the holy Roman church rather than as emperor. To ensure that the peace of our Lord the Pope wouldn't be disturbed by the chaos of secular affairs due to his presence, he left the city he had given to our Lord the Pope and built the city of Byzantium for himself. In modern times, London has also produced remarkable and esteemed leaders, including Empress Matilda, King Henry the Third, and St. Thomas, the archbishop and glorious martyr of Christ, who was more innocent and devoted to all good people across the entire Roman world than anyone else.
INDEX
- Abchurch lane, 196
- Aeldgate, 29 ff.
- Aetheling street. See Watheling street
- Alcestone, Manor of, 22
- Aldemarie church, 226
- Alder street, 30
- Aldersgate (Aeldresgate, Ealdersgate), 27, 33
- Aldersgate street, 272
- Aldersgate ward, 271
- Aldgate (Aeldgate), 27
- Aldgate ward, 125
- Alfred, King, 10
- Alhallowes, Bread Street, Church of, 309
- Allen, Sir John, 103
- Allhallowes, ad fœnum, 210
- Allhallowes the Great, Grammar school at, 67, 175
- Allhallowes the Less, Church of, 97, 210
- Allhallowes the More, Church of, 210
- Allhallows, Barking, Church of, 119
- Allhallows, Church of (Stane church), 182
- Allhallows Grasse church, 181
- Allhallows, Honey lane, Church of, 243
- Allhallows-in-the-Wall, Church of, 145, 158
- Armourers’ hall, 254
- Askew, Sir Christopher and Lady, 270
- Audley, Thomas, 81, 117
- Augustine Friars, Church of, 159, 160
- Augustine Papey, Church of, St., 132. See Papey
- Austrie, Sir Raph, 222
- Ave Mary lane, 34, 280, 303
- Axe, The, 74
- Bacon house, 272
- Bakers’ hall, 121
- Bakewell hall (Blakewell hall), 256 ff.
- Baldoke, Robert, 35
- Bamme, Adam, 99
- Barbers-Chirurgeons’ hall, 282
- Barbican, Burhkenning, 64, 271
- Barnard’s inn, 71
- Barnes, John, 98
- Basset family, The, 133
- Basset, Robert, 30
- Bassinges hall street, 248
- Bassings family, The, 257, 258
- Bassings hall ward, 255
- Battailes inn, Abbot of, 371
- Battle abbey, 22
- Baynard’s castle, 56 ff., 325
- Beamore, Richard, 34
- Beare lane, 121
- Bear gardens, on Bank side, 87
- Becket, Thomas, 43, 83, 96
- Bedrisworth (Bury St. Edmonds), 32
- Belinsgate, 185
- Belinsgate (Belins gate), 17, 39, 41, 123. See Billingsgate
- Belzettar’s lane (Billitar lane), 126
- Benbrige’s inn, 137
- Benet, Abbot of Wirrall, 9
- Benonye Mittun, 250
- Bermondes high street, 359
- Bethlehem hospital, 97
- Bevis markes, 133. See also Buries markes
- Billingsgate ward, 185. See Belinsgate
- Birchin lane, 278. See Birchover lane
- Birchover lane, 75, 178, 182
- Bishopsgate, 27, 30, 31
- Bishopsgate ward, 148 ff.
- Bishops of London, List of, 424 ff.
- Blacke-friers stairs, 38
- Blacke Fryers, 63
- Blackesmiths’ hall, 315
- Blackfriars church, 11
- Bladder street, 280
- Blanch Apleton, Manor called, 135
- Blethenhall (Bethnal-Bednal) green, 30
- Blossoms inn, 243
- Bollein, Godfrey, 101
- Boniface, 336
- Bordello, The, 360
- Bosse alley, 187
- Bourns serving the City, 12
- Bow lane, 240
- Bowyers’ row, 75[512]
- Boyers’ hall, 268
- Bread street, 307
- Bread street ward, 307
- Brewers’ hall, 266
- Bricklayers’ hall, 125
- Bride lane, 351
- Bridewell, 64, 351 ff.
- Bridge gate, 40
- Bridgegate, 27
- Bridgehouse, The, 142
- Bridge ward within, 189 ff.
- Bridge ward without, 358 ff.
- Bridges of the city, 21
- Bridges over the town ditch, 26
- Broad street ward, 157
- Brode street, 15, 158
- Brooks serving the City, 12
- Browne, Stephen, 100
- Brune, Walter, 97
- Buckles bury (Bucklesberrie), 74, 205, 232
- Budge row, 74, 224
- Bulmer, Bevis, 323
- Burhkennings, watch-towers, 65, 66
- Buries markes, 124, 133. See Bevis markes
- Bush lane (Carter lane), 207
- Butchers’ alley, 279
- Butchers’ hall, 283
- Buttolfe wharf, 23
- Buttolph’s gate, 22, 40, 186
- Cade, Jack, 25, 121, 137, 237
- Caire-Lud, or Lud’s town, 3
- Cambridge heath, 30
- Cambridge University, 66, 157, 347
- Campeius, Cardinal, 304
- Candlewick street, 74
- Candlewick street ward, 194 ff.
- Carpenter, Jenken, 35
- Carpenter, John, 99
- Carpenters’ hall, 158
- Castle Baynard ward, 324 ff.
- Cavendish, John, 192
- Caxton, 421
- Cernet’s Tower, 233
- Champneis, Sir John, 121
- Chancelar lane, 350
- Charterhouse lane, 386
- Chaucer, 130, 216, 334, 368
- Cheape, The, 34, 240 ff.
- Cheape ward, 231 ff.
- Cheape, West, 74
- Chequer alley, 208
- Chester’s inn (Strand inn), 71
- Chichley, Robert, 100
- Chichley, William, 122
- Christ’s hospital, 68, 286, 347
- Churchman, John, 98
- Clarkenwell (Clarkes’ well), 16, 95
- Clarkenwell, Priory of, 388
- Clarkes’ well, 12
- Clement’s inn, 71
- Clement’s well, 12, 16
- Clifford’s inn, 71
- Clinke, The, 362
- Clopton, Hugh, 101
- Clothworkers’ hall, 121
- Coke, Edward, 147
- Cold Harbrough, 211
- Coleman street, 248
- Coleman street ward, 248
- Colet, John (Collet), 68, 102, 294, 295
- Compter, The, 235, 265, 360
- Conduits, 12, 18, 171, 190
- Conyhope lane, 232
- Cooke’s row, 73
- Cooks’ hall, 276
- Coopers’ hall, 259
- Copped hall (Skinners’ hall), 206
- Cordwainers’ hall, 314
- Cordwainer street ward, 224
- Cordwayner street, 74
- Cornehill, 74, 86
- Cornhill ward, 168
- Cornewallies, Mistress, 126
- Coursitors’ office, 390
- Court of Arches, 227
- Courtein (theatre), The, 377
- Cowbridge, 26
- Creed lane, 280
- Cripplegate, 13, 32, 33
- Cripplesgate ward, 260 ff.
- Crockers lane, 353
- Cromwell, Thomas, 82, 161
- Crooked lane, 193
- Crosby place, 155
- Crosley, Sir John, 155
- Culver alley, 126
- Curriers’ hall, 266
- Curriers’ row, 158
- Customers’ key, 41, 123
- Cutlers’ hall, 219
- Danne, Margaret, 106
- Day, John, 33
- Distaffe lane. See Mayden lane
- Ditch, The, without the wall of the city, 12, 19
- Dixie, Sir Wolston, 105
- Doctors’ Commons, 328
- Dolphin, The, 148, 378
- Dowgate, 206
- Downe gate, 39
- Downegate ward, 206 ff.
- Drake, Sir Francis, 207
- Drapers’ company, 11, 134 n.
- Drapers’ hall, 158, 162[513]
- Drury lane, 399
- Ducke lane, 335
- Dyers’ hall, 212
- Eastcheape, 74, 194, 195
- Eastfield, Wm., 100
- Eayre (Eyre), Simon, 69, 101, 139
- Ebgate, 39
- Ebgate lane, 40, 191
- Edington, William, Bishop of Winchester, 51
- Edredes hithe, 221. See Queen’s hithe
- Edward, Earl of Derby, 81
- Elbow lane, 207
- Eldenese lane, 306
- Elemosinary (Almonry, Ambry), Westminster, 421
- Elie’s inn, Bishop of, 344, 345
- Elms, The, Smithfield, 46
- Elsing Spittle, 97
- Elsing, William, 97
- Embroiderers’ hall, 281
- Erbar (Herber), The, 80, 205
- Ethelred, Earl of Mercia, 10
- Ethelwald, Bishop of Winchester, 82
- Exchange, The, 50
- Fabian, Robert, 101
- Fags’ well, 12, 16
- Falconar, Thomas, 99
- Farringdon ward within, 277 ff.
- Farringdon ward without, 331 ff.
- Fauster’s lane, 142
- Fenchurch street, 15, 133, 180 ff.
- Fensburie field, 95
- Fewter lane, 332, 348
- Ficquetes Croft, 357
- Filpot, John, 98
- Finkes lane, 158, 164
- Fish street hill, 190
- Fisher, Jasper, 149
- Fishmongers’ hall, 191
- Fishmongers’ hall (six), 192
- Fisher’s folly, 149, 150, 378
- Fitz Alewine, Henry, 174
- Fitzmary, Simon, 97
- Fitzosbert, William, 46, 228
- Fitzstephens, William (William Stephanides), 1
- Fitzwalter, Robert, 58 ff.
- Fleet dike, 14
- Fleet (Fleete) bridge, 13, 26
- Fleet (gaol), The, 97
- Fleet street, 332, 349
- Flower de Luce inn, 371
- Foster, Agnes, 37, 106
- Foster, Stephen, 37
- Founders’ hall, 254
- Foxley, William, 55
- Friday street, 288, 308
- Frosh wharf, 41
- Fruiterers’ hall, 217
- Fuller, John, 105
- Furnival’s inn, 71, 346
- Galley key, 121
- Galley Row, 122
- Garland, The, Little East Cheape, 189
- Gates in the wall of the City, 27
- Gayspurre lane, 260, 263
- Gennings, Stephen, 102, 131
- Gerrarde the Giant, 311
- Gibson, Avice, 106, 376
- Gilda Teutonicorum, 124
- Giltspur street, 332
- Girdlers’ hall, 256
- Gisors hall, 222
- Golding lane, 270
- Goldsmiths’ company, 12
- Goldsmiths’ hall, 273
- Goldsmiths’ row, 265, 308
- Goswel street, 30
- Governors of the City of London, 422
- Gower, John, 363
- Grantham’s lane, 208, 214
- Gra street, 15
- Grasse church market, 191
- Grasse church street, 93
- Grasse street, 75, 142
- Gray’s inn, 71
- Gray’s inn lane, 389
- Gresham house, 159
- Gresham, Sir John, 103
- Gresham, Sir Thomas, 69, 104
- Grey Friars Church, 283
- Grocers’ hall, 235
- Guildhall, The, 60 ff., 99, 243, 244
- Guildhalla Theutonicorum, 31, 208, 261
- Gundulph, Bishop of Rochester, 42
- Gutheron’s (Guthurun’s, Guthurons) lane, 49, 142, 281
- Haberdashers’ hall, 260, 267
- Hall, Edward, 103
- Hampstead heath, 14
- Harper, William, 104
- Haunce merchants, 31, 208, 209
- Haydon, John, 104
- Herber (Erbar), The, 80, 205
- High Oldborne, 392
- High Oldborne hill, 16
- Hill, Sir Rowland, 103
- Hill, Thomas, 101
- Hils, Richard, 103
- Hinde, John, 99
- Hog (Hogge) lane, 116, 150[514]
- Holy Trinity, Church of, 67, 315
- Holy well, 12
- Holywell, 17
- Horsedown, 359
- Horsemill, The, 139
- Horsepoole, Smithfield, 12, 17, 338
- Horseshew bridge over Walbrooke, 26
- Hosier lane, 74
- Hospitals, List of, 438 ff.
- Hound’s ditch, 65, 116
- Houses of Students in the Common Law, 70 ff.
- Hoxton, 378
- Hubert of Burge, 47
- Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, 61
- Ilam, Thomas, 101, 237
- Ingulphus, Abbot of Crowland, 67
- Inner Temple, 71
- Innholders’ hall, 207
- Ipres inn, 221
- Ipres, William of, 221
- Ironmongers’ lane, 74, 232, 242
- Ivie lane, 280, 306
- Jesus’ Commons, 207
- Jews’ Garden, 270
- Joiners’ hall, The, 208
- Jud, Sir Andrew, 103
- Keble, Henry, 102, 226
- King’s Bench prison, 366
- King’s Bench, The, 361
- King’s College, Cambridge, 326
- Knesworth, Thomas, 156
- Knighten Guild, or Portsoken ward, 110 ff.
- Knightriders’ street, 74, 214, 220, 315
- Knoles, Sir Robert, 98
- Knoles, Thomas, 99
- Lady Mary Magdalen, Chapel or college of, 244
- Lambe, William, 18, 104
- Lambert, William, 104
- Langborne ward, and Fennie About, 279
- Langborne water, 15
- Large, Robert, 100, 249
- Laxton, Sir William, 103, 227
- Lazar houses, 440, 441
- Leaden hall market, 168
- Leaden hall, The, 69, 101, 138 ff.
- Leaden porch, The, 138, 196
- Leathersellers’ Company, 155
- Legat’s inn, 62
- Liberties of the Duchy of Lancaster, 393
- Lichfield, William, 210
- Lidgate (monk of Bury), 195, 334
- Lime house (Lime host, Lime hurst, Lymehurst), 335, 375
- Lime street ward, 136
- Lincoln’s inn, 71
- Lion Tower, The, 45
- Lion’s inn, 71
- Lions, Richard, 210
- Lither lane, 332, 346
- Little Bayly, 332
- Little Britaine, 335
- Little St. Helen, 154
- Loder’s well, 12, 16
- Lofken, John, 97
- Loke, The, 359, 372
- Lollesworth (Spittle field), 150, 152
- Lombard street, 74, 180
- Lomsbery, 400
- London bridge, 74, 21 ff.
- London stone, 22, 25, 201, 202
- London, various names for, 9
- London, Wall of, 7, 326
- Long lane, 338
- Long Southwark, 359
- Longshampe, William, 28, 43
- Lothbury (Lothberie or Loodberie) 75, 162, 248
- Love lane (once Lucas lane), 188
- Lovell, Sir Thos., 172
- Lowlardes’ tower, 330
- Lud, King, 3
- Ludgate, 27, 28, 36
- Ludgate gaol, 18, 36, 37
- Lumbard street, 15
- Magdalen College, Cambridge, 117
- Malpas, Philip, 100, 137
- Mampudding, Mother, 124
- Marshalsey, The, 360, 366
- Mart lane, 120, 135. See also Marke lane
- Masons’ hall, 255
- Mauricius (Mauritius), 34, 290, 291
- May, Richard, 105
- Mayden lane, or Distar lane, 273, 307, 308
- Mayors of the City, 444 ff.
- Mercers’ chapel, The, 241, 242
- Merchant Taylors’ Grammar school, 68
- Merchant Tailors’ hall, 163
- Mewse, The, 399
- Mewsgate, 17
- Middle Temple, 71
- Milborne, Sir John, 102, 134
- Milk street, 260, 264
- Mincheon lane, 120
- Minories, Abbey called the, 114
- Monkswell street, 261, 268, 283[515]
- Monox, George, 102
- Moore ditch, The, 20
- Moorfield, 11, 380
- Moorgate, 27
- Moregate, Postern of, 31, 32
- Morris, Peter, 18, 169
- Mountfiquit, Tower of, 63
- Mountgodard street, 306
- Needlers’ lane, 232, 233
- Nevill, Richard, Earl of Warwick, 81
- New inn, 71
- New street (Chancery lane), 350, 390
- New Temple, 354
- Newgate, 33
- Newgate gaol, 18, 34, 97
- Nicholas, Ambrose, 104
- Noble street, 271
- Norman, first canon regular in England, 127
- Northampton (or Combarton), John, 192, 193
- Northumberland house, 135, 276
- Offley, Sir Thomas, 104, 146
- Offrem, John, 35
- Old Bayly, 332
- Old Change, 50
- Old Exchange, 289
- Old Fish street, 289. 309
- Old Fish street hill, 317
- Old Jurie, 74, 135, 236
- Oldborne, 12
- Oldborne conduit, 332
- Oldbourne hill, 26
- Oldborne bridge, 13, 26
- Ormond place, 214, 221
- Our Lady of Rouncivall, Priory of Charing Cross, 67
- Our Lady of the Canons, Southwark, 24
- Our Lady of the Pew, Chapel of, 419
- Owens, gunfounders, 117
- Oxford University, 13, 66, 157, 165, 347
- Oyster gate, 40
- Paddington, 17
- Painted Tavern lane, 214
- Painterstainers’ hall, 317
- Panyar alley, 306
- Papey, The, 132
- Pardon churchyard, 293, 384, 385
- Parish churches, List of, 434 ff.
- Paternoster lane, 217
- Pater noster row, 75, 302
- Patricksey (Batersey), 23
- Patten, Wm., 104
- Pattens’ lane, 75
- Paul’s chain, 325
- Paul’s cross, 151, 296
- Paul’s Head Tavern, 328
- Penticost lane, 279
- Percivall, Sir John, and the Lady Thomasine, 101
- Perillous pond, 17
- Peter, of Cole Church, 22
- Petty France, 148
- Petty Wales, 123
- Pewterers’ hall, 180
- Physicians, College of, 69, 330
- Picard, Henry, 97
- Pie corner, 332, 333
- Plumbers’ hall, 217
- Pools serving the City, 12
- Pope’s head tavern, 279
- Porta Contractorum (Criplesgate), 32
- Porte pool, or Grayes inn lane, 389
- Portsoken ward, 28, 110
- Postern (gate), The, 27, 44
- Postern out of Christ’s Hospital, 33
- Poultney, Sir John, 35, 97
- Poultry, 75, 167
- Powle’s wharf, 39
- Powlet, William, Marquis of Winchester, 81
- Pudding lane (Rother lane), 189
- Puddle wharf, 38, 325
- Queene hithe ward, 314 ff.
- Queenhithe (Queen’s hithe or Queen’s bank), 25, 39, 185, 320 ff.
- Queen’s wardrobe, 65, 218
- Radcliffe (Ratcliffe), 377
- Radclyffe, Free school at, 106
- Radwell, 12, 17
- Rahere, 333
- Rainwell, John, 100
- Ramsey, Mary, 106
- Randolph, Barnard, 104
- Rawson, Richard, 101
- Red Cross street, 64, 270
- Redman, Richard, Bishop of Ely, 81
- Rich, Richard, 101
- Richard de Berie, Bishop of Durham 83
- Richborough (Richborrow), 6
- Ripa Regina, 39. See Queene hithe
- Rivers serving the city, 12
- Roe, Sir Thomas, 149
- Roo, Sir Thomas, 104, 135
- Roode lane (once St. Margaret Pattens), 187, 188
- Royal Exchange, The, 70, 104, 173, 180. See Exchange
- Rudstone, Sir John, 278
- Rus, William, 176 [516]
- Russell, or Bedford house, 397
- Saddlers’ hall, 281
- St. Alphage, Church of, 264
- St. Andrew, Church of, 347
- St. Andrew Hubbert, East Cheap, Church of, 188
- St. Andrew in the Wardrobe, Church of, 327
- St. Andrew, Oldborne, Grammar school, 67, 175
- St. Andrew Undershaft (St. Andrew the Apostle), Church of, 130
- St. Anne in the Willows, Church of, 274
- St. Anthonie Budgerow, Church of, 225
- St. Anthonie, Hospital of, 165
- St. Anthony’s Grammar school, 67
- St. Augustine Papey, Church of, 132, 146. See Papey
- St. Bartholomew, Church of, 166
- St. Bartholomew, Hospital of, 99, 285, 333
- St. Bartholomew’s Priory, Smithfield, 67
- St. Benet Hude (or Hithe), Church of, 327
- St. Bennet (commonly called Fink), Church of, 164
- St. Buttolph, Church of, 115, 148, 186
- St. Christopher, Church of, 167
- St. Clements Danes, 397
- St. Dionys, Church of (Backe church), 180
- St. Dunstan’s Grammar School, 67
- St. Dunstan’s hill, 123
- St. Dunstan’s in the West, Church of, 122, 349
- St. Edmond, king and martyr, Church of, 181
- St. Erkenwald’s shrine in Powle’s (Paul’s) Church, 22
- St. Ethelburge Virgin, Church of, 154
- St. Faith under Paul’s, Church of, 294
- St. Fauster’s (St. Foster’s) church, 281
- St. Gabriel Fen, Church of (Fan church), 180
- St. George, Buttolph lane, Church of, 189
- St. George, Southwark, Church of, 22
- St. Giles’, Cripplesgate, 268
- St. Giles’ Hospital, 97, 392
- St. Helen, Church of, 154
- St. James’s park, 94, 402
- St. John Evangelist, Church of, 313
- St. John of Jerusalem, Priory of, 67, 181, 386
- St. John upon Walbrooke, 205
- St. John Zacharies Church, 271
- St. John’s College, Oxford, 103
- St. Katherine, Church of, 129, 135
- St. Katherine’s, Hospital of, 113
- St. Laurence, Jury, Church of, 246
- St. Laurence, Poultney, Church of, 97, 196, 200
- St. Leonard (Milke), Church of, 190
- St. Leonard, Shoreditch, Church of, 379
- St. Magnus, Church of, 190
- St. Margaret Moyses, Church of, 314
- St. Margaret (on the hill), 359
- St. Margaret’s, Westminster, 406, 411
- St. Martin in the Vintry, Church of, 222
- St. Martin (Pomary), Church of, 242
- St. Martin Orgar, Church of, 200
- St. Martin Orgar lane, 200
- St. Martin Oteswich, 148
- St. Martin’s le Grand, College of, 13, 32, 67, 275
- St. Marie Abchurch, 196
- St. Marie at the Axe, Church of, 145
- St. Marie Magdalen, Church of, 264
- St. Marie (on the hill), 187
- St. Marie Pellipar, 74, 145. See also St. Marie at the Axe
- St. Mary Aldermanbury, Church of,262
- St. Mary of Bethlehem, Hospital of 97, 148, 377
- St. Mary Bothaw, 205
- St. Mary Bow, 227 ff.
- St. Mary de Monte Alto, Church of, 318
- St. Mary le Bow, Grammar school, 67
- St. Mary Magdalen, Chapel of, 153, 372
- St. Mary Overie, Southwark, Priory of, 67, 359, 362
- St. Mary Sommerset, 196, 319
- St. Mary Spittle, Hospital of, 31, 97 150
- St. Mary Stayning, Church of, 273
- St. Mary street, 132
- St. Mary Wool Church, 203
- St. Mary Woolnoth, Church of, 184, 279
- St. Michael, Crooked Lane, Church of, 98, 196
- St. Michael de Paternoster, Church of, 217
- St. Michael, Wood street, 266
- St. Michael th’ Archangel, Church of, 175 ff.[517]
- St. Michaell, Bassings hall, Church of, 259
- St. Mildred the Virgin, Church of, 310
- St. Nicholas Acon, Church of, 183
- St. Nicholas, Church of, 283
- St. Nicholas lane, 196
- St. Nicolas Cole Abbey, 316
- St. Olave, Church of, 120
- St. Olave Upwell, Church of, 252
- St. Pancrate, Church of, 232, 233
- St. Paul’s, 34, 50, 62, 63, 89, 108, 291 ff.
- St. Paul’s Churchyard, 75
- St. Paul’s school, 67, 68, 102, 295
- St. Peter, at Westminster, Church of, 22
- St Peter, called parva, 319
- St. Peter the Poor, Church of, 158, 159
- St. Peter upon Cornhill, 174, 423
- St. Peter’s upon Cornhill, Grammar school, 67, 175
- St. Peter’s, Monastery at Westminster, 67
- St. Saviour, Monastery of, Bermondsey, Southwark, 67
- St. Sepulchers in the Bayly, Church of, 342
- St. Sithes, Church of, 225, 233
- St. Stephen upon Walbrooke, 15, 100, 203
- St. Stephen, Westminster, Chapel of, 66, 418
- St. Swithen, Church of, 201
- St. Swithen’s lane, 200
- St. Thomas Apostle, Church of, 98, 220
- St. Thomas, Hospital of, 368, 369
- St. Thomas of Acon hospital, 241
- St. Thomas of Acons, Grammar school at, 67, 175
- Salisburie court, 353
- Salters’ hall, 310
- Sanctuary, The, 94
- Sarasen’s Head, 343
- Sargeants’ inn, 354
- Savoy, The, 395 ff.
- Scalding alley (formerly Scalding house or Scalding wick), 158, 167
- Schools, and other houses of learning, 66 ff.
- Scrop’s inn, 71
- Seacole lane, 332
- Sergeants’ inn, 71
- Serne’s Tower, 48, 66
- Sevenoke, William, 99
- Shaft alley, 130
- Shaw, Edmond, 33
- Shaw, Edward, 101
- Sheremoniers’ lane (Sermon lane), 329
- Shoe lane, 332, 347
- Shoemakers’ hall, 314
- Shoreditch (Sors ditch, Sewer’s-ditch), 30, 378, 379
- Shorne, Benedict, 233
- Sidon lane (Sything lane), 120
- Single Woman’s churchyard, The, 362
- Skinners’ hall, 206
- Skinners’ well, 12, 16, 86, 340
- Smart’s key, 41
- Smithfield, East, 113
- Snow hill (Snor hill), 332, 343
- Somar’s (Sommer’s) key, 41, 186
- Somerset, Edward, Duke of, 82
- Somerset house, 173, 395
- Soper’s lane, 74
- Sporiar lane, 121
- Sprinckle alley (Sugarloaf alley), 126
- Spurrier row, 303
- Standard in Cheape, The, 18, 237
- Staple inn, 71, 348
- Star chamber, 418
- Stationers’ hall, 331
- Stayning lane, 272
- Steelyard, The, 208
- Stepney (Stebunheath), 90
- Stews, The, 360
- Stikoneth, 105. See Stepney
- Stinking lane, 279, 283
- Stocke Fishmonger row, 191
- Stocks, The, 202
- Stocks market, The, 74, 97
- Stodie, John, 97
- Stokenewenton, Parish Church of, 104
- Strand street, 397
- Stratford at the Bow, 142
- Straw, Jack, 193
- Styleyard, The, 39
- Suburbs without the walls, The, 374 ff.
- Sweyn, 21
- Tabard, The, 367
- Tallow-chandlers’ hall, 206
- Tasel close, 150
- Tate, John, 102, 166
- Temple bar, 71, 173
- Temple Church, 357
- Thames street, 74, 325 ff.
- Thames, The, 13
- Thavies inn, 71, 348
- Theatre, The, 377
- Theeves lane, 368
- Thieving lane, 405
- Thorne, Robert, 102
- Three Cranes’ lane, 214[518]
- Three needle street, 158
- Timber hithe, 323
- Tode well (Todwell), 12, 16
- Totehill, 421
- Tower ditch, The, 20
- Tower hill, 45, 114
- Tower of London, 42 ff., 54
- Tower Royall, 65, 214, 218, 219
- Tower street ward, 118
- Towers on London Bridge, 56
- Trinity lane, 317
- Trinobants, The, 4
- Troynovants, The, 4
- Tun, The, 97, 169, 170
- Turnagaine lane, 332
- Turnebase (Turnebasse) lane, 224
- Turnmill or Tremill brook, 14
- Tyborn, 76
- Tyler (Tighlar), Wat, 24, 65, 193, 197, 223
- Vintners’ hall, The, 97
- Vintry ward, 213
- Wakering, Sir John, 333
- Walbrook ward, 200 ff.
- Walbrooke, 12, 108
- Walworth, William, 98, 193, 361
- Wall about the City of London, 7
- Wallice, Henry, 97
- Walter de Suffilde, Bishop of Norwich, 83
- Wards on the east side of Walbrooke, 109
- Wards on the west side of Walbrooke, 109
- Water-gates on the Thames, 38 ff.
- Watheling (Atheling or Noble) street, 34, 224, 307, 309
- Waxchandlers hall, 267
- Weavers’ hall, 255
- Wells, John, 100, 245
- Wells river (Turnemill brook, Fleete dike), 12
- Wells serving the City, 12
- West Cheaping, 236
- Westminster Abbey, 406 ff.
- Westminster Hall, 412 ff.
- West, Nicholas, Bishop of Ely, 81
- Wey house, The, 418
- White Chappell, 116
- White Crosse street, 269
- White Friars’ Church, 353
- White hall, 391
- White Lion Church, Southwarke, 360
- White Lion, The, 366
- White, Sir Thomas, 103
- White Tower, The, 42
- Whitechapel Church, 376
- Whitington, Richard, 217
- Whittington, William, 99
- William de Haverhull, 83
- Winchcombe, Oxfordshire, 13
- Winchelsey, Robt., Archbishop of Canterbury, 83
- Winchester’s house, Bishop of, 362
- Windgoose lane, 210
- Wolfes gate, 39
- Wolsey, Thomas, Cardinal, 81, 128, 304
- Wood street, 260, 265
- Woodmongers’ hall, 328
- Worcester house, 217
- Wrestlers, The, 136
THE TEMPLE PRESS, PRINTERS, LETCHWORTH
THE TEMPLE PRESS, PRINTING, LETCHWORTH
FOOTNOTES
[1] The Dedication of the first edition is precisely the same, except in the concluding paragraph, which there stands as follows:—
[1] The Dedication of the first edition is exactly the same, except for the last paragraph, which reads as follows:—
“I confess that I lacked my desire to the accomplishment of some speciall partes: but I trust hereafter that shal be supplied, and I professe (if more touching this worke come unto me) to afforde it, in all dutie. In the meantime I recommend this to your view, my laboures to your consideration, and myself to your service (as I have professed during life) in this or any other.”
"I admit that I didn't have the motivation to complete certain specific parts, but I hope that will change in the future, and I promise that if more information about this work comes to me, I will contribute to it as best as I can. In the meantime, I present this for your review, my efforts for your consideration, and myself for your service (as I've committed to throughout my life) in this or any other capacity."
[2] “As Rome, the chiefe citie of the world, to glorifie it selfe, drew her originall from the gods, goddesses, and demy gods, by the Trojan progeny, so this famous citie of London for greater glorie, and in emulation of Rome, deriveth itselfe from the very same originall. For, as Jeffreye of Monmoth, the Welche historian, reporteth, Brute descended from the demy god Eneas, the sonne of Venus, daughter of Jupiter, aboute the yeare of the world 2855, the yeare before Christe’s nativitie, 1108, builded a citie neare unto a river now called Thames, and named it Troynovant, or Trenovant.”—1st edition, 1598.
[2] “Just as Rome, the chief city of the world, boasts its origins from gods, goddesses, and demigods through the Trojan descendants, this famous city of London, in pursuit of greater glory and in rivalry with Rome, claims the same origin. According to Geoffrey of Monmouth, the Welsh historian, Brutus, who descended from the demigod Aeneas, the son of Venus and daughter of Jupiter, around the year 2855 of the world, the year before Christ's birth, 1108, built a city near a river now known as the Thames, calling it Troynovant, or Trenovant.” —1st edition, 1598.
[5] Richborough, about one mile and a half from Sandwich, the Rutupium of the Romans, was a place of great importance until destroyed by the Danes in 1010.
[5] Richborough, roughly one and a half miles from Sandwich, the Rutupium of the Romans, was a significant location until it was destroyed by the Danes in 1010.
[7] Silchester, in Hampshire, seven miles from Basingstoke; the Caer Segont of the Britons, and Segontium of the Romans, and Silcester of the Saxons. Leland states its walls to have been two miles in compass.
[7] Silchester, in Hampshire, is seven miles from Basingstoke; known as the Caer Segont of the Britons, the Segontium of the Romans, and the Silcester of the Saxons. Leland mentions that its walls were two miles around.
[8] Wroxeter, five miles from Shrewsbury. Its walls are stated to have been three yards in thickness, and to have extended for a circumference of three miles.
[8] Wroxeter, five miles from Shrewsbury. Its walls are said to have been three yards thick and to have stretched around a circumference of three miles.
[12] Whitchendus. Whittichind, a monk of Corvay, who died about the year 1000, wrote a History of the Saxons down to 973, which was published at Basle by Hervagius in 1532.
[12] Whitchendus. Whittichind, a monk from Corvay, who passed away around the year 1000, wrote a History of the Saxons up to 973, which was published in Basle by Hervagius in 1532.
[13] Malmesbury, Bede.
[14] Whitchendus, Bede.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Whitchendus, Bede.
[15] Benedict, abbot of Wearmouth.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Benedict, abbot of Wearmouth.
[16] Asser, Marianus, Florentius.
[18] Matthew Paris.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Matthew Paris.
[19] “This water hath been since that time called Turne mill brooke; yet then called the river of the Wells, which name of river,” etc.,—1st edition, p. 11.
[19] “This water has been known as Turne mill brooke since then; however, it was originally called the river of the Wells, which name of river,” etc.,—1st edition, p. 11.
[20] Parliament record.
[21] Patent record.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Patent record.
[23] Liber Custom.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Custom Law.
[24] This precise definition of the nature of the performances of the parish clerks, “some large hystorie of Holy Scripture,” does not occur in the first edition of the Survey.
[24] This exact definition of what the parish clerks perform, “some extensive story of Holy Scripture,” is not found in the first edition of the Survey.
[26] Patent, 123.
[28] Liber Dunstable. Liber Trinitat.
[29] Will. Malmsbury.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Will. Malmsbury.
[30] Liber Bermon.
[31] Liber Trinitat
[32] Liber Waverley.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Waverley Library.
[33] “For Peter of Colechurch deceased foure years before this worke was finished, and was buried in the chappell builded on the same bridge, in the year 1205.”—1st edition, p. 21.
[33] “For Peter of Colechurch, who passed away four years before this work was completed and was buried in the chapel built on the same bridge, in the year 1205.”—1st edition, p. 21.
[35] “Within 3 yeres.”—1st edition.
“Within 3 years.”—1st edition.
[38] Patent of Edward II.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Patent of Edward II.
[40] “Which then served as a posterne for passengers out of the east, from thence through Tower street, East cheape, and Candlewecke street to London Stone, the middle point of that highway, then through Budge row, Watheling street, and leaving Paul’s church on the right hand, to Ludgate in the west; the next be Aldgate, Bishopsgate, Criplegate, Aldersgate, Ludgate, and the Bridgegate over the Thames. Since the which time hath been builded Newgate,” etc.—1st edition, p. 25.
[40] “This then served as an exit for travelers coming from the east, leading through Tower Street, East Cheap, and Candlewick Street to London Stone, the central point of that route, and then through Budge Row, Watling Street, passing Paul’s Church on the right, to Ludgate in the west; the next ones are Aldgate, Bishopsgate, Cripplegate, Aldersgate, Ludgate, and the Bridgegate over the Thames. Since that time, Newgate has been built,” etc.—1st edition, p. 25.
[41] “Was never re-edified againe of stone, but an homely cottage, with a narrow passage made of timber, lath and loame, hath beene in place thereof set up, and so remaineth.”—1st edition, p. 25.
[41] "Was never rebuilt with stone, but a simple cottage, with a narrow passage made of wood, lath, and clay, has been set up in its place, and still stands there."—1st edition, p. 25.
[42] Liber Trinitat.
[43] Matthew Paris.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Matthew Paris.
[44] Radul. Coggeshall.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Radul. Coggeshall.
[45] W. Donthorn.
[47] Liber Trinitat.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Book of Trinity.
[48] Liber Custom. London.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Custom Book. London.
[49] Abbo Floriacens, Burchardus.
[50] Liber S. Bartilmew.
[53] Close roll.
Close roll.
[54] Roger Wendover, Matthew Paris.
[55] “By unadvised folkes”—1st edition.
[56] Record, Guildhall.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Record, Guildhall.
[59] “Weakly made.”—1st edition, p. 36.
[60] W. Duntherne.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ W. Duntherne.
[63] Matthew Paris.
Matthew Paris.
[65] Ex charta.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ From the document.
[66] Roger Wendover, John Bever.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Roger Wendover, John Bever.
[68] Lynxes, porcupines.
Lynxes, porcupines.
[70] Matthew Paris.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Matthew Paris.
[71] W. Malmsbury.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ W. Malmsbury.
[72] Roger Hoveden.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Roger Hoveden.
[73] Guthuron’s lane, now Gutter lane, leading out of Cheapside, was a small lane, formerly tenanted by goldsmiths; the person who gave his name to the lane, was evidently of Saxon or Danish origin.
[73] Guthuron’s lane, now Gutter lane, leading out of Cheapside, was a small street, previously occupied by goldsmiths; the person who named the lane was clearly of Saxon or Danish descent.
[76] Thomas Walsingham.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Thomas Walsingham.
[77] Philip Comines.
[78] Patent, 1st of Henry VII.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Patent, Henry VII, 1st.
[79] W. Dunthorne.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ W. Dunthorne.
[80] Fitzstephen, Gerv. Tilbury.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Fitzstephen, Gerv. Tilbury.
[82] Liber Dunmow.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Dunmow Document.
[83] Stow in his first edition says, “there practised for the crown ...;” and the admirable scene in Richard the Third (act III., sc. 7), in which Gloucester is by Buckingham, the mayor, and citizens of London, “enforced to a world of cares,” is laid by Shakspeare with great historic truth in “the court of Baynard’s castle.”
[83] Stow in his first edition says, “there practiced for the crown ...;” and the impressive scene in Richard the Third (act III., sc. 7), where Gloucester is confronted by Buckingham, the mayor, and the citizens of London, “forced into a lot of worries,” is depicted by Shakespeare with a strong sense of historical accuracy in “the court of Baynard’s castle.”
[85] Vita Arkenwald.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Vita Arkenwald.
[86] Liber Burton, super Trent.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Liber Burton, over Trent.
[87] Liber Sanct. Mariæ Eborum.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Book of Saint Mary of York.
[88] Armenia. Ermony, from the Old French “Ermenie.” See Roquefort’s Glossaire, s. v.
[88] Armenia. Ermony, from the Old French “Ermenie.” See Roquefort’s Glossaire, s. v.
Chaucer, too, in his Monke’s Tale, line 14,343, etc., says:—
Chaucer, too, in his Monke’s Tale, line 14,343, etc., says:—
[90] “In Oldborne.”—1st edition.
[91] Cowell, in his Law Dictionary, says, “Bolting is a term of art used in Gray’s Inn, and applied to the bolting or arguing of moot cases.” He endeavours to show that the bolting of cases is analogous to the boulting or sifting of meal through a bag. All readers of Shakspeare must be familiar with the use of the word in the latter sense.
[91] Cowell, in his Law Dictionary, says, “Bolting is a technical term used in Gray’s Inn, referring to the bolting or debating of moot cases.” He tries to demonstrate that the bolting of cases is similar to the boulting or sifting of flour through a bag. All readers of Shakespeare must be familiar with the word's use in that context.
[92] Thus Lydgate, in his ballad of London Lackpenny:
[92] So Lydgate, in his ballad of London Lackpenny:
Where many people I saw standing: Someone offered me velvet, silk, and lawn, Another one takes me by the hand,
"Here is Pary’s thread, the finest in the land," etc.
[93] The cooks in Lydgate’s time, as we learn from the same ballad, resided chiefly in Eastcheap:
[93] The cooks in Lydgate’s time, as we learn from the same ballad, lived mostly in Eastcheap:
One cries ribs of beef, and many a pie:
Pewter pots clattered in a pile; There were harp, pipe, and music, etc.
[95] Thomas Clifford.
Thomas Clifford.
[97] W. Patten.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ W. Patten.
[98] Liber S. Mariæ Eborum.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Book of Saint Mary of York.
[100] W. Fitzstephen.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ W. Fitzstephen.
[101] There are few documents calculated to throw greater light upon the social and domestic life of our ancestors than their Household Books. Stow has here set an example, which has of late years been followed to a great extent. The Liber Garderobæ, Edw. I., published by the Society of Antiquaries in 1787—The Northumberland Household Book—The Privy Purse Expences of Henry VIII.—The Privy Purse Expences of the Princess Mary, etc.; and lastly, the handsome volume, printed for the Roxburgh Club by Beriah Botfield, Esq., M.P., containing the Household Book of the Countess of Leicester, wife of Simon de Montford, and that of Sir John Howard, afterwards Duke of Norfolk, in the reign of Richard III., afford views of ancient manners and illustrations of olden customs, which would be sought for in vain in works of a graver character.
[101] There are few documents that shed more light on the social and domestic life of our ancestors than their Household Books. Stow has paved the way, and this example has been widely followed in recent years. The Liber Garderobæ, Edw. I., published by the Society of Antiquaries in 1787—The Northumberland Household Book—The Privy Purse Expenses of Henry VIII.—The Privy Purse Expenses of Princess Mary, and the impressive volume printed for the Roxburgh Club by Beriah Botfield, Esq., M.P., which includes the Household Book of the Countess of Leicester, wife of Simon de Montfort, and that of Sir John Howard, who later became Duke of Norfolk in the reign of Richard III., provide insights into ancient manners and illustrations of old customs that are hard to find in more serious works.
[103] Northern russet, half a yard and half a quarter broad, I have seen sold for four pence the yard, and was good cloth of a mingled colour.—Stow.
[103] I’ve seen northern russet fabric, half a yard and a quarter wide, sold for four pence per yard, and it was good quality cloth with a mixed color.—Stow.
[104] Rob. Fabian, manuscript.
[105] Liber Ely.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Liber Ely.
[107] Pater de Ioham.
[108] Record of the Tower.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Tower Record.
[110] Matthew Paris.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Matthew Paris.
[112] Matthew Paris.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Matthew Paris.
[113] In the edition of Brand’s Popular Antiquities, edited by Sir Henry Ellis, vol. i. 272-278, will be found a very large and curious collection of materials illustrative of this ancient custom.
[113] In the edition of Brand’s Popular Antiquities, edited by Sir Henry Ellis, vol. i. 272-278, you will find a substantial and interesting collection of materials that shed light on this ancient custom.
[114] Stepney.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Stepney.
[115] A paper by Mr. Saunders, in Knight’s London, i. 169, entitled, “The Old Spring Time in London,” forms a very agreeable commentary on this section of our author’s work.
[115] An article by Mr. Saunders in Knight’s London, i. 169, titled “The Old Spring Time in London,” provides a pleasant commentary on this part of our author's work.
[116] Rich thieves most worthy to be hanged. The judgment of fire and water, called ordalii, was condemned by Pope Innocent III. 1203. Decretal. lib. 5.—Stow.
[116] Wealthy thieves deserve to be hanged. The trial by fire and water, known as ordalii, was condemned by Pope Innocent III in 1203. Decretal. lib. 5.—Stow.
[117] More than two hundred and forty constables in London, the one half of them each night went in the marching watch, the other half kept their standing watch in every street and lane.—Stow.
[117] More than two hundred and forty constables in London; half of them went on patrol every night while the other half stood watch in every street and lane.—Stow.
[119] John Mountgomery.
John Montgomery.
[121] “In the yeare 1471, John Stockton, mayor, and eleven aldermen of London, with the recorder, were all made knightes in the fielde by Edward IV., for their good service done to him.”—1st edition, p. 81.
[121] “In the year 1471, John Stockton, the mayor, and eleven aldermen of London, along with the recorder, were all knighted in the field by Edward IV for their good service to him.”—1st edition, p. 81.
[122] Wolverhampton.
Wolverhampton.
[123] Stepney.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Stepney.
[126] Liber Trinitat.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Trinity Book.
[127] Liber Trinitat.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Book of Trinity.
[128] The further history of this establishment will be found in Nichols’ History of the Hospital and Collegiate Church of St. Katherine, near the Tower of London.
[128] You can find the complete history of this establishment in Nichols’ History of the Hospital and Collegiate Church of St. Katherine, near the Tower of London.
[131] Liber l. folio 40.
[132] Proclamation. W. Dunthorn.
[134] “When he deceased, 1501.”—Ibid.
[146] This passage is printed very incorrectly, and as prose, by Stow, who makes the date “twice thirty and ten,” i.e. 1370 (which is certainly the date of Chichester’s mayoralty), instead of “twice twenty and ten,” i.e. 1350, which is the reading of the MSS. and of the two early printed editions.
[146] This section is printed very inaccurately, and as prose, by Stow, who writes the date as “twice thirty and ten,” i.e. 1370 (which is definitely the date of Chichester’s term as mayor), instead of “twice twenty and ten,” i.e. 1350, which is what the manuscripts and the two early printed editions show.
[150] Liber Papie.
[154] “Pembroke.”—1st edition, p. 136.
[155] “Courtney.”—1st edition, ibid.
[157] “This goodly foundation having a free schoole and almes houses for poore men (builded of hard stone) adjoyning to the west end of the church, was of olde time confirmed by Henry the Sixt, in the year 1447. The outward work of this new church was finished in the year 1501, the said John Tate deceased about the year 1514, and was there buried in a monument by him prepared, as appeareth by an indenture tripartite made between the said John Tate, the Deane of Windsor, and William Milbourn, chamberlaine.”—1st edition, p. 145.
[157] “This great foundation, which includes a free school and almshouses for the poor (built of hard stone) next to the west end of the church, was confirmed by Henry the Sixth in the year 1447. The exterior work of this new church was completed in 1501. The said John Tate passed away around 1514 and was buried there in a monument he had prepared, as shown by a tripartite indenture made between John Tate, the Dean of Windsor, and William Milbourn, Chamberlain.”—1st edition, p. 145.
[160] It would seem, from the addition of these words, which are not in the first edition, that this conduit ceased so to run between the years 1598 and 1603.
[160] It appears, based on the inclusion of these words, which are absent from the first edition, that this channel stopped functioning between the years 1598 and 1603.
[161] “Ringleaders of inquests will proffer their service, and bend every way for gain. Careful choice of jurors is to be had; a man detected, and that had sworn foolishly against his brother, is not to be admitted a common juror; neither butcher nor surgeon is to be admitted.”—Stow.
[161] “Leaders of investigations will offer their services and twist things any way for profit. Careful selection of jurors is essential; a person who has been caught and foolishly sworn against his own brother should not be allowed to serve as a common juror; neither should a butcher or a surgeon be admitted.”—Stow.
[163] “This was accounted the best ring of six belles, to bee rung by six men, that was in England, for harmonye, sweetness of sound, and tune.”—Stow.
[163] “This was considered the best set of six bells, to be rung by six men, that existed in England, for harmony, sweetness of sound, and melody.”—Stow.
[164] “To the poor at his burial sixteen pounds, to prisons, hospitals, and lazar houses, liberally; he also gave his house in Cornehill to be sold, and the price thereof to be spent on the amendment of highways.”—1st edition, p. 153.
[164] “For the poor at his funeral, he left sixteen pounds, and he generously donated to prisons, hospitals, and almshouses; he also gave his house on Cornhill to be sold, with the proceeds used to improve the roads.”—1st edition, p. 153.
[165] “My godfathers.”—1st edition, p. 153.
“My godfathers.”—1st edition, p. 153.
[166] “My godmother.”—Ibid.
"My godmother."—*Same source.*
[170] In the first edition, p. 159, the following passage is here inserted:—
[170] In the first edition, p. 159, the following passage is added here:—
“Alice, William, and John, wife and sons to Thomas Clarell; Agnes, daughter to Thomas Niter, gent.; William Atwell; Felix, daughter to Sir Thomas Gisers, and wife to Travers Thomas Mason, esquire; Edmond Wartar, esquire; Joan, wife to John Chamberlaine, esquire, daughter to Roger Lewkner, esquire; William Frier; John Hamburger, esquire; Hugh Moresby; Gilbert Prince, alderman; Oliver Chorley, gentleman; Sir John Writh, or Writhesley, alias Garter principal king at arms, sometime laid under a fair tomb in the choir, now broken down and gone; Joan, wife to Thomas Writhesley, son to Sir John Writhesley, Garter, daughter and heir to William Hall, esquire; John Writhesley the younger, son to Sir John Writhesley, and Alienor, Eleanor, second wife to John Writhesley, daughter and heir to Thomas Arnalde, and Agnes his wife; John Writhesley, son of Thomas; Agnes Arnold, first married to William Writhesley, daughter of Richard Warmeforde; Barbara Hungerford, daughter to Sir John Writhesley, wife to Anthony Hungerford, son to Sir Thomas Hungerford, of Denmampney, in the county of Gloucester.”
“Alice, William, and John, the wife and sons of Thomas Clarell; Agnes, the daughter of Thomas Niter, gentleman; William Atwell; Felix, the daughter of Sir Thomas Gisers, and wife of Travers Thomas Mason, esquire; Edmond Wartar, esquire; Joan, the wife of John Chamberlaine, esquire, and daughter of Roger Lewkner, esquire; William Frier; John Hamburger, esquire; Hugh Moresby; Gilbert Prince, alderman; Oliver Chorley, gentleman; Sir John Writh, or Writhesley, alias Garter principal king at arms, who was once laid to rest under a beautiful tomb in the choir, now fallen down and gone; Joan, the wife of Thomas Writhesley, son of Sir John Writhesley, Garter, daughter and heir of William Hall, esquire; John Writhesley the younger, son of Sir John Writhesley, and Alienor, Eleanor, the second wife of John Writhesley, daughter and heir of Thomas Arnalde, and Agnes his wife; John Writhesley, son of Thomas; Agnes Arnold, first married to William Writhesley, daughter of Richard Warmeforde; Barbara Hungerford, daughter of Sir John Writhesley, wife of Anthony Hungerford, son of Sir Thomas Hungerford, of Denmampney, in the county of Gloucester.”
The cause for the omission of these names is explained at the close of the paragraph in the text; which is however so indistinctly expressed, that its meaning could not very well be ascertained except by a reference to what was originally written.
The reason for leaving out these names is explained at the end of the paragraph in the text; however, it's phrased so unclearly that its meaning can only be fully understood by looking back at what was originally written.
[172] “Hugh Acton, tailor.”—Ibid.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ “Hugh Acton, tailor.”—Ibid.
[173] “In London at twenty-one pound.”—Ibid.
“In London for £21.”—Ibid.
[179] “Fripparia, upholders upon Cornhill, sellers of old apparel and household stuff in Eastcheape.”—Stow.
[179] “Fripparia, traders on Cornhill, sellers of second-hand clothes and household items in Eastcheape.”—Stow.
The following is the stanza alluded to by Stow (see Lydgate’s Minor Poems).
The following is the stanza referenced by Stow (see Lydgate’s Minor Poems).
That I had lost among the crowd: I thought it was wrong to be by my own hood; I knew it as well as I knew my beliefs, "But I couldn't hurry because I didn't have any money."
[180] “Wike is a working place.”—Stow.
[182] “Fable of William Walworth and Jack Straw reproved. Praise of W. Walworth for his manhood in arresting of Wat Tyler. The mayor was well armed, and had on his head a basonet.”—Stow.
[182] “Fable of William Walworth and Jack Straw corrected. Acknowledgment of W. Walworth for his bravery in capturing Wat Tyler. The mayor was well-equipped and wore a helmet.”—Stow.
[183] Dunthorne.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Dunthorne.
[184] “The armies of this citty were not altered, but remayne as afore; to witte, argent, a playne crosse gules, a sword of S. Paul in the first quarter, and no dagger of W. Walworth, as is fabuled.”—Stow.
[184] “The armies of this city haven't changed; they remain the same as before: silver with a plain red cross, a sword of St. Paul in the first quarter, and no dagger of W. Walworth, as is rumored.” —Stow.
[185] Liber Trinitate.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Book of the Trinity.
[188] “Having thus much, not without travail and some charges, noted for the antiquitie of the Vintners, about two years since or more I repayred to the common-hall of that company, and there showed and read it in a court of assistance, requiring them, as being one of the principal companies in the citie (of whom I meant therefore to write the more at large) that if they knew any more which might sound to their worship or commendation, at their leisure to send it me, and I would joyne it to my former collection; at which time I was answered by some that tooke upon them the speech, that they were none of the principall, but of the inferior companies; and so willing me to leave them, I departed, and never since heard from them, which hath somewhat discouraged me any farther to travail amongst the companies to learne ought at their handes.”—1st edition, p. 192.
[188] “Having gathered this information, not without effort and some expense, about two years ago I went to the main hall of that organization and presented it in a court of assistance, asking them, as one of the prominent groups in the city (which I intended to write more extensively about), that if they had any additional details that would enhance their reputation or commendation, they could send it to me at their convenience, and I would add it to my earlier collection. At that time, some who spoke on their behalf told me that they were not one of the main organizations but rather one of the lesser ones; they urged me to leave them alone. I left and haven’t heard from them since, which has somewhat discouraged me from pursuing further inquiries among the organizations to learn anything from them.”—1st edition, p. 192.
His comment (in a side note) is equally worth preserving: “The readiest to speake not alwaies the wisest men.”
His comment (in a side note) is also worth keeping: “The quickest to speak aren’t always the wisest.”
[192] “Sir William Laxton, grocer, mayor, deceased 1556, was buried in the vault prepared by Henry Keble, principall founder of that church, for himself, but now his bones are unkindly cast out, his monuments pulled downe, and the bodies of the said Sir William Laxton, and of Sir Thomas Lodge, grocer, mayor, are laid in place, with monuments over them for the time, till an other give money for their place, and then away with them.”—1st edition, p. 199.
[192] “Sir William Laxton, grocer, mayor, who passed away in 1556, was buried in the vault prepared by Henry Keble, the main founder of that church, for himself. However, now his remains have been unceremoniously discarded, his monuments removed, and the bodies of Sir William Laxton and Sir Thomas Lodge, grocer, mayor, are laid in place with temporary monuments over them, until someone provides funding for a proper burial, after which they will be taken away.”—1st edition, p. 199.
[193] “Called de Arcubus of the stone arches or bowes on the top of the steeple or bell tower thereof, which arching was as well on the old steeple as on the new, for no other part of the church seemeth to have been arched at any time; yet hath the said church never been knowne by any other name than St. Mary Bow, or le Bow; neither is that church so called of the court there kept, but the said court taketh name of the place wherein it is kept, and is called the Court of Arches.”—1st edition, p. 203.
[193] “Called de Arcubus for the stone arches or bows at the top of the steeple or bell tower, which arches were present in both the old and new steeples, as no other part of the church has ever had arches at any time; however, this church has always been known as St. Mary Bow, or le Bow; nor is the church named after the court held there, but rather the court is named after the location where it is held, and it's called the Court of Arches.”—1st edition, p. 203.
[194] “A false accuser of his elder brother, in the end was hanged.”—Stow.
[194] “A person who falsely accused his older brother ended up being hanged.”—Stow.
In his first edition, p. 203, this note is continued as follows: “God amend, or shortly send such an end to such false brethren.”
In his first edition, p. 203, this note continues as follows: “God fix this, or soon bring an end to such false friends.”
[199] “The 13th of November.”—1st edition, p. 210.
[200] “This conduite was the first sweete water that was conveyed by pipes of lead under ground to this place in the citie from Paddington.”—1st edition, p. 210.
[200] “This water supply was the first fresh water that was brought by lead pipes underground to this location in the city from Paddington.”—1st edition, p. 210.
[201] This is obviously an error. It occurs in the first edition, is repeated in that of 1603, and by Anthony Munday, in his edition of 1618. Strype (vol. i. book iii. p. 35), endeavours to correct it, by reading “Mary,” who was crowned in 1553, instead of Anne. The error, however, is in the date, which should be 1533, the year of Anne Boleyn’s coronation, as we learn from the description of that ceremony given by Stow in his Annals, “that she went forward by the crosse which was newly gilt.”
[201] This is clearly a mistake. It appears in the first edition, is repeated in the 1603 version, and also by Anthony Munday in his 1618 edition. Strype (vol. i. book iii. p. 35) tries to fix it by saying “Mary,” who was crowned in 1553, instead of Anne. However, the mistake is in the date, which should be 1533, the year of Anne Boleyn’s coronation, as we learn from the account of that ceremony given by Stow in his Annals, “that she went forward by the cross which was newly gilt.”
[202] Soler is described by Tyrwhitt, in his edition of Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales, as originally signifying an open gallery or balcony at the top of the house, though latterly used for any upper room, loft, or garret. Tyrwhitt refers in his Glossary, to the Cook’s Tale of Gamelyn, for an authority for the use of the word in the latter sense—
[202] Soler is explained by Tyrwhitt in his edition of Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales as originally meaning an open gallery or balcony at the top of a house, although it later came to be used for any upper room, loft, or garret. Tyrwhitt mentions in his Glossary the Cook’s Tale of Gamelyn as a source for the use of the word in this later context—
And she shut the door fast.
The German Söller is used by Luther in his magnificent translation of the Bible in both senses:—“Peter went up upon the house-top to pray”—“Stieg Petrus hinauf auf den Söller zu beten.” Acts x. 9. “And when they were come in, they went up into an upper room”—“Und als sie hinein kamen, stiegen sie auf den Söller.” Acts i. 13.
The German Söller is used by Luther in his great translation of the Bible in both senses:—“Peter went up onto the rooftop to pray”—“Stieg Petrus hinauf auf den Söller zu beten.” Acts x. 9. “And when they entered, they went up into an upper room”—“Und als sie hinein kamen, stiegen sie auf den Söller.” Acts i. 13.
[204] “Henry Frowicke.”—Ibid.
[206] Because “of old time, since the raigne of William the Conqueror (that first brought Jewes from Roan into this realme), many Jewes inhabited thereabouts, until that in the year 1290, the 18th of Edw. I., they were wholly and for ever by the said king banished this realme, having of their owne goodes to beare their charges, till they were out of dominions. The number of the Jewes at that time banished were 15,060 persons, whose houses being sold, the king made of them a mightie masse of money.”—1st edition, p. 219.
[206] Because "a long time ago, since the reign of William the Conqueror (who first brought Jews from Rouen to this realm), many Jews lived in the area until, in the year 1290, on the 18th of Edward I, they were completely and permanently banished from this realm by the king, having to cover their own costs until they left the territories. The number of Jews banished at that time was 15,060 people, whose houses were sold, allowing the king to make a huge amount of money from them."—1st edition, p. 219.
[207] “Sixty years since.”—Ibid.
“Sixty years since.”—Ibid.
[208] “The tooth of some monstrous fish, as I take it. A shank-bone, of twenty-five inches long, of a man, as is said, but might be of an oliphant.”—Stow.
[208] “It looks like the tooth of some huge fish. A shank bone, twenty-five inches long, from a man, or so they say, but it could also belong to an elephant.” —Stow.
[215] Patent.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Patent.
[216] Matthew Paris.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Matthew Paris.
[217] The Girdlers were incorporated by letters patent of 27th Henry VI. 6th Aug. 1449, which were confirmed by Elizabeth in 1568, when the pinners and wire-drawers were incorporated with them. Strype says they seem to have been a fraternity of St. Lawrence, because of the three gridirons their arms; but those north country readers, who know what a girdle iron is, will probably agree with me in thinking the gridirons or girdle irons are borne with reference to the name of the company.
[217] The Girdlers were granted a charter on August 6, 1449, during the reign of Henry VI, which was reaffirmed by Elizabeth in 1568 when the pinners and wire-drawers joined them. Strype suggests they might have been part of a fraternity of St. Lawrence because of the three gridirons in their emblem; however, those from the northern regions who know what a girdle iron is will likely agree with me that the gridirons or girdle irons symbolically relate to the company's name.
[218] “Only I read of a branch of this family of Bassinges to have spread itself into Cambridgeshire, near unto a water or bourne, and was therefore, for a difference from other of that name, called Bassing at the bourn, and more shortly Bassing borne. But this family is also worne out, and hath left the name to the place where they dwell.”—1st edition, p. 228.
[218] “I’ve only read about a branch of the Bassing family that moved to Cambridgeshire, close to a stream, and to differentiate it from the others of that name, it was called Bassing at the stream, or more simply Bassing born. But this family has also faded away, leaving the name behind for the place where they lived.” —1st edition, p. 228.
[219] “Reyne Wolf, a grave antiquary, collected the great chronicles, increased and published by his executors, under the name of Ralph Holonshead.”—Stow.
[219] “Reyne Wolf, a serious historian, gathered the important chronicles, which were expanded and published by his executors, under the name of Ralph Holinshead.”—Stow.
The first edition of Holinshed’s Chronicles of England, Scotland, and Ireland, was printed for John Harrison the elder in 1577. From Holinshed’s dedicatory epistle to Lord Burleigh, it would seem that Reginald Wolfe projected and even executed the greater part of the work, it having “pleased God to call him to his mercie after xxv. years travail spent therein.” Wolfe, in fact, intended to make these Chronicles the foundation of “An Universall Cosmographie of the Whole World.”
The first edition of Holinshed’s Chronicles of England, Scotland, and Ireland was printed for John Harrison the elder in 1577. From Holinshed’s dedicatory letter to Lord Burleigh, it seems that Reginald Wolfe planned and even completed most of the work, as it had “pleased God to call him to his mercy after 25 years of effort spent on it.” Wolfe actually intended to use these Chronicles as the basis for “An Universall Cosmographie of the Whole World.”
[222] “As is supposed.”—Ibid.
[224] “John Collet.”—1st edition, p. 257.
[226] “At this present.”—Ibid.
“At this moment.”—Ibid.
[228] “Thomas Leichfield.”—1st edition, p. 244.
[229] R. Grafton.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ R. Grafton.
[230] These disjointed syllables, it will be seen, may be so read as to form the following rhyming couplet:—
[230] These disconnected syllables can be read to create the following rhyming couplet:—
" "With the wondrous gift of the blood of Christ, He cleanses us."
[232] The word clove is from the Anglo-Saxon Clifian (the low German Klöven, and Dutch Klooven), to split, or clufe, an ear of corn or clove of garlic. In this case the flower is the common Stock, or Stock Gilliflower, so long a favourite in the gardens of England, and indeed a native of the cliffs by the sea-side. “The old English name of Gilliflower,” says the author of the Flora Domestica, “which is now almost lost in the prefix Stock, is corrupted from the French Giroflier. Chaucer writes it Gylofre; but, by associating it with the nutmeg and other spices, appears to mean the clove-tree, which is in fact the proper signification of that word. Turner calls it Gelover and Gelyflower, Gerrarde and Parkinson Gilloflower.”
[232] The word clove comes from the Anglo-Saxon Clifian (the Low German Klöven, and Dutch Klooven), meaning to split, or clufe, an ear of corn or clove of garlic. Here, the flower refers to the common Stock, or Stock Gilliflower, which has long been a favorite in English gardens and is indeed native to the cliffs by the seaside. “The old English name for Gilliflower,” says the author of the Flora Domestica, “which is now almost forgotten with the addition of Stock, is derived from the French Giroflier. Chaucer wrote it as Gylofre; however, by linking it with nutmeg and other spices, he seems to refer to the clove-tree, which is actually the correct meaning of that word. Turner calls it Gelover and Gelyflower, while Gerrarde and Parkinson refer to it as Gilloflower.”
[234] “John Palmer.”—1st edition, p. 252.
[240] Lydgate’s verses were first printed at the end of Tottell’s edition of the translation of his Fall of Princes, from Boccaccio, 1554, folio, and afterwards in Sir W. Dugdale’s History of St. Paul’s Cathedral.
[240] Lydgate’s poems were first published at the end of Tottell’s edition of the translation of his Fall of Princes, from Boccaccio, 1554, folio, and later in Sir W. Dugdale’s History of St. Paul’s Cathedral.
[241] Reign Wolfe.
Reign Wolfe.
[244] W. Paston.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ W. Paston.
[245] “Was first builded about the reigne of Edward III. Thomas Newton, the first parson there, was buried in the quire, the year 1361, which was the 35th of Edward the Thirde.”—1st edition, p. 277.
[245] “Was first built around the reign of Edward III. Thomas Newton, the first priest there, was buried in the choir in the year 1361, which was the 35th year of Edward the Third.”—1st edition, p. 277.
[250] “Which aunswere seemed to me insufficient, for hee meant the description of Brittaine, before Reinwolfe’s Chronicle, wherein the author writing a chapter of Gyaunts, and having been deceived by some authours, too much crediting their smoothe speeche, hath set down more matter than troth, as partly (and also against my will) I am enforced to touch.”—1st edition, p. 283.
[250] “His answer seemed inadequate to me because he was referring to the description of Britain in Reinwolfe’s Chronicle. In that work, the author wrote a chapter about giants and was misled by some writers who heeded their smooth words too much, resulting in him including more information than is true, as I am also reluctantly compelled to mention.”—1st edition, p. 283.
[251] “R. G. saw a stone, and said the same to bee a tooth, but being by my selfe proued a stone, there fayled both scull and shank-bone, and followed a cluster of lies together, yet since increased by other.”—Stow.
[251] “R. G. saw a stone and thought it was a tooth, but I proved it was just a stone, thus both skull and leg bone were absent, and a bunch of lies followed, which have since grown with more.” —Stow.
[257] “There bee monumentes in this church of Andrew Awbery, grocer, mayor, and Thomas Fryar, fishmonger, in the yeare 1351, who gave to this church and parish one plot of ground, containing fiftie-six foote in length, and fortie-three foote in breadth at both endes, to be a buriall place for the dead of the said parish, the twenty-sixt of Edward the third. Also Thomas Madefry, clarke, and John Pylot, gave to the wardens of that parish one shop and a house in Distar lane, for the continual repairing of the body of that church, the belles and ornaments, the twentieth of Richard II.”—1st edition, p. 287.
[257] “There are monuments in this church for Andrew Awbery, a grocer and mayor, and Thomas Fryar, a fishmonger, from the year 1351. They donated a plot of land to this church and parish, measuring fifty-six feet in length and forty-three feet in width at both ends, to be a burial place for the deceased of the parish, on the twenty-sixth of Edward the Third. Additionally, Thomas Madefry, a clerk, and John Pylot donated one shop and a house on Distar Lane to the wardens of that parish for the ongoing maintenance of the church building, bells, and ornaments, on the twentieth of Richard II.”—1st edition, p. 287.
[258] Liber Trinitate.
[259] It appears from Strype’s Stow (i. p, 214, ed. 1720), that “Were path or Wore path, is in the east part of the Flete of Barking, about seven miles from London; and Anedeheth is near Westminster, on the west part of London.”
[259] According to Strype’s Stow (i. p, 214, ed. 1720), “Were path or Wore path is in the eastern part of the Flete of Barking, about seven miles from London; and Anedeheth is near Westminster, on the western part of London.”
[260] Liber Trinitate, Lon.
[261] Liber Constitut.
[268] Fewters, idle people, probably from the old French Fautier, which Roquefort, Glossaire de la Langue Romane, defines “Criminel Coupable,” or from Fautteur, “rempli de défauts et de mauvaises habitudes.”
[268] Fewters, lazy individuals, likely derived from the old French Fautier, which Roquefort, Glossaire de la Langue Romane, defines as “Criminel Coupable,” or from Fautteur, meaning “full of faults and bad habits.”
[269] Matthew Paris.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Matthew Paris.
[274] Li. St. Marie Overy.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Li. St. Marie Overy.
[277] “By encroachments for building of small tenements, and taking in of garden-plots, timber-yards, or what they list. From this tower hill towards Aldgate (being a long continuous street), amongst other buildings, was that abbey of nunnes called the Minorities, or Minories, whereof I have spoken. And on the other side of that streete lyeth the ditche without the wall of the citie from the Tower unto Aldegate.”—1st edition, pp. 347-8.
[277] “By encroaching on land to build small homes and taking over garden plots, timber yards, or whatever else they want. From this tower hill heading towards Aldgate (which is a long, continuous street), among other buildings, was the abbey of nuns called the Minorities, or Minories, which I have mentioned. On the other side of that street is the ditch that runs outside the city wall from the Tower to Aldgate.” —1st edition, pp. 347-8.
[279] “And neare thereunto are builded two publique houses for the acting and shewe of comedies, tragedies, and histories, for recreation. Whereof one is called the Courtein, the other the Theatre; both standing on the south-west side towards the field.”—Ibid.
[279] "And nearby, there are two public venues for performing and showcasing comedies, tragedies, and historical dramas, for entertainment. One is called the Curtain, and the other the Theatre; both located on the southwest side facing the field."—Ibid.
[282] “Next to that a large house, with gardens of pleasure, builded by Jasper Fisher, from this up to the west end of Hog lane, etc.”—1st edition, p. 350.
[282] “Next to that, there’s a big house with lovely gardens, built by Jasper Fisher, extending from here to the west end of Hog Lane, etc.”—1st edition, p. 350.
[286] “Beyond this Southampton house.”—Ibid.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ “Past this Southampton house.”—Ibid.
[288] H. Knighton.—Stow.
[291] “Which is a goodly house, lately builded nigh to Ivy bridge, over against the old Bedforde house, namely, called Russell house and Dacres house, now the house of Sir Thomas Cecile, Lorde Burghley; and so on the north side to a lane that turneth to the parish church of St. Martin in the Fielde, and stretcheth to St. Giles in the Fielde.”—1st edition, pp. 370-1.
[291] “This is a beautiful house, recently built near Ivy Bridge, across from the old Bedford House, known as Russell House and Dacres House, now the residence of Sir Thomas Cecil, Lord Burghley; and then towards the north side to a lane that leads to the parish church of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, extending to St. Giles-in-the-Fields.”—1st edition, pp. 370-1.
[296] In the first edition, the passage relative to Henry II.’s command to Hugh Gifford and William Browne, to distribute alms “according to the weight and measure of the king’s children” (see ante, page 83), is inserted in this place.
[296] In the first edition, the part about Henry II’s order to Hugh Gifford and William Browne to give out alms “based on the weight and measure of the king’s children” (see earlier, page 83) is included here.
[297] “I find of record, the 50th of Edward III., that the chapter-house of the abbot of Westminster was then the usual house for the commons in parliament.”—Stow.
[297] “I found in the records from the 50th year of Edward III that the chapter-house of the abbot of Westminster was the typical place for the commons in parliament.”—Stow.
[298] “Of England.”—1st edition, p. 387.
[299] The corruption alluded to by Stow exists to the present day—the Almonry being styled by the lower classes in Westminster, the Ambry. The house said to have been Caxton’s is also, we believe, still remaining, though in a state of great dilapidation.
[299] The corruption mentioned by Stow still exists today—the Almonry is referred to by the lower classes in Westminster as the Ambry. The house thought to have belonged to Caxton is also, we believe, still standing, although it’s in a state of serious disrepair.
[303] “Since called shiriffes, and judges of the King’s court, and have therefore under-shiriffes, men learned in the law, to sit in their courts. Domesmen, or judges of the King’s court.”—Stow.
[303] “Since they are referred to as sheriffs and judges of the King’s court, they have appointed under-sheriffs, knowledgeable men in the law, to serve in their courts. Courtmen, or judges of the King’s court.”—Stow.
Transcriber’s Note
Footnote 51 is referenced twice in the text.
Footnote 51 is mentioned two times in the text.
Entries in the table of contents do not all match the headings in the text.
Entries in the table of contents don't all match the headings in the text.
The following printing errors have been corrected:
The following printing mistakes have been fixed:
- p. x “to empty” changed to “to “empty”
- p. xviii “S. Androwes” changed to “S. Androwes.”
- p. 13 (note) “1st.” changed to “1st”
- p. 17 “Glibert” changed to “Gilbert”
- p. 46 “recepit” changed to “receipt”
- p. 72 “default, of” changed to “default, of”
- p. 76 (note) “Liber Constitutions. Liber Horme.” changed to “Liber Constitutionis. Liber Horne.”
- p. 91 “kept a” changed to “kept at”
- p. 92 (note) “Decretat,” changed to “Decretal.”
- p. 107 “First, Through” changed to “First, through”
- p. 113 (note) “Rech Altherthümer” changed to “Rechtsalterthümer”
- p. 136 (note) “10s.” changed to “10s.”
- p. 162 (note) “p. 141” changed to “p. 141.”
- p. 173 “Enchange” changed to “Exchange”
- p. 174 “expect the steeple” changed to “except the steeple”
- p. 189 “s a principal” changed to “is a principal”
- p. 231 (note) “16s.” changed to “16s.”
- p. 231 (note) “p. 207” changed to “p. 207.”
- p. 243 “so called.” changed to “so called,”
- p. 260 “Kery lan” changed to “Kery lane”
- p. 264 “Rowlard” changed to “Rowland”
- p. 266 “ncroachments” changed to “encroachments”
- p. 269 “1546:” changed to “1546;”
- p. 287 (note) “Hountjoy” changed to “Mountjoy”
- p. 298 “buck,and” changed to “buck, and”
- p. 299 “chantry there,” “chantry there;”
- p. 331 “low sheds” changed to “low sheds,”
- p. 355 “partiarch” changed to “patriarch”
- p. 364 "he dieu” changed to “de dieu”
- p. 376 “h ll” changed to “hill”
- p. 382 “this our city.” changed to “this our city.””
- p. 390 (note) “inn.” changed to “inn.””
- p. 392 “fair buildings.” changed to “fair buildings.””
- p. 407 “Richard, Bishop” changed to “Richard, bishop”
- p. 407 “younds” changed to “pounds”
- p. 411 “by thi” changed to “by this”
- p. 442 “French and English” changed to “French and English.”
- p. 448 “Richard Handle” changed to “Richard Hardle”
- p. 454 “Sr John Pultney” changed to “Sir John Pultney”
- p. 461 “Waltar Chartesey” changed to “Walter Chartesey”
- p. 473 “mayor Sir William” changed to “mayor, Sir William”
- p. 480 “aldermen Darby” changed to “alderman Darby”
- p. 482 “mænia” changed to “mœnia”
- p. 483 “cætus” changed to “cœtus”
- p. 487 typography of the paragraph beginning “Nam ea annis“ was regularised.
- p. 493 “liberœ“ changed to “liberæ“
- p. 500 “proper colour” changed to “proper colour.”
- p. 511 “Bassett, Robert” changed to “Basset, Robert”
- p. 511 “Benbridge’s inn” changed to “Benbrige’s inn”
- p. 511 “Bollein Godfrey” changed to “Bollein, Godfrey”
- p. 512 “Chesters’ inn” changed to “Chester’s inn”
- p. 512 “Crosley place, 155” changed to “Crosby place, 155”
- p. 512 “Crosley, Sir John” changed to “Crosby, Sir John”
- p. 513 “Elies’ inn” changed to “Elie’s inn”
- p. 513 “Gutuhrons” changed to “Guthurons”
- p. 513 “Stephanides,)” changed to “Stephanides),”
- p. 513 “208 261” changed to “208, 261”
- p. 513 “243, 244,” changed to “243, 244”
- p. 514 “Horsepool” changed to “Horsepoole”
- p. 514 “Lomsberry” changed to “Lomsbery”
- p. 515 “Church of 130” changed to “Church of, 130”
- p. 515 “Oldeborne bridge” changed to “Oldborne bridge”
- p. 517 “Single- Woman’s” changed to “Single Woman’s”
- p. 518 “Waxchandler’s hall” changed to “Waxchandlers hall”
- p. 518 “Wolfesgate, 39” changed to “Wolfes gate, 39”
- p. 518 “Noble) street 34,” changed to “Noble) street, 34,”
Many instances of inconsistent punctuation have not been changed.
Many instances of inconsistent punctuation haven't been changed.
The following possible printing errors have not been changed:
The following potential printing errors have not been changed:
- p. xi his memory,
- p. 11 reparing
- p. 62 where thither
- p. 158 Three needle street
- p. 196 John Merston. knight
- p. 259 Ienet and Agnes
- p. 356 mother’s-jewels
- p. 462 and 463 respectively: Godfrey Bolaine and Godfrey Boloine
- p. 466 Raphe Austrie and Raph Astrie
- p. 488 straglers
- p. 514 “See also Marke lane” refers to a non-existent entry
The book includes many inconsistent spellings, including:
The book has a lot of inconsistent spellings, including:
- 32d and 32nd
- Aeldresgate and Ældresgate
- Arcubus and Arches
- Bank’s side and Bankside
- Bridwell and Bridewell
- clothworker and cloth-worker
- commonalty and commonality
- Cordewainers, Cordwainer and Cordwayner
- four-pence and four pence
- Howe, Howes and Howse
- Knight riders and Knightriders’
- Meduvanus and Meduvius
- Needlar’s. Needelars and Needler’s
- Sherington and Sherrington
- Surrey and Surry
- Totehil and Totehill
- Tunstal and Tunstall
- Turnebase and Turnebasse
- Walbrook and Walbrooke
- West Cheape and Westcheape
- Wokendon and Wokenden
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