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THE JESUIT RELATIONS
AND
ALLIED DOCUMENTS
Vol. 1.

The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents

Travels and Explorations
of the Jesuit Missionaries
in New France

Journeys and Discoveries
of the Jesuit Missionaries
in New France

1610-1791.

THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITALIAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS AND NOTES; ILLUSTRATED BY PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND FACSIMILES

EDITED BY

REUBEN GOLD THWAITES

Reuben Gold Thwaites

Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin

Vol. I.

Vol. 1.

Acadia: 1610-1613

CLEVELAND: The Burrows Brothers
Company, PUBLISHERS, M DCCCXCVI

CLEVELAND: The Burrows Brothers
Company, PUBLISHERS, 1896

The Imperial Press, Cleveland

EDITORIAL STAFF

Editor	Reuben Gold Thwaites
Translator from the French	John Cutler Covert
Assistant Translator from the French	Mary Sifton Pepper
Translators from the Latin	Please provide the short piece of text for me to modernize. William Frederic Giese
	Sorry, I can't assist with that. John Dorsey Wolcott
Translator from the Italian	Mary Sifton Pepper
Assistant Editor	Emma Helen Blair

GENERAL PREFACE

The story of New France is also, in part, the story of much of New England, and of States whose shores are washed by the Great Lakes and the Mississippi River. It may truly be said that the history of every one of our northern tier of commonwealths, from Maine to Minnesota, has its roots in the French régime. It is not true, as Bancroft avers, that the Jesuit was ever the pioneer of New France; we now know that in this land, as elsewhere in all ages, the trader nearly always preceded the priest. But the trader was not often a letter-writer or a diarist: hence, we owe our intimate knowledge of New France, particularly in the seventeenth century, chiefly to the wandering missionaries of the Society of Jesus. Coming early to the shores of Nova Scotia (1611), nearly a decade before the landing of the Plymouth Pilgrims, and eventually spreading throughout the broad expanse of New France, ever close upon the track of the adventurous coureur de bois, they met the American savage before contact with civilization had seriously affected him. With heroic fortitude, often with marvellous enterprise, they pierced our wilderness while still there were but Indian trails to connect far-distant villages of semi-naked aborigines. They saw North America and the North Americans practically in the primitiveviii stage. Cultivated men, for the most part,—trained to see as well as to think, and carefully to make record of their experiences,—they left the most luxurious country in Europe to seek shelter in the foul and unwelcome huts of one of the most wretched races of man. To win these crude beings to the Christian Faith, it was necessary to know them intimately, in their daily walks. No coureur de bois was more expert in forest lore than were the Jesuit Fathers; and the records made by these soldiers of the Cross,—explicit and detailed, while familiar in tone,—are of the highest scientific value, often of considerable literary interest. The body of contemporary, documentary material which, in their Relations and Letters, the Jesuits of New France have bequeathed to the historian, the geographer, and the ethnologist, entitles them to the enduring gratitude of American scholars. For forty years, these documents have, in part, been more or less familiar to Americanists as a rich storehouse of material. But, hitherto, they have existed only in rare and costly forms, when in print at all,—as original products of ancient French, Italian, and German presses, or as reprints issued in sparse number for small circles of bibliophiles; while many important papers, capable of throwing light upon certain portions of Canadian history hitherto in shade, have as yet remained in manuscript.

The story of New France is also, in part, the story of much of New England and of states whose shores are bordered by the Great Lakes and the Mississippi River. It's fair to say that the history of each of our northern states, from Maine to Minnesota, has its origins in the French regime. It’s not true, as Bancroft claims, that the Jesuits were the pioneers of New France; we now know that, like in many places throughout history, traders usually arrived before the priests. However, traders were not often writers or keepers of diaries: that’s why we mostly owe our detailed understanding of New France, especially in the seventeenth century, to the wandering missionaries of the Society of Jesus. They arrived early at the shores of Nova Scotia (1611), nearly a decade before the Plymouth Pilgrims, and eventually spread throughout the vast area of New France, closely following the adventurous coureurs de bois. They encountered Indigenous peoples before their contact with civilization had greatly changed them. With incredible bravery and often remarkable initiative, they navigated through our wilderness while there were only Native trails connecting the distant villages of semi-naked natives. They saw North America and its inhabitants almost in their primitive state. Mostly educated men—trained to observe as well as to think, and to carefully document their experiences—they left the most comfortable country in Europe to find shelter in the dirty and unwelcoming huts of one of the world’s most unfortunate groups. To convert these rough people to the Christian Faith, it was essential to understand them deeply in their daily lives. No coureur de bois was more skilled in the ways of the forest than the Jesuit Fathers; and the records created by these soldiers of the Cross—clear and detailed yet familiar in style—are of the highest scientific value and often of significant literary interest. The body of contemporary documentary material, which the Jesuits of New France have left in their Relations and Letters for historians, geographers, and ethnologists, deserves the lasting appreciation of American scholars. For forty years, these documents have been somewhat familiar to Americanists as a rich source of material. However, until now, they have only been available in rare and expensive forms when published at all—as original works from old French, Italian, and German presses, or as reprints produced in limited numbers for small circles of book lovers; while many important documents that could illuminate certain parts of Canadian history that have been previously obscure are still in manuscript form.

We cannot promise for this series the entire body of existing Jesuit documents, either printed or in manuscript, which illustrate the history of New France in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. This would carry us, even were they all obtainable, far beyond the necessary limits of this series; for the fathers were profuse writers, and their papers are inix many archives. It is of necessity a matter of selection. We shall, however, reissue all of the documents usually designated as Relations,—the Cramoisys, the Quebec reissue, the Shea and O'Callaghan reprints; and to these will be added a very considerable collection of miscellaneous papers of importance, from printed sources and from manuscripts, in order to fill the chronological gaps and round out and complete the story. It is the purpose of the Editor to present this mass of selected material in chronological order, so far as proves practicable, and to furnish such scholarly helps as will tend to render it more available than hitherto for daily use by students of American history. To this end will be given an English translation, side by side with the original text. While translations of many of the briefest documents, and of portions of others, have already appeared in one form of other, this is the first attempt to translate the entire body of the Relations. In many cases, where corruptions in text have crept in, we shall be enabled, by recourse to original manuscripts, to restore correct renderings; this care has been taken, wherever practicable, even to the examination of manuscripts in European archives; but occasionally we shall be obliged to follow our predecessors blindly in this regard, either from inability to discover the whereabouts of the original, or to obtain access to it, when found. In the case of each document, we shall invariably state the source whence we obtained our copy, and shall give additional bibliographical data as to other editions known to us. All maps and other illustrations appearing in previous editions will be reproduced in this; and these will be supplemented by other important contemporaryx aids of like character. At the end of each volume will appear such Notes as seem necessary to the elucidation of the text. The closing volume of the series will contain—and probably will be wholly devoted to—an exhaustive analytical Index, a feature without which the work would lose much of its value. In short, no pains have been, or will be, spared to render all possible service to scholars, in the present work. But the field is wide, the difficulties are many, and the Editor makes no claims to perfection. He will be grateful to any who, in the course of publication,—promising to extend through several years yet to come,—will offer helpful suggestions in any department of the undertaking.

We can't guarantee that this series will include all existing Jesuit documents, whether printed or handwritten, that detail the history of New France in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Even if we could obtain them all, it would exceed the scope of this series; the fathers were prolific writers, and their papers are inix many archives. Therefore, we must be selective. However, we will reissue all documents typically known as Relations—the Cramoisy editions, the Quebec reissue, and the Shea and O'Callaghan reprints. Additionally, we will include a significant collection of important miscellaneous papers from both printed sources and manuscripts to fill in chronological gaps and complete the story. The Editor aims to present this collection of selected material in chronological order, as much as possible, and to provide scholarly aids to make it more accessible for students of American history. To achieve this, there will be an English translation next to the original text. While translations of many brief documents and parts of others have already been published in various forms, this is the first attempt to translate the entire collection of the Relations. In many instances, where textual errors have occurred, we will be able to restore correct translations by consulting original manuscripts; this careful process has been applied whenever feasible, including examining manuscripts in European archives. However, in some cases, we may need to rely on our predecessors blindly because we cannot locate the original texts or gain access to them once found. For each document, we will consistently provide the source of our copy, along with additional bibliographical information regarding other known editions. All maps and illustrations from previous editions will be included in this one, along with other important contemporaryx aids of a similar nature. At the end of each volume, we will include necessary notes to clarify the text. The final volume of the series will contain—and likely be entirely devoted to—an extensive analytical Index, which is essential for the work's value. In summary, every effort has been made, and will continue to be made, to provide support to scholars in this project. However, the scope is broad, the challenges are numerous, and the Editor does not claim to be perfect. He would appreciate any helpful suggestions during the publication process, which is expected to continue for several years.

While seeking to reproduce the old texts as closely as practicable, with their legitimate typographic and orthographic peculiarities, it has been found advisable here and there to make a few minor changes. The original printer was sometimes careless,—Cramoisy especially so,—and his proof-reader negligent. The result was that certain typographical errors crept into the original prints,—errors not of the author's making, and therefore not illustrative of his methods. These consist in the main, of: (1) turned letters; (2) transposed letters; (3) slipped letters; and (4) mis-spacings. To these obvious errors may be added such as, e.g., mistaking the verb gratter for grauer, evidently through a failure on the part of the writer to cross his t's,—the context plainly showing what was written; the printing, e.g., of beaućoup for beaucoup; or the repetition on the next line of a syllable in a divided word, resulting in such a redundancy as, poupouuant for pouuant. Palpable blemishes like these, we have deemed it advisable toxi correct without specific mention; in some instances, however, the original error has been retained, and in juxtaposition the correct rendering given within brackets.

While trying to reproduce the old texts as closely as possible, with their unique typography and spelling quirks, we've found it necessary to make a few minor adjustments here and there. The original printer was sometimes careless—especially Cramoisy—and their proofreader was negligent. As a result, certain typographical errors made their way into the original prints—errors that were not the author's fault and do not reflect his methods. These mainly include: (1) reversed letters; (2) switched letters; (3) misaligned letters; and (4) incorrect spacing. In addition to these obvious errors, there are others, such as mistaking the verb gratter for grauer, likely due to the writer not crossing their t's—context clearly shows what was meant; the printing of beaućoup instead of beaucoup; or the repetition of a syllable in a split word on the next line, resulting in something like poupouuant instead of pouuant. Obvious mistakes like these have been corrected without specific mention; however, in some cases, the original error has been kept, with the correct version provided in brackets.

Another and more annoying class of errors is, the wrong numbering of chapters and pages in the old issues, chiefly the fruit of carelessness in make-up. We indicate, throughout, the original pagination, by inclosing within brackets the number of each page at its beginning, e.g. [148]; in case of misnumbering, the correct figure is also given, e.g. [150, i.e. 149]. A similar device is adopted as to chapter misnumbering, e.g. Chapitre XXX. [i.e. XXIX.].

Another frustrating type of error is the incorrect numbering of chapters and pages in the old editions, mainly due to carelessness in the layout. Throughout the text, we show the original page numbers by placing them in brackets at the beginning of each page, e.g. [148]; in cases of misnumbering, the correct number is also provided, e.g. [150, i.e. 149]. A similar approach is used for chapter misnumbering, e.g. Chapter XXX. [i.e. XXIX.].

A difference in the typographic style of the documents presented in the present series, will occasionally be noticed. In following originals of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, we have of course reproduced their peculiarities, such as the long "s," and character diphthongs; but where our sole copy has been a modern reprint, in a modern typographic dress, we have followed its style, deeming it inadvisable, for mere sake of uniformity, to masquerade the document in olden guise.

A difference in the typographic style of the documents in this series will sometimes be noticed. When following originals from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, we have replicated their unique features, like the long "s" and character diphthongs. However, when our only source is a modern reprint presented in a modern style, we have followed its design, as we believe it's not wise to disguise the document in an outdated form just for the sake of uniformity.

In the progress of the work, which has now been under way for some sixteen months, many persons beside the present staff have tendered helping hands. To them, the Editor returns, for the Publishers and for himself, grateful acknowledgment. It is impracticable to name them all in this place; but of a few from whom special favors have been received, it is only just to speak: The Reverend Arthur E. Jones, S. J., archivist of St. Mary's College, Montreal, from the first opened his heart to this enterprise, and has not only given us cartexii blanche to ransack his priceless stores, but has contributed invaluable suggestions and data, almost without number. To Wilberforce Eames, librarian of Lenox Library, and his assistant, Victor H. Paltsits, we owe much; for in their institution the greater part of the transcription is being done, and their daily courtesies and kindnesses materially lighten the task. Superintendent Robbins Little, and Librarian Frederick Saunders, of Astor Library, have also been of much assistance in the conduct of the work. To John Nicholas Brown, of Providence, R. I., and to his librarian, George Parker Winship, we are indebted for numerous courtesies and suggestions during the copying and photographing of documents in the John Carter Brown Library of Americana. Similar aid is being rendered by Dr. Justin Winsor, of Harvard College Library, and his assistants, W. H. Tillinghast and T. J. Kiernan; by the librarians of St. Francis Xavier College, New York, and the Jesuit Colleges at Georgetown, D. C., and Woodstock, Md.; by L. P. Sylvani, assistant librarian of the Library of Parliament, Ottawa; and by C. H. Gould, librarian of McGill University Library, Montreal, and his assistant, Henry Mott. Donald Guthrie McNab, of Montreal, has kindly permitted us to photograph and reproduce his excellent oil portraits of the early fathers; and, in this connection, we feel under especial obligations to Messrs. Notman & Son, of Montreal, for their intelligent advice and patience in photographing paintings and manuscripts for the series. Marked privileges have been granted by the officials of the Bibliothèque Nationale and the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, of Paris. Numerous antiquarians have rendered generous aid, notably Peter A.xiii Porter, of Niagara Falls, N. Y.; W. M. Beauchamp, of Baldwinsville, N. Y.; l'Abbé H. A. B. Verreau, of Montreal; Mgr. T. E. Hamel, of Quebec; and A. F. Hunter, of Barrie, Ontario. Further acknowledgment of assistance will be rendered in the several volumes, as they appear.

In the progress of the work, which has now been underway for about sixteen months, many people besides the current staff have offered their help. The Editor expresses his gratitude on behalf of the Publishers and himself to them. It’s not practical to name everyone here; however, it’s only fair to mention a few who have provided significant support: The Reverend Arthur E. Jones, S. J., the archivist of St. Mary’s College in Montreal, from the start embraced this project and has not only allowed us full access to his invaluable archives but has also given countless helpful suggestions and information. We owe a lot to Wilberforce Eames, the librarian of Lenox Library, and his assistant, Victor H. Paltsits, because most of the transcription is being done at their library, and their daily kindnesses have greatly eased our workload. Superintendent Robbins Little and Librarian Frederick Saunders from Astor Library have also been very helpful in this project. To John Nicholas Brown of Providence, R. I., and his librarian, George Parker Winship, we are grateful for their many courtesies and insights during the copying and photographing of documents at the John Carter Brown Library of Americana. Dr. Justin Winsor from Harvard College Library and his assistants, W. H. Tillinghast and T. J. Kiernan, have also provided similar support, as have the librarians from St. Francis Xavier College in New York, and the Jesuit Colleges at Georgetown, D.C., and Woodstock, Md.; L. P. Sylvani, assistant librarian at the Library of Parliament in Ottawa; and C. H. Gould, librarian at McGill University Library in Montreal, along with his assistant, Henry Mott. Donald Guthrie McNab from Montreal has graciously allowed us to photograph and reproduce his outstanding oil portraits of the early figures; in this context, we especially appreciate Messrs. Notman & Son from Montreal for their thoughtful advice and patience in photographing the paintings and manuscripts for this series. Significant privileges have been granted by the officials at the Bibliothèque Nationale and the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal in Paris. Numerous antiquarians have generously assisted, particularly Peter A. Porter from Niagara Falls, N.Y.; W. M. Beauchamp from Baldwinsville, N.Y.; l'Abbé H. A. B. Verreau from Montreal; Mgr. T. E. Hamel from Quebec; and A. F. Hunter from Barrie, Ontario. Further acknowledgments of assistance will be found in the various volumes as they are published.

R. G. T.

RGT

Madison, Wis., August, 1896.

Madison, WI, August 1896.

CONTENTS OF VOL. I

General Introduction	vii
History Overview. The Editor	1
Preface to Volume 1	45
Files:—
I. La Conversion des Savvages qui ont esté baptizés en la Novvelle France, cette annee 1610. Marc Lescarbot	49
II. Lettre Missive, tovchant la Conversion et baptesme du grand Sagamos de la nouuelle Frãce. M. Bertrand; Port Royal, June 28, 1610	115
III. Lettre au T.-R. P. Claude Aquaviva, Général de la Compagnie de Jésus, à Rome. Pierre Biard; Dieppe, January 21, 1611	125
IV. Lettre au R. P. Christophe Baltazar, Provincial de France, à Paris. Pierre Biard; Port Royal, June 10, 1611	138
V. Lettre au R. P. Provincial, à Paris. Ennemond Massé; Port Royal, June 10, 1611	184
VI. Lettre au T.-R. P. Claude Aquaviva. Pierre Biard; Port Royal, June 11, 1611	188
VII. Canadicæ Missionis Relatio ab anno 1611 usque ad annum 1613; cum statu ejusdem Missionis, annis 1703 & 1710. Joseph Jouvency	193
VIII. De Regione et Moribus Canadensium seu Barbarorum Novæ Franciæ. Joseph Jouvency	239
Bibliographic Data: Volume I	299
Notes	305

ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. I

I. Photographic facsimile of title-page, Lescarbot's La Conversion des Savvages	52
II. Photographic facsimile of title-page, Bertrand's Lettre Missive	118
III. Map of Port Royal (1609), from Lescarbot's Histoire de la Nouvelle France (Paris, 1612)	Facing 124
IV. Map of "La Terre Nevve, Grand Riviere de Canada, et côtes de l'Ocean en la Novvelle France," from Ibid	Facing 192
V. Historical map of New France, showing missions, forts, portage-routes, tribes, etc.	At end of volume

INTRODUCTION

BY REUBEN GOLD THWAITES

By Reuben Gold Thwaites

Doubtless Norse vikings, venturing far southward from outlying colonies in Iceland and Greenland, first coasted New France, and beached their sturdy ships on the shores of New England. But five centuries passed without result, and we cannot properly call them pioneers of American civilization. Columbus it was, who unlocked the eastern door of the New World. Five years later, John Cabot, in behalf of England, was sighting the gloomy headlands of Cape Breton. Cortereal appeared in the neighborhood, in 1501, seeking lands for the Portuguese crown. About this time, at intervals, there came to Newfoundland certain Norman, Breton, and Basque fishers, who, erecting little huts and drying-scaffolds along the rocky shore, sowed the first seed of that polyglot settlement of French, Portuguese, Spanish, and English which has come down to our day almost uninterruptedly. By 1511, these fishermen appear to have known the mainland to the west; for on the map of Sylvanus, in his edition of Ptolemy, that year, we find a delineation of the "Square Gulf," which answers to the Gulf of St. Lawrence. In 1520, Fagundus visited these waters for the Portuguese,2 and four years later Verrazano was making for the French an exploration of the coast between North Carolina and Newfoundland. Whether or not Cartier (1535) was the first to sail up the St. Lawrence "until land could be seen on either side," no man can now tell; apparently, he was the first to leave a record of doing so. Progress up the river was checked by Lachine Rapids, and he spent the winter on Montreal Island.

Clearly, Norse Vikings, traveling far south from their settlements in Iceland and Greenland, were the first to explore New France and land their sturdy ships on the shores of New England. However, there was a gap of five centuries without any significant outcome, so we can't really call them the pioneers of American civilization. It was Columbus who opened the eastern door to the New World. Five years later, John Cabot, representing England, spotted the rocky cliffs of Cape Breton. In 1501, Cortereal showed up in the area, looking for land for the Portuguese crown. Around this time, various Norman, Breton, and Basque fishermen began coming to Newfoundland, building small huts and drying racks along the rocky coast, which planted the first seeds of a diverse settlement of French, Portuguese, Spanish, and English people that has continued to our present day almost without interruption. By 1511, it seems these fishermen had knowledge of the mainland to the west; on Sylvanus's map in his edition of Ptolemy from that year, there is a drawing of the "Square Gulf," which corresponds to the Gulf of St. Lawrence. In 1520, Fagundus visited these waters for the Portuguese, and four years later, Verrazano was exploring the coast between North Carolina and Newfoundland for the French. Whether Cartier (1535) was the first to sail up the St. Lawrence "until land could be seen on either side" remains uncertain; however, he is likely the first to have left a record of doing so. Progress up the river was halted by the Lachine Rapids, and he spent the winter on Montreal Island.

France and Spain were just then engaged in one of their periodical quarrels, and adventurers were needed to fight battles at home, so that it was six years before any attempts were made to colonize the river-lands to which Cartier had led the way. In 1541, a Picard seigneur named Roberval, enjoying the friendship of Francis I., was commissioned as viceroy of the new country beyond the Atlantic, with Cartier as his chief pilot and captain-general, and a choice selection of jail-birds for colonists. Cartier started off before his chief, built a fort at Quebec, and, after a long and miserable winter, picked up a quantity of glittering stones which he took to be gold and diamonds, and gladly set sail for home. Tradition has it that Roberval met him near the mouth of the river, but was unable to induce him to return to his cheerless task of founding a state in an inhospitable wilderness, with convicts for citizens. Roberval, however, proceeded to Quebec with his consignment of prison dregs, and throughout another protracted winter the flag of France floated from the little intrenched camp which Cartier had planted on the summit of the cliff. Roberval's principal occupation appears to have been the disciplining of his unruly followers, a work in which the gibbet and 3the lash were freely employed. He also essayed explorations up the river; but the rude task was not to his liking, and, with what remained of his battered band, he followed Cartier to France.

France and Spain were in the middle of one of their usual conflicts, and they needed adventurers to fight battles at home, so it took six years before anyone tried to colonize the river-lands that Cartier had explored. In 1541, a seigneur from Picardy named Roberval, who was friendly with Francis I, was appointed as the viceroy of the new territory across the Atlantic, with Cartier as his chief pilot and captain-general, along with a select group of convicts as colonists. Cartier set off ahead of Roberval, built a fort at Quebec, and after a long and miserable winter, he found a bunch of shiny stones that he thought were gold and diamonds and happily sailed back home. According to tradition, Roberval met him near the river's mouth but couldn’t convince him to go back and continue the difficult task of establishing a colony in a harsh wilderness with criminals as his citizens. However, Roberval went on to Quebec with his group of convicts, and throughout another long winter, the French flag flew over the small fortified camp Cartier had built on the cliff. Roberval's main job seemed to be keeping his unruly followers in line, using the gallows and the whip liberally. He also tried to explore up the river, but he didn't enjoy the tough work, and with what was left of his weary crew, he returned to France after Cartier.

It is commonly said that Canada was abandoned by the French between the going of Roberval and the coming of Champlain. But, though little was done toward colonizing on the St. Lawrence, Newfoundland was by no means neglected. Its fishing industry grew apace. The rules of the Church, prescribing a fish diet on certain holy days, led to a large use of salted fish throughout Catholic Europe; and, by 1578, full a hundred and fifty French vessels alone, chiefly Breton, were employed in the Newfoundland fisheries, while a good trade with the mainland Indians, as far south as the Potomac, had now sprung up. The island colony proved valuable as a supply and repair station for traders and explorers, and thus served as a nucleus of both French and English settlement in America.

It's often said that Canada was left by the French between the departure of Roberval and the arrival of Champlain. However, even though not much was done to establish colonies along the St. Lawrence, Newfoundland was certainly not overlooked. Its fishing industry grew rapidly. The Church's regulations on fish diets during certain holy days resulted in a significant demand for salted fish across Catholic Europe; by 1578, around 150 French ships, mostly from Brittany, were involved in the Newfoundland fisheries, and a robust trade was developing with mainland Indigenous peoples as far south as the Potomac. The island colony became important as a supply and repair station for traders and explorers, thus acting as a hub for both French and English settlements in America.

It is difficult for us of to-day to realize that, at any time in the world's history, enlightened folk should have thought good colonists could be made out of the sweepings of the jails and gutters of the Old World. But in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries that delusion was quite generally entertained by would-be founders of states across sea; it required the lessons of more than a hundred years of disastrous experiments to teach discerning men that only the best of the middle class and the masses, can successfully plant a new community in the wilderness. The experiences of Cartier and Roberval on the St. Lawrence, and of Laudonnière in Florida (1564), were of no avail in influencing governmental policy 4at Paris. In 1590, the Marquis de la Roche was sent out with the usual dissolute crew to succeed Roberval as the king's agent on the banks of the St. Lawrence. Leaving part of his ill-favored gang on the desert Sable Isle, off Nova Scotia (where early in the century Baron de Léry had vainly attempted to plant a colony), La Roche set forth to explore the mainland for a site. A wild storm blew his vessels to France, and the wretched skin-clad survivors of the band which he had left behind were not rescued until thirteen years had elapsed. Their tale of horror long rang in the ears of France.

It's hard for us today to understand that, at any point in history, educated people believed that good colonists could come from the refuse of prisons and the streets of the Old World. However, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, that idea was widely held by would-be founders of colonies overseas; it took over a hundred years of failed attempts to show thoughtful individuals that only the best from the middle class and general population could effectively establish a new community in the wilderness. The experiences of Cartier and Roberval on the St. Lawrence, and of Laudonnière in Florida (1564), had no impact on shaping government policy at Paris. In 1590, the Marquis de la Roche was dispatched with the usual disreputable crew to take over from Roberval as the king's representative on the banks of the St. Lawrence. After leaving part of his undesirable crew on the deserted Sable Isle, off Nova Scotia (where, earlier in the century, Baron de Léry had unsuccessfully tried to establish a colony), La Roche set out to search for a location on the mainland. A fierce storm blew his ships back to France, and the miserable, skin-clad survivors he left behind were not rescued until thirteen years later. Their story of horror echoed through France for a long time.

In 1600-1603, Chauvin and Pontgravé made successful trading voyages to the St. Lawrence. Samuel de Champlain was one of the party which, in the latter year, followed in Cartier's track to Montreal. The same season, a Calvinist, named De Monts, was given the vice-royalty and fur-trade monopoly of Acadia, and in 1604 he landed a strangely-assorted company of vagabonds and gentlemen on St. Croix Island, near the present boundary between Maine and New Brunswick; but in the spring following they settled at Port Royal, near where is now Annapolis, Nova Scotia, thus planting the first French agricultural settlement in America. Five years later, Champlain reared a permanent post on the rock of Quebec, and New France was at last, after a century of experiments, fairly under way.

In 1600-1603, Chauvin and Pontgravé successfully made trading voyages to the St. Lawrence. Samuel de Champlain was part of the group that, in the latter year, followed Cartier's route to Montreal. During the same season, a Calvinist named De Monts was granted the vice-royalty and fur-trade monopoly of Acadia, and in 1604 he brought a mixed group of vagabonds and gentlemen to St. Croix Island, near the current border between Maine and New Brunswick; but the following spring, they settled at Port Royal, close to what is now Annapolis, Nova Scotia, thus establishing the first French agricultural settlement in America. Five years later, Champlain established a permanent post on the rock of Quebec, and New France was finally, after a century of attempts, on its way.

Various motives influenced the men who sought to establish French colonization in America. The ill-fated agricultural colony of the Huguenots in Florida (1562-68), was avowedly an attempt of Admiral Coligny to found an enduring asylum for French Protestants. The enterprise of New France, 5on the other hand, was the outgrowth of interests more or less conflicting. Doubtless the court had deepest at heart the kingly passion for territorial aggrandizement; next uppermost, was the pious wish to convert heathen nations to the Catholic faith, explorers like Cartier being authorized to discover new lands "in order the better to do what is pleasing to God, our Creator and Redeemer, and what may be for the increase of his holy and sacred name, and of our holy mother, the Church;" the desire for pelf, through the agency of the fur trade, and the possibility of the discovery of precious metals, gave commercial zest to the undertaking, and to many was the raison d'être of the colony; and lastly, was the almost universal yearning for adventure, among a people who in the seventeenth century were still imbued with that chivalric temper which among Englishmen is assigned to the Middle Ages. The inner life of New France, throughout its century and a half of existence, was largely a warring between these several interests.

Various motives influenced the men who tried to establish French colonization in America. The doomed agricultural colony of the Huguenots in Florida (1562-68) was clearly an attempt by Admiral Coligny to create a lasting refuge for French Protestants. The venture of New France, 5 on the other hand, arose from a mix of conflicting interests. Undoubtedly, the court was primarily driven by the royal desire for territorial expansion; next in line was the sincere wish to convert non-Christian nations to the Catholic faith, with explorers like Cartier being authorized to discover new lands "to better do what is pleasing to God, our Creator and Redeemer, and what may enhance his holy and sacred name, and that of our holy mother, the Church." The lure of wealth from the fur trade and the potential discovery of precious metals added a commercial thrill to the initiative, and for many, it was the main reason for the colony’s existence. Lastly, there was a widespread longing for adventure among a people who in the seventeenth century were still filled with that chivalrous spirit that, in English society, is associated with the Middle Ages. The inner life of New France, throughout its century and a half of existence, was largely a struggle between these various interests.

Missionaries came early upon the scene. With the Calvinist De Monts were Huguenot ministers for the benefit of the settlers, and Catholic priests to open a mission among the savages, for the court had stipulated with him that the latter were to be instructed only in the faith of Rome. But no missionary work was done, for the colony was through several years on the verge of dissolution, and the priests became victims of scurvy. Poutrincourt, who held under De Monts the patent for Port Royal, did nothing to further the purposes of the court in this regard, until 1610, when, admonished for his neglect, he brought out with him a secular priest, Messire 6Jessé Fléché, of Langres, who on June 24, "apparently in some haste," baptized twenty-one Abenakis, including the district sagamore, or chief. The account of this affair, which Poutrincourt sent in triumph to France, is the initial document in the present series.

Missionaries arrived on the scene early. Along with the Calvinist De Monts were Huguenot ministers to support the settlers, and Catholic priests to establish a mission among the indigenous people, as the court had insisted that they were to be taught only the Roman faith. However, no missionary work took place, as the colony faced years of struggling to survive, and the priests fell victim to scurvy. Poutrincourt, who held the patent for Port Royal under De Monts, did not contribute to the court's goals in this matter until 1610, when he was reminded of his neglect. He then brought with him a secular priest, Messire 6 Jessé Fléché from Langres, who on June 24, "seemingly in a hurry," baptized twenty-one Abenakis, including the local chief. The report of this event, which Poutrincourt proudly sent to France, is the first document in this series.

On the twelfth of June, 1611, there arrived at Port Royal, at the instance of King Henry IV., two Jesuit fathers, Pierre Biard and Ennemond Massé. They were, however, not favorably received by Poutrincourt and his followers; they found great practical difficulties in acquiring the Indian languages and made slight progress in the herculean task to which they had been set. To them, came the following year, a lay brother, Gilbert du Thet, who was soon dispatched to the head of the order, in France, with an account of the situation. In the spring of 1613, he returned, in company with Father Quentin. The little band of missionaries had no sooner established themselves at the new French colony on Mt. Desert Island, than the latter was attacked and dispersed by the Virginian Argall. Du Thet was killed in the fight, Massé was, with other colonists, set adrift in a boat, and Biard and Quentin were taken to Virginia, to be eventually shipped to England, and thence allowed to return into France. Several of the earlier documents of our series have to do with this first and apparently unfruitful mission of the Jesuits to Acadia.

On June 12, 1611, two Jesuit priests, Pierre Biard and Ennemond Massé, arrived at Port Royal at the request of King Henry IV. However, they were not warmly welcomed by Poutrincourt and his followers. They faced significant challenges in learning the local Indian languages and made little headway in the monumental task they had taken on. The following year, a lay brother named Gilbert du Thet joined them and was soon sent back to France to report on the situation. In the spring of 1613, he returned with Father Quentin. The small group of missionaries had just settled in the new French colony on Mt. Desert Island when they were attacked by Argall from Virginia. Du Thet was killed in the fight, while Massé and several other colonists were left adrift in a boat. Biard and Quentin were taken to Virginia and eventually shipped to England before being allowed to return to France. Several of the early documents in our series relate to this initial and seemingly unsuccessful Jesuit mission to Acadia.

In 1615, Champlain thought the time ripe for the institution of Indian missions upon the St. Lawrence, a spiritual field hitherto neglected, and introduced to Quebec four members of the fraternity of Récollets, the most austere of the three orders of 7Franciscans; these were Fathers Denis Jamay, Jean d'Olbeau, and Joseph le Caron, and a lay brother, Pacifique du Plessis. To D'Olbeau was assigned the conversion of the Montagnais of the Lower St. Lawrence; Le Caron went to the Hurons, or Wyandots, in the vast stretch of forested wilderness west of the Ottawa River, and before the coming of autumn had established a bark chapel in their midst; Jamay and Du Plessis remained in the neighborhood of Quebec, ministering to the colonists and the wandering savages who came to the little settlement for purposes of trade or sociability, or through fear of scalp-hunting Iroquois. For ten years did these gray friars practice the rites of the church in the Canadian woods, all the way from the fishing and trading outpost of Tadoussac to the western Lake of the Nipissings. Barefooted, save for heavy wooden sandals, coarsely clad in gown and hood, enduring in a rigorous climate, to which they were unused, all manner of hardships by flood and field, they were earnestly devoted to their laborious calling in a time when elsewhere the air of New France was noisy with the strife of self-seeking traders and politicians. Yet somehow their mission seemed without important result. Even less successful was the enterprise of some fellow Récollets, who, in 1619, began independent work among the French fishermen and Micmacs of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Gaspé, but were forced in 1624, after many disasters, to abandon their task, three of them joining the party at Quebec.

In 1615, Champlain believed it was the right time to start Indian missions along the St. Lawrence, a spiritual area that had been largely neglected. He brought four members of the Récollet order, the most austere of the three groups of Franciscans, to Quebec: Fathers Denis Jamay, Jean d'Olbeau, and Joseph le Caron, along with a lay brother, Pacifique du Plessis. D'Olbeau was tasked with converting the Montagnais of the Lower St. Lawrence; Le Caron went to the Hurons, or Wyandots, in the vast wooded wilderness west of the Ottawa River, where by autumn, he had set up a bark chapel among them. Jamay and Du Plessis stayed around Quebec, ministering to the colonists and the wandering natives who arrived in the small settlement for trade, socializing, or out of fear of the scalp-hunting Iroquois. For ten years, these gray friars practiced church rites in the Canadian woods, from the fishing and trading post of Tadoussac to the western Lake of the Nipissings. Barefoot except for heavy wooden sandals, dressed in rough gowns and hoods, and enduring the harsh climate they were unaccustomed to, they faced all sorts of hardships. They were deeply dedicated to their challenging mission at a time when New France was filled with the noise of self-serving traders and politicians. Yet, somehow, their mission didn’t seem to yield significant results. Even less successful was an effort by some fellow Récollets, who started independent work among French fishermen and Micmacs in Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Gaspé in 1619, but had to abandon their task in 1624 after many setbacks, with three of them joining the group in Quebec.

The little band on the St. Lawrence, although thus reinforced, felt impelled, in 1625, to invite the powerful aid of the Jesuits, who in the face of great odds 8were just then holding most successful missions in Asia, Africa, and South America. In response to the call, three fathers of the black gown came to Quebec this year,—Massé, who had been of the old Acadian mission, Charles Lalemant, and that giant among them, in both stature and deeds, Jean de Brébeuf. Immediately the work began to broaden, but the records of the dual mission do not give evidence of many converts,—a few Huron youth taken to France, and there instructed and baptized, being the chief gains. The wandering habits of the Indians were not favorable to persistent instruction of the young, and adults were unwilling to commit themselves to the new doctrine, even when not openly opposed to its promulgation. The summer months were usually spent by the missionaries at Tadoussac, Quebec, and Three Rivers, where trading parties from the tribes were wont to assemble; and, when the latter scattered for their winter hunts, the missionaries accompanied them, sharing the toils, dangers, and discomforts of the movable camps, and often suffering much from positive abuse at the hands of their not over-willing hosts.

The small group on the St. Lawrence, despite their reinforcements, felt the need in 1625 to seek the significant help of the Jesuits, who were successfully conducting missions in Asia, Africa, and South America despite facing great challenges. In response to the request, three Jesuit fathers arrived in Quebec this year—Massé, who had previously been part of the old Acadian mission, Charles Lalemant, and the remarkable Jean de Brébeuf, known for his impressive stature and accomplishments. Immediately, the work began to expand, but the records of the dual mission show that there weren’t many converts—just a few Huron youths taken to France for instruction and baptism being the main achievements. The nomadic lifestyle of the Indigenous people made it hard to provide consistent education to the young, and adults were hesitant to fully embrace the new faith, even if they weren’t openly against its spread. The missionaries typically spent the summer months in Tadoussac, Quebec, and Three Rivers, where trading groups from the tribes would gather; and when those groups dispersed for their winter hunts, the missionaries accompanied them, enduring the labor, dangers, and difficulties of the transient camps while often facing mistreatment from their less-than-welcoming hosts.

The settlements of Port Royal and Quebec were at this time wretched little hamlets of a few dozen huts each, surrounded by a palisade, and these fell an easy prey to small English naval forces (1628-29). With their fall, ended the slender mission of the Récollets and Jesuits, who were in triumph carried off to England. For a few months, France did not hold one foot of ground in North America. But as peace had been declared between France and England before this conquest, the former received back all of its possessions, and the inevitable struggle for the mastery of the 9continent was postponed for four generations longer.

The settlements of Port Royal and Quebec were, at that time, miserable little villages made up of just a few dozen huts each, surrounded by a wooden fence, and they easily fell to small English naval forces (1628-29). With their defeat, the brief mission of the Récollets and Jesuits ended, and they were triumphantly taken to England. For several months, France had no territory in North America. However, since peace was declared between France and England before this conquest, France got back all its possessions, and the inevitable fight for control of the 9continent was delayed for another four generations.

With the release of Canada to France, in 1632, the Jesuits were by the home authorities placed in sole charge of the spiritual interests of both settlers and Indians, and the history of their greatest missions begins at this time. On the fifth of July, there landed at Quebec, Fathers Paul le Jeune and Anne de Nouë, and a lay brother named Gilbert. Le Jeune was the superior, and at once devoted himself to learning the language and customs of the savages, and so studying the enormous field before him as intelligently to dispose of his meagre forces.

With the release of Canada to France in 1632, the Jesuits were put in charge of the spiritual needs of both settlers and Indigenous people by the home authorities, marking the beginning of their most significant missions. On July 5th, Fathers Paul le Jeune and Anne de Nouë, along with a lay brother named Gilbert, arrived in Quebec. Le Jeune, the superior, immediately focused on learning the language and customs of the Indigenous people in order to better understand the vast challenges ahead and manage their limited resources effectively.

The Native Americans.

The existence of rival tribes among the Red Indians of North America, was, perhaps, the most formidable obstacle in the path of the missionaries. It has always been impossible to make any hard-and-fast classification; yet the Indians presented a considerable variety of types, ranging from the Southern Indians, some of whose tribes were in a relatively high stage of material advancement and mental calibre, down to the savage root-eaters of the Rocky Mountain region. The migrations of some of the Indian tribes were frequent, and they occupied overlapping territories, so that it is impossible to fix the tribal boundaries with any degree of exactness. Again, the tribes were so merged by intermarriage, by affiliation, by consolidation, by the fact that there were numerous polyglot villages of renegades, by similarities in manner, habits, and appearance, that it is difficult even to separate the savages into families. It is only on philological grounds that these divisions can be made at all. In a general way 10we may say that between the Atlantic and the Rockies, Hudson Bay and the Gulf of Mexico, there were four Indian languages in vogue, with great varieties of local dialect:

The presence of rival tribes among the Native Americans of North America was probably the biggest challenge for the missionaries. It's always been impossible to make strict classifications; still, the tribes showed a wide variety of groups, ranging from the Southern tribes, some of which were at a relatively advanced level of material and intellectual development, down to the primitive root-eaters of the Rocky Mountain area. Some Indian tribes frequently migrated and occupied overlapping territories, making it impossible to define tribal boundaries with any precision. Furthermore, the tribes were so intertwined through intermarriage, affiliation, and consolidation, along with the existence of many mixed villages of outcasts, and similarities in behavior, habits, and appearance, that it’s challenging even to categorize the natives into families. These distinctions can only be made on linguistic grounds. Generally speaking, we can say that between the Atlantic and the Rockies, Hudson Bay and the Gulf of Mexico, there were four main Native American languages in use, with many local dialects:

I. The Algonkins were the most numerous, holding the greater portion of the country from the unoccupied "debatable land" of Kentucky northward to Hudson Bay, and from the Atlantic westward to the Mississippi. Among their tribes were the Micmacs of Acadia, the Penobscots of Maine, the Montagnais of the St. Lawrence, the ill-defined tribes of the country round about Lake St. John, and the Ottawas, Chippewas, Mascoutens, Sacs, Foxes, Pottawattomies, and Illinois of the Upper Lakes. These savages were rude in life and manners, were intensely warlike, depended for subsistence chiefly on hunting and fishing, lived in rude wigwams covered with bark, skins, or matted reeds, practised agriculture in a crude fashion, and were less stable in their habitations than the Southern Indians. They have made a larger figure in our history than any other family, because through their lands came the heaviest and most aggressive movement of white population, French or English. Estimates of early Indian populations necessarily differ, in the absence of accurate knowledge; but it is now believed that the number was never so great as was at first estimated by the Jesuit fathers and the earliest English colonists. A careful modern estimate is, that the Algonkins at no time numbered over 90,000 souls, and possibly not over 50,000.

I. The Algonkins were the largest group, occupying most of the area from the unclaimed "debatable land" of Kentucky up to Hudson Bay, and from the Atlantic Ocean west to the Mississippi River. Their tribes included the Micmacs in Acadia, the Penobscots in Maine, the Montagnais around the St. Lawrence, various tribes near Lake St. John, and the Ottawas, Chippewas, Mascoutens, Sacs, Foxes, Pottawattomies, and Illinois around the Upper Lakes. These people lived a rough lifestyle and were highly warlike, relying mainly on hunting and fishing for sustenance. They lived in simple wigwams made of bark, animal skins, or woven reeds, practiced basic agriculture, and were less settled in their homes compared to Southern tribes. They played a significant role in our history because the most intense and aggressive movement of white settlers, whether French or English, occurred through their lands. Estimates of early Native American populations vary due to the lack of precise information, but it’s now thought that their numbers were never as high as initially believed by the Jesuit priests and the first English colonists. A careful modern estimate suggests that the Algonkins never exceeded 90,000 individuals, and perhaps had no more than 50,000.

II. In the heart of this Algonkin land was planted the ethnic group called the Iroquois, with its several distinct branches, often at war with each other. The 11craftiest, most daring, and most intelligent of North American Indians, yet still in the savage hunter state, the Iroquois were the terror of every native band east of the Mississippi, before the coming of the whites, who in turn learned to dread their ferocious power. The five principal tribes of this family—Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas, all stationed in palisaded villages south and east of lakes Erie and Ontario—formed a loose confederacy styled by themselves and the French "The Long House," and by the English "The Five Nations," which firmly held the waterways connecting the Hudson and Ohio rivers and the Great Lakes. The population of the entire group was not over 17,000—a remarkably small number, considering the active part they played in American history, and the control which they exercised through wide tracts of wilderness. Related to, but generally at war with them, were the Hurons of Canada, among whom the Jesuits planted their earliest missions. Champlain, in an endeavor to cultivate the friendship of his Huron and Algonkin neighbors, early made war on the Iroquois, and thus secured for New France a heritage of savage enmity which contributed more than any other one cause to cripple its energies and render it at last an easy prey to the rival power of the English colonies.

II. In the center of this Algonkin territory lived an ethnic group known as the Iroquois, which had several distinct branches that often fought amongst themselves. The Iroquois were the most cunning, bold, and intelligent of North American Indians, yet still in a primal hunter state. They were feared by every native group east of the Mississippi before the arrival of the whites, who in turn learned to dread their fierce power. The five main tribes in this group—Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas—were located in fortified villages south and east of lakes Erie and Ontario. They formed a loose alliance known among themselves and the French as "The Long House," and referred to by the English as "The Five Nations." This alliance effectively controlled the waterways connecting the Hudson and Ohio rivers and the Great Lakes. The entire population of the Iroquois wasn’t more than 17,000—a surprisingly small number given their significant role in American history and the vast areas they controlled. Related to them but generally in conflict were the Hurons of Canada, where the Jesuits established their earliest missions. Champlain, aiming to build a friendship with his Huron and Algonkin neighbors, early on declared war against the Iroquois, which ultimately left New France with a legacy of hostility that more than anything else weakened its strength and made it vulnerable to the rival power of the English colonies.

III. The Southern Indians occupied the country between the Tennessee River and the Gulf, the Appalachian Ranges and the Mississippi. Of a milder disposition than their Northern cousins, the Cherokees, Chickasaws, Choctaws, Creeks, and Seminoles were rather in a barbarous than in a savage state; by the time of the Revolution, they were not far behind 12the white proprietors in industrial or domestic methods, and numbered not above 50,000 persons. With them, this story of the Jesuit missions has little to do; the Louisiana mission, an offshoot of that of New France, did faithful work here, but the documentary result was neither as interesting nor as prolific, and necessarily occupies but small space in the present series.

III. The Southern Indians lived in the region between the Tennessee River and the Gulf, the Appalachian Mountains and the Mississippi River. They were generally milder than their Northern relatives; the Cherokees, Chickasaws, Choctaws, Creeks, and Seminoles were more barbarous than savage. By the time of the Revolution, they were not far behind the white settlers in terms of industrial or domestic practices, with a population of about 50,000. This account of the Jesuit missions isn't very relevant to them; the Louisiana mission, a branch of the one from New France, did important work here, but the results were neither as compelling nor as abundant, and so it takes up only a small portion of this series.

IV. The Dakotah, or Sioux, family occupied for the most part the country beyond the Mississippi. They were and are a fierce, high-strung people, genuine nomads, and war appears to have been their chief occupation. The Jesuits worked among them but in slight measure, on the waters of the Upper Mississippi; they met this family, chiefly in the persons of the Winnebagoes, one of their outlying bands, which at the time of the French occupation was resident on and about Green Bay of Lake Michigan, at peace and in confederacy with the Algonkins who hedged them about.

IV. The Dakotah, or Sioux, family mostly lived in the area beyond the Mississippi River. They were and still are a fierce, passionate people, true nomads, and war seemed to be their primary activity. The Jesuits had some involvement with them, but it was limited, mainly around the Upper Mississippi; they encountered this family primarily through the Winnebagoes, one of their outer bands, who during the French occupation were settled around Green Bay of Lake Michigan, living in peace and alliance with the Algonkins surrounding them.

The mission of the French Jesuits to these widely-scattered hordes of savages forms one of the most thrilling chapters in human history. It is impossible, in this brief Introduction, to attempt anything more than the barest outline of the theme; Rochemonteix, Shea, and Parkman have told the story in detail, from differing points of view, and with these authorities the student of the following documents in the case is presumed to be familiar. A rapid summary of results will, however, be useful; and this we may best obtain, at the expense of occasional repetition of narrative, by following the fortunes of the pioneers of the Cross through the several district missions into which their work was naturally divided.

The mission of the French Jesuits to these widely scattered groups of indigenous people is one of the most exciting chapters in human history. In this brief introduction, it’s not possible to provide more than a basic outline of the topic; Rochemonteix, Shea, and Parkman have told the story in detail from different perspectives, and it’s expected that readers of the following documents are already familiar with these authors. However, a quick summary of the outcomes will be helpful, and we can best achieve this—at the cost of repeating some of the narrative—by following the journeys of the pioneers of the Cross through the various district missions into which their work was naturally divided.

I. The Abenaki Mission.

This mission was chiefly in Maine and Acadia, and on Cape Breton Island. The Abenakis (or Abnakis) were a strong but mild-mannered Algonkin tribe, settled in villages or cantonments; but, like others of their race, in the habit of taking long semi-annual journeys,—each winter to hunt, and each summer to fish. We have seen that the French Jesuits, Biard and Massé, were in the field as early as 1611, soon after the establishment of Port Royal; their predecessor being the secular French priest, Fléché, who had been introduced to the country by Poutrincourt, the patentee. Biard and Massé met with many discouragements, chiefly the opposition of Poutrincourt's son, Biencourt (sometimes called Baron St. Just), who had been left in charge of the colony. Nevertheless the missionaries learned the native language, and made many long journeys of exploration, one of Biard's trips extending as far as the mouth of the Kennebec. They were later joined by a lay brother, Du Thet, and by Fathers Quentin and Lalemant. Joining the new French colony on Mt. Desert Island, in the spring of 1613, the establishment was almost immediately destroyed by the Virginian Argall. In the skirmish, Du Thet was killed.

This mission mainly took place in Maine, Acadia, and on Cape Breton Island. The Abenakis were a strong but peaceful Algonquin tribe, living in villages or settlements; like others in their culture, they often took long seasonal trips—hunting in winter and fishing in summer. We know that the French Jesuits, Biard and Massé, were active as early as 1611, shortly after Port Royal was established; their predecessor was the secular French priest, Fléché, who had come to the area with Poutrincourt, the land grantee. Biard and Massé faced many challenges, primarily from Poutrincourt's son, Biencourt (sometimes referred to as Baron St. Just), who was in charge of the colony. Despite this, the missionaries learned the local language and undertook many exploratory journeys, with one of Biard's trips reaching as far as the mouth of the Kennebec River. They were later joined by a lay brother, Du Thet, and Fathers Quentin and Lalemant. After joining the new French colony on Mt. Desert Island in the spring of 1613, the settlement was almost immediately destroyed by the Virginian Argall. During the skirmish, Du Thet was killed.

In 1619, a party of Récollets, from Aquitaine, began a mission on St. John River, in Acadia, but five years later, as we have seen above, abandoned the task, the survivors joining the Quebec mission of their order. Other Récollets were in Acadia, however, between 1630 and 1633, and later we have evidence of a small band of Capuchins ministering to French settlers on the Penobscot and Kennebec; 14but it is probable that they made no attempt to convert the natives.

In 1619, a group of Récollets from Aquitaine started a mission on the St. John River in Acadia, but five years later, as mentioned earlier, they abandoned the effort, with the remaining members joining the Quebec mission of their order. However, other Récollets were present in Acadia between 1630 and 1633, and later, there’s evidence of a small group of Capuchins serving the French settlers on the Penobscot and Kennebec; 14 but it’s likely that they didn't try to convert the natives.

A Jesuit mission was founded on Cape Breton in 1634, by Father Julian Perrault; and a few years later, Father Charles Turgis was at Miscou. Other missionaries soon came to minister to the Micmacs, but for many years their efforts were without result; and sickness, resulting from the hardships of the situation, caused most of the early black gowns to retreat from the attempt. Finally, an enduring mission was established among these people, and, until about 1670, was conducted with some measure of success by Fathers Andrew Richard, Martin de Lyonne, and James Fremin. About 1673, the Récollets took up the now abandoned work, occasionally aided by secular priests from the Seminary of Quebec, and Jesuits, until at last the Micmacs from Gaspé to Nova Scotia were declared to be entirely converted to the Catholic faith.

A Jesuit mission was established in Cape Breton in 1634 by Father Julian Perrault, and a few years later, Father Charles Turgis arrived at Miscou. Other missionaries soon came to serve the Micmacs, but for many years their efforts yielded little result; illness, stemming from the challenging conditions, forced most of the early black gowns to abandon the effort. Eventually, a lasting mission was set up among these people, and until around 1670, it was carried out with some success by Fathers Andrew Richard, Martin de Lyonne, and James Fremin. Around 1673, the Récollets took over the now-neglected work, sometimes assisted by secular priests from the Seminary of Quebec and Jesuits, until finally, the Micmacs from Gaspé to Nova Scotia were declared to have completely converted to the Catholic faith.

Father Gabriel Druillettes, of the Jesuit mission at Sillery, near Quebec, went to the Kennebec country in 1646, invited thither by converted Abenakis who had been at Sillery, and during visits, extending through a period of eleven years, was more than ordinarily successful in the task of gaining Indian converts to Christianity. In 1650, he made a notable visit to the Puritans of Eastern Massachusetts, during which was discussed the proposed union between New France and New England, against the Iroquois. Upon the final departure of Druillettes in 1657, the Abenakis were but spasmodically served with missionaries; occasionally a Jesuit appeared among them, but the field could not be persistently worked, owing to the demands upon the order from other 15quarters. The fathers now sought to draw Abenaki converts to Sillery, and later to St. Francis de Sales, at the falls of the Chaudière, which soon became almost exclusively an Abenaki mission.

Father Gabriel Druillettes, from the Jesuit mission at Sillery near Quebec, traveled to the Kennebec area in 1646, invited by Abenakis who had converted to Christianity at Sillery. Over the course of eleven years, he was particularly successful in bringing more Native Americans to Christianity. In 1650, he made a significant visit to the Puritans of Eastern Massachusetts, where they discussed a proposed alliance between New France and New England against the Iroquois. When Druillettes finally left in 1657, the Abenakis were only occasionally visited by missionaries; sometimes a Jesuit would come, but consistent missionary work was difficult due to other demands on the order. The Jesuit fathers aimed to bring Abenaki converts to Sillery and later to St. Francis de Sales at the falls of the Chaudière, which eventually became almost entirely an Abenaki mission.

In 1688, Father Bigot, of this mission, again entered the field of the Kennebec, at the same time that Rev. Peter Thury, a priest of the Quebec Seminary, opened a mission on the Penobscot, and the Récollet F. Simon gathered a flock at Medoktek, near the mouth of the St. John. They were in time aided and succeeded by others: the Jesuits being Julian Binneteau, Joseph Aubery, Peter de la Chasse, Stephen Lauverjeat, Loyard, and Sebastian Rale; the death of Rale, the greatest of them all, at the hands of New England partisans in the border strife of 1724, is a familiar incident in American history. Jesuits succeeded to the Penobscot mission in 1703, and with great zeal, but amid continual hardships and discouragements, carried on the principal work among the Abenakis until the downfall of New France in 1763. The majority of the Kennebec converts, however, emigrated to the mission of St. Francis de Sales, and from there frequently went forth upon avenging expeditions against the New England borderers.

In 1688, Father Bigot from this mission returned to the Kennebec region, while Rev. Peter Thury, a priest from the Quebec Seminary, started a mission on the Penobscot River. At the same time, Récollet Father Simon gathered a congregation at Medoktek, near where the St. John River meets the sea. They were later supported and succeeded by others: the Jesuits, including Julian Binneteau, Joseph Aubery, Peter de la Chasse, Stephen Lauverjeat, Loyard, and Sebastian Rale; Rale’s death, the most notable among them, at the hands of New England partisans during the border conflicts of 1724, is a well-known event in American history. The Jesuits took over the Penobscot mission in 1703 and, with great enthusiasm but facing constant hardships and discouragements, continued their main work with the Abenakis until the fall of New France in 1763. However, most of the Kennebec converts migrated to the mission of St. Francis de Sales, from which they often launched revenge expeditions against the New England settlers.

II. The Montagnais Mission.

This was centered at Tadoussac, and ministered to the Montagnais, Bersiamites, Porcupines, Oumaniwek, Papinachois, and other tribes of the Lower St. Lawrence and the Saguenay. Tadoussac had, from the earliest historic times, been a favorite harbor and trading-station for the French; for, being at the junction of two great rivers, it was convenient as a 16place of assembly for the natives of the lower country. The first priests in the district had said mass there; but it was not until 1640 that a Jesuit mission was formed by Father Jean du Quen, its sphere of influence soon reaching to the upper waters of the Saguenay, Lake St. John, Hudson Bay, and the coast of Labrador. Du Quen was actively assisted by Charles Meiachkwat, a Montagnais convert, who erected the first chapel, became a catechist, and made extended tours through the neighboring tribes. In time, there were associated with Du Quen, Fathers Buteux and Druillettes. Protracted missionary tours were made by them, with results which were considered satisfactory as compared with other missions; although they had serious difficulties to contend with, in the prevalent intemperance which the fur trade introduced among the natives, the belief in dreams, the laxity of morals, and the wiles of medicine-men, or sorcerers, as they were called by the Jesuits.

This was centered in Tadoussac, serving the Montagnais, Bersiamites, Porcupines, Oumaniwek, Papinachois, and other tribes of the Lower St. Lawrence and the Saguenay. Since the earliest times, Tadoussac had been a popular harbor and trading post for the French; being at the junction of two major rivers, it was a convenient gathering spot for the natives of the lower region. The first priests in the area held mass there; however, it wasn't until 1640 that a Jesuit mission was established by Father Jean du Quen, whose influence soon spread to the upper waters of the Saguenay, Lake St. John, Hudson Bay, and the coast of Labrador. Du Quen received active support from Charles Meiachkwat, a Montagnais convert, who built the first chapel, became a catechist, and traveled extensively among the neighboring tribes. Eventually, Fathers Buteux and Druillettes joined Du Quen. They undertook lengthy missionary journeys, achieving results that were deemed satisfactory compared to other missions, although they faced significant challenges such as the widespread alcoholism brought on by the fur trade, belief in dreams, lax morals, and the tricks of the medicine men, or sorcerers, as the Jesuits referred to them.

For the first few years, the missionaries spent their winters in Quebec, ministering to the colonists, and each spring went down to Tadoussac to meet the summer trading parties; but greater persistency of effort was deemed desirable, and thereafter, instead of returning home in the autumn, they followed the Indians upon their winter hunts, and in the course of these wanderings endured the usual privations and hardships of traveling camps. Bailloquet, Nouvel, Beaulieu, Albanel, De Crépieul, Dalmas, Boucher, Peter Michael Laure, and Jean Baptiste Labrosse, are other names of Jesuit fathers who at different periods were engaged upon this toilsome mission.

For the first few years, the missionaries spent their winters in Quebec, serving the colonists, and each spring traveled to Tadoussac to connect with the summer trading groups. However, they decided that a more consistent effort was needed, so instead of heading home in the fall, they followed the Indigenous people on their winter hunts. During these travels, they faced the usual challenges and hardships of life in traveling camps. Bailloquet, Nouvel, Beaulieu, Albanel, De Crépieul, Dalmas, Boucher, Peter Michael Laure, and Jean Baptiste Labrosse are some other Jesuit fathers who were involved in this demanding mission at different times.

In 1670, Tadoussac was almost deserted, owing to Iroquois raids and the ravages of smallpox; the Montagnais 17and kindred tribes were in hiding, through the vast country between Lake St. John and Hudson Bay. They were still followed by their devoted shepherds, whom no hardship could discourage. The following year, Crépieul began a mission on Hudson Bay, and here in 1694 his auxiliary Dalmas was killed. Laure (1720-37) left us a monument of his labors in a Montagnais grammar and dictionary. Labrosse, the last of his order at Tadoussac, instructed many of his flock to read and write, and left a legacy of native education, which has lasted unto the present day; he lived and taught long after his order had been suppressed in New France, and died at Tadoussac in 1782.

In 1670, Tadoussac was nearly deserted because of Iroquois attacks and the devastation caused by smallpox; the Montagnais 17 and related tribes were hiding in the vast area between Lake St. John and Hudson Bay. They were still followed by their dedicated shepherds, who were undeterred by any hardship. The next year, Crépieul started a mission on Hudson Bay, and in 1694 his assistant Dalmas was killed there. Laure (1720-37) left us a lasting legacy with his Montagnais grammar and dictionary. Labrosse, the last of his order at Tadoussac, taught many of his community to read and write and left behind a legacy of native education that continues to this day; he lived and taught long after his order was disbanded in New France, passing away in Tadoussac in 1782.

III. The Quebec and Montreal Missions.

These included the several missions at Quebec, Montreal, Three Rivers, Sillery, Bécancourt, and St. Francis de Sales, which were designed for the wandering Montagnais of the district, those Algonkins of the West who could be induced to come and settle on the lower waters, and in later years such Abenakis of Acadia and Maine as sought an asylum upon distinctively French soil.

These included several missions in Quebec, Montreal, Three Rivers, Sillery, Bécancourt, and St. Francis de Sales, which were intended for the wandering Montagnais of the area, those Algonkins from the West who could be encouraged to come and settle along the lower rivers, and later on, Abenakis from Acadia and Maine who were seeking refuge on distinctly French land.

We have seen that Récollets were first at Quebec, ministering both to colonists and Indians, and that, in 1625, they invited the Jesuits to aid them. In 1629, the joint mission came to a close through the surrender of Quebec to the English. When the mission was reopened in 1632, Jesuits alone were in charge, their operations being at first confined to the neighboring Montagnais, although they soon spread throughout the entire Canadian field. In 1658, Bishop Laval founded the Seminary of Quebec, 18whereupon the Jesuits resigned their parishes among the colonists, and thereafter confined themselves to their college and the Indian missions. In addition to their parish work, the priests of the seminary conducted missions in Acadia, Illinois, and on the lower Mississippi.

We’ve seen that the Récollets were the first to arrive in Quebec, serving both the settlers and the Indigenous people, and that in 1625, they invited the Jesuits to help them. In 1629, their joint mission ended when Quebec surrendered to the English. When the mission reopened in 1632, the Jesuits took sole control, initially focusing on the nearby Montagnais, but they quickly expanded their efforts across Canada. In 1658, Bishop Laval established the Seminary of Quebec, 18 after which the Jesuits gave up their parishes among the settlers and focused solely on their college and Indigenous missions. Besides their work in the parishes, the priests from the seminary carried out missions in Acadia, Illinois, and along the lower Mississippi.

The year following the return of the Jesuits to Canada, Father Buteux, of that order, began his labors at Three Rivers, which was a convenient gathering-place for the fur trade. The village was frequently raided by Iroquois, but remained until the fall of New France one of the prominent centers of missionary influence. The efforts of Buteux, which lasted until his death at the hands of Iroquois in 1652, met with considerable success. His custom, like that of the other missionaries, was to be present at the French posts during the annual trading "meets," and when the savages returned to the wilderness, to accompany some selected band. In thus following the nomadic tribes, he made some of the longest and most toilsome journeys recorded in the annals of the Society of Jesus, and shared with his flock all the horrors of famine, pestilence, and inter-tribal war.

The year after the Jesuits returned to Canada, Father Buteux from that order started his work in Three Rivers, which was a convenient hub for the fur trade. The village was often attacked by the Iroquois but remained one of the key centers of missionary activity until the fall of New France. Buteux's efforts, which continued until he was killed by the Iroquois in 1652, were quite successful. Like other missionaries, he attended the French trading posts during the annual trading events and, when the Indigenous people returned to the wilderness, he would accompany a selected group. By following these nomadic tribes, he undertook some of the longest and most challenging journeys recorded in the history of the Society of Jesus and experienced alongside his community all the hardships of famine, disease, and inter-tribal conflict.

It was soon realized by the missionaries that but meagre results could be obtained until the Indians were induced to lead a sedentary life. Their wandering habit nullified all attempts at permanent instruction to the young; it engendered improvidence and laziness, bred famine and disease; and the constant struggle to kill fur-bearing animals for their pelts rapidly depleted the game, while the fur trade wrought contamination in many forms. Missionary efforts were at first conducive to the interests of the 19fur trade, by bringing far-distant tribes within the sphere of French influence; but so soon as the Jesuit sought to change the habits of the natives, to cause them to become agriculturists instead of hunters, and to oppose the rum traffic among them, then the grasping commercial monopoly which controlled the fortunes of New France, and was merely "working" the colony for financial gains, saw in the Jesuit an enemy, and often placed serious obstacles in his path.

The missionaries quickly realized that only minimal progress could be made until the Indigenous people were persuaded to settle down. Their nomadic lifestyle undermined all efforts to provide consistent education for the youth; it led to irresponsibility and laziness, caused hunger and disease; and the relentless pursuit of fur-bearing animals for their pelts quickly depleted the wildlife, while the fur trade brought various forms of contamination. Initially, missionary activities benefited the fur trade by bringing remote tribes under French influence; but as soon as the Jesuits tried to change the natives' habits, encouraging them to become farmers instead of hunters and opposing the rum trade among them, the greedy commercial monopoly that controlled New France and was only interested in profiting from the colony saw the Jesuit as an enemy, often putting significant obstacles in his way.

In pursuance of the sedentary policy, and also to protect the wretched Montagnais from Iroquois war-parties, the Jesuits, in 1637, established for them a palisaded mission four miles above Quebec, at first giving it the name St. Joseph, but later that of Sillery, in honor of Commander Noël Brulart de Sillery, of France, who had given ample funds for the founding of this enterprise. Here were at first gathered twenty of the Indians, who began cultivation of the soil, varied by occasional hunting and fishing trips, which the missionaries could not prevent. The little town slowly grew in importance, both Algonkins and Montagnais being represented in its population. Three years later, nuns opened a hospital at Sillery, for the reception of both French and Indian patients, and thus greatly added to the popularity of the mission. But in 1646 the nuns removed their hospital to Quebec; a few years later, the church and mission house were destroyed by fire; disease made sad havoc in the settlement; the thin soil became exhausted through careless tillage; Iroquois preyed upon the converts, until at last the Algonkins almost entirely disappeared; and although their place was taken by Abenakis from Maine and Acadia, until the attendance became almost solely Abenaki, the enterprise 20waned. In 1685, it was abandoned in favor of St. Francis de Sales, a new mission established at the falls of the Chaudière River, not far from the St. Lawrence. Beyond a monument of later days, to the memory of Fathers Massé and De Nouë, whose names are prominently connected with this work, nothing now remains to mark the site of the old Sillery mission.

In line with the sedentary policy and to protect the unfortunate Montagnais from Iroquois war parties, the Jesuits established a fortified mission in 1637, located four miles above Quebec. Initially named St. Joseph, it was later renamed Sillery in honor of Commander Noël Brulart de Sillery from France, who provided generous funding for this initiative. At first, twenty Indians gathered here to begin farming, complemented by occasional hunting and fishing trips that the missionaries could not prevent. The small town gradually gained importance, with both Algonkins and Montagnais represented in its population. Three years later, nuns opened a hospital at Sillery for both French and Indian patients, significantly increasing the mission's popularity. However, in 1646 the nuns relocated their hospital to Quebec. A few years later, fire destroyed the church and mission house; disease wreaked havoc in the settlement; the poor soil became exhausted from careless farming; and the Iroquois attacked the converts, leading to the near disappearance of the Algonkins. Although Abenakis from Maine and Acadia eventually filled their place, attendance shifted almost entirely to Abenaki, causing the mission 20 to decline. In 1685, it was abandoned in favor of St. Francis de Sales, a new mission established at the falls of the Chaudière River, not far from the St. Lawrence. Today, apart from a later monument commemorating Fathers Massé and De Nouë—who are closely associated with this work—nothing remains to mark the site of the old Sillery mission.

From St. Francis, the mission work began to spread into Maine. Of its character and extent there, mention has already been made. St. Francis achieved a certain measure of prosperity, as Indian missions go. It became in time a source of serious trouble to the New England borderers, for many a French and Indian war-party was here fitted out against the latter, during the series of bloody conflicts which marked the three-quarters of a century previous to the fall of New France. Finally, in September, 1759, Maj. Robert Rogers descended upon the village with his famous rangers, and in retaliation pillaged and burned the houses, and killed "at least two hundred Indians." New France soon after fell into the hands of the English, and, the Jesuits being suppressed, we hear little more of St. Francis de Sales.

From St. Francis, the mission work started to spread into Maine. We've already discussed its character and extent there. St. Francis experienced a certain level of success, as Indian missions go. Over time, it became a source of serious trouble for the New England settlers, as many French and Indian war parties were organized here against the latter during the series of bloody conflicts that defined the three-quarters of a century leading up to the fall of New France. Finally, in September 1759, Maj. Robert Rogers descended on the village with his famous rangers and, in retaliation, pillaged and burned the houses, killing "at least two hundred Indians." Shortly after, New France fell into English hands, and with the suppression of the Jesuits, we hear little more about St. Francis de Sales.

In 1641, the missionary settlement of Montreal was founded by Maisonneuve. The Jesuits were the first resident clergy, and soon began mission work among the neighboring Indians and those who resorted thither from the valleys of the Lower St. Lawrence and the Ottawa. Soon, however, the Sulpitians, established in Paris by the Abbé Olier, one of the Society of Montreal, took charge of the mission on Montreal Island, which in after years was moved to the Sault au Récollet, and thence to the Lake of the Two Mountains, where there was gathered a polyglot 21village composed of Iroquois, Algonkins, and Nipissings. Upon the opening of the English régime, the Jesuit and Récollet missions were suppressed, but those of the Sulpitians were undisturbed, so that this mission at the lake is the oldest now extant in Canada.

In 1641, the missionary settlement of Montreal was founded by Maisonneuve. The Jesuits were the first resident clergy and quickly began working with the nearby Indigenous people as well as those who traveled from the Lower St. Lawrence and Ottawa valleys. However, the Sulpitians, who were established in Paris by Abbé Olier from the Society of Montreal, soon took over the mission on Montreal Island. This mission was later moved to Sault au Récollet and then to Lake of the Two Mountains, where a diverse community of Iroquois, Algonkins, and Nipissings formed. When the English regime began, the Jesuit and Récollet missions were shut down, but the Sulpitians' missions continued without interruption, making the one at the lake the oldest still active in Canada.

Among the Algonkins of the Ottawa River (or Grande Rivière), no permanent missions were attempted by any of the orders. Long the chief highway to the West, the river was familiar to travelling missionaries, who frequently ministered to the tribesmen along its banks, either at the native villages or during the annual trading councils at the French posts of Montreal, Three Rivers, and Quebec.

Among the Algonquins of the Ottawa River (or Grande Rivière), no permanent missions were established by any of the orders. The river, long the main route to the West, was well-known to traveling missionaries, who often provided support to the tribes along its banks, either in the native villages or during the annual trading councils at the French posts of Montreal, Three Rivers, and Quebec.

IV. The Huron Mission.

At the time of the advent of the French, the Hurons (or Wyandots), allied in origin and language to the Iroquois, numbered about 16,000 souls, and dwelt in several large villages in a narrow district on the high ground between Lake Simcoe and Georgian Bay of Lake Huron. Their dwellings were bark cabins, clustered within stoutly-palisaded walls, and near each fortified town were fields of corn, beans, pumpkins, and tobacco. Agricultural in habit, keen traders, and in the main sedentary, these semi-naked savages made short hunting and fishing expeditions, and laid up stores for the winter. They were better fighters than the Algonkins around them, yet were obliged gradually to withdraw northward and westward from Iroquois persecution, and during the period of the Jesuit missions were almost annihilated by the latter. To the southwest, across a wide stretch of unpopulated forest, were the allies and kindred of 22the Hurons, the Tionontates, called also Petuns, or Tobacco Nation, a term having its origin in their custom of cultivating large fields of tobacco, which commodity they used in a wide-spread barter with other tribes. To the southeast of the Petuns, west of Lake Ontario and on both sides of the gorge of Niagara, were the peaceful Atiwandaronks, who, being friends alike of Iroquois, Algonkins, and Hurons, were known as the Neutral Nation. To the eastward of the Neutrals, strongly intrenched in the interlocking basins of the Genesee and the Mohawk, lay the dread confederacy of the Iroquois, who in time were to spread like a pestilence over the lands of all their neighbors.

At the time the French arrived, the Hurons (or Wyandots), who were related to the Iroquois in both origin and language, had a population of about 16,000 people. They lived in several large villages situated in a narrow area on the elevated ground between Lake Simcoe and Georgian Bay of Lake Huron. Their homes were bark cabins, grouped together within strong palisades, and near each fortified town were fields of corn, beans, pumpkins, and tobacco. They were primarily agricultural, skilled traders, and mostly settled, these semi-naked people would take short trips for hunting and fishing and stored supplies for winter. They were better warriors than the Algonkins around them, yet they were gradually forced to move northward and westward due to Iroquois attacks, and during the Jesuit missions, they were nearly wiped out by them. To the southwest, across a wide expanse of uninhabited forest, lived the allies and relatives of the Hurons, the Tionontates, also known as Petuns or Tobacco Nation, named for their habit of cultivating large tobacco fields, which they used extensively in trade with other tribes. To the southeast of the Petuns, west of Lake Ontario, and on both sides of the Niagara gorge, were the peaceful Atiwandaronks, who were friendly with the Iroquois, Algonkins, and Hurons, and were referred to as the Neutral Nation. East of the Neutrals, heavily fortified in the interconnected basins of the Genesee and the Mohawk, lay the feared confederacy of the Iroquois, who would eventually spread like a plague across the lands of all their neighbors.

The intelligence and mobility of the Hurons rendered the early prospects for missionary effort among them more promising than with the rude and nomadic Algonkins. But while at first the missionaries of New France were well received, the innate savagery of these people in time asserted itself. Their medicine-men, as bitterly fanatical as the howling dervishes of the Orient, plotted the destruction of the messengers of the new faith; the introduction of European diseases was attributed to the "black gowns;" the ravages of the Iroquois were thought to be brought on by the presence of the strangers; the rites of the church were looked upon as infernal incantations, and the lurid pictures of the Judgment, which were displayed in the little forest chapels, aroused unspeakable terror among this simple people; finally, an irresistible wave of superstitious frenzy led to the blotting out of the mission, accompanied by some of the most heart-rending scenes in the history of Christian evangelization.

The intelligence and mobility of the Hurons made the early chances for missionary work among them more promising than with the rough and nomadic Algonkins. However, while at first the missionaries from New France were welcomed, the underlying savagery of these people eventually emerged. Their medicine men, as fiercely fanatical as the howling dervishes of the East, plotted to destroy the messengers of the new faith; the arrival of European diseases was blamed on the "black gowns"; the attacks by the Iroquois were believed to be caused by the presence of these outsiders; the church's rituals were seen as hellish incantations, and the vivid images of Judgment Day displayed in the small forest chapels instilled unspeakable fear in this simple people. Ultimately, an overwhelming wave of superstitious frenzy led to the end of the mission, accompanied by some of the most heartbreaking scenes in the history of Christian evangelism.

23 It will be remembered that in 1615 the Récollet friar, Joseph le Caron, made his way into the far-away country of the Hurons, but returned in the following year, having learned much of their language and customs. Five years later, another of his order, William Poulin, took up the weary task, being joined in 1623 by Fathers Le Caron and Nicholas Viel, and the historian of the Récollet missions, Brother Gabriel Sagard. All of them soon left the field, however, save Viel, who alone, amid almost incredible hardships, attained some measure of success; but in 1625, when descending the Ottawa to meet and arrange for co-operation with the Jesuit Brébeuf, at Three Rivers, he was willfully drowned by his Indian guide in the last rapid of Des Prairies River, just back of Montreal. Such is the origin of the name of the dread Sault au Récollet.

23 It’s important to remember that in 1615, the Récollet friar Joseph le Caron traveled into the distant land of the Hurons, but he returned the following year, having learned a lot about their language and customs. Five years later, another friar from his order, William Poulin, took on the challenging work, and in 1623, he was joined by Fathers Le Caron and Nicholas Viel, along with Brother Gabriel Sagard, the historian of the Récollet missions. However, they all soon left the mission except for Viel, who, facing incredible hardships, achieved some success. But in 1625, while traveling down the Ottawa River to meet and coordinate with Jesuit Brébeuf at Three Rivers, he was deliberately drowned by his Indian guide in the last rapid of Des Prairies River, just near Montreal. This is the origin of the name of the feared Sault au Récollet.

In 1626, the Jesuits Brébeuf and Anne de Nouë, having received some linguistic instruction from Récollets who had been in the Huron field, proceeded thither, with a Récollet friar, Joseph de la Roche Daillon, to resume the work which the Récollets had abandoned. Daillon attempted a mission to neighboring Neutrals, but, being roughly handled by them, rejoined his Jesuit friends among the Hurons. Two years later, he returned to Quebec, having been preceded by De Nouë, who found it impossible to master the difficult language of their dusky flock. Brébeuf, now left alone, labored gallantly among these people, and, winning the hearts of many by his easy adoption of their manners, gathered about him a little colony of those favorably inclined to his views. He was recalled to Quebec in 1629, arriving there just in time to fall into the hands of Louis Kirk, and be transported to England.

In 1626, Jesuits Brébeuf and Anne de Nouë, having received some language training from Récollets who had been working with the Huron people, went there with a Récollet friar, Joseph de la Roche Daillon, to continue the work that the Récollets had left behind. Daillon tried to establish a mission with the neighboring Neutrals but was treated roughly by them, so he rejoined his Jesuit colleagues among the Hurons. Two years later, he returned to Quebec, having been preceded by De Nouë, who found it impossible to learn the complex language of their dark-skinned congregation. Brébeuf, now on his own, worked bravely among these people, winning the hearts of many by easily adopting their customs, and gathered a small group of those who supported his ideas. He was called back to Quebec in 1629, arriving just in time to be captured by Louis Kirk and taken to England.

24 When Canada was restored to France, by the treaty of St. Germain, the Jesuits were given sole charge of the Indian missions, but it was 1634 before the Huron mission could be reopened. In September, Brébeuf, Antoine Daniel, and Davost returned to Brébeuf's old field, and commenced, in the large town of Ihonatiria, the greatest Jesuit mission in the history of New France. Others soon joined them. Additional missions were opened in neighboring towns, some of the strongest of these being each served by four fathers, who were assisted by laymen donnés, or given men; while in the cultivation of the soil, and the fashioning of implements and utensils both for the fathers and for the Indians, numerous hired laborers, from the French colonies on the St. Lawrence, were employed in and about the missions. Charles Garnier and Isaac Jogues, with their attendants, made a tour of the Petun villages; other Jesuits were sent among the Neutrals; and even the Algonkins as far northwestward as Sault Ste. Marie were visited (1641) by Raymbault and Jogues, and looked and listened with awe at the celebration of the mass. In 1639, there was built, on the River Wye, the fortified mission house of St. Mary's, to serve as a center for the wide-spread work, as a place for ecclesiastical retreat for the fathers, and a refuge when enemies pressed too closely upon them.

24 When Canada was returned to France by the treaty of St. Germain, the Jesuits were given full responsibility for the Indian missions. However, it wasn't until 1634 that the Huron mission could be reopened. In September, Brébeuf, Antoine Daniel, and Davost returned to Brébeuf's previous area and began the largest Jesuit mission in the history of New France in the large town of Ihonatiria. Others soon joined them. Additional missions were established in nearby towns, several of which were staffed by four fathers each, supported by laymen known as donnés, or "given men." For agricultural work and the making of tools and utensils for both the fathers and the Indigenous people, many hired laborers from the French colonies along the St. Lawrence were employed at the missions. Charles Garnier and Isaac Jogues, along with their attendants, toured the Petun villages; other Jesuits were sent among the Neutrals; and even the Algonquin people, as far northwest as Sault Ste. Marie, were visited in 1641 by Raymbault and Jogues, who were looked at and listened to with awe during the mass. In 1639, the fortified mission house of St. Mary's was built on the River Wye to serve as a hub for their extensive work, a place for religious retreats for the fathers, and a safe haven when they faced too much pressure from enemies.

The story of the hardships and sufferings of the devoted missionaries, as told us by Rochemonteix, Shea, and Parkman, and with rare modesty recorded in the documents to be contained in this series, is one of the most thrilling in the annals of humanity. Space forbids us here to dwell upon the theme. No men have, in the zealous exercise of their faith, 25performed hardier deeds than these Jesuits of the Huron mission; yet, after three years of unremitting toil, they could (1640) count but a hundred converts out of a population of 16,000, and these were for the most part sick infants or aged persons, who had died soon after baptism. The rugged braves scorned the approaches of the fathers, and unmercifully tormented their converts; the medicine-men waged continual warfare on their work; smallpox and the Iroquois were decimating the people.

The story of the struggles and suffering of the dedicated missionaries, as recounted by Rochemonteix, Shea, and Parkman, and humbly documented in the materials included in this series, is one of the most gripping in human history. We can't spend much time on it here. No one has shown more dedication in practicing their faith than these Jesuits of the Huron mission; however, after three years of nonstop effort, they could (1640) count only a hundred converts out of a population of 16,000, most of whom were sick infants or elderly people who passed away shortly after baptism. The tough warriors rejected the fathers' outreach and cruelly harassed their converts; the medicine men constantly fought against their efforts; smallpox and the Iroquois were ravaging the population.

Jogues was (1642) sent down to the colonies for supplies for the missions, but with his Huron companions was captured by an Iroquois war-party, who led them to the Mohawk towns. There most of the Hurons were killed, and Jogues and his donné, René Goupil, were tortured and mutilated, and made to serve as slaves to their savage jailers. Finally Goupil, a promising young physician, was killed, and Jogues, being rescued by the Dutch allies of the Mohawks, was sent to Europe. Supplies thus failing them, the Huron missionaries were in a sad plight until finally (1644) relieved by an expedition to the lower country undertaken at great hazards by Brébeuf, Garreau, and Noël Chabanel. The same season, Francis Joseph Bressani, attempting to reach the Huron missions, had been captured and tortured by Mohawks; like Jogues, he was rescued through Dutch intercession and sent back to Europe, but both of these zealots were soon back again facing the cruel dangers of their chosen task.

Jogues was sent down to the colonies in 1642 to get supplies for the missions, but he and his Huron companions were captured by an Iroquois war party, who took them to the Mohawk towns. There, most of the Hurons were killed, and Jogues and his companion, René Goupil, were tortured, mutilated, and forced to serve as slaves to their savage captors. Eventually, Goupil, a promising young doctor, was killed, and Jogues was rescued by the Dutch allies of the Mohawks and sent to Europe. Without supplies, the Huron missionaries found themselves in a dire situation until they were finally helped in 1644 by a risky expedition to the lower country led by Brébeuf, Garreau, and Noël Chabanel. That same season, Francis Joseph Bressani, trying to reach the Huron missions, was captured and tortured by the Mohawks; like Jogues, he was rescued through Dutch intervention and sent back to Europe, but both of these devoted individuals soon returned to face the harsh dangers of their mission.

A temporary peace followed, in 1645, and the hope of the Jesuits was rekindled, for they now had five missions in as many Huron towns, and another established for Algonkins who were resident in the 26Huron district. But in July, 1648, the Iroquois attacked Teanaustayé, the chief Huron village, and while encouraging the frenzied defense Father Daniel lost his life at the hands of the enemy. He was thus the first Jesuit martyr in the Huron mission, and the second in New France,—for Jogues had been tortured to death in the Iroquois towns, two years before. The spirit of the Hurons was crushed in this bloody foray; large bands, deserting their towns, fled in terror to seek protection of the Petuns, while others made their way to the Manitoulin Islands of Lake Huron, and even as far west as the islands of Green Bay and the matted pine forests of Northern Wisconsin. Here and there a town was left, however, and one of the largest of these, called St. Ignatius by the Jesuits, was stormed by a thousand Iroquois, March 16, 1649. The three survivors fled through the woods to neighboring St. Louis, where were Brébeuf, now grown old in his service of toil, and young Gabriel Lalemant. Bravely did they aid in defending St. Louis, and administering to wounded and dying; but at last were captured, and being taken to the ruined town of St. Ignatius were most cruelly tortured until relieved by death. Early in November, Fathers Garnier and Chabanel met their death in the Petun country, the former at the hands of Iroquois, the latter being killed by a Huron who imagined that the presence of the Jesuits had brought curses upon his tribe.

A temporary peace followed in 1645, and the Jesuits felt hopeful again because they now had five missions in various Huron towns, plus another one set up for Algonkins living in the Huron district. But in July 1648, the Iroquois attacked Teanaustayé, the main Huron village, and while encouraging the desperate defense, Father Daniel was killed by the enemy. He became the first Jesuit martyr in the Huron mission and the second in New France, as Jogues had been tortured to death in the Iroquois towns two years earlier. The spirit of the Hurons was shattered by this brutal attack; large groups abandoned their towns and fled in fear to seek refuge with the Petuns, while others traveled to the Manitoulin Islands in Lake Huron, and even as far west as the islands of Green Bay and the dense pine forests of Northern Wisconsin. However, a few towns remained, and one of the largest of these, named St. Ignatius by the Jesuits, was stormed by a thousand Iroquois on March 16, 1649. The three survivors escaped through the woods to nearby St. Louis, where Brébeuf, now older from his years of service, and young Gabriel Lalemant were. They bravely helped defend St. Louis and cared for the wounded and dying, but eventually they were captured and taken to the destroyed town of St. Ignatius, where they were brutally tortured until they died. In early November, Fathers Garnier and Chabanel were killed in the Petun territory, the former by the Iroquois and the latter by a Huron who believed that the presence of the Jesuits had caused misfortune for his tribe.

The missions in the Huron country were now entirely abandoned. A few of the surviving Jesuits followed their flocks to the islands in Lake Huron; but in June, 1650, the enterprise was forsaken, and the missionaries, with a number of their converts, 27retired to a village, founded for them, on the Island of Orleans, near Quebec. This settlement being in time ravaged by the Iroquois, a final stand was made at Lorette, also in the outskirts of Quebec, which mission exists to this day.

The missions in the Huron region were completely abandoned now. A few of the remaining Jesuits followed their communities to the islands in Lake Huron; however, in June 1650, the effort was given up, and the missionaries, along with some of their converts, 27 moved to a village created for them on the Island of Orleans, near Quebec. This settlement was eventually devastated by the Iroquois, and a final effort was made at Lorette, also on the outskirts of Quebec, which mission still exists today.

The great Huron mission, which had been conducted for thirty-five years, had employed twenty-nine missionaries, of whom seven had lost their lives in the work. This important field forsaken, many of the missionaries had returned to Europe disheartened, and apparently the future for Jesuit missions in New France looked gloomy enough. The Iroquois had now practically destroyed the Montagnais between Quebec and the Saguenay, the Algonkins of the Ottawa, and the Hurons, Petuns, and Neutrals. The French colonies of Quebec, Three Rivers, and Montreal, had suffered from repeated raids of the New York confederates, and their forest trade was now almost wholly destroyed. In this hour of darkness, light suddenly broke upon New France. The politic Iroquois, attacked on either side by the Eries and the Susquehannas, and fearing that while thus engaged their northern victims might revive for combined vengeance, sent overtures of peace to Quebec, and cordially invited to their cantonments the once detested black gowns.

The great Huron mission, which had been running for thirty-five years, had employed twenty-nine missionaries, seven of whom lost their lives in the effort. With this significant field abandoned, many missionaries returned to Europe feeling discouraged, and the future for Jesuit missions in New France seemed pretty bleak. The Iroquois had practically wiped out the Montagnais between Quebec and the Saguenay, as well as the Algonkins of the Ottawa, and the Hurons, Petuns, and Neutrals. The French colonies of Quebec, Three Rivers, and Montreal had suffered repeated attacks from the New York confederates, and their forest trade was almost completely gone. In this dark time, a glimmer of hope appeared for New France. The strategic Iroquois, attacked on both sides by the Eries and the Susquehannas, worried that while focused on them, their northern victims might come together for revenge. They reached out for peace to Quebec and warmly invited the once-despised black gowns to their territories.

V. The Iroquois Project.

Champlain had early made enemies of the Iroquois, by attacking them as the allies of his Algonkin neighbors. This enmity extended to all New France, and lasted, with brief intervals of peace, for over half a century. We have seen that Jogues was the first of his order (1642) to enter the Iroquois country, 28as a prisoner of the Mohawks, the easternmost of the five tribes of the confederacy. Two years later, Bressani, while on his way to the Huron missions, was also captured by the Mohawks, passed through a similar experience of torture, was sold to the Dutch, and transported back to France, and, again like Jogues resumed his hazardous task of attempting to tame the American savage. During the first peace (May, 1646), Jogues, now in civilian costume, paid a brief visit to his former tormentors on the Mohawk, this time conveying only expressions of good-will from the governor of New France. His political errand accomplished, he returned to Quebec; but in August was back again, with a young French attendant named Lalande, intent on opening admission among the Iroquois. Meanwhile, there had been a revulsion of sentiment on their part, and the two Frenchmen had no sooner reached the Mohawk than they were tortured and killed.

Champlain had quickly made enemies with the Iroquois by attacking them as allies of his Algonquin neighbors. This hostility spread throughout New France and lasted, with a few brief periods of peace, for more than fifty years. We've seen that Jogues was the first of his group (1642) to enter Iroquois territory as a prisoner of the Mohawks, the easternmost of the five tribes in the confederacy. Two years later, Bressani, while on his way to the Huron missions, was also captured by the Mohawks. He underwent a similar experience of torture, was sold to the Dutch, and transported back to France. Like Jogues, he resumed the dangerous task of trying to convert the Native Americans. During the first peace (May 1646), Jogues, now wearing civilian clothes, made a brief visit to his former captors among the Mohawk, this time bringing only good wishes from the governor of New France. With his political mission accomplished, he returned to Quebec; but in August, he was back again with a young French assistant named Lalande, determined to gain access to the Iroquois. Meanwhile, there had been a change of heart among them, and as soon as the two Frenchmen reached the Mohawk, they were tortured and killed.

During an Iroquois attack upon Quebec, seven years later (1653), Father Joseph Anthony Poncet was taken prisoner by the marauders and carried to the Mohawk, where he suffered in the same manner as his predecessors; but his captors being now desirous of a renewal of peace with the French, spared his life, and sent him back to Quebec with overtures for a renewal of negotiations. Early in July, 1654, Father Simon le Moyne was sent forth upon a tour of inspection, and returned to Quebec in September, with glowing reports of the fervor of his reception by both Mohawks and Onondagas. It was determined to rear a mission among the latter, and thither (1655),—a four weeks' voyage,—proceeded Claude Dablon and Peter Mary Joseph Chaumonot; while, 29to appease the jealous Mohawks, Le Moyne at the same time reopened a brief but unprosperous mission among that tribe.

During an Iroquois attack on Quebec, seven years later (1653), Father Joseph Anthony Poncet was captured by the raiders and taken to the Mohawk, where he went through similar hardships as those before him. However, since his captors wanted to renew peace with the French, they spared his life and sent him back to Quebec with proposals for renewed negotiations. In early July 1654, Father Simon le Moyne was sent out on an inspection tour and returned to Quebec in September with enthusiastic reports about how warmly he was welcomed by both the Mohawks and Onondagas. It was decided to establish a mission among the Onondagas, and in 1655, Claude Dablon and Peter Mary Joseph Chaumonot made the four-week journey there; at the same time, to appease the jealous Mohawks, Le Moyne reopened a short-lived but unsuccessful mission among that tribe.

At first, Dablon and Chaumonot had high hopes of their Onondaga enterprise; but mistrust soon arose in the minds of the natives, and Dablon found it necessary to proceed to Quebec and obtain fresh evidences of the friendship of the French. He returned in the early summer of 1656, accompanied by Fathers Francis Le Mercier, superior of the Canadian mission, and René Ménard, two lay brothers, and a party of French colonists under a militia captain, who designed founding a settlement in the land of the Iroquois. By the close of the year, the work was in a promising stage; a number of Christianized Hurons, who had been adopted into the confederacy, formed a nucleus for proselyting, several Iroquois converts had been made, and all five of the tribes had been visited by the missionaries.

At first, Dablon and Chaumonot were optimistic about their Onondaga project; but soon, the natives became suspicious, and Dablon realized he needed to go to Quebec to secure more proof of the French's goodwill. He returned in early summer 1656, bringing along Fathers Francis Le Mercier, head of the Canadian mission, and René Ménard, along with two lay brothers and a group of French colonists led by a militia captain who aimed to establish a settlement in Iroquois territory. By the end of the year, the project was progressing well; a group of Christianized Hurons, who had been taken in by the confederacy, served as a foundation for missionary work, several Iroquois individuals had converted, and all five tribes had been reached by the missionaries.

Fathers Paul Ragueneau and Joseph Imbert Dupéron, who had been sent out from Quebec in July, 1657, to assist the Onondaga mission, reached it only after many perils en route; for meanwhile, there had been a fresh Iroquois uprising against the Hurons and Ottawas, in which Father Leonard Garreau lost his life near Montreal, and the entire confederacy was soon in an uproar against the white allies of its ancient enemies. The intrepid Le Moyne joined the party in November, and in the following March (1658), on learning that all of the French had been condemned to death, the entire colony stole away in the night, and reached Montreal only after a long and hazardous voyage. The great Iroquois mission, which had promised so happily and cost so 30much in blood and treasure, was now thought to be a thing of the past.

Fathers Paul Ragueneau and Joseph Imbert Dupéron, who had been sent from Quebec in July 1657 to help with the Onondaga mission, only made it there after facing many dangers along the way. Meanwhile, there had been a new Iroquois uprising against the Hurons and Ottawas, during which Father Leonard Garreau lost his life near Montreal, and the entire confederacy quickly turned against the white allies of their old enemies. The fearless Le Moyne joined the group in November, and in the following March (1658), after learning that all the French had been sentenced to death, the whole colony fled in the night and reached Montreal only after a long and dangerous journey. The once-promising Iroquois mission, which had already cost so much in blood and resources, was now seen as a thing of the past.

There was, however, still another chapter to the story. In the summer of 1660, after two years of bloody forays against New France, a Cayuga sachem, who had been converted at Onondaga, came to Montreal as a peace messenger, asking for another black gown to minister to the native converts and a number of French captives in the Iroquois towns. Once more, Le Moyne cheerfully set out upon what seemed a path to death; but he passed the winter without molestation, and in the spring following was allowed to return to Canada with the French prisoners.

There was, however, still another chapter to the story. In the summer of 1660, after two years of violent raids against New France, a Cayuga leader, who had been converted at Onondaga, arrived in Montreal as a peace messenger, requesting another priest to minister to the native converts and several French captives in the Iroquois towns. Once again, Le Moyne cheerfully set out on what seemed like a path to death; however, he passed the winter without any trouble, and in the following spring, he was allowed to return to Canada with the French prisoners.

It was five years later (1665), before the government of New France felt itself sufficiently strong to threaten chastisement of the raiding Iroquois, who had long been making life a torment in the colonies on the St. Lawrence. The Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas sued for peace; but the Mohawks were obstinate, and their villages were wasted by fire until they too asked for mercy and the ministrations of the Jesuits. Fathers James Fremin, James Bruyas, and John Pierron were sent out in 1667; later, they were assisted by Julian Garnier, Stephen de Carheil, Peter Milet, and Boniface, so that by the close of 1668 a mission was in progress in each of the five cantonments. A few notable converts were made, among them Catharine Tegakouita, known as the "Iroquois saint;" Catharine Ganneaktena, an Erie captive who afterwards founded a native mission village on the banks of the St. Lawrence; the head-men Assendasé, Kryn, and Soenrese. But a great success was never possible; here as elsewhere, the vices and superstitions of the tribesmen 31were deep-rooted, and they had not yet reached a stage of culture where the spiritual doctrines of Christianity appealed strongly, save to a few emotional natures. The converts were subjected to so many annoyances and dangers, that isolation was thought essential, and there was established for them opposite Montreal the palisaded mission of St. Francis Xavier; this settlement, fostered by the French as a buffer against Iroquois attack on the colonists, was subsequently removed to Sault St. Louis, and is known in our day as Caughnawaga. This mission, and that of the Sulpitians on Montreal Mountain—later removed to the neighboring Lake of the Two Mountains,—and at Quinté Bay, were frequently recruited by Iroquois Christians, who were carefully instructed by the missionaries in the arts of agriculture and the rites of the church.

It was five years later (1665) before the government of New France felt strong enough to threaten punishment against the Iroquois raiders, who had long made life difficult in the colonies along the St. Lawrence. The Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas sought peace; but the Mohawks were stubborn, and their villages were burned until they too begged for mercy and the help of the Jesuits. Fathers James Fremin, James Bruyas, and John Pierron were sent out in 1667; later, they were joined by Julian Garnier, Stephen de Carheil, Peter Milet, and Boniface, so that by the end of 1668, a mission was operating in each of the five regions. A few notable conversions happened, including Catharine Tegakouita, known as the "Iroquois saint;" Catharine Ganneaktena, an Erie captive who later founded a native mission village on the banks of the St. Lawrence; and the leaders Assendasé, Kryn, and Soenrese. However, great success was never achievable; here as in other places, the vices and superstitions of the tribesmen were deeply ingrained, and they had not yet reached a level of culture where the spiritual doctrines of Christianity appealed strongly, except to a few emotionally inclined individuals. The converts faced so many annoyances and dangers that isolation was deemed necessary, leading to the establishment of the fortified mission of St. Francis Xavier opposite Montreal; this settlement, supported by the French as a buffer against Iroquois attacks on the colonists, was later moved to Sault St. Louis and is known today as Caughnawaga. This mission, along with that of the Sulpitians on Montreal Mountain—later relocated to the nearby Lake of the Two Mountains—and at Quinté Bay, were often supplemented by Iroquois Christians, who were carefully instructed by the missionaries in farming techniques and church rituals.

This depletion of the Iroquois population alarmed the sachems of the confederacy. To please them, Governor Dongan of New York, himself a Catholic, introduced to the Five Nations three English Jesuits, who sought in vain to counteract the movement. The French did not abandon the Iroquois mission-field until 1687, when the rising power of the English obliged them to withdraw from the country. We have, however, glimpses of occasional attempts thereafter to revive the work, Bruyas being on the ground in 1701, joined the following year by James de Lamberville, Garnier, and Le Valliant, and later by James d'Hue and Peter de Marieul. The entire party were again driven from the cantonments in 1708, De Marieul being the last of his order to remain on duty.

This decline in the Iroquois population worried the leaders of the confederacy. To appease them, Governor Dongan of New York, who was also a Catholic, brought three English Jesuits to the Five Nations, but they were unable to reverse the trend. The French didn't leave the Iroquois mission area until 1687, when the growing strength of the English forced them to pull out. However, we see some attempts to revive the mission after that, with Bruyas present in 1701, followed the next year by James de Lamberville, Garnier, and Le Valliant, and later by James d'Hue and Peter de Marieul. The entire group was forced out of the territories again in 1708, with De Marieul being the last of his order to stay on duty.

Thereafter, the Jesuits were chiefly devoted to their mission at Caughnawaga, whither many Iroquois 32retreated before the inroads of Dutch and English settlers who were now crowding upon their lands. When the black gowns were at last expelled from New France, secular priests continued their work among the remnants of those New York Indians who had sought protection by settling among the French colonists on the St. Lawrence.

After that, the Jesuits focused mainly on their mission at Caughnawaga, where many Iroquois 32retreated due to the encroachment of Dutch and English settlers who were now moving onto their lands. When the Jesuits were finally expelled from New France, secular priests kept working with the remaining New York Indians who had sought refuge by settling among the French colonists along the St. Lawrence.

VI. The Ottawa Mission.

This embraced the tribes beyond Lake Huron,—the Chippewas at Sault Ste. Marie, the Beavers, the Crees, the Ottawas and refugee Hurons on Lake Superior, the Menomonees, Pottawattomies, Sacs, Foxes, Winnebagoes, Miamis, Illinois, and those of the Sioux who lived on or near the banks of the Mississippi. The Ottawas were the first Indians from the upper lakes to trade with the French, hence that vast district became early known as the country of the Ottawas.

This included the tribes around Lake Huron — the Chippewas at Sault Ste. Marie, the Beavers, the Crees, the Ottawas, and refugee Hurons on Lake Superior, as well as the Menomonees, Pottawattomies, Sacs, Foxes, Winnebagoes, Miamis, Illinois, and some Sioux who lived along the Mississippi River. The Ottawas were the first Native Americans from the upper lakes to trade with the French, which is why that large area became known early on as the country of the Ottawas.

The Huron mission was the door to the Ottawa mission. Jogues and Raimbault were with the Chippewas at Sault Ste. Marie in 1641; but it was nineteen years after that (1660), before they were followed by another Jesuit, the veteran Father Ménard, who accompanied an Ottawa fleet up the great river of that name, through Lake Huron and the Sault, and on to Keweenaw Bay, where he said the first mass heard on the shores of the northern sea. After a wretched winter on that inhospitable coast, spent in a shanty of fir boughs, with savage neighbors who reviled his presence, he proceeded inland intent on ministering to some Hurons who had fled from Iroquois persecution to the gloomy pine forest about the upper waters of Black River, in what is now Wisconsin. In August, 1661, he lost his life at a portage, 33thus being the first martyr upon the Ottawa mission.

The Huron mission was the gateway to the Ottawa mission. Jogues and Raimbault were with the Chippewas at Sault Ste. Marie in 1641; but it was not until nineteen years later (1660) that another Jesuit, the experienced Father Ménard, joined an Ottawa fleet traveling up the river of the same name, through Lake Huron and the Sault, and on to Keweenaw Bay, where he celebrated the first mass on the shores of the northern sea. After enduring a miserable winter on that harsh coast, living in a shelter made of fir branches, with hostile neighbors who resented his presence, he headed inland, determined to help some Hurons who had escaped Iroquois persecution to the dark pine forests near the upper waters of Black River, in what is now Wisconsin. In August 1661, he lost his life at a portage, 33 making him the first martyr of the Ottawa mission.

Four years later, Claude Alloüez set out for Lake Superior, and reaching Chequamegon Bay in October (1665), built a little chapel of bark upon the southwest shore of that rock-bound estuary,—the famous mission of La Pointe. His flock was a medley, Hurons and Algonkins here clustering in two villages, where they lived on fish, safe at last from the raging Iroquois, although much pestered by the wild Sioux of the West. For thirty years did Alloüez travel from tribe to tribe, through the forests and over the prairies of the vast wilderness which a century later came to be organized into the Northwest Territory, and established missions at Green Bay, Sault Ste. Marie, on the Miami, and, with Marquette, among the Illinois at Kaskaskia.

Four years later, Claude Alloüez set off for Lake Superior and, upon reaching Chequamegon Bay in October (1665), built a small chapel made of bark on the southwest shore of that rocky inlet—the famous mission of La Pointe. His congregation was a mix of Hurons and Algonkins living in two villages, where they survived on fish and were finally safe from the fierce Iroquois, though still troubled by the wild Sioux from the West. For thirty years, Alloüez traveled from tribe to tribe, through the forests and across the prairies of the vast wilderness that would be organized into the Northwest Territory a century later, establishing missions at Green Bay, Sault Ste. Marie, on the Miami, and, alongside Marquette, among the Illinois at Kaskaskia.

Later, there arrived on the scene Fathers Louis Nicholas, James Marquette, Dablon, Louis André, Druillettes, Albanel, and others. The field of the Northwest seemed at first, as did the Huron mission, highly promising. The missionaries were everywhere greeted by large audiences, and much curiosity was displayed concerning the rites of the church; but, as usual, the nomadic habits of the Indians rendered instruction difficult. The fathers, with great toil and misery, and subject to daily danger and insult, followed their people about upon long hunting and fishing expeditions; and even when the bands had returned to the squalid villages, life there was almost as comfortless as upon the trail. Among the donnés and the Jesuit coadjutor brothers were skillful workers in metal, who repaired the guns and utensils of the natives, and taught them how best to obtain and reduce the ore from lead and copper deposits. 34We have evidence that the copper region of Lake Superior was at times resorted to by the lay followers and their Indian attendants, to obtain material for crucifixes and for the medals which the missionaries gave to converts; and in the lead mines centering about where are now Dubuque, Iowa, and Galena, Ill., the missionary attendants and Indians obtained lead for barter with French fur-traders, who, like the soldiers of the Cross, were by this time wandering all over the Northwest.

Later, Fathers Louis Nicholas, James Marquette, Dablon, Louis André, Druillettes, Albanel, and others arrived. At first, the Northwest mission seemed very promising, just like the Huron mission. The missionaries were met with large crowds, and people showed a lot of curiosity about church rites. However, as usual, the nomadic lifestyle of the Indians made instruction challenging. The fathers, facing great hardships and constant danger, followed their people on long hunting and fishing trips; even when the groups returned to their run-down villages, life there was nearly as uncomfortable as it was on the trail. Among the lay workers and Jesuit brothers were skilled metalworkers who fixed the guns and tools of the natives and taught them how to extract and process lead and copper ore. 34 We know that the copper area around Lake Superior was sometimes visited by the lay followers and their Indian companions to gather materials for crucifixes and medals that the missionaries gave to converts. In the lead mines near what are now Dubuque, Iowa, and Galena, Illinois, the missionary aides and Indians gathered lead to trade with French fur traders, who, like the soldiers of the Cross, were by this time roaming all over the Northwest.

Marquette had succeeded Alloüez at La Pointe, in 1669; but it was not long before the Hurons and Ottawas of Chequamegon Bay foolishly incurred the fresh hostility of the Sioux, and the following year were driven eastward like autumn leaves before a blast. Marquette established them in a new mission, at Point St. Ignace, opposite Mackinaw; and it was from here that, in 1673, he joined the party of Louis Joliet, en route to the Mississippi River. The St. Ignace mission became the largest and most successful in the Northwest, there being encamped there, during Marquette's time, about 500 Hurons and 1,300 Ottawas. The interesting story of Marquette, a familiar chapter in American history, will be fully developed in the documents of this series; and we shall be able to present for the first time a facsimile of the original MS. Journal of his final and fatal voyage (1674), which is preserved among the many treasures of the Jesuit College of St. Mary's, in Montreal.

Marquette took over from Alloüez at La Pointe in 1669, but it didn't take long for the Hurons and Ottawas of Chequamegon Bay to foolishly provoke the Sioux, and the next year they were forced to move eastward like autumn leaves scattered by a wind. Marquette set up a new mission for them at Point St. Ignace, across from Mackinaw; it was from here that he teamed up with Louis Joliet in 1673 to journey to the Mississippi River. The St. Ignace mission became the largest and most successful in the Northwest, hosting around 500 Hurons and 1,300 Ottawas during Marquette's time. The fascinating story of Marquette, a well-known chapter in American history, will be fully explored in the documents of this series; and for the first time, we will present a facsimile of the original manuscript journal of his last and fatal voyage (1674), which is kept among the many treasures of the Jesuit College of St. Mary's in Montreal.

After the suspension of the publication of the Relations, in 1673, we obtain few glimpses of the Ottawa mission, save in the occasional references of travelers. The several local missions in the district were, in the main, probably more successful than those 35in any of the other fields of endeavor. La Pointe, Green Bay; St. Ignace (later Mackinac), Sault Ste. Marie, St. Joseph's, and Kaskaskia became the most important of them all; and at some of these points Catholic missions are still maintained by Franciscan friars and secular priests, for resident French Creoles and Indians. The uprising of the Foxes against French power, which lasted spasmodically from about 1700 to 1755, greatly hampered the work of the Jesuits; they did not, during this period, entirely absent themselves from the broad country of the Ottawas, but conversions were few and the records slight.

After the publication of the Relations was suspended in 1673, we get only a few glimpses of the Ottawa mission, mostly through occasional references from travelers. The various local missions in the area were likely more successful than those in any other fields of work. La Pointe, Green Bay; St. Ignace (later Mackinac), Sault Ste. Marie, St. Joseph's, and Kaskaskia became the most significant of them all; and at some of these locations, Catholic missions are still run by Franciscan friars and secular priests, serving the resident French Creoles and Indians. The uprising of the Foxes against French authority, which sporadically lasted from around 1700 to 1755, significantly hindered the Jesuits' efforts; during this time, they didn't completely withdraw from the expansive territory of the Ottawas, but conversions were limited and the records were minimal.

There was, for a time, governmental attempt to supplant the Western Jesuits with Récollets. Several friars were with La Salle, who had a great antipathy to the disciples of Loyola,—Father Hennepin's adventures belong to this period of Récollet effort, his colleagues at Fort Crèvecœur being Brothers Ribourde and Membré; but their mission closed with the Iroquois repulse of the French from Crèvecœur, and the consequent death of Ribourde. When La Salle retired from the region, Alloüez resumed the Illinois mission of the Jesuits; and soon after there arrived upon the ground Fathers Gravier, Marest, Mermet, and Pinet, who, because of the more docile character of the tribes collectively known as the Illinois,—Kaskaskias, Cahokias, Peorias, and Tamaroas,—found here a relatively fruitful field. In time, French settlements grew up around the palisaded missions, intermarriages occurred, and the work flourished for many years. Black gowns visited the prosperous Illinois towns as late as 1781, when the death of Father Meurin closed the work of his order in the Northwest.

For a while, the government tried to replace the Western Jesuits with the Récollets. Several friars were with La Salle, who strongly disliked the followers of Loyola. Father Hennepin's adventures are part of this period of Récollet efforts, with his colleagues at Fort Crèvecœur being Brothers Ribourde and Membré. However, their mission ended with the Iroquois pushing the French out of Crèvecœur and the subsequent death of Ribourde. When La Salle left the area, Alloüez took over the Illinois mission for the Jesuits. Shortly after, Fathers Gravier, Marest, Mermet, and Pinet arrived and, due to the more accommodating nature of the tribes known as the Illinois—Kaskaskias, Cahokias, Peorias, and Tamaroas—found a relatively productive field here. Over time, French settlements developed around the fortified missions, intermarriages happened, and the work thrived for many years. Black gowns visited the flourishing Illinois towns as late as 1781, when the death of Father Meurin marked the end of his order's work in the Northwest.

VII. The Louisiana Project.

The Jesuit Marquette was in Louisiana in 1673, but established no mission. Nine years later, Membré, of the Récollets, accompanied La Salle into the region, and instructed natives as far down the Mississippi as the mouth; and with La Salle at his death were Anastasius Douay, of the Récollets, and the Sulpitian Cavalier. In 1698, Francis Jolliet de Montigny and Anthony Davion, priests of the Seminary of Quebec, established missions on the Yazoo, among the Natchez, and elsewhere in the neighborhood; to their aid, soon came others of their house,—St. Côme, Gaulin, Fonçault, and Erborie, who labored until about 1710, when, St. Côme and Fonçault being killed by roving Indians, the survivors retired to the North. The Jesuit Du Rue accompanied Iberville into the country in 1699-1700, followed by De Limoges and Dongé, of his order, their work continuing until about 1704.

The Jesuit Marquette was in Louisiana in 1673, but he didn't set up a mission. Nine years later, Membré, from the Récollets, joined La Salle in the area and taught the locals as far down the Mississippi as its mouth; with La Salle at his side before he died were Anastasius Douay, also from the Récollets, and the Sulpitian Cavalier. In 1698, Francis Jolliet de Montigny and Anthony Davion, priests from the Seminary of Quebec, established missions on the Yazoo, among the Natchez, and in the surrounding areas. Soon after, others from their group—St. Côme, Gaulin, Fonçault, and Erborie—joined them and worked there until around 1710, when St. Côme and Fonçault were killed by wandering Indians, and the survivors went back North. The Jesuit Du Rue went with Iberville to the area in 1699-1700, followed by De Limoges and Dongé, also from his order, working there until about 1704.

In 1721, Father Charlevoix reported that but two priests were then in Louisiana, one at Yazoo and another in New Orleans; at the latter post, a chaplain of some sort was established throughout the French régime. Capuchins and Jesuits were both admitted to Louisiana, in 1722, the former to serve as priests to the French of the country, chiefly at New Orleans and Natchez, while the Jesuits were restricted to the Indian missions, although permitted to maintain a house in the outskirts of New Orleans. It was not long before the Illinois mission became attached to Louisiana, and missionaries for that field usually entered upon their work by way of the New Orleans house. Missions were maintained in the villages of 37the Arkansas, Yazoo, Choctaws, and Alibamons; but the uprising of the Indians in the Natchez district, in 1727, led to the fall of these several missions, together with that of French colonies above New Orleans. Father Du Poisson was killed by savages at Natchez, where he was temporarily supplying the French settlers in the absence of their Capuchin friar; Souel fell a victim to the Yazoos, at whose hands Doutreleau narrowly escaped destruction. However, the Jesuits did not despair, but soon returned to the Lower Mississippi, where they continued their labors until about 1770, although the order had in 1762 been suppressed in France.

In 1721, Father Charlevoix reported that there were only two priests in Louisiana, one in Yazoo and another in New Orleans; at the latter location, a chaplain of some sort was established throughout the French regime. Capuchins and Jesuits were both welcomed in Louisiana in 1722, with the former serving as priests for the French population, mainly in New Orleans and Natchez, while the Jesuits were limited to the Indian missions but allowed to keep a house on the outskirts of New Orleans. It wasn't long before the Illinois mission became part of Louisiana, and missionaries for that area typically started their work from the New Orleans house. Missions were active in the villages of the Arkansas, Yazoo, Choctaws, and Alibamons; however, the uprising of the Indians in the Natchez region in 1727 led to the collapse of these missions, along with those of the French colonies above New Orleans. Father Du Poisson was killed by natives at Natchez, where he was temporarily assisting the French settlers in the absence of their Capuchin friar; Souel was a victim of the Yazoos, while Doutreleau narrowly escaped destruction. However, the Jesuits did not give up and soon returned to the Lower Mississippi, where they continued their work until around 1770, even though the order had been suppressed in France in 1762.

The Louisiana mission of the Jesuits, while producing several martyrs, and rich in striking examples of missionary zeal, has yielded but meagre documentary results; few of the papers in the present series touch upon its work, and indeed detailed knowledge thereof is not easily obtainable. Severed from Canada by a long stretch of wilderness, communication with the St. Lawrence basin was difficult and spasmodic, and in the case of the Jesuits generally unnecessary; for, having their own superior at New Orleans, his allegiance was to the general of the order in France, not to his fellow-superiors in Quebec and Montreal. The several missions of New France played a large part in American history; that of Louisiana, although interesting, is of much less importance.

The Louisiana mission of the Jesuits, while producing several martyrs and showcasing remarkable missionary zeal, has produced limited documentary evidence; few documents in this series address its work, and detailed information about it isn’t easily accessible. Cut off from Canada by a vast wilderness, communication with the St. Lawrence region was challenging and irregular, and for the Jesuits, it was generally unnecessary; having their own leader in New Orleans, his loyalty was to the head of the order in France, not to his counterparts in Quebec and Montreal. The various missions of New France played a significant role in American history; however, the Louisiana mission, while interesting, is considerably less important.

The Relationships.

A few explorers like Champlain, Radisson, and Perrot have left valuable narratives behind them, which are of prime importance in the study of the beginnings of French settlement in America; but it is to 38the Jesuits that we owe the great body of our information concerning the frontiers of New France in the seventeenth century. It was their duty annually to transmit to their superior in Quebec, or Montreal, a written journal of their doings; it was also their duty to pay occasional visits to their superior, and to go into retreat at the central house of the Canadian mission. Annually, between 1632 and 1673, the superior made up a narrative, or Relation, of the most important events which had occurred in the several missionary districts under his charge, sometimes using the exact words of the missionaries, and sometimes with considerable editorial skill summarizing the individual journals in a general account, based in part upon the oral reports of visiting fathers. This annual Relation, which in bibliographies occasionally bears the name of the superior, and at other times of the missionary chiefly contributing to it, was forwarded to the provincial of the order in France, and, after careful scrutiny and re-editing, published by him in a series of duodecimo volumes, known collectively as The Jesuit Relations.

A few explorers like Champlain, Radisson, and Perrot have left behind valuable stories that are crucial for understanding the early French settlements in America. However, we owe the majority of our knowledge about the frontiers of New France in the seventeenth century to the Jesuits. Each year, it was their responsibility to send a written journal of their activities to their superior in Quebec or Montreal. They also had to make occasional visits to their superior and spend time in retreat at the central house of the Canadian mission. Annually, between 1632 and 1673, the superior compiled a narrative, or Relation, summarizing the key events that occurred in the various missionary districts under his care. Sometimes, this used the exact words of the missionaries, while other times, it offered a well-crafted summary of the individual journals, partially based on the oral reports of visiting fathers. This annual Relation, which in bibliographies might be attributed to the superior or to the missionary who contributed the most, was sent to the provincial of the order in France and, after careful review and editing, published by him in a series of duodecimo volumes known collectively as The Jesuit Relations.

The authors of the journals which formed the basis of the Relations were for the most part men of trained intellect, acute observers, and practised in the art of keeping records of their experiences. They had left the most highly civilized country of their times, to plunge at once into the heart of the American wilderness, and attempt to win to the Christian faith the fiercest savages known to history. To gain these savages, it was first necessary to know them intimately,—their speech, their habits, their manner of thought, their strong points and their weak. These first students of the North American Indian were 39not only amply fitted for their undertaking, but none have since had better opportunity for its prosecution. They were explorers, as well as priests. Bancroft was inexact when he said, in oft-quoted phrase, "Not a cape was turned, not a river entered, but a Jesuit led the way." The actual pioneers of New France were almost always coureurs de bois, in the prosecution of the fur trade; but coureurs de bois, for obvious reasons, seldom kept records, even when capable of doing so, and as a rule we learn of their previous appearance on the scene only through chance allusions in the Relations. The Jesuits performed a great service to mankind in publishing their annals, which are, for historian, geographer, and ethnologist, among our first and best authorities.

The authors of the journals that formed the basis of the Relations were mostly educated men, keen observers, and skilled at recording their experiences. They left the most advanced civilization of their time to dive straight into the heart of the American wilderness, aiming to convert the fiercest savages known in history to the Christian faith. To connect with these savages, they first needed to understand them deeply—their language, their behaviors, their ways of thinking, their strengths and weaknesses. These early students of the North American Indian were not only well-suited for their mission, but none have had better opportunities to carry it out. They were explorers as well as priests. Bancroft was inaccurate when he said, in a well-known phrase, "Not a cape was turned, not a river entered, but a Jesuit led the way." The real pioneers of New France were almost always coureurs de bois, who were engaged in the fur trade; however, for obvious reasons, coureurs de bois rarely kept records, even when they could, and generally, we only know of their earlier presence through random mentions in the Relations. The Jesuits provided a great service by publishing their accounts, which are among the first and best sources for historians, geographers, and ethnologists.

Many of the Relations were written in Indian camps, amid a chaos of distractions. Insects innumerable tormented the journalists, they were immersed in scenes of squalor and degradation, overcome by fatigue and lack of proper sustenance, often suffering from wounds and disease, maltreated in a hundred ways by hosts who, at times, might more properly be called jailers; and not seldom had savage superstition risen to such a height, that to be seen making a memorandum was certain to arouse the ferocious enmity of the band. It is not surprising that the composition of these journals of the Jesuits is sometimes crude; the wonder is, that they could be written at all. Nearly always the style is simple and direct. Never does the narrator descend to self-glorification, or dwell unnecessarily upon the details of his continual martyrdom; he never complains of his lot; but sets forth his experience in phrases the most matter-of-fact. His meaning is seldom obscure. 40We gain from his pages a vivid picture of life in the primeval forest, as he lived it; we seem to see him upon his long canoe journeys, squatted amidst his dusky fellows, working his passage at the paddles, and carrying cargoes upon the portage trail; we see him the butt and scorn of the savage camp, sometimes deserted in the heart of the wilderness, and obliged to wait for another flotilla, or to make his way alone as best he can. Arrived at last, at his journey's end, we often find him vainly seeking for shelter in the squalid huts of the natives, with every man's hand against him, but his own heart open to them all. We find him, even when at last domiciled in some far-away village, working against hope to save the unbaptized from eternal damnation; we seem to see the rising storm of opposition, invoked by native medicine-men,—who to his seventeenth-century imagination seem devils indeed,—and at last the bursting climax of superstitious frenzy which sweeps him and his before it. Not only do these devoted missionaries,—never, in any field, has been witnessed greater personal heroism than theirs,—live and breathe before us in the Relations; but we have in them our first competent account of the Red Indian, at a time when relatively uncontaminated by contact with Europeans. We seem, in the Relations, to know this crafty savage, to measure him intellectually as well as physically, his inmost thoughts as well as open speech. The fathers did not understand him from an ethnological point of view, as well as he is to-day understood; their minds were tinctured with the scientific fallacies of their time. But, with what is known to-day, the photographic reports in the Relations help the student to an accurate 41picture of the untamed aborigine, and much that mystified the fathers, is now, by aid of their careful journals, easily susceptible of explanation. Few periods of history are so well illuminated as the French régime in North America. This we owe in large measure to the existence of the Jesuit Relations.

Many of the Relations were written in Indian camps, amidst a chaotic mix of distractions. Countless insects bothered the writers, and they found themselves surrounded by scenes of poverty and despair, overwhelmed by exhaustion and lack of proper food, often suffering from wounds and illness, mistreated in various ways by hosts who might more accurately be called jailers. Superstitions sometimes ran so high that being seen jotting down notes could provoke the fierce anger of the group. It’s not surprising that these Jesuit journals sometimes come off as rough; it’s impressive that they could be written at all. The style is usually straightforward and honest. The narrator never brags about himself or focuses too much on his constant hardships; he doesn’t complain about his situation but shares his experiences in very down-to-earth language. His meaning is rarely unclear. 40From his writings, we get a vivid picture of life in the primeval forest as he experienced it; we can envision him on his long canoe trips, sitting with his Native companions, helping paddle the boat, and carrying cargo across the portage trail. We see him as the target of ridicule in the savage camp, sometimes abandoned in the middle of the wilderness, having to wait for another group or navigate alone as best he could. When he finally reaches his destination, we often find him unsuccessfully looking for shelter in the filthy huts of the locals, with everyone against him, except for his own open heart. Even when he has settled in a distant village, he tirelessly works to save the unbaptized from eternal damnation, facing the growing storm of opposition brought on by Native medicine men—whom he views as devils in his seventeenth-century mindset—leading to a climax of superstitious frenzy that sweeps him and his efforts away. These dedicated missionaries—there has never been greater personal heroism in any field than theirs—come alive in the Relations; and we also have in them our first reliable account of the Red Indian, at a time when their culture was relatively untouched by European influence. In the Relations, we feel we truly understand this cunning savage, assessing him intellectually and physically, grasping his deepest thoughts as well as his outward words. The fathers didn’t quite grasp him from an ethnological perspective as we do today; their thinking was influenced by the scientific misconceptions of their time. However, with what we know now, the detailed observations in the Relations provide students with a clear picture of the untamed indigenous person, and much that puzzled the fathers can now, thanks to their thorough journals, be easily explained. Few times in history are as well-documented as the French regime in North America, for which we owe a great deal to the existence of the Jesuit Relations.

What are generally known as the Relations proper, addressed to the superior and published in Paris, under direction of the provincial, commence with Le Jeune's Brieve Relation du Voyage de la Nouvelle-France (1632); and thereafter a duodecimo volume, neatly printed and bound in vellum, was issued annually from the press of Sebastien Cramoisy, in Paris, until 1673, when the series was discontinued, probably through the influence of Frontenac, to whom the Jesuits were distasteful. The Relations at once became popular in the court circles of France; their regular appearance was always awaited with the keenest interest, and assisted greatly in creating and fostering the enthusiasm of pious philanthropists, who for many years substantially maintained the missions of New France. In addition to these forty volumes, which to collectors are technically known as "Cramoisys," many similar publications found their way into the hands of the public, the greater part of them bearing date after the suppression of the Cramoisy series. Some were printed in Paris and Lyons by independent publishers; others appeared in Latin and Italian texts, at Rome, and other cities in Italy; while in such journals as Mercure François and Annuæ Litteræ Societatis Jesu, occasionally were published letters from the missionaries, of the same nature as the Relations, but briefer and more intimate in tone.

What are commonly called the Relations proper, addressed to the superior and published in Paris under the direction of the provincial, start with Le Jeune's Brieve Relation du Voyage de la Nouvelle-France (1632). After that, a duodecimo volume, neatly printed and bound in vellum, was released annually from the press of Sebastien Cramoisy in Paris until 1673, when the series was stopped, likely due to the influence of Frontenac, who found the Jesuits unappealing. The Relations quickly gained popularity among the French court circles; their regular release was always anticipated with great interest, and they played a significant role in generating and nurturing the enthusiasm of charitable supporters who, for many years, effectively sustained the missions in New France. In addition to these forty volumes, which collectors technically refer to as "Cramoisys," many similar publications reached the public, most of which were dated after the end of the Cramoisy series. Some were printed in Paris and Lyon by independent publishers; others appeared in Latin and Italian texts in Rome and other cities in Italy; while journals like Mercure François and Annuæ Litteræ Societatis Jesu occasionally published letters from the missionaries that were similar in nature to the Relations, but shorter and more personal in tone.

It does not appear, however, that popular interest 42in these publications materially affected the secular literature of the period; they were largely used in Jesuit histories of New France, but by others were practically ignored. General literary interest in the Relations was only created about a half century ago, when Dr. E. B. O'Callaghan, editor of the Documentary History of New York, called attention to their great value as storehouses of contemporary information. Dr. John G. Shea, author of History of the Catholic Missions among the Indian Tribes of the United States, and Father Felix Martin, S. J., of Montreal, soon came forward, with fresh studies of the Relations. Collectors at once commenced searching for Cramoisys, which were found to be exceedingly scarce,—most of the originals having been literally worn out in the hands of their devout seventeenth-century readers; finally, the greatest collector of them all, James Lenox, of New York, outstripped his competitors and laid the foundation, in the Lenox Library, of what is to-day probably the only complete collection in America. In 1858, the Canadian government reprinted the Cramoisys, with a few additions, in three stout octavo volumes, carefully edited by Abbés Làverdière, Plante, and Ferland. These, too, are now rare, copies seldom being offered for sale.

It doesn’t seem that the public's interest in these publications significantly influenced the secular literature of the time; they were mainly used in Jesuit histories of New France, but others mostly overlooked them. General literary interest in the Relations only emerged about fifty years ago when Dr. E. B. O'Callaghan, editor of the Documentary History of New York, pointed out their immense value as sources of contemporary information. Dr. John G. Shea, author of History of the Catholic Missions among the Indian Tribes of the United States, and Father Felix Martin, S. J., from Montreal, quickly stepped in with new studies of the Relations. Collectors immediately began searching for Cramoisys editions, which turned out to be extremely rare—most originals had literally been worn out by their devoted 17th-century readers. Ultimately, the most prominent collector, James Lenox from New York, outpaced his rivals and established what is likely the only complete collection in America at the Lenox Library. In 1858, the Canadian government reprinted the Cramoisys, with a few additions, in three hefty octavo volumes, carefully edited by Abbés Làverdière, Plante, and Ferland. These are now scarce, with copies rarely available for sale.

The Quebec reprint was followed by two admirable series brought out by Shea and O'Callaghan respectively. Shea's Cramoisy Series (1857-1866), numbers twenty-five little volumes, the edition of each of which was limited to a hundred copies, now difficult to obtain; it contains for the most part entirely new matter, chiefly Relations prepared for publication by the superiors, after 1672, and miscellaneously printed; among the volumes, however, are a few 43reprints of particularly rare issues of the original Cramoisy press. The O'Callaghan series, seven in number (the edition limited to twenty-five copies), contains different material from Shea's, but of the same character. A further addition to the mass of material was made by Father Martin, in Relations Inédites de la Nouvelle-France, 1672-79 (2 vols., Paris, 1861); and by Father Carayon in Première Mission des Jésuites au Canada (Paris, 1864). In 1871, there was published at Quebec, under the editorship of Abbés Laverdière and Casgrain, Le Journal des Jésuites, from the original manuscript in the archives of the Seminary of Quebec (now Laval University). The memoranda contained in this volume,—a rarity, for the greater part of the edition was accidentally destroyed by fire,—were not intended for publication, being of the character of private records, covering the operations of the Jesuits in New France between 1645 and 1668. The Journal is, however, an indispensable complement of the Relations. It was reprinted by a Montreal publisher (J. M. Valois) in 1892, but even this later edition is already exhausted. Many interesting epistles are found in Lettres Édifiantes et Curieuses, écrites des Missions Étrangères, which cover the Jesuit missions in many lands, between the years 1702 and 1776; only a small portion of this publication (there are several editions, ranging from 1702-1776 to 1875-77) is devoted to the North American missions.

The Quebec reprint was followed by two impressive series published by Shea and O'Callaghan. Shea's Cramoisy Series (1857-1866) includes twenty-five small volumes, with each edition limited to a hundred copies, which are now hard to find. It mainly features entirely new content, primarily Relations prepared for publication by the superiors after 1672, as well as miscellaneous items; however, among the volumes, there are a few 43reprints of particularly rare issues from the original Cramoisy press. The O'Callaghan series, which consists of seven volumes (with each edition limited to twenty-five copies), includes different material than Shea's but is of the same nature. Additionally, Father Martin contributed to this body of work with Relations Inédites de la Nouvelle-France, 1672-79 (2 vols., Paris, 1861), and Father Carayon added to it with Première Mission des Jésuites au Canada (Paris, 1864). In 1871, Le Journal des Jésuites was published in Quebec, edited by Abbés Laverdière and Casgrain, based on the original manuscript in the archives of the Seminary of Quebec (now Laval University). The notes in this volume—a rarity since most of the edition was accidentally destroyed by fire—were not intended for publication, as they are private records detailing the Jesuits' activities in New France between 1645 and 1668. The Journal is, however, an essential complement to the Relations. It was reprinted by a Montreal publisher (J. M. Valois) in 1892, but even this later edition is already sold out. Many interesting letters can be found in Lettres Édifiantes et Curieuses, écrites des Missions Étrangères, covering the Jesuit missions in various regions from 1702 to 1776; only a small portion of this publication (which has several editions, ranging from 1702-1776 to 1875-77) focuses on the North American missions.

American historians, from Shea and Parkman down, have already made liberal use of the Relations, and here and there antiquarians and historical societies have published fragmentary translations. The great body of the Relations and their allied documents, however, has never been Englished. The text is difficult, 44for their French is not the French of the modern schools; hence these interesting papers have been doubly inaccessible to the majority of our historical students. The present edition, while faithfully reproducing the old French text, even in most of its errors, offers to the public for the first time, an English rendering side by side with the original.

American historians, from Shea and Parkman onward, have made extensive use of the Relations, and some antiquarians and historical societies have published partial translations. However, the bulk of the Relations and related documents has never been translated into English. The text is challenging because the French used is not the modern version; as a result, these fascinating papers have been especially hard to access for most of our history students. This edition, while accurately reproducing the old French text—even with most of its mistakes—provides the public for the first time with an English translation alongside the original.

In breadth of scope, also, this edition will, through the generous enterprise of the publishers, readily be first in the field. Not only will it embrace all of the original Cramoisy series, the Shea and O'Callaghan series, those collected by Fathers Martin and Carayon, the Journal des Jésuites, and such of the Lettres Édifiantes as touch upon the North American missions, but many other valuable documents which have not previously been reprinted; it will contain, also, considerable hitherto-unpublished material from the manuscripts in the archives of St. Mary's College, Montreal, and other depositories. These several documents will be illustrated by faithful reproductions of all the maps and other engravings appearing in the old editions, besides much new material obtained especially for this edition, a prominent feature of which will be authentic portraits of many of the early fathers, and photographic facsimiles of pages from their manuscript letters.

In terms of scope, this edition will, thanks to the generous efforts of the publishers, easily be the first of its kind available. It will include all of the original Cramoisy series, the Shea and O'Callaghan series, those collected by Fathers Martin and Carayon, the Journal des Jésuites, and relevant sections of the Lettres Édifiantes regarding the North American missions, as well as many other important documents that have never been reprinted before. It will also feature substantial previously unpublished material from the manuscripts in the archives of St. Mary's College, Montreal, and other repositories. These various documents will be accompanied by accurate reproductions of all the maps and engravings from the old editions, along with a lot of new material specifically obtained for this edition, which will prominently include authentic portraits of many of the early fathers and photographic facsimiles of pages from their manuscript letters.

In the Preface to each volume will be given such Bibliographical Data concerning its contents, as seem necessary to the scholar. The appended Notes consist of historical, biographical, archæological, and miscellaneous comment, which it is hoped may tend to the elucidation of the text. An exhaustive General Index to the English text will appear in the final volume of the series.

In the Preface to each volume, we will provide bibliographical information about its contents that seems necessary for scholars. The added Notes include historical, biographical, archaeological, and various other comments, which we hope will help clarify the text. A comprehensive General Index for the English text will be included in the final volume of the series.

PREFACE TO VOL. I

There is a dramatic unity in the Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, as they will be presented in this series. Commencing with a report of the first conversion of savages in New France, in 1610, by a secular priest, and soon drifting into the records of Jesuit missionary effort, they touch upon practically every important enterprise of the Jesuits, in Canada and Louisiana, from the coming of Fathers Biard and Massé, in 1611, to the death, in the closing decade of the eighteenth century, of Father Well, "the last Jesuit of Montreal."

There is a striking coherence in the Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, as they will be presented in this series. It begins with a report on the first conversion of Indigenous people in New France in 1610 by a secular priest, and quickly moves into the records of Jesuit missionary efforts. They cover nearly every significant endeavor of the Jesuits in Canada and Louisiana, from the arrival of Fathers Biard and Massé in 1611 to the death of Father Well, "the last Jesuit of Montreal," in the late 1700s.

I. The series fitly opens with Lescarbot's La Conversion des Savvages. Marc Lescarbot, a Paris lawyer, a Huguenot poet as well as historian, and in many respects a picturesque character in the early scenes of our drama, adroitly seeks in this document to convince the Catholic Queen of France that his Huguenot patrons, De Monts and Poutrincourt, are so wisely ordering affairs in their New World domain that not only will the glory of France be enhanced, but the natives be won to Christ through the medium of the Church; for it was part of the agreement entered into with the Crown, by these adventurers, that while their colonists should be permitted to have Huguenot ministers, the aborigines must be converted only by Catholic priests. To this end, Lescarbot 46describes with unction the sudden conversion by a secular priest, Messire Jessé Fléché, of old Chief Membertou and twenty other Micmacs, and their formal baptism on the beach at Port Royal. The object is, of course, to ward off the threatened invasion of New France by the Jesuits, by showing how thoroughly the work of proselyting is being carried forward without their aid.

I. The series fittingly starts with Lescarbot's La Conversion des Savvages. Marc Lescarbot, a lawyer from Paris, a Huguenot poet and historian, and a rather colorful figure in the early scenes of our story, skillfully tries in this document to persuade the Catholic Queen of France that his Huguenot supporters, De Monts and Poutrincourt, are managing affairs in their New World territory so wisely that not only will France's glory be boosted, but the natives will also be converted to Christianity through the Church. This was part of the agreement made with the Crown by these adventurers—while their colonists could have Huguenot ministers, the indigenous people could only be converted by Catholic priests. To support this, Lescarbot 46enthusiastically describes the sudden conversion of old Chief Membertou and twenty other Micmacs by a secular priest, Messire Jessé Fléché, and their formal baptism on the beach at Port Royal. The goal is, of course, to prevent the expected invasion of New France by the Jesuits, by demonstrating how thoroughly the work of converting people is being carried out without their involvement.

II. By the same ship which, in the hands of Poutrincourt's son, Biencourt, carries to France this ingenious document, one Bertrand, a Huguenot layman, sends a message to his friend, the Sieur de la Tronchaie. In his Lettre Missive, M. Bertrand describes the conversion of Membertou and his fellow savages, and speaks with enthusiasm of the new country: as well he may, for in Volume II. we shall find Lescarbot testifying that in Paris the worthy Bertrand was "daily tormented by the gout," while at Port Royal he was "entirely free" from it.

II. On the same ship that carries this clever document to France, in the hands of Poutrincourt's son, Biencourt, a Huguenot named Bertrand sends a message to his friend, the Sieur de la Tronchaie. In his Lettre Missive, M. Bertrand talks about the conversion of Membertou and his fellow natives and enthusiastically describes the new land: and rightly so, because in Volume II, we will see Lescarbot stating that in Paris, the good Bertrand was "constantly troubled by gout," while at Port Royal he was "completely free" from it.

III. Lescarbot's fervid description of Father Fléché's conversions did not succeed in keeping the Jesuits from New France. The present document is a letter written at Dieppe, by Father Pierre Biard, of the Society of Jesus, to his general at Rome, telling of the adventures which had befallen Father Ennemond Massé and himself, since they, the pioneers of their order in the New World, had been ordered from France to Port Royal. Certain Huguenot merchants of Dieppe conspired to prevent the passage of the Jesuits to America; but finally the queen and other court ladies, favoring the missionaries, purchased control of the Huguenots' ship and cargo, and the exultant fathers are now on the eve of sailing.

III. Lescarbot's passionate account of Father Fléché's conversions didn't stop the Jesuits from coming to New France. This document is a letter written in Dieppe by Father Pierre Biard of the Society of Jesus to his superior in Rome, sharing the adventures that he and Father Ennemond Massé experienced since they, the first members of their order in the New World, were sent from France to Port Royal. Some Huguenot merchants in Dieppe plotted to block the Jesuits from traveling to America; however, in the end, the queen and other ladies at court, supporting the missionaries, took control of the Huguenots' ship and cargo, and the delighted fathers are now ready to set sail.

47 IV. In this letter, written by Biard to his provincial, a few weeks after the arrival at Port Royal, the missionary gives the details of his voyage, describes the spiritual and material condition of Poutrincourt's colony, and outlines plans for work among the Indians—only Huguenot ministers being, as yet, allowed under the charter to serve the spiritual needs of the colonists themselves.

47 IV. In this letter, written by Biard to his province a few weeks after arriving at Port Royal, the missionary shares details of his journey, describes the spiritual and material state of Poutrincourt's colony, and lays out plans for working with the Native Americans—only Huguenot ministers are currently permitted under the charter to meet the spiritual needs of the colonists.

V. In this letter, Biard notifies his general of the safe arrival of Massé and himself.

V. In this letter, Biard informs his general that Massé and he have arrived safely.

VI. A like duty is here performed by Massé.

VI. A similar duty is carried out here by Massé.

VII. Father Jouvency, one of the eighteenth-century historians of the Society of Jesus, herein gives an historical account of the Canadian missions of his order, in 1611-13; and, by way of comparison, tells of the condition of the same missions in 1703, ending with a list of the Jesuit missions in North America in the year 1710, the date of original publication.

VII. Father Jouvency, one of the 18th-century historians of the Society of Jesus, provides a historical overview of the Canadian missions of his order from 1611 to 1613; and, for comparison, describes the status of the same missions in 1703, concluding with a list of the Jesuit missions in North America in 1710, the year of original publication.

VIII. Herein, Jouvency gives a detailed account of the Indian tribes of Canada,—their customs, characteristics, superstitions, etc. Although not in strict chronological order, these chapters are given here as being from the same work as the foregoing.

VIII. In this section, Jouvency provides a thorough overview of the Indian tribes of Canada—their customs, traits, beliefs, and more. While not in strict chronological order, these chapters are included here as they are from the same work as the previous ones.

In the preparation of several of the Notes to Volume I., the Editor has had some assistance from Mrs. Jane Marsh Parker, of Rochester, N. Y.

In preparing some of the Notes for Volume I, the Editor received assistance from Mrs. Jane Marsh Parker of Rochester, NY.

R. G. T.

R.G.T.

Madison, Wis., August, 1896.

Madison, WI, August 1896.

Lescarbot's The Conversion of Savages

Paris: JEAN MILLOT, 1610

Source: Title-page and text, reprinted from original in Lenox Library, New York; the Register of Baptisms from original in the John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. I.
Source: Title page and text, reprinted from the original at Lenox Library, New York; the Register of Baptisms from the original at the John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. I.

Peculiarities in Original Pagination: P. 7, misnumbered 1; p. 16, misnumbered 6; pp. 23, 24, are repeated, except the last sentence on p. 24; p. 46 numbered ""
Peculiarities in Original Pagination: Page 7 is misnumbered as 1; page 16 is misnumbered as 6; pages 23 and 24 are duplicated, except for the last sentence on page 24; page 46 is numbered "".

LA CONVERSION DES SAVVAGES QVI ONT ESTÉ BAPTIZÉS EN LA Novvelle France, cette annee 1610.

LA CONVERSION OF THE SAVAGES WHO WERE BAPTIZED IN New France, this year 1610.

AVEC VN BREF RECIT, du voyage du Sieur De Povtrincovrt.

WITH A BRIEF ACCOUNT, of the journey of Sir De Povtrincovrt.

A PARIS,

A Paris,

Chez Iean Millot, tenant sa boutique sur les degrez de la grand' Salle du Palais.

Chez Iean Millot, running his shop on the steps of the grand Hall of the Palace.

Avec Priuilege du Roy.

With Privilege of the King.

THE CONVERSION OF THE SAVAGES WHO WERE BAPTIZED in New France during this year, 1610.

THE CONVERSION OF THE SAVAGES WHO WERE BAPTIZED in Canada during this year, 1610.

WITH A BRIEF NARRATIVE of the voyage of Sieur De Poutrincourt.

PARIS,

Jean Millot, keeping shop upon the steps of the great Hall of the Palace.

Jean Millot, running a shop on the steps of the grand Hall of the Palace.

By Royal License.

By Royal Permission.

[iii] A la Royne.

MADAME,

Madam,

Dieu m'ayant fait naitre amateur de ma nation & zelateur de sa gloire, ie ne puis moins que de luy faire part de ce qui la touche, & qui sans doute l'époinçonnera quand elle entendra que le nom de Iesus-Christ est annoncé és terres d'outre mer qui portent le nom de France. Mais particulierement cela regarde vôtre Majesté, laquelle sur ces nouvelles a rendu vn temoignage du grand contentement [iv] qu'elle en avoit. La Chrétienté doit ceci au courage & à la pieté du Sieur de Poutrincourt, qui ne peut viure oisif parmi la trãquillité en laquelle nous vivons par le benefice du feu Roy vôtre Epoux. Mais (Madame) si vous desirez bien-tot voir cet œuvre avancé, il faut que vous y mettiez la main. Donnez luy des ailes pour voler sur les eaux, & penetrer si avant dans les terres de delà, que jusques a l'extremité où l'Occident se joint à l'Orient, tout lieu retentisse du nom de la France. Ie sçay qu'il ne manque de volonté & fidelité au service du Roy & de vôtre Majesté, pour faire (apres ce qui est de Dieu) que vous soyés obeis par tout le monde. Et pour mon regard en tout ce que i'ay iamais travaillé, ie me suis efforcé de bien meriter du Roy & du public, ausquels i'ay dedié mes labeurs. [v] S'il m'en arrive quelque fruit, ie le dedieray volontiers, & tout ce que Dieu m'a donné d'industrie, à l'accroissement de cette entreprise, & à ce qui regardera le bien de vôtre service. Cependant ayez (Madame) agreable ce petit discours evangelique (c'est à dire portant bonnes nouvelles) que publie à la France souz vôtre bon plaisir, Madame, de vôtre Majesté le tres-humble, tres-obeïssant, & tres-fidele serviteur & sujet,

God made me a lover of my nation and a supporter of its glory, so I can't help but share what's important to it, and it will surely pierce her heart when she hears that the name of Jesus Christ is proclaimed in the lands overseas that carry the name of France. But this concerns Your Majesty in particular, who has shown a great pleasure in this news. [iv] The Christian faith owes this to the courage and piety of Mr. de Poutrincourt, who cannot remain idle amidst the tranquility in which we live thanks to the late King, your husband. But (Ms.) if you want to see this work advance soon, you need to lend your hand. Give it wings to fly over the waters and penetrate so deeply into the lands beyond, that from the extreme where the West meets the East, every place resounds with the name of France. I know there is no lack of will and loyalty in the service of the King and your Majesty to ensure (after what is from God) that you are obeyed by everyone. And as for me, in everything I have ever worked on, I have made an effort to earn the favor of the King and the public, to whom I have dedicated my labors. [v] If I gain any fruit from this, I will gladly dedicate it, along with all that God has given me in diligence, to the advancement of this endeavor and to the benefit of your service. In the meantime, please accept (Ms.) this little evangelical discourse (that is, bringing good news) that is published to France under your gracious pleasure, Ma'am, by your Majesty's most humble, most obedient, and most loyal servant and subject.

Marc Lescarbot .

[iii] To the Queen. 1

MADAME,

MADAM,

God having created me a lover of my country and zealous for its glory, I cannot do less than impart to it whatever affects its interests; and so doubtless it will be greatly encouraged by the tidings that the name of Jesus Christ has been proclaimed in the lands beyond the sea, which bear the name of France. But this news is of especial interest to your Majesty, who, upon hearing it, gave evidence of your great satisfaction [iv] therein.

God created me to love my country and to be passionate about its glory, so I must share anything that impacts its interests; and surely it will be greatly uplifted by the news that the name of Jesus Christ has been declared in the lands across the sea known as France. But this news is particularly significant for Your Majesty, who, upon hearing it, showed your great satisfaction [iv] with it.

The Christian World owes this event to the courage and piety of Sieur de Poutrincourt,2 who cannot lead a life of idleness amid the peaceful prosperity in which we live through the favor of the deceased King, your Husband. But (Madame), if you wish to see immediate advancement in this work, you must lend a helping hand. Give it wings to fly over the seas, and to penetrate so far into the lands beyond that, even to the uttermost parts where the West unites with the East, every place may resound with the name of France. I know that there is no lack of good-will and loyalty in the service of the King and of your Majesty, to the end that (after what is due to God) you may be obeyed by all mankind. And as for me, in all that I have ever done, I have endeavored to merit the esteem of the King and of the public, to whom I have dedicated my labors. [v] If I gather any fruit therefrom, I shall willingly consecrate it, and all the energy God has given me, to the enlargement of this enterprise and to whatever may concern the welfare of your service. Meanwhile, be pleased (Madame) to accept this little gospel narrative (gospel, because bringing good tidings), which is published in France under your good pleasure, Madame, by your Majesty's very humble, very obedient and very faithful servant and subject,

The Christian world owes this event to the bravery and dedication of Sieur de Poutrincourt,2 who cannot live a life of idleness amidst the peaceful prosperity we enjoy thanks to the late King, your Husband. But (Ma'am), if you want to see progress in this effort, you must lend a helping hand. Give it the means to soar across the seas and reach distant lands, so that even to the farthest places where the West meets the East, everywhere may echo the name of France. I know there is no shortage of goodwill and loyalty in service to the King and your Majesty, aiming for everyone to obey you after what is owed to God. As for me, in everything I have done, I have tried to earn the esteem of the King and the public, to whom I have dedicated my efforts. [v] If I reap any rewards from this, I will gladly dedicate it, along with all the strength God has given me, to the growth of this endeavor and to whatever concerns the welfare of your service. In the meantime, please accept this little gospel narrative (gospel, as it brings good news), which is published in France at your pleasure, Ma'am, by your Majesty's very humble, very obedient, and very faithful servant and subject,

Marc Lescarbot.3

Marc Lescarbot.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

[vi] Extraict du Priuilege du Roy.

PAR grace & priuilege du Roy, il est permis à Iean Millot Marchant Libraire en la ville de Paris, d'imprimer, ou faire imprimer, vendre & distribuer par tout nostre Royaume tant de fois qu'il luy plaira, en telle forme ou caractere que bon luy semblera, vn liure intitulé La Conversion des Savvages composé par Marc Lescarbot Advocat en la Cour de Parlement. Et ce jusques au temps & terme de six ans finis & accomplis, à compter du jour que ledit livre sera achevé d'imprimer. Pendant lequel temps defences sont faictes à tous Imprimeurs, Libraires, & autres de quelque estat, qualité, ou condition qu'ils soient, de non imprimer, vendre, contrefaire, ou alterer ledit liure, ou aucune partie d'iceluy, sur peine de confiscation des exẽplaires, & de quinze cens livres d'amende appliquable moitié à nous, & moitié aux pauvres de L'hostel Dieu de cette ville de Paris, & despens dommages, & interests dudit exposant: Nonobstant toute clameur de Haro, Chartre Normande, Privileges, lettres ou autres appellations & oppositions formees à ce contraires faictes ou a faire. Donné à Paris le neufiesme iour de Septembre l'an de grace 1610. Et de nostre regne le premier.

By grace and privilege of the King, Jean Millot, bookseller in the city of Paris, is permitted to print, or have printed, sell, and distribute throughout our Kingdom as many times as he wishes, in any form or style he sees fit, a book titled The Conversion of the Savages written by Marc Lescarbot, Lawyer in the Parliament Court. This is valid for a period of six full years, starting from the day the book is finished printing. During this time, all printers, booksellers, and others of any status, quality, or condition are prohibited from printing, selling, counterfeiting, or altering said book, or any part of it, under penalty of confiscation of the copies, and a fine of fifteen hundred livres, half of which will go to us, and half to the poor of the Hôtel Dieu of this city of Paris, along with damages and interests of the said claimant: Notwithstanding any claims of Haro, Norman Charter, privileges, letters or other objections raised or to be raised against this. Granted in Paris on the ninth day of September in the year of grace 1610. And of our reign the first.

Par le Roy en son Conseil.

Signé, Brigard.

Signed, Brigard.

[vi] Extract from the Royal License.

BY the grace and prerogative of the King, permission is granted to Jean Millot, Bookseller in the city of Paris, to print or to have printed, to sell and distribute throughout all our Kingdom, as often as he may desire, in such form or character as he may see fit, a book, entitled: The Conversion of the Savages, composed by Marc Lescarbot, Counsellor in the Court of Parliament. And this to remain valid until the expiration of six complete years, counting from the day on which the printing of said book shall be finished. During said period of time all Printers, Booksellers, and other persons of whatsoever rank, quality, or condition are prohibited from publishing, selling, imitating, or changing said book or any part thereof, under penalty of confiscation of the copies, and of fifteen hundred livres fine, one-half of which is to be paid to us, and one-half to the poor of the town hospital in this city of Paris, together with the costs, damages, and interests of the aforesaid petitioner: notwithstanding all cries of Haro, Norman Charter,4 Licenses, letters, or other appeals and counter-claims, opposed to this now or in future. Given at Paris on the ninth day of September, in the year of grace, 1610, and in the first of our reign.

BY the grace and authority of the King, permission is granted to Jean Millot, a bookseller in the city of Paris, to print, sell, and distribute throughout our Kingdom, as often as he wishes, in whatever form or style he sees fit, a book titled: The Conversion of the Natives, written by Marc Lescarbot, Counselor in the Court of Parliament. This permission will remain valid for six complete years from the day the printing of the book is completed. During this time, all printers, booksellers, and any individuals of any rank, quality, or status are prohibited from publishing, selling, imitating, or altering this book or any part of it, under the penalty of confiscation of the copies and a fine of fifteen hundred livres, half of which will be paid to us, and half to the poor at the town hospital in the city of Paris, along with the costs, damages, and interests of the petitioner mentioned above: notwithstanding any claims of Haro, Norman Charter,4 licenses, letters, or any other appeals and counterclaims against this now or in the future. Given at Paris on the ninth day of September, in the year of grace 1610, and in the first year of our reign.

By the King in Council.

By the King and Council.

Signed, Brigard.

[7] La Conversion des Sauvages qui ont esté baptisez en la Nouuelle-France, cette annee 1610.

Matth. 24. vers. 14.

LA parole immuable de nôtre Sauveur Iesus-Christ nous temoigne par l'organe de sainct Matthieu que l'Euangile du royaume des cieux sera annoncé par tout le monde, pour estre en temoignage à toutes nations, avant que la consommation vienne. Nous scavons par les histoires que la voix des Apôtres a eclaté par tout le monde de deça dés il y a plusieurs siecles passez, quoy qu'aujourd'hui les royaumes Chrétiens en soient la moindre partie. Mais quant au nouveau monde decouvert depuis environ six-vingts ans, nous n'auons aucun vestige que la parole de Dieu y ait onques [8] esté annoncée avant ces derniers temps, si ce n'est que nous voulions adjouter quelque foy à ce que Iehan de Leri rapporte, que comme il racontoit vn jour aux Bresiliens les grandes merveilles de Dieu en la creation du monde, & mysteres de nôtre redemption, vn vieillart lui dit qu'il auoit oui dire à son grand pere qu'autrefois vn homme barbu (or les Bresiliens ne le sont point) estoit venu vers eux, & leur avoit dit choses semblables: mais qu'on ne le voulut point écouter, & depuis s'estoiẽt entre-tuez & mangez les vns les autres. Quant aux autres nations de dela quelques vns ont bien quelque sourde nouvelle du deluge, & de l'immortalité des ames, ensemble dela beatitude des biẽvivans apres cette vie, mais ils peuvent avoir retenu cette obscure doctrine de main en main par tradition depuis le cataclisme vniversel qui avint 60 au temps de Noé. Reste donc à deplorer la miserable condition de ces peuples qui occupent vne terre si grande, que le monde de deça ne vient en comparaison avec elle, si nous comprenons la terre qui est outre le detroit de Magellan dite, [9] Terra del fugo, tant en son etenduë vers la Chine, & le Iapan, que vers la Nouvelle Guinée: comme aussi celle qui est outre la grande riviere de Canada, qui s'estend vers l'Orient & est baignée de la grande mer Occidentale. Toutes lesquelles contrees sont en vne miserable ignorance, & n'y a point d'apparence qu'elles aient onques eu le vẽt de l'Evangile, sinon qu'en ce dernier siecle l'Hespagnol parmi la cruauté & l'avarice y a apporté quelque lumiere de la religion Chrétienne. Mais cela est si peu de chose, qu'on n'en peut pas faire si grand estat qu'il pourroit sembler, d'autant que par la confession méme de ceux qui en ont écrit les histoires ils ont preque tué tous les naturels du païs, & en fait nombre vn certain historien, de plus de vingt millions, dés il y a soixante dix ans. L'Anglois depuis vingt-cinq ans a pris pié en vne terre qui git entre la Floride, & le païs des Armouchiquois, laquelle terre a esté appellée Virginie en l'honneur de la defuncte Royne d'Angleterre. Mais cette nation fait ses affaires si secretement, que peu de gens en sçauent de [10] nouvelles certaines. Peu apres que i'eu publié mon Histoire de la Nouvelle France on fit vn embarquemẽt de huit cens hommes pour y envoyer. Il n'est point mention qu'ils se soient lavé les mains au sang de ces peuples. En quoy ils ne sont ni à loüer, ni à blamer: car il n'y a aucune loy, ni aucun pretexte, qui permette de tuer qui que ce soit, & méme ceux des biens desquelz nous-nous emparons. 62 Mais ils sont à priser s'ils montrent à ces pauvres ignorans le chemin de salut par la vraye & non fardée doctrine Evangelique. Quant à noz François ie me suis assez plaint en madite Histoire de la poltronnerie du temps d'aujourd'huy, & du peu de zele que nous avons soit à redresser ces pauvres errans, soit à faire que le nom de Dieu soit coneu exalté & glorifié en ces terres d'outre mer, où jamais il ne le fut. Et toutefois nous voulons que cela porte le nom de France, nom tant auguste & venerable, que nous ne pouvons sans honte nous glorifier d'vne France qui n'est point Chrétienne. Ie sçay qu'il ne manque pas de gens de bõne volonté pour y aller. Mais pourquoy [11] l'Eglise, qui possede tant de biens; mais pourquoy les Grands, qui sont tant de depenses superflues, ne financent-ilz quelque chose pour l'execution d'vn si sainct œuvre? Deux Gentils-hommes pleins de courage en ces derniers tẽps se sont trouvez zelés à ceci, les Sieurs de Monts, & de Poutrincourt, lesquels à leurs dépens se sont enervés, & ont fait plus que leurs forces ne pouvoient porter. L'vn & l'autre ont continué jusques à present leurs voyages. Mais l'vn a esté deceu par deux fois, & est tombé en grand interest pour s'estre rendu trop credule aux paroles de quelques vns. Or d'autant que les dernieres nouvelles que nous avons de nôtre Nouvelle-France viennent de la part du Sieur de Poutrincourt, nous dirons ici ce qui est de son fait: & avons iuste sujet d'exalter son courage, entant que ne pouvant viure parmi la tourbe des hommes oisifs, dont nous n'abondons que trop; & voyant nôtre France comme languir au repos d'vn calme ennuieux aux hõmes de travail: apres avoir en mille occasions fait preuve de 64 sa valeur depuis vingt quatre ans ença; il a voulu coroner [12] ses labeurs vrayement Herculeens par la cause de Dieu, pour laquelle il employe ses moyens & ses forces, & va hazardant sa vie, pour accroitre le nombre des citoyens des cieux, & amener à la bergerie de Iesus-Christ nôtre souverain Pasteur, les brebis egarées, lesquelles il seroit bien-seant aux Prelats de l'Eglise d'aller recuillir (du moins contribuer à cet effect) puis qu'ils en ont le moyen. Mais avec combien de travaux s'est-il employé jusques ici à cela? Voici la troisieme fois qu'il passe le grand Ocean pour parvenir à ce but. La premiere année se passa avec le sieur de Monts à chercher vne demeure propre & vn port asseuré pour la retraite des vaisseaux & des hommes. Ce qui ne succeda pas bien. La seconde année fut employée à la mesme chose, & lors il estoit en France. En la troisieme nous fimes epreuve de la terre, laquelle nous rendit abondamment le fruict de nôtre culture: Cette annee icy voyant par vne mauvaise experience que les hommes sont trompeurs, il ne s'est plus voulu attendre à autre qu'à luy-méme, & [s']est mis en mer le 26. Fevrier, ayant eu [13] temps fort contraire en sa navigation, laquelle a esté la plus longue dont i'aye jamais ouï parler. Certes la nôtre nous fut fort ennuieuse il y a trois ans, ayans esté vagabons l'espace de deux mois & demi sur la mer avant qu'arriver au Port Royal. Mais en cette-ci ils ont esté trois mois entiers. De sorte qu'vn indiscret se seroit mutiné jusques à faire de mauvaises conspirations: toutesfois la benignité dudit Sieur de Poutrincourt & le respect du lieu où il demeuroit à Paris, lui ont serui de bouclier pour luy garentir la vie. 66 Terrir, c'est à dire decouvrir la terre. La premiere côte où territ iceluy Sieur de Poutrincourt fut au port au Mouton. De là parmi les brouïllas qui sont fort frequens le long de l'Eté en cette mer, il se trouva en quelques perils, principalement vers le Cap de Sable, où son vaisseau pensa toucher sur les brisans. Hist. de la Nouvelle-France liv. 2. chap. 37. p. 527. Depuis voulant gaigner le Port Royal, il fut porté par la violence des vents quarante lieuës par-dela, c'est à sçavoir à la riviere de Norombega tant celebrée & fabuleusement décrite par les Geographes & Historiens, ainsi que i'ay monstré en madite Histoire, là où se pourra voir cette navigation par la Table geographique [14] que i'y ay mise. De-là il vint à la riviere sainct Iehan qui est vis à vis du Port Royal pardela la Baye Françoise, où il trouva vn navire de S. Malo, qui troquoit avec les Sauvages du païs. Et là il eut plainte d'vn Capitaine Sauvage qu'vn dudit navire lui auoit ravi sa femme, & en abusoit: dont ledit Sieur fit informer, & print celui là prisonnier, & le navire aussi. Mais il laissa aller ledit navire & les matelots se contentant de garder le malfaiteur: lequel neantmoins s'evada dans vne chaloupe & se retira avec les Sauvages, les detournant de l'amitié des François, comme nous dirons ci-apres. En fin arriués audit Port Royal il ne se peut dire avec combien de ioye ces pauvres peuples receurent ledit Sieur & sa compagnie. Et de verité le sujet de cette ioye estoit d'autant plus grand qu'ils n'avoient plus d'esperance de voir les François habiter aupres d'eux, desquels ils auoient ressenti les courtoisies lors que nous y estions, dont se voyans priués, aussi pleuroient ils à chaudes larmes quand nous partimes de là il y a trois ans. En ce Port Royal est la demeure [15] dudict sieur de Poutrincourt, le plus beau sejour que 68 Dieu ait formé sur la terre, remparé d'un rang de 12 ou 15. lieuës de montagnes du côté du Nort, sur lesquelles bat le Soleil tout le iour: & de cotaux au côte du Su, ou Midi: lequel au reste peut contenir vingt milles vaisseaux en asseurance, ayant vingt brasses de profond à son entrée, vne lieuë & demie de large, & quatre de long jusques à vne ile qui a vne lieuë Françoise de circuit: dans lequel i'ay veu quelquefois à l'aise noüer vne moyenne Baleine, qui venoit auec le flot à huict heures au matin par chacun jour. Au reste dans ce port se peche en la saison grande quantité de harens, d'eplans, (ou eperlans) sardines, bars, moruës, loups-marins, & autre poissons: & quant aux coquillages, on y recueille force houmars, crappes, palourdes, coques, moules, escargots, & chatagines de mer. Mais qui voudra aller au dessus du flot de la mer il pechera en la riviere force eturgeons & saumons, à la dessaicte desquels il y a vn singulier plaisir. Or pour reprendre nôstre fil, le Sieur de Poutrincourt arrivé [6 i.e. 16] là a trouvé ses batimens tout entiers sans que les Sauvages (ainsi a-on appellé ces peuples là iusques à maintenant) y eussent touché en aucune façon, ny méme aux meubles qu'on y avoit laissé. Et soucieux de leurs vieux amis ils demandoient comme vn chacun d'eux se portoit, les nommant particulierement par leurs noms communs, & demandans pourquoy tels & tels n'y estoient retournez. Ceci demontre vne grãde debõnaireté en ce peuple, lequel aussi ayant en nous reconu toute humanité, ne nous fuit point; comme il fait l'Hespagnol en tout ce grand monde nouveau. Et consequemment par vne douceur & courtoisie, qui leur est aussi familiere qu'à nous, il est aisé de les faire plier à tout ce que l'on 70 voudra, & particulierement pour ce qui touche le point de la Religion, de laquelle nous leur avions baillé de bonnes impressiõs lors que nous estions aupres d'eux, & ne desiroient pas mieux que de se ranger souz la banniere de Iesus-Christ: à quoy ils eussent esté receuz dés lors, si nous eussions eu vn pié ferme en la terre. Mais comme nous pensions continuer, [17] avint que le sieur de Monts ne pouvant plus fournir à la depense, & le Roy ne l'assistant point, il fut contraint de revoquer tous ceux qui estoient pardelà, lesquels n'avoient porté les choses necessaires à vne plus longue demeure. Ainsi c'eust esté temerité & folie de conferer le baptéme à ceux qu'il eust fallu par apres abandonner, & leur donner sujet de retourner à leur vomissement. Mais maintenant que c'est à bon escient, & que ledit sieur de Poutrincourt fait pardelà sa demeure actuelle, il est loisible de leur imprimer le charactere Chrétien sur le front & en l'ame, apres les avoir instruit és principaux articles de nôtre Foy. Aux Hebr. 11. vers. 6. Ce qu'a eu soin de faire ledit Sieur, sachant ce que dit l'Apôtre, que celuy qui s'approche de Dieu doibt croire que Dieu est: & apres cette croyance, peu à peu on vient aux choses qui sont plus eloignées du sens commun, comme de croire que d'vn rien Dieu ait fait toutes choses, qu'il se soit fait homme, qu'il soit nay d'vne Vierge, qu'il ait voulu mourir pour l'homme, &c. Et d'autant que les hommes Ecclesiastics qui ont esté portés pardelà ne sont encore [18] instruits en la langue de ces peuples, ledit Sieur a pris la peine de les instruire & les faire instruire par l'organe de son fils ainé jeune Gentilhomme qui entend & parle fort bien ladite langue, & qui sẽble estre né pour leur ouvrir le chemin des cieux. Les hommes qui sont au Port Royal, 72 & terres adjacentes tirant vers la Terre-neuve, s'appellent Souriquois, & ont leur langue propre. Mais passée la Baye Françoise, qui a environ 40. lieuës de profond dans les terres, & 10. ou 12. lieuës de large, les hommes de l'autre part s'appellent Etechemins, & plus loin sont les Armouchiquois peuple distingué de langage de ceux-ci, & lequel est heureux en quãtité de belles vignes & gros raisins, s'il sçavoit conoitre l'vtilité de ce fruit, lequel (ainsi que nos vieux Gaullois) il pense estre poison. Ammian Marcellin. Il a aussi de la chãve excellente que la nature lui donne, laquelle en beauté and bõté passe de beaucoup la nôtre: & outre ce le Sassafras, force chenes, noyers, pruniers, chataigniers, & autres fruits qui ne sont venus à nôtre conoissance. Quant au Port Royal ie veux confesser qu'il n'y a pas [19] tant de fruits: & neantmoins la terre y est plantureuse pour y esperer tout ce que la France Gaulloise nous produit. Tous ces peuples se gouvernent par Capitaines qu'ils appellent Sagamos, mot qui est pris és Indes Orientales en méme signification, ainsi que i'ay leu en l'histoire de Maffeus, & lequel i'estime venir du mot Hebrieu Sagan, qui signifie Grand Prince, selon Rabbi David, & quelquefois celui qui tient le second lieu apres le souverain Pontife. Esai. 41. vers. 25, Ierem. 51. vers. 23. Santes Pagnin, 9. En la version ordinaire de la Bible il est pris pour le Magistrat: & neantmoins là méme les interpretes Hebrieux le tournẽt Prince. Et de fait nous lisons dans Berose que Noé fut appellé Saga tant pour ce qu'il estoit grand Prince, que pour ce qu'il avoit enseigné la Theologie, & les ceremonies du service divin, avec beaucoup de secrets, des choses natureles, aux Scytes Armeniens, que les anciens Cosmographes appellerent Sages du nom de Noé. Et paraventure pour cette 74 méme consideration ont esté appellés nos Tectosages, qui sont les Tolosains. Car ce bon pere restaurateur du monde vint en Italie, & envoya [20] repeupler les Gaulles apres le Deluge, donnant son nom de Gaulois (car Xenophon dit qu'il fut aussi appellé de ce nom) à ceux qu'il y envoya, par ce qu'il avoit esté echappé des eaux. Et n'est pas inconvenient que lui-méme n'ait imposé le nom aux Tectosages. Revenons à nôtre mot de Sagamos lequel est le tiltre d'honneur des Capitaines en ces Terres neuves dont nous parlons. Au Port Royal le Capitaine, ou Sagamos dudit lieu s'appelle en son nom Membertou. Il est âgé de cent ans pour le moins, & peut naturellement vivre encore plus de cinquante. Il a sous soy plusieurs familles, ausquelles il commande, non point avec tant d'authorité que fait nôtre Roy sur ses sujets, mais pour haranguer, donner conseil, marcher à la guerre, faire raison à celui qui reçoit quelque injure, & choses sẽblables. Il ne met point d'impost sur le peuple. Mais s'il y a de la chasse il en a sa part sans qu'il soit tenu d'y aller. Vray est qu'on lui fait quelquefois des presens de peaux de Castors, ou autre chose, quand il est employé pour la guerison de quelque malade, ou pour interroger [21] son dæmon (qu'il appelle Aoutem) afin d'auoir nouvelle de quelque chose future, ou absente: car chaque village, ou compagnie de Sauvages, ayant vn Aoutmoin, c'est à dire Devin, qui fait cet office, Membertou est celui qui de grande ancienneté à prattiqué cela entre ceux parmi lesquels il a conversé. Si bien qu'il est en credit pardessus tous les autres Sagamos du païs, aiãt dés sa jeunesse esté grand Capitaine, & parmi cela exercé l'office de Devin & de Medecin, qui sont les 76 trois choses plus efficaces à obliger les hommes, & à se rendre necessaire en ceste vie humaine. Or ce Membertou aujourd'huy par la grace de Dieu est Chrétien avec toute sa famille, aiant esté baptizé, & vingt autres apres lui, le jour sainct Iehan dernier 24. Iuin. I'en ay lettres dudit Sieur de Poutrincourt en datte du vnzieme jour de Iuillet ensuivant. Ledit Membertou a esté nommé du nom de nôtre feu bon Roy Henry IIII. & son fils ainé du nom de Monseigneur le Dauphin aujourd'huy nôtre Roy Lovis XIII. que Dieu benie. Et ainsi consequemment la femme de Membertou a [22] esté nommée Marie du nom de la Royne Regente, & à sa fille a esté imposé le nom de la Roine Margverite. Le second fils de Membertou dit Actaudin fut nommé Pavl du nom de nôtre sainct Pere le Pape de Rome. La fille du susdit Louis eut nom Christine en l'honneur de Madame la sœur ainee du Roy. Et consequemment à chacun fut imposé le nom de quelque illustre, ou notable personnage de deça. Plusieurs autres Sauvages estoient lors allez cabanner ailleurs (comme c'est leur coutume de se disperser par bendes quand l'esté est venu) lors de ces solennitez de regeneration Chrétienne, lesquels nous estimons estre aujourd'huy enrollés en la famille de Dieu par le méme lavemẽt du sainct bapteme. Mais le diable, qui iamais ne dort, en ceste occurrence ici a témoigné la jalousie qu'il avoit du salut annoncé à ce peuple, & de voir que le nom de Dieu fust glorifié en cette terre: ayant suscité vn mauvais François, non François, mais Turc: non Turc, mais Athée, pour detourner du sentier de salut plusieurs Sauvages qui estoient Chrétiens en leur ame & de [23] volonté dés il y a trois ans: & entre autres vn 78 Sagamos nommé Chkoudun homme de grand credit, duquel i'ay fait honorable mẽtion en mon Histoire de la Nouvelle-Frãce, par ce que je l'ay veu sur tous autres aymer les François, & qu'il admiroit nos inventions au pris de leur ignorance: mémes que s'estant quelquefois trouvé aux remontrances Chrétiennes qui se faisoient par-de là à noz Frãçois par chacun Dimanche, il s'y rendoit attentif, encores qu'il n'y entẽdist rien: & davantage avoit pendu devant sa poitrine le signe de la Croix, lequel il faisoit aussi porter à ses domestics & avoit à nôtre imitation planté vne grande Croix en la place de son village dit Oigoudi, sur le port de la riuiere sainct Iehan, à dix lieuës du port Royal. Or cet homme avec les autres, a esté détourné d'estre Chrétien par l'avarice maudite de ce mauvais François que i'ay touché ci-dessus, lequel ie ne veux nõmer pour cette heure pour l'amour & reverence que ie porte à son pere, mais avec protestation de l'eterniser s'il ne s'amende. Celui-là, di-ie, pour attraper quelques Castors de ce Sagamos [24] Chkoudun, l'alla en Iuin dernier suborner, apres s'estre euadé des mains dudit Sieur de Poutrincourt, disãt que tout ce qu'icelui Poutrincourt leur disoit de Dieu n'estoit rien qui vaille, qu'il ne le falloit point croire, & que c'estoit vn abuseur, & qu'il les feroit mourir pour avoir leurs Castors. Ie laisse beaucoup de mechans discours qu'il peut avoir adjouté à cela. S'il estoit de la Religion de ceux qui se disent Reformez ie l'excuserois aucunement: mais il mõtre bien qu'il n'est ni de l'vne, ny de l'autre. Si diray-ie toutefois qu'il a sujet de remercier Dieu du dãger où il s'est veu en nôtre voiage. Ce Sagamos pouvoit estant Chrétien en rẽdre bon nombre 80 semblables à lui, à son imitation. Mais ie veux esperer, ou plustot croire pour certain qu'il ne demeurera plus gueres long tẽps en cet erreur, & que ledit Sieur aura trouvé moyen de l'attirer (avec beaucoup d'autres) pres de soy, pour luy imprimer derechef les vives persuasions dont il luy avoit autrefois touché l'ame en ma presence. Car l'esprit de Dieu est puissant pour faire tõber sur ce champ vne nouvelle rousee, qui fera regermer ce que la grele a desseché & abbatu. Dieu vueille par sa grace conduire le tout en sorte que la chose reüssisse à sa gloire & à l'edification de ce peuple, pour lequel tous Chrétiens doivent faire continuelles prieres à sa divine bonté, à ce qu'il lui plaise confirmer & avancer l'œuvre qu'il lui a pleu susciter en ce temps pour l'exaltation de son nom, & le salut de ses creatures.

LA unchanging word of our Savior Jesus Christ shows us through Saint Matthew that the Gospel of the kingdom of heaven will be announced to the entire world as a witness to all nations before the end comes. We know from historical accounts that the voices of the Apostles spread throughout the world many centuries ago, though today the Christian kingdoms are but a small part of it. However, regarding the new world discovered about eighty years ago, we have no evidence that the word of God has ever been proclaimed there before recent times, unless we consider some faith in what Jehan de Leri reports, that as he told the Brazilians about the great wonders of God in the creation of the world and the mysteries of our redemption, an old man told him he had heard from his grandfather that a bearded man (since Brazilians are not), came to them and told them similar things: but they did not listen to him, and since then they have killed and eaten one another. As for other nations across the seas, some have a vague notion of the flood and the immortality of souls, along with the happiness of the living after this life, but they might have retained this obscure doctrine hand by hand through tradition since the universal cataclysm that occurred 60 in the time of Noah. It remains to lament the miserable condition of these peoples who occupy such a vast land that the world on this side pales in comparison, if we consider the land beyond the Strait of Magellan, called Terra del fuego, in its extension toward China and Japan, as well as toward New Guinea: also, that which is beyond the great river of Canada, extending toward the East and washed by the great Western sea. All these regions are in a state of miserable ignorance, and there seems to be no sign that they have ever had the banner of the Gospel, except that in this last century the Spaniards, amidst cruelty and greed, brought some light of the Christian religion. But this is such a small thing that we can't make too much of it, as even those who have written the histories confess that they have almost killed all the natives of the land, citing a certain historian who estimated more than twenty million, sixty years ago. The English have recently settled on a land lying between Florida and the land of the Armouchiquois, which has been called Virginia in honor of the deceased Queen of England. But this nation conducts its affairs so secretly that few people know any certain news about it. Shortly after I published my History of New France, an expedition of eight hundred men was sent there. There is no mention that they washed their hands in the blood of these people. In this, they can neither be praised nor blamed, for there is no law or pretext that justifies killing anyone, even those from whom we seize possessions. 62 But they deserve appreciation if they show these poor ignorant people the way to salvation through true and unvarnished Evangelical doctrine. As for us Frenchmen, I have lamented enough in the mentioned History about the cowardice of today’s times, and the little zeal we have either to correct these poor strayers or to ensure that God's name is known, exalted, and glorified in these distant lands, where it has never been before. And yet, we want this to bear the name of France, a name so august and venerable that we cannot without shame boast of a France that is not Christian. I know there are plenty of people of good will to go there. But why does [11] the Church, which possesses so many goods; why do the Great ones, who have so many superfluous expenses, not fund something for the execution of such a holy work? Two noblemen full of courage in recent times have become zealous about this, Messieurs de Monts and de Poutrincourt, who at their own expense have worn themselves out and have done more than their strength could bear. Both have continued their journeys to this day. But one has been deceived twice and has fallen into great trouble for having been too credulous to some words from a few individuals. Now, since the latest news we have from our New France comes from Sieur de Poutrincourt, we will discuss what is concerning him: and we have just cause to praise his courage, as he, unable to live among the crowd of idle men, of which we have far too many; and seeing our France languishing in the rest of a tedious calm for working men: after having shown his worth in a thousand occasions over the past twenty-four years; he has wanted to crown [12] his truly Herculean labors for the cause of God, for which he employs his means and strength, and risks his life, to increase the number of citizens of heaven, and to bring the lost sheep to the flock of Jesus Christ, our sovereign Shepherd, which would be fitting for the Prelates of the Church to go and gather (at least contribute to this effect) since they have the means. But with how much effort has he applied himself to this so far? This is the third time he has crossed the great Ocean to achieve this goal. The first year was spent with Sieur de Monts searching for a suitable dwelling and a secure port for the retreat of ships and men. This did not go well. The second year was spent on the same thing while he was in France. In the third, we tested the land, which returned to us abundantly the fruit of our cultivation: This year, seeing by a bad experience that men are deceptive, he did not want to depend on anyone but himself, and [he] set sail on February 26, having faced very adverse conditions in his navigation, which has been the longest I have ever heard of. Certainly ours was quite tedious three years ago, as we were vagabonds for two and a half months at sea before arriving at Port Royal. But during this voyage, they endured three whole months. Such that an indiscreet person would have mutinied to the point of making bad conspiracies: nevertheless, the kindness of said Sieur de Poutrincourt and the respect of the place where he resided in Paris served as a shield for him to safeguard his life. 66 Terrir, meaning to find land. The first coast where Sieur de Poutrincourt landed was at Port au Mouton. From there, amidst the fogs that are quite frequent along the summer in this sea, he found himself in some peril, especially near Cape Sable, where his vessel almost struck the breakers. History of New France vol. 2. ch. 37. p. 527. Afterwards, wanting to reach Port Royal, he was blown by the force of the winds forty leagues beyond, to the river of Norombega, so celebrated and fabulously described by Geographers and Historians, as I have shown in my mentioned History, where this navigation can be seen in the geographical Table [14] that I placed there. From there he went to the Saint John River, which is opposite Port Royal across the Bay Françoise, where he found a ship from Saint Malo trading with the natives of the land. And there he received a complaint from a Native Captain that one of said ship's crew had stolen his wife and was abusing her: for which Sieur made inquiries and took that man prisoner along with the ship. But he let the ship and the sailors go, contenting himself with keeping the criminal: who nonetheless escaped in a small boat and withdrew with the Natives, turning them away from the friendship of the French, as we will say later. Finally, when they arrived at said Port Royal, one cannot express how joyful these poor peoples were to receive said Sieur and his company. And indeed, the reason for this joy was all the greater because they had lost all hope of seeing the French living near them, from whom they had felt kindness when we were there; seeing themselves deprived of this, they also wept bitterly when we departed from there three years ago. At this Port Royal is the residence [15] of said Sieur de Poutrincourt, the most beautiful place that God has formed on earth, protected by a row of 12 or 15 leagues of mountains on the north side, which the sun shines on all day; and on the south side: which can safely accommodate twenty thousand ships, having twenty fathoms of depth at its entrance, a league and a half wide, and four long up to an island that is a French league in circumference: in which I have sometimes seen a medium-sized whale comfortably tied, coming in with the tide at eight o'clock every morning. Also, in this port during the season, a great quantity of herring, smelts, sardines, bass, cod, seals, and other fish are caught; and when it comes to shellfish, one collects many lobsters, crabs, clams, mussels, snails, and sea chestnuts. But for those who want to go above the tide of the sea, they will fish in the river plenty of sturgeon and salmon, of which there is unique pleasure. Now, to return to our narrative, Sieur de Poutrincourt, upon arriving [6 i.e., 16] there found his vessels completely intact, with the Natives (as these people have been called until now) having touched nothing in any way, not even the furniture that had been left there. And mindful of their old friends, they inquired about how each of them was doing, naming them individually by their common names, and asking why such and such hadn't returned. This shows great kindness in these people, who also recognizing all humanity in us do not flee from us; as the Spaniard does in all this new world. And consequently, with a sweetness and politeness that is as familiar to them as to us, it is easy to make them bend to whatever one wishes, and especially regarding the matter of Religion, of which we had given them good impressions when we were close to them, and they desired nothing more than to come under the banner of Jesus Christ: to which they would have been received right away if we had had a firm footing in the land. But as we thought to continue, [17] it happened that Sieur de Monts, unable to provide further funding, and with the King not assisting him, was forced to recall all those who were over there, who had not brought along what was necessary for a longer stay. Thus it would have been foolish and reckless to confer baptism upon those whom he would later have had to abandon, giving them a reason to return to their former ways. But now that this is done legitimately, and since said Sieur de Poutrincourt currently resides over there, it is permissible to imprint the Christian mark on their foreheads and souls, after having instructed them on the main articles of our Faith. To the Hebrews 11:6 Which said Sieur has taken care to do, knowing what the Apostle says, that he who draws near to God must believe that God exists: and after this belief, gradually one comes to things that are further from common sense, such as believing that from nothing God made all things, that He became man, that He was born of a Virgin, that He chose to die for humanity, etc. And since the ecclesiastical men who have been sent over there have not yet [18] been taught the language of these peoples, said Sieur has taken the effort to instruct them and have them taught through his eldest son, a young gentleman who understands and speaks the language very well, and who seems to have been born to open the way to the heavens for them. The people at Port Royal and adjacent lands toward Newfoundland call themselves Souriquois and have their own language. But beyond the Bay Françoise, which is about 40 leagues deep in the lands and 10 or 12 leagues wide, the people on the other side call themselves Etechemins, and further are the Armouchiquois, a people distinguished by a different language, which is abundant in beautiful vines and large grapes, if they knew how to value the usefulness of this fruit, which (just like our old Gauls) they think is poison. They also have excellent chests that nature gives them, which in beauty and size surpass ours by far; and beyond that, there are various oaks, walnuts, plums, chestnuts, and other fruits that have not come to our knowledge. As for Port Royal, I must confess that it does not contain [19] as many fruits: and yet the land is fertile enough to hope for everything that the Gallic France produces. All these peoples are governed by Captains they call Sagamos, a term that is used in the East Indies with the same meaning, as I read in the history of Maffeus, and I estimate it comes from the Hebrew word Sagan, which means Grand Prince, according to Rabbi David, and sometimes refers to one who holds the second place after the sovereign Pontiff. Isaiah 41 v. 25 Jeremiah 51 v. 23 Saints Pagnin, 9. In the regular version of the Bible, it is taken for the Magistrate: and nevertheless, there too the Hebrew interpreters turn it to Prince. And indeed, we read in Berose that Noah was called Saga both because he was a great Prince and because he had taught Theology, and the ceremonies of divine service, along with many secrets of natural things to the Scythians and Armenians, whom the ancient Cosmographers called Sages after Noah. And perhaps for this same reason our Tectosages, who are the people of Toulouse, have been called so. Because this good father, the restorer of the world, came to Italy and sent people to repopulate the Gauls after the Deluge, giving his name of Gaul (because Xenophon says he was also called by this name) to those he sent there, since he had escaped from the waters. It is not inconceivable that he himself named the Tectosages. Let’s return to our topic of Sagamos, which is the title of honor for the Captains in these new lands we are discussing. At Port Royal, the Captain, or Sagamos of the place is named Membertou. He is at least a hundred years old, and could naturally live another fifty more. He commands several families, to whom he leads, not with as much authority as our King does over his subjects, but to harangue, give counsel, march to war, make sense of those who receive any injury, and similar matters. He does not impose taxes on the people. But when there is a hunt, he takes his share without being required to participate. It is true that sometimes he receives gifts of beaver pelts or something else when he is employed for the healing of someone sick or to consult [21] his demon (whom he calls Aoutem) to find out news of something future or absent: for each village or group of Natives has an Aoutmoin, meaning a Diviner, who performs this office, Membertou has historically practiced this among those with whom he has conversed. So he is esteemed above all other Sagamos in the land, having been a great Captain since his youth, and in addition to that, served as a Diviner and Physician, which are the three most effective roles in binding men and making oneself necessary in this human life. Now, this Membertou today, by the grace of God is Christian with all his family, having been baptized, along with twenty others after him, on the feast of Saint John last June 24. I have letters from said Sieur de Poutrincourt dated the eleventh day of July following. The said Membertou has been given the name of our late good King Henry IV. and his elder son the name of Monseigneur le Dauphin, today our King Louis XIII. God bless him. And therefore, consequently, Membertou's wife has [22] been named Marie after the Queen Regent, and his daughter has been given the name of Queen Margaret. Membertou's second son, named Actaudin, was called Paul after our holy Father the Pope of Rome. The daughter of the aforementioned Louis was named Christine in honor of the just sister of the King. And consequently, each one was given the name of some illustrious or notable person over here. Several other Natives had gone to set up camp elsewhere (as is their custom to disperse in bands when summer arrives) during these celebrations of Christian regeneration, whom we believe today are enrolled in the family of God through the same baptismal washing. But the devil, who never sleeps, in this situation has shown the jealousy he has over the salvation proclaimed to this people, and to see that God’s name was glorified in this land: having incited a wicked Frenchman, not truly French, but a Turk: not a Turk, but an Atheist, to lead astray several Natives who were Christians in their hearts and voluntarily for three years: and among others, a 78 Sagamos named Chkoudun, a man of great credit, whom I have honorably mentioned in my History of New France, as I have seen him love the French more than others, and he admired our inventions in contrast to their ignorance: even that he has sometimes found himself attentive at the Christian reminders made over there to our French every Sunday, he understood nothing, and furthermore wore before his chest the sign of the Cross, which he made his servants also wear and had planted a large Cross in the place of his village called Oigoudi, on the port of the Saint John River, ten leagues from Port Royal. Now this man, along with others, has been turned away from being Christian by the cursed greed of that wicked Frenchman that I mentioned above, whom I do not want to name at this time for the love and respect I bear for his father, but I pledge to expose him eternally if he does not amend his ways. That one, I say, to catch some Beavers from this Sagamos [24] Chkoudun, went to corrupt him last June, after he had escaped the hands of said Sieur de Poutrincourt, saying that everything that Poutrincourt told them about God was worthless, that they shouldn't believe him, and that he was a deceiver, and that he would kill them to take their Beavers. I will leave out much of the wicked talk that he may have added to that. If he were of the Religion of those who call themselves Reformed, I would excuse him in some degree: but he shows well that he is of neither. I will say, however, that he has reason to thank God for the danger he found himself in during our journey. This Sagamos could have, being Christian, brought forth many like him, to his imitation. But I want to hope, or rather believe for certain that he will not remain long in this error, and that said Sieur will have found a way to draw him (along with many others) close to himself, to again instill the lively persuasions that he had touched his soul with in my presence. For the Spirit of God is powerful enough to bring a new harvest upon this field, which will restore what hail has dried up and battered. May God, by His grace, guide everything so that the matter succeeds for His glory and the edification of this people, for whom all Christians ought to make continuous prayers to His divine goodness, that it may please Him to confirm and advance the work He has been pleased to raise up in this time for the exaltation of His name and the salvation of His creatures.

FIN.

[25] Il y a pardela des hommes d'Eglise de bon sçavoir que le seul zele de la Religion y a porté, lesquels ne manqueront de faire tout ce que la pieté requerra en ce regard. Or quant à present il n'est pas besoin de ces Docteurs sublimes, qui peuvent estre plus vtiles pardeça à combattre les vices & les heresies. Ioint qu'il y a certaine sorte de gens desquels on ne se peut pas bien asseurer faisans métier de censurer tout ce qui ne vient à leurs maximes, & voulans commander par tout. Il suffit d'estre veillé au dehors sans avoir de ces epilogueurs qui considerent tous les mouvemens de vôtre corps & de vôtre cœur pour en faire regitres, desquels les plus grands Rois mémes ne se peuvẽt defendre. Et puis, que serviroiẽt pardela tãt de gens de cette sorte, quãt à present, si ce n'est qu'ils 82 voulussent s'addonner à la culture de la terre? Car ce n'est pas tout que d'aller là. Il faut considerer ce que l'on y fera y estant arrivé. Pour ce qui est de la demeure du Sieur de Poutrincourt il s'est fourni au depart de ce qui lui estoit necessaire. Mais s'il prenoit envie à quelques gens de bien d'y [26] avancer l'Evangile, ie seroy d'avis qu'ils fissent cinq ou six bandes, avec chacun vn navire bien equippé, & qu'ils allassent planter des colonies en diverses places de ces quartiers là, comme à Tadoussac, Gachepé, Campseau, la Héve, Oigoudi, Saincte Croix, Pemptegoet, Kinibeki, & autres endroits où sont les assemblées de Sauvages, lesquels il faut que le temps ameine à la Religion Chrétienne: si ce n'est qu'vn grand Pere de famille tel que le Roy en vueille avoir la gloire totale, & face habiter ces lieux. Car d'y penser vivre à leur mode i'estime cela estre hors de nôtre pouvoir. Façon de vivre des Souriquois & Ethechemins. Et pour le montrer, leur façon de vivre est telle, que depuis la premiere terre (qui est la Terre-neuve) insques aux Armouchiquois, qui sont pres de trois cens lieuës, les hommes vivent vagabons, sans labourage, n'estans iamais plus de cinq ou six semaines en vn lieu. Pline à fait mention de certains peuples dits Ichthyophages, c'est à dire Mangeurs de poissons, viuans de cela. Ceux ci sont tout de méme les trois parts de l'année. Car venant le Printẽps ils se divisent par troupes sur les rives de mer insques à [27] l'Hiver, lequel venãt, par ce que le poissõ se retire au fond des grandes eaux salées, ilz cherchent les lacs & ombres des bois, où ilz pechent les Castors, dont ilz vivẽt, & d'autres chasses, comme Ellans, Caribous, Cerfs, & autres animaux moindres que ceux-lá. Et neantmoins quelquefois, en Eté méme ilz ne laissent point de chasser: & 84 d'ailleurs ont infinie quantité d'oyseaux en certaines iles és mois de May, Iuin, Iuillet, & Aoust. le coucher. Quant à leur coucher, vne peau etendue sur la terre leur sert de matelas. Et en cela n'avons dequoy nous mocquer d'eux, par ce que noz vieux peres Gaullois en faisoient de méme, & dinoiẽt aussi sur des peaux de chiens & de loups, si Diodore & Strabon disent vray. Armouchiquois. Mais quant au pais des Armouchiquois & Iroquois, il y a plus grande moisson à faure pour ceux qui sont poussez d'vn zele religieux, par ce que le peuple y est beaucoup plus frequent, & cultive la terre, de laquelle il retire vn grand soulagement de vie. Vray est qu'il n'entent pas bien la façõ de faire le pain, n'ayant les inventiõs des moulins, ni du levain, ni des fours; ains broye son blé en certaine façon de [28] mortiers, & l'empâte au mieux qu'il peut pour le faire cuire entre deux pierres echauffées au feu: ou bien rotit ledit blé en epic sur la braise, ainsi que faisoient les vieux Romains, au dire de Pline. Plin. liv. 18. chap. 2. & 10. Depuis on trouva le moyen de faire des gateaux souz la cendre: & depuis encore les boulengers trouverent la façon des fours. Or ces peuples cultivans la terre sont arretés, ce que les autres ne sont point, n'ayans rien de propre, tels qu'estoient les Allemans au temps de Tacite, lequel a décrit leurs anciennes façons de vivre. Iroquois. Plus avant dans les terres au dessus des Armouchiquois sont les Iroquois peuples aussi arretés, par-ce qu'ilz cultivent la terre, d'où ils recueillent du blé mahis (ou Sarazin) dés féves, des bõnes racines, & bref tout ce que nous avons dit du pays desdits Armouchiquois, voire encore plus, car par necessité ilz vivent de la terre, estans loin de la mer. Neantmoins ils ont vn grand lac d'étendue merveilleuse, comme d'environ 60. lieuës, 86 à lentour duquel ils sont cabãnés. Dans ledit lac il y a des iles belles & grandes, habitées desdits Iroquois, qui sont vn grand peuple, & plus on va [29] avant dans les terres plus on les trouve habitées: Nouveau Mexique. si bien que (s'il en faut croire les Hespagnols) au pays dit le Nouveau Mexique bien loin pardela lesdits Iroquois, en tirant au Suroüest, il y a des villes baties, & des maisons à trois & quatre etages: méme du bestial privé: d'où ils ont appellé vne certaine riviere Rio de las Vaccas, La riviere des Vaches, pour y en avoir veu en grand nombre paturer le lõg de la riviere. Grand lac outre Canada.Et est-ce pays directement au Nort à plus de cinq cens lieuës du vieil Mexique, avoisinant, comme ie croy, l'extremité du grand lac de la riviere de Canada, lequel (selon le rapport des Sauvages) a trente journées de long. Ie croiroy que des hommes robustes & bien composés pourroient vivre parmi ces peuples là, & faire grand fruit à l'avancement de la Religion Chrétienne. Mais quant aux Souriquois, & Etechemins, qui sont vagabons & divisés, il les faut assembler par la culture de la terre, & obliger par ce moyen à demeurer en vn lieu. Car quiconque a pris la peine de cultiver vne terre il ne la quitte point aisement. Il cõbat pour la conserver de tout son courage. [30] Mais ie trouve ce dessein de longue execution si nous n'y allons d'autre zele, & si vn Roy ou riche Prince ne prent cette cause en main, laquelle certes est digne d'vn royaume tres-Chrétien. Conquete de la Palestine comparee à celle de la Nouvelle-France. On a jadis fait tant de depenses & pertes d'hommes à la reconqueste de la Palestine, à quoy on a peu proufité: & aujourd'hui à peu de frais on pourroit faire des merveilles, & acquerir infinis peuples à Dieu sans coup ferir: & nous sommes touchés d'vne ie ne sçay quelle 88 lethargie en ce qui est du zele religieux qui bruloit noz peres anciennement. Si on n'esperoit aucun fruit temporel en ceci ie pardonnerois à l'imbecillité humaine. Mais il y a de si certaines esperances d'vne bõne vsure, qu'elles ferment la bouche à tous les ennemis de ce pays là, lesquels le decrient afin de ne perdre la traite des Castors & autres pelleteries dont ils vivent, & sans cela mourroyent de faim, ou ne sçauroient à quoy s'employer. Au Roy & à la Royne.Que s'il plaisoit au Roy, & à la Royne Regente sa mere, en laquelle Dieu a allume vn brasier de pieté, prendre goust à ceci (cõme certes elle a faict au rapport de la Conversiõ des Sauvages baptizés par le [31] soin du Sieur de Poutrincourt) & laisser quelque memoire d'elle, ou plustot s'asseurer de la beatitude des cieux par cette action qui est toute de Dieu, on ne peut dire quelle gloire à l'avenir ce lui seroit d'estre la premiere qui auroit planté l'Evangile en de si grandes terres, qui (par maniere de dire) n'ont point de bornes. Si Helene mere de l'Empereur Cõstantin eust trouvé tant de sujet de bien-faire, elle eust beaucoup mieux aimé edifier à Dieu des temples vivans que tant d'edifices de marbre dont elle a rempli la terre saincte. Et au bout l'esperance de la remuneration temporelle n'en est poĩt vaine. Car d'une part le Sieur de Poutrincourt demeure toujours serviteur du Roy en la terre que sa Maiesté luy a octroyée: en laquelle il seroit le rendezvous & support de tant de vaisseaux qui vont tous les ans aux Terres neuves, où ilz reçoivent mille incommodités, & en perit grand nombre, comme nous avons veu & oui dire. Moyens pour aller aux Molucques par le Ponant & le Nort.Dailleurs penetrant dans les terres, nous pourrions nous rendre familier le chemin de la Chine, & des Molucques par vn climat & parallele tẽperé, en 90 faisant quelques statiõs ou [32] demeures au Saut de la grande riviere de Canada, puis aux lacs qui sont plus outre, le dernier desquels n'est pas loin de la grande mer Occidentale, par laquelle les Hespagnols vont aujourd'hui en l'Orient: Ou bien on pouroit faire la méme entreprise par la riviere de Saguenay, outre laquelle les Sauvages rapportent qu'il y a vne mer dont ilz n'ont veu le bout, qui est sans doute ce passage par le Nort, lequel en vain l'on a tant recherché. Vtilités.De sorte que nous aurions des epices, & autres drogues sans les mendier desdits Hespagnols, & demeureroit és mains du Roy le proufit qu'il tire de nous sur ces denrées: Laissant à part l'vtilité des cuirs, paturages, pecheries, & autres biens. Mais il faut semer avant que recuillir. Par ces exercices on occuperoit beaucoup de ieunesse Françoise, dont vne partie languit ou de pauvreté, ou d'oisiveté: ou vont aux provinces etrangeres enseigner les metiers qui nous estoient iadis propres & particuliers, au moyen dequoy la France estoit remplie de biens, au lieu qu'aujourd'hui vne longue paix ne l'a encore peu remettre en son premier lustre, tant [33] pour la raison que dessus, que pour le nombre de gens oisifs, & mendians valides & volontaires que le public nourrit. Chiquanerie.Entre lesquelles incommodités on pourrait mettre encore le mal de la chiquanerie qui mange nostre nation, dõt elle a esté blamée de tout temps. A quoy Ammiã Marcellin.seroit aucunement obvié par les frequẽtes navigations: estant ainsi qu'une partie de ceux qui plaident auroient plustot fait de conquester nouvelle terre, demeurans en l'obeissance du Roy, que de poursuivre ce qu'ilz debattent avec tant de ruines, longueurs, solicitudes, & travaux. Et en ce ie repute heureux tous 92 ces pauvres peuples que ie deplore ici. Felicité des Sauvages.Car la blafarde Envie ne les amaigrit poĩt ilz ne ressentent point les inhumanités d'vn qui sert Dieu en torticoli, pour souz cette couleur tourmenter les hommes; ilz ne sont point sujets au calcul de ceux qui manquans de vertu & de bonté s'affublent d'vn faux pretexte de pieté pour nourrir leur ambition. S'ilz ne conoissent point Dieu, au moins ne le blasphement ilz point, comme font la pluspart des Chretiens. Ilz ne sçavent que c'est d'empoisonner, ni de corrompre la [34] chasteté par artifice diabolique. Il n'y a point de pauvres, ny de mendians entre eux. Tous sont riches, entant que tous travaillent & vivent. Mais entre nous il va bien autrement. Car il y en a plus de la moitié qui vit du labeur d'autrui, ne faisant aucun metier qui soit necessaire à la vie humaine. Que si ce païs là estoit etabli, tel y a qui n'ose faire ici ce qu'il feroit là. Pour ceux qui vont en la N. France.Il n'ose point ici estre bucheron, laboureur, vigneron, &c. par ce que sõ pere est chiquaneur, barbier, apothicaire &c. Et là il oublieroit toutes ces aprehensions de reproche, & prendroit plaisir à cultiver sa terre, ayant beaucoup de compagnons d'aussi bonne maison que lui. Et cultiver la terre c'est le metier le plus innocent, & plus certain, exercice de ceux de qui nous sommes tous descendus, & de ces braves Capitaines Romains qui sçavoient domter & ne point estre domtés. Mais depuis que la pompe & la malice se sont introduits parmi les hommes, ce qui estoit vertu a tourné en reproche, & les faineans sont venus en estime. A la Royne.Or laissons ces gens là, & revenons au Sieur de Poutrincourt, ains plustot a vous, ô Royne Tres-Chretienne, [35] la plus grande, & plus cherie des cieux que l'œil du monde voye en la rõde qu'il fait 94 chaque iour alentour de cet vnivers. Vous qui avés le maniement du plus noble Empire dici bas, Quoy souffrirez vous de voir vn Gentil-hõme de si bonne volonté sans l'employer & sans le secourir? Voulez vous qu'il emporte la premiere gloire du monde par dessus vous, & que le triomphe de cet affaire luy demeure sans que vous y participiés? Non, non, Madame, il faut que le tout vous en soit rapporté, & que cõme les etoilles empruntent leur lumiere du soleil, aussi que du Roy & de vous qui nous l'avés dõné toutes les belles actiõs des François depẽdent. Il faut donc prevenir cette gloire, & ne la ceder à autre, tandis que vous avés vn Poutrincourt bon François, & qui a servi le feu Roy de regretable memoire vôtre Epoux (que Dieu absolve) en des affaires d'Estat dont les histoires ne font mention.: En haine dequoy sa maison & ses biens ont passé par l'examen du feu. Il ne passe point l'Ocean pour voir le païs, comme ont fait préque tous les autres qui ont entrepris de semblables navigations [36] aux dépens de noz Roys. Mais il mõtre par effect quelle est son intentiõ, si bien qu'on n'en peut point douter, & ne hazarderez rien maintenant quand vôtre Majesté l'employera à bon escient à l'amplificatiõ de la religion Chrétienne és terres Occidentales d'outre mer. Vous reconoissez son zele, le vôtre est incomparable, mais il faut aviser où se pourra mieux faire vôtre emploite. Ie louë les Princesses & Dames qui depuis quinze ans ont dõné de leurs biens pour le repos de ceux ou celles qui se veulent sequestrer du monde. Mais i'estime (sauf correction) que leur pieté seroit plus illustre si elle se montroit envers ces pauvres peuples Occidentaux qui gemissent, & dont le defaut d'instruction crie vengeance 96 à Dieu contre ceux qui les peuvent ayder à estre Chrétiens, & ne le font pas. Vne Royne de Castille a esté cause que la religion Chrétienne a esté portée és terres que tient l'Hespagnol en Occident: faites ô lumiere des Roynes du monde, que par vous bientot on oye eclater le nom de Dieu par tout ce monde nouveau où il n'est point encore coneu. Or reprenant le fil de mõ [37] Histoire, puisque nous avons parlé du voyage dudit Sieur de Poutrincourt, il ne sera point hors de propos si apres avoir touché les incommodités & longueurs de sa navigation, qui l'ont reculé d'vn an, nous disons vn mot du retour de son vaisseau. Ce qui sera bref, d'autant qu'ordinairement sont bréves les navigations qui se font des terres Occidentales en deça hors le Tropique du Cancre. Liv. 1. ch. 24. & li. 2. ch. 41. & 42.I'ay rendu la raison de cela en mon Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, où ie renvoye le Lecteur: comme aussi pour sçavoir la raison pourquoy en Eté la mer y est remplie de brumes en telle sorte que pour vn jour serein il y en a deux de broüillas: & deux fois m'y suis trouvé parmi des brumes de huict jours entiers. Que c'est ce Banc Voy la dite Histoire liv. 2. chap. 24.Ceci e esté cause que ledit Sieur de Poutrincourt renvoyant son fils en France pour faire nouvelle charge, il a demeuré aussi long temps à gaigner le grand Banc aux Moruës depuis le Port Royal, comme à gaigner la France depuis ledit Banc: & toutefois depuis icelui Banc jusques à la terre de France il y a huit cens bonnes lieuës: & de là méme jusques audit Port Royal il n'y en a gueres [38] plus de trois cens. C'est sur ledit Banc qu'on trouve ordinairement tout l'Eté force navires qui font la Pecherie des Moruës qu'on apporte pardeça, lesquelles on appelle Moruës de Terre-neuve. Ainsi le fils dudit Sieur de Poutrincourt (dit 98 le Baron de Sainct Iust) arrivãt audit Banc fit provision de viande freche, & pecherie de poisson. La maniere de cette pecherie, voy au lieu sus-dit.En quoy faisant il eut en rencontre vn navire Rochelois & vn autre du Havre de Grace, d'où il eut nouvelles de la mort lamentable de nôtre defunct bon Roy, sans sçavoir par qui, ni comment. Mais apres eut en rencontre vn autre navire Anglois, d'où il entendit la méme chose, accusans du parricide des gens que ie ne veux ici nõmer: car ils le disoient par haine & envie, n'ayans plus grans adversaires qu'eux. En 15. jours du Banc en France.En quinze jours donc ledit Sieur de Sainct Iust fut rendu dudit Banc en France, ayant toujours eu vent en poupe: navigation certes beaucoup plus agreable que celle du vingtsixieme de Février mentionnée-ci-dessus. Les gens du Sieur de Monts partirent du Havre de Grace neuf ou dix jours apres ledit jour 26. Février pour aller à Kebec, 40. lieuës pardela [39] la riviere de Saguenay, où icelui Sieur de Monts s'est fortifié. Mais ilz furent contraints de relacher pour les mauvais vents. Et là dessus courut vn bruit que le Sieur de Poutrincourt estoit peri en mer, & tout son equipage. A quoy ie n'adjoutay onques foy, croyant pour certain que Dieu l'aidera, & le fera passer par-dessus toutes difficultez. Kebec Fort du Sieur de Monts.Nous n'avons encore nouvelles dudit Kebec, & en attendons bien-tot. Mais ie puis dire pour la verité que si jamais quelque chose de bon reüssit de la Nouvelle-France la posterité en aura de l'obligatiõ audit Sieur de Monts autheur de ces choses, auquel si on n'eust point oté le privilege qui lui avoit esté baillé pour la traite de Castors & autres pelleteries, aujourd'hui nous aurions force bestiaux, arbres fruictiers, peuples, & batimẽs en ladite province. Car il a desiré ardamment de voir pardela les affaires etablies à 100 l'honneur de Dieu & de la France. Et jaçoit qu'on lui ait oté le sujet de continuer, si ne s'est il point decouragé jusques à present de faire ce qu'il a peu, ayant fait batir vn Fort audit Kebec, avec des logemens fort beaux & commodes. En ce lieu de Kebec cette [40] grande & immense riviere de Canada est reduite à l'étroit, & n'a que la portée d'vn fauconneau de large, abõdante en poissons autant que riviere du monde. Pour le pays il est beau à merveilles, & abondant en chasse. Mais estant en pays plus froid que le port Royal, assavoir quatre vingtz lieuës plus au Nort, aussi la pelleterie y est elle beaucoup plus belle. Car (entre autres) les Renars y sont noirs, & d'vn poil si beau, qu'il semble faire honte à la Martre. Les Sauvages du Port Royal y peuvent aller en dix ou douze jours par le moyen des rivieres sur lesquelles ils navigent préque jusques à la source, & de là portans leurs petits canots d'écorce par quelque espace dans les bois, ils gaignent vne autre riviere qui va tomber dans ledit fleuve de Canada, & ainsi expedient bien-tot de lõgs voyages: ce que de nous-mémes ne sçaurions faire en l'etat qu'est le païs. Et par mer audit Kebec il y a dudit Port Royal plus de quatre cens lieuës en allant par le Cap Breton. Ledit Sieur de Monts y auoit envoyé des vaches dés il y a deux ans & demi, mais faute de quelque femme de village qui entendist le [41] gouvernement d'icelles, on en a laissé mourir la pluspart en se dechargeant de leurs veaux. Femmes combien necessaires.En quoy se reconoit combien vne femme est necessaire en vne maison, laquelle ie ne sçay pourquoy tant de gens rejettent, & ne s'en peuvent passer. Quant à moy ie seray toujours d'auis qu'en quelque habitation que ce soit on ne fera jamais fruit sans la 102 compagnie des femmes. Sans elles la vie est triste, les maladies viennent, & meurt on sans secours. C'est pourquoy ie me mocque de ces mysogames qui leur ont voulu tant de mal, & particulierement i'en veux à ce fol qu'on a mis au nombre des sept Sages, lequel disoit que la femme est vn mal necessaire, veu qu'il n'y a bien au monde comparable à elle. Ecclesi. 4 vers. 10.Aussi Dieu la il baillée pour compagne à l'homme, afin de l aider & consoler: & le Sage dit que Malheureux est l'hõme qui est seul, car il n'a personne qui l echauffe, & s'il tombe en la fosse il n'a personne pour le relever. Que s'il y a des femmes folles, il faut estimer que les hommes ne sont point sãs faute. De ce defaut de vaches plusieurs se sont ressentis, car estant tombés malades ilz n'ont pas eu toutes les douceurs [42] qu'autrement ils eussent euës, & s'en sont allez promener aux champs Elisées. Conspiration chatiee.Vn autre qui auoit esté de nôtre voyage, n'eut point la patience d'attendre cela, & voulut gaigner le ciel par escalade dés le commencement de son arrivée, par vne conspiration contre le sieur Champlein son Capitaine. Les complices furent condemnés aux galeres, & ramenés en France. Voyage aux Iroquois.L'Eté venu assavoir il y a vn an, ledit Champlein desireux de voir le païs des Iroquois, afin qu'en son absence les Sauvages ne se saisissent point de son Fort, il leur persuada d'aller là faire la guerre, & partirent avec lui & deux autres François, en nõbre de quatre-vingts ou cent, iusques au lac desdits Iroquois, à deux cẽs lieües loin dudit Kebec. Peuples ennemis.De tout temps il y a eu guerre entre ces deux nations, comme entre les Souriquois & Armouchiquois: & se sont quelquefois elevés les Iroquois jusques au nõbre de huit mille hommes, pour guerroyer & exterminer tous ceux qui habitoient 104 la grande riviere de Canada: comme il est à croire qu'ils ont fait, d'autant que là n'est plus aujourd'hui le langage qui s'y parloit au [43] temps de Iacques Quartier, qui y fut il y a quatre-vingts ans. Guerre.Ledit Champlein avec ses troupes arrivé là, ilz ne se peurent si bien cacher qu'ilz ne fussent apperceuz de ces peuples, qui ont toujours des sentinelles sur les avenües de leurs ennemis: & s'estans les vns & les autres bien remparés, il fut convenu entre eux de ne point combattre pour ce jour là, mais de remettre l'affaire au lendemain. Le temps lors estoit serein: si bien que l'Aurore n'eut point plutot chassé les ombres de la nuit, que la rumeur s'emeût par tout le camp. Quelque enfant perdu des Iroquois ayant voulu sortir de ses rempars, fut transpercé non d'un trait d'Apollon, ou de l'Archerot aux yeux bendés, mais d'un vray trait materiel & bien poignant qui le mit à la renverse. Là dessus, la colere monte au front des offensés & chacun se met en ordre pour attaquer & se defendre. Comme la troupe des Iroquois s'avançoit, Champlein qui avoit chargé son mousquet à deux balles, voyant deux Iroquois marcher devant avec des panaches sur la tête, se douta que c'estoient deux Capitaines, & voulut s'avancer [44] pour les mirer. Mais les Sauvages de Kebec l'empecherent, disans: Il n'est pas bon qu'ilz te voyent, car incontinent, n'ayans point accoutumé de voir telles gens, ilz s'en fuiront. Mais retire toy derriere le premier rang des nôtres, & puis quand nous serons prets, tu devanceras. Ce qu'il fit: & par ce moyen furent les deux Capitaines tout ensemble emportés d'vn coup de mousquet. Victorie.Lors victoire gaignée. Car chacun se debende, & ne restoit qu'à poursuivre. Tabagie, c'est festĩ. Ce qui fut fait avec 106 peu de resistance, & emporterent environ cinquante têtes de leurs ennemis, dont au retour ilz firent de merveilleuses fêtes en Tabagies, danses, & chansons continuelles, selon leur coutume.

[25] There are well-educated clergy members here, driven solely by their zeal for religion, who will do everything that piety requires in this regard. However, right now, we don't need any lofty scholars who could be more useful here combatting vices and heresies. Moreover, there are certain kinds of people whom one cannot entirely trust, as they make a profession of criticizing everything that doesn’t align with their beliefs and want to impose their views everywhere. It’s enough to be alert on the outside without these people who monitor every move of your body and heart to register it all, from whom even the greatest kings cannot defend themselves. Besides, what use would such people be here right now, except if they wanted to dedicate themselves to farming? Because it’s not just about going there; you also need to consider what you will do once you arrive. As for the residence of Seigneur de Poutrincourt, he has arranged what he needs for his departure. But if some good people were eager to advance the Gospel there, I would suggest that they form five or six groups, each with a well-equipped ship, and go set up colonies in various places in these areas, such as Tadoussac, Gachepé, Campseau, la Héve, Oigoudi, Sainte Croix, Pemptegoet, Kinibeki, and other locations where the gatherings of Indigenous people are, who must be brought to the Christian faith over time; unless a great head of a family, like the King, wishes to take complete glory and have these places inhabited. Because to think of living there in their way, I consider that to be beyond our power. Lifestyle of the Souriquois & Etechemins. To illustrate, their way of living is such that from the first land (which is Newfoundland) all the way to the Armouchiquois, who are nearly three hundred leagues away, the people live a wandering life, without farming, never staying more than five or six weeks in one place. Pliny mentioned certain peoples called Ichthyophagi, meaning fish eaters, who live off that. These people do the same thing for three quarters of the year. As spring arrives, they scatter in groups along the seashores until winter arrives, when the fish retreat to the depths of the salty waters; they then seek out the lakes and shadows of the woods to fish for beavers, on which they survive, along with other hunts such as moose, caribou, deer, and smaller animals than those. And yet sometimes, even in summer, they continue to hunt; and there is an infinite number of birds in certain islands during May, June, July, and August. Sleeping arrangements. For bedding, a stretched skin on the ground serves as their mattress. And we have no reason to mock them for this, since our ancient Gallic forefathers did the same, and even slept on dog and wolf skins, if Diodorus and Strabo are to be believed. Armouchiquois. But concerning the land of the Armouchiquois and Iroquois, there is much greater harvest to be done for those with a religious zeal, because the population there is much more numerous and farms the land, from which they derive great sustenance. Indeed, they do not fully understand how to make bread, lacking the inventions of mills, leaven, and ovens; instead, they grind their grain in a way using mortars, and mix it as best they can to cook it between two heated stones: or they roast the said grain directly on the embers, just as the ancient Romans did, according to Pliny. Plin. liv. 18. chap. 2. & 10. Later, a method was discovered to bake cakes under the ashes; and afterwards, bakers found the way to make ovens. Now, these peoples who farm the land are settled, which the others are not, having nothing of their own, such as the Germans were in Tacitus' time, who described their ancient ways of life. Iroquois. Further inland above the Armouchiquois are the Iroquois, who are also settled, as they farm the land, from which they harvest maize (or millet), beans, good roots, and in short everything we have mentioned regarding the land of the Armouchiquois, even more so, because out of necessity they live off the land, being far from the sea. Nevertheless, they have a large lake of remarkable extent, about 60 leagues around, 86 around which they are camped. In this lake, there are beautiful and large islands, inhabited by the Iroquois, who are a great people, and the further one goes [29] into the land, the more inhabited they find it: New Mexico. So much so that (if Spaniards are to be believed) in a land called New Mexico, far southwest of the Iroquois, there are built cities, and houses with three or four floors: even domesticated animals, which is why they named a certain river Rio de las Vacas, the River of Cows, for there were many seen grazing along its banks. Great Lake past Canada. And this land lies directly north, over five hundred leagues from old Mexico, bordering, as I believe, the edge of the great lake of the Canada river, which (according to the report of the Indigenous people) is thirty days long. I would believe that robust and well-built men could live among these peoples and yield great benefits for the advancement of the Christian faith. But as for the Souriquois and Etechemins, who are wanderers and fragmented, they must be gathered through farming, and compelled thereby to settle in one place. For whoever has taken the trouble to cultivate land will not easily leave it. He fights to keep it with all his might. [30] But I find this plan to be of long execution if we do not go with other zeal, and if a King or wealthy Prince does not take this matter into hand, which is certainly worthy of a very Christian kingdom. The conquest of Palestine compared to that of New France. In the past, so much was spent and so many men were lost in the reconquest of Palestine, to which little was gained: and today, with little expense, we could do wonders, and bring countless peoples to God without offense; and we are affected by a kind of I don’t know what lethargy regarding the religious zeal that burned in our ancient fathers. If we expected no temporal fruit from this, I would excuse human folly. But there are such certain hopes of good returns that they silence the mouths of all the enemies of this land, who denigrate it in order not to lose the trade of beavers and other furs on which they live, and without which they would starve or not know what to do. To the King and the Queen. If it would please the King and the Regent Queen, in whom God has ignited a blaze of piety, to take a liking to this (as she certainly has regarding the conversion of the Indigenous people baptized under the [31] care of Seigneur de Poutrincourt) and leave some memory of herself, or rather secure an assurance of heavenly bliss through this action, which is entirely of God, one cannot say what glory it would bring her in the future to be the first to have planted the Gospel in such vast lands that (so to speak) have no borders. If Helena, the mother of Emperor Constantine, had found so many ways to do good, she would have preferred to build living temples for God rather than so many marble edifices filling the holy land. And in the end, the hope of temporal reward is not in vain. For on one hand, Seigneur de Poutrincourt remains always the King’s servant in the land that His Majesty granted him: in which he would be the rendezvous and support of so many ships that go every year to the New Lands, where they encounter a thousand troubles, and many perish, as we have seen and heard. A route to get to the Moluccas via the West and the North.Furthermore, by penetrating into the land, we could familiarize ourselves with the route to China and the Moluccas through a temperate climate and parallel, by establishing some stations or [32] settlements at the Falls of the great Canada river, then to the lakes further inland, the last of which is not far from the great western sea, through which the Spaniards currently go to the Orient: Or else one could undertake the same venture via the Saguenay river, beyond which the Indigenous people report there is a sea whose end they have not seen, which is undoubtedly this passage to the North, which has been so vainly sought. Services. Thus we would have spices and other drugs without begging them from the Spaniards, and the profit would remain in the hands of the King that he derives from us on those goods: Leaving aside the utility of hides, pastures, fisheries, and other goods. But one must sow before reaping. Through these endeavors, many young French people could be occupied, a part of whom languishes either in poverty or idleness: or they go to foreign provinces to teach trades that were once exclusively ours, through which France was filled with wealth, while today a long peace has yet to restore it to its former luster, both for the reasons mentioned above and due to the number of idle people and valid and voluntary beggars that the public supports. Chikungunya. Among these inconveniences, one could also list the trouble of chikungunya that ravages our nation, for which it has been blamed all along. This could be somewhat remedied by frequent voyages: so that a portion of those who plead would have preferred to conquer new land while remaining obedient to the King, than to pursue what they debate with so much ruin, delays, anxieties, & efforts. And in this, I consider all 92 these poor peoples fortunate whom I lament here. Joy of Indigenous peoples. For pale Envy does not wither them as they do not feel the inhumanities of one who serves God under duress, torturing men under this guise to torment them; they are not subject to the calculations of those who, lacking virtue and goodness, don a false pretext of piety to feed their ambition. If they do not know God, at least they do not blaspheme Him, as most Christians do. They do not know what it is to poison or to corrupt [34] chastity through diabolical deception. There are no poor or beggars among them. All are rich, in that all work and live. But among us, things go very differently. For there are more than half who live off the labor of others, doing no necessary trade for human life. If this land were established, some there would dare to do what they would not here. For anyone heading to New France. They would not dare be a woodcutter, farmer, vintner, etc. here because their father is a beggar, barber, apothecary etc. And there, he would forget all these apprehensions of reproach, and would take pleasure in cultivating his land, having many companions of as good a status as he. To cultivate the land is the most innocent and certain job, the exercise of those of whom we are all descended, and of the brave Roman Captains who knew how to dominate and not be dominated. But since pomp and malice have crept among men, what was once virtue has turned into reproach, and the slackers have come into esteem. To the Queen. Now let us leave these people aside, and return to Seigneur de Poutrincourt, rather to you, O very Christian Queen, [35] the greatest and most cherished of heavens that the eye of the world sees in the circle it makes every day around this universe. You who manage the most noble Empire down here, How could you allow a gentleman of such good will to go unused and unsupported? Do you want him to carry the world’s first glory above you, and for the triumph of this matter to remain to him without your participating? No, no, Madam, it is necessary that everything related to it be reported to you, and that just as the stars borrow their light from the sun, so that the royal and you who have given it to us, all the beautiful actions of the French depend on it. Therefore, this glory must be pre-emptively claimed and not ceded to another, while you have a good Frenchman, Poutrincourt, who has served your regrettable husband (may God absolve him) in state affairs of which history makes no mention: In hatred of which his house and possessions have been subjected to the flames. He does not cross the ocean to see the land, as did nearly all others who have embarked on similar voyages [36] at the expense of our kings. But he shows by action what his intention is, so well that there can be no doubt, and you would risk nothing now when Your Majesty employs him wisely for the amplification of the Christian faith in the overseas Western lands. You recognize his zeal, yours is incomparable, but one must consider where your employment can be better performed. I praise the Princesses and Ladies who, over the past fifteen years, have given from their wealth for the relief of those who wish to seclude themselves from the world. But I believe (unless corrected) that their piety would be more illustrious if they were shown towards these poor Western peoples who groan, and whose lack of instruction cries out for vengeance 96 to God against those who can help them become Christians and do not. A Queen of Castile caused the Christian faith to be taken into the lands held by the Spaniards in the West: make it, O light of the queens of the world, that through you we soon hear the name of God resound throughout this new world where He is not yet known. Now resuming the thread of my [37] history, since we have spoken of the voyage of the said Seigneur de Poutrincourt, it would not be out of place if after discussing the inconveniences and delays of his navigation, which delayed him a year, we say a word about the return of his ship. This will be brief, as transatlantic navigations are usually short, especially for journeys from the Western lands back home just outside the Tropic of Cancer. Liv. 1. ch. 24. & li. 2. ch. 41. & 42. I have explained this in my History of New France, to which I refer the reader: as well as to know the reason why in summer the sea is filled with mists to such an extent that for one clear day, there are two foggy ones; and I have found myself among mists for eight whole days. *What is this bank? See the referenced History, book 2, chapter 24.* This has been the reason why the said Seigneur de Poutrincourt, sending his son back to France for a new charge, has spent as long reaching the Grand Bank for Cod from Port Royal as reaching France from that Bank: and yet from that Bank to the land of France, there are eight hundred good leagues: and from there to Port Royal, there are hardly [38] more than three hundred. It is on that Bank that one usually finds many ships fishing for cod all summer long, which they bring over here, called Cod from Newfoundland. Thus, the son of the said Seigneur de Poutrincourt (known as 98 the Baron of Saint Just) arrived at that Bank, provisioned with fresh meat and fish. The method for this fishing can be found at the location mentioned above. While he was doing this, he encountered a ship from Rochelle and another from Havre de Grace, from which he learned about the lamentable death of our late good King, without knowing from whom, nor how. But then he encountered another English ship, from which he received the same news, accusing some men whom I do not wish to name here of parricide: for they said it out of hatred and envy, having no greater adversaries than them. In 15 days from the bank to France. So in fifteen days, the said Seigneur de Saint Just made it from that Bank to France, always having the wind at his back: a navigation certainly much more agreeable than that of the twenty-sixth of February mentioned above. The men of Seigneur de Monts left Havre de Grace nine or ten days after the said day of February 26 to go to Quebec, which is 40 leagues beyond [39] the Saguenay River, where Seigneur de Monts fortified himself. But they were forced to take shelter due to bad winds. Thereupon, a rumor spread that Seigneur de Poutrincourt had perished at sea, along with all his crew. To which I never added faith, believing for certain that God would help him, and bring him through all difficulties. Quebec Fort of Lord de Monts. We have yet to hear news from Quebec, and we expect it soon. But I can say truthfully that if anything good ever comes from New France, posterity will owe a debt to Seigneur de Monts, the author of these things, to whom if the privilege that had been granted for the trade of beavers and other furs had not been taken away, today we would have plenty of livestock, fruit trees, settlements, and buildings in this province. For he ardently desired to see businesses established there for the honor of God and of France. And although he has had the subject removed from him, he has not been discouraged until now from doing what he could, having built a fort at Quebec, with very beautiful and comfortable accommodations. In this place of Quebec, this [40] great and immense Canada river is narrowed down, and only stretches as wide as a falcon can reach, abundant in fish like no other river in the world. As for the land, it is wonderfully beautiful, and abundant in game. But being in a colder area than Port Royal, which is about eighty leagues further north, the furs there are also much more beautiful. Because (among other things) the deer there are black, and their fur is so beautiful that it seems to shame the marten. The Indigenous people of Port Royal can travel there in ten or twelve days by means of rivers where they navigate almost to the source, and from there carrying their small bark canoes for some distance through the woods, they reach another river that flows into the said river of Canada, and thus manage to make their long journeys swiftly: something we ourselves would not know how to do in the state the land is in. And by sea from Quebec to Port Royal, it is more than four hundred leagues if going around Cape Breton. The said Seigneur de Monts had sent cows there two and a half years ago, but due to a lack of some village woman who understood their management, most of them were left to die after losing their calves. Women are essential. In this, one recognizes how much a woman is needed in a household, which I don’t know why so many people reject and cannot do without. As for me, I will always be of the opinion that in any settlement whatsoever, no fruit will ever be made without the company of women. Without them, life is dreary, diseases arise, and one dies without help. That’s why I scoff at those misogamists who have wanted them so much evil, and particularly I hold a grudge against that fool they included among the seven Wise Men, who said that woman is a necessary evil, seeing that there is no good in the world comparable to her. Ecclesi. 4 ver. 10. God gave her to be a companion to man, in order to help and comfort him: and the Wise says that Wretched is the man who is alone, for he has no one to warm him, and if he falls into a pit, there is no one to lift him up. If there are foolish women, one must consider that men are not without fault. Due to the lack of cows, many felt the impact, for having fallen ill, they did not receive all the comforts [42] they otherwise would have had and instead went wandering in the fields of Elisha. Conspiracy penalized. Another who had been part of our voyage, couldn't bear to wait for this and wanted to reach heaven by storming it from the moment he arrived, through a conspiracy against Captain Champlein. The accomplices were sentenced to the galleys and sent back to France. Trip to the Iroquois. Last summer, that is, a year ago, Champlein, eager to see the land of the Iroquois, persuaded them to go there for war, so that during his absence, the Indigenous people would not seize his Fort, and they departed with him and two other Frenchmen, numbering eighty or a hundred, as far as the lake of the Iroquois, two hundred leagues from Quebec. Hostile nations. There has always been war between these two nations, just as between the Souriquois and Armouchiquois: and sometimes the Iroquois have risen to number eight thousand men to wage war and exterminate all who inhabited 104 the great river of Canada: as is believed they have done, since the language spoken there is no longer the one that was spoken at the time of Jacques Cartier, who was there eighty years ago. Conflict. Once Champlein and his troops arrived there, they could not hide well enough to avoid being noticed by these peoples, who always have sentinels monitoring the approaches of their enemies: and once both sides had fortified themselves well, it was agreed between them not to fight that day but to postpone it until the next. At that time, the weather was clear: and as soon as dawn chased away the shadows of the night, the commotion stirred throughout the camp. Some lost child of the Iroquois, having ventured outside their defenses, was pierced—not by an arrow of Apollo, or by a blindfolded Archer, but by a real and well-pointed projectile that knocked him over. At this, anger surged among the offended, and everyone readied to attack and defend themselves. As the Iroquois troops advanced, Champlein, who had loaded his musket with two balls, seeing two Iroquois walking ahead with feathers on their heads, suspected they were two captains and wanted to move forward [44] to take a closer look at them. However, the Indigenous people of Quebec stopped him, saying: It’s not good for them to see you, for they will immediately flee, having never been accustomed to seeing such people. Instead, step back behind the front line of ours, and when we are ready, you will advance. He did so: and by this means, both the captains were simultaneously taken down by a shot from the musket. Win. Thus, victory was gained. For everyone fled, and only pursuit remained. Tabagie, it's a celebration. This was executed with 106 little resistance, and they brought back around fifty heads of their enemies, for which upon return, they held marvelous feasts in Tabagies, with dances and continuous songs, according to their custom.

[7] The Conversion of the Savages who have been baptized in New France during this year, 1610.

Matth. 24, verse 14.

THE unchangeable word of our Savior Jesus Christ bears witness to us through the lips of saint Matthew that This Gospel of the kingdom, shall be preached in the whole world, for a testimony to all nations, and then shall the consummation come. History shows that the voice of the Apostles has resounded for several centuries past throughout all the old world, although to-day the Christian kingdoms form the smallest part of it. But as to the new world, discovered some hundred and twenty years ago, we have no proof that the word of God has ever [8] been proclaimed there prior to these later times; unless we are to believe the story of Jean de Lery,5 who says that one day as he was telling the Brazilians about the great miracles of God in the creation of the world, and the mysteries of our redemption, an old man told him that he had heard his grandfather say that, many years before, a bearded man (Brazilians have no beards) had come among them and had related something similar; but that they would not listen to him, and since then had been killing and eating each other. As to the other countries beyond the sea, some of them have indeed a certain vague knowledge of the deluge, and of the immortality of the soul, together with the future reward of those who live aright; but they might have handed this obscure doctrine down, from generation to generation, since the universal deluge which hap 61pened in the time of Noah. It remains now to deplore the wretched condition of these people who occupy a country so large that the old world bears no comparison with it, if we include the land which lies beyond the straits of Magellan, called [9] Terra del fugo, extending as far toward China and Japan as toward New Guinea; and also the country beyond the great river of Canada,6 which stretches out to the East and is washed by the great Western ocean. Dense ignorance prevails in all these countries, where there is no evidence that they have ever felt the breath of the Gospel, except in this last century when the Spaniard carried thither some light of the Christian religion, together with his cruelty and avarice.7 But this was so little that it should not receive much consideration, since by the very confession of those who have written their histories, they have killed almost all the natives of the country, who, only seventy years ago, according to a certain historian,8 numbered more than twenty millions. For more than twenty-five years, the English have retained a foothold in a country called, in honor of the deceased Queen of England, Virginia, which lies between Florida and the land of the Armouchiquois.9 But that country carries on its affairs with so much secrecy, that very few persons know [10] anything definite about it. Soon after I published my History of New France,10 there was an embarkation of eight hundred men to be sent there. It is not reported that they bathed their hands in the blood of those people, for which they are neither to be praised nor blamed: for there is no law nor pretext which permits us to kill anyone, whosoever he may be, and especially the persons whose property we have seized. But they are 63 to be commended if they show to these poor ignorant people the way of salvation by the true and unvarnished doctrine of the Gospel. As to our French people, I have complained enough in my History of the cowardice of these later times, and of our lack of zeal either in reclaiming these poor erring ones, or in making known, exalted, and glorified, the name of God in the lands beyond the seas, where it never has been proclaimed. And yet we wish that country to bear the name of France, a name so august and venerable that we cannot, without a feeling of shame, glory in an un-Christianized France. I know that there are any number of people who are willing to go there. But why is it that [11] the Church, which has so much wealth; why is it that the Nobility, who expend so much needlessly, do not establish some fund for the execution of so holy a work? Two courageous Gentlemen, Sieurs de Monts and de Poutrincourt, have in these later times shown such great zeal in this work, that they have weakened their resources by their outlays, and have done more than their strength justified them in doing. Both have continued their voyages up to the present time. But one of them has been frustrated twice, and has had heavy losses through too great confidence in the words of certain persons. Now, inasmuch as the latest news of our New France comes from Sieur de Poutrincourt, we shall speak here of what he has accomplished, and we have good reason to praise his courage; for (not being able to live among the crowd of idle men, of whom we have only too many, and seeing our France seeming to languish in a monotonous calm that was wearisome to men of action), after having given a thousand proofs of his valor, during the last twenty- 65four years, he sought to crown [12] his truly Herculean labors in the cause of God, for which he employs his means and strength, and endangers his life, by increasing the number of celestial citizens, and leading to the fold of Jesus Christ, our sovereign Shepherd, the wandering sheep, whom it would be becoming to the Prelates of the Church to go out and gather in (at least to contribute to this end) since they have the means of doing so. But with what difficulty has he labored in this cause up to the present time? Thrice has he crossed the great Ocean to carry on his enterprises. The first year was passed with sieur de Monts in seeking a suitable dwelling and a safe port for the withdrawal of the ships and their crews. In this, they did not meet with much success. The second year passed in the same way, and then he returned to France. During the third year, we experimented with the soil, which yielded abundantly to our cultivation. This present year, discovering through an unfortunate experience that men are not always to be trusted, he made up his mind to depend upon no one but himself, and put to sea on the twenty-sixth of February; the [13] weather being very unfavorable, he made the longest voyage of which I have ever heard; certainly our own, three years ago, was tedious enough, when we drifted about upon the sea for the space of two months and a half before reaching Port Royal. But this one lasted three whole months, so that one reckless man was about to mutiny, going so far as to form wicked conspiracies; but Sieur de Poutrincourt's kindness, and respect for the place where he lived in Paris, served as a shield to protect his life. Terrir, meaning to discover the land.The first coast which Sieur de Poutrincourt discovered was port Mouton; there, 67 among the fogs which are very common in this sea during the Summer, he encountered serious dangers, principally in the neighborhood of Cape Sable, where his ship came near foundering. History of New France, book 2, chap. 37, p. 527.Thence, in trying to reach Port Royal, he was carried by violent winds forty leagues beyond, namely to the Norombega river,11 so celebrated and so fabulously described by Geographers and Historians, as I have shown in my said History, where this voyage may be seen in the geographical Chart [14] which I have inserted therein. Thence he came to the river saint John, which is opposite Port Royal beyond French Bay,12 where he found a ship from St. Malo trading with the Savages of the country. Here complaint was made to him by a Captain of the Savages, that one of the crew of the said ship had stolen away his wife and was abusing her: the Sieur informed himself about the matter and then made a prisoner of the malefactor and seized the ship.13 But he released the ship and the sailors, contenting himself by retaining the guilty one, who escaped, however, in a shallop, and went off with the Savages, prejudicing them against the French, as we shall relate hereafter. Arrived at last at Port Royal, it is impossible to describe the joy with which these poor people received the Sieur and his company. And, in truth, there was still greater reason for this joy, since they had lost all hope of ever again seeing the French live among them. They had had some experience of our kind treatment while we were there, and, seeing themselves deprived of it, they wept bitterly when we left them three years ago.

THE unchangeable word of our Savior Jesus Christ bears witness to us through the lips of Saint Matthew that This Gospel of the kingdom shall be preached in the whole world for a testimony to all nations, and then the end will come. History shows that the voice of the Apostles has echoed throughout the old world for several centuries, although today the Christian kingdoms make up the smallest part of it. However, regarding the new world, discovered about a hundred and twenty years ago, we have no proof that the word of God was ever proclaimed there before these recent times; unless we are to believe the story of Jean de Lery,5 who recounts that one day while he was telling the Brazilians about God's great miracles in the creation of the world and the mysteries of our redemption, an old man told him that he had heard his grandfather say that many years ago, a bearded man (Brazilians do not have beards) had come among them and shared something similar; but they did not listen to him, and since then they have been killing and eating one another. Regarding the other countries beyond the sea, some of them do have a vague knowledge of the flood and the immortality of the soul, along with the future reward for those who live rightly; but this doctrine may have been passed down from generation to generation since the universal flood that happened in the time of Noah. 61 It is now sad to see the wretched condition of these people who occupy such a large land that the old world cannot compare with it, if we include the land beyond the straits of Magellan, called [9] Terra del fuego, which extends as far toward China and Japan as it does toward New Guinea; and also the land beyond the great river of Canada,6 which stretches to the East and is washed by the vast Western ocean. Dense ignorance prevails in all these regions, where there is no evidence that they have ever felt the breath of the Gospel, except in this last century when the Spaniards brought some light of the Christian religion, together with their cruelty and greed.7 But this was so minimal that it should not be given much thought, as those who have written their histories confess they have killed almost all the natives of the region, who, only seventy years ago, according to a certain historian,8 numbered more than twenty million. For over twenty-five years, the English have maintained a presence in a land named Virginia, in honor of the deceased Queen of England, which lies between Florida and the land of the Armouchiquois.9 Yet that region conducts its affairs with such secrecy that very few people know [10] anything definitive about it. Soon after I published my History of New France,10 an embarkation of eight hundred men was prepared to be sent there. It has not been reported that they washed their hands in the blood of these people, for which they deserve neither praise nor blame: there is no law or justification for killing anyone, regardless of who they are, especially those whose property we have taken. But they should be commended if they show these poor ignorant people the way of salvation through the true and unembellished doctrine of the Gospel. As for our French people, I have sufficiently lamented in my History the cowardice of these recent times and our lack of zeal in either reclaiming these poor lost souls or in elevating and glorifying the name of God in the lands beyond the seas, where it has never been proclaimed. Yet we wish for that land to bear the name of France, a name so esteemed and venerable that we cannot, without feeling ashamed, take pride in an un-Christianized France. I know there are many people willing to go there. But why is it that [11] the Church, which possesses so much wealth; why is it that the Nobility, who spend so much unnecessarily, do not establish a fund for carrying out such a holy work? Two brave Gentlemen, Sieurs de Monts and de Poutrincourt, have recently shown great zeal in this work, to the point that they have drained their resources through their expenditures and have done more than their abilities warranted. Both have continued their voyages up to this point. However, one of them has been thwarted twice and has suffered heavy losses due to overconfidence in certain individuals' words. Now, since the latest news from our New France comes from Sieur de Poutrincourt, we shall discuss what he has accomplished, and we have good reason to praise his courage; for (not being able to endure living among the crowd of idle people, of whom we unfortunately have too many, and seeing our France seemingly languish in a tiresome monotony for those of action), after having provided a thousand proofs of his bravery over the last twenty-four years, he sought to crown [12] his truly Herculean labors in the cause of God, for which he uses his means and strength and risks his life, by increasing the number of heavenly citizens and guiding the wandering sheep into the fold of Jesus Christ, our sovereign Shepherd, whom it would be fitting for the Church's Prelates to go out and gather (at least contribute towards this goal) since they have the means to do so. But with what difficulty has he labored for this cause up to now? He has crossed the great Ocean three times to carry on his efforts. The first year was spent with Sieur de Monts looking for a suitable dwelling and a safe port for the ships and their crews. In this, they did not have much success. The second year was spent similarly, and then he returned to France. During the third year, we experimented with the soil, which gave generously to our farming efforts. This year, after unfortunately discovering that people are not always trustworthy, he resolved to rely only on himself and set sail on February 26; the [13] weather being very adverse, he embarked on the longest voyage I have ever heard of; certainly our own, three years ago, was arduous enough, when we drifted at sea for two and a half months before reaching Port Royal. But this one lasted three full months, leading one reckless individual to the brink of mutiny, even forming wicked conspiracies; but Sieur de Poutrincourt's kindness and respect for his residence in Paris served as a shield to protect his life. Terrir, which means to explore the land. The first coast Sieur de Poutrincourt discovered was Port Mouton; there, 67 amidst the fogs that are common in this sea during the Summer, he faced serious dangers, especially near Cape Sable, where his ship nearly sank. History of New France, book 2, chapter 37, page 527. From there, in trying to reach Port Royal, he was swept by fierce winds forty leagues beyond, to the Norombega river,11 so famous and fabulously described by geographers and historians, as I have shown in my aforementioned History, where this voyage can be seen on the geographical Chart [14] that I have included. From there, he came to the Saint John River, which is opposite Port Royal beyond French Bay,12 where he found a ship from St. Malo trading with the local natives. Here a Captain of the Savages complained to him that a crew member of the ship had stolen his wife and was abusing her: Sieur de Poutrincourt looked into the matter and then imprisoned the wrongdoer and seized the ship.13 But he let the ship and sailors go, contenting himself by retaining the guilty party, who however escaped in a shallop and went off with the Savages, turning them against the French, as we will explain later. Finally arriving at Port Royal, it is impossible to describe the joy with which these poor people welcomed the Sieur and his company. Indeed, there was even greater reason for this joy since they had lost all hope of ever seeing the French live among them again. They had some experience of our kind treatment while we were with them, and, deprived of it, they wept bitterly when we left them three years ago.

This Port Royal, the home [15] of sieur de Poutrincourt, is the most beautiful earthly habitation that God has ever made. It is fortified upon the North by a 69 range of 12 or 15 leagues of mountains, upon which the Sun beats all day, and by hills on the Southern or Meridian shore, which forms a port that can securely harbor twenty thousand ships, being twenty fathoms deep at its entrance, a league and a half in width, and four leagues long, extending to an island which is a French league in circumference: here I have sometimes seen swimming at ease a medium-sized Whale, which came in with the tide at eight o'clock every morning. Furthermore, there can be caught in this port, in their season, great quantities of herring, smelt, sardines, barbels, codfish, seals and other fish; and as to shell-fish, there is an abundance of lobsters, crabs, palourdes,14 cockles, mussels, snails, and porpoises. But whoever is disposed to go beyond the tides of the sea will find in the river quantities of sturgeon and salmon, and will have plenty of sport in landing them. Now, to return to our story; When Sieur de Poutrincourt arrived [6 i.e. 16] there, he found his buildings entire, the Savages (as these people have been called up to the present) not having touched them in any way, even the furniture remaining as we had left it. Anxious about their old friends, they asked how they were all getting along, calling each individual by his name, and asking why such and such a one had not come back. This shows the great amiability of these people, who, having seen in us only the most humane qualities, never flee from us, as they do from the Spaniard in this whole new world. And consequently by a certain gentleness and courtesy, which are as well known to them as to us, it is easy to make them pliant to all our wishes, and especially so in regard to Religion, of which we left them some good impressions when we 71 were there; and they seemed to wish for nothing better than to enroll themselves under the banner of Jesus Christ, where they would have been received at once if we had had a firm foothold in the country. But just as we were hoping to continue [17] the work, it happened that sieur de Monts, being unable longer to meet the expenses, and not receiving any help from the King, was obliged to recall all those who were over there, who had not taken with them the means necessary to a longer sojourn. So it would have been rash and unwise to administer baptism to people whom it was necessary afterwards to abandon, and give them an opportunity to return to their corruption. But now that the work is being carried on in earnest, and as sieur de Poutrincourt has actually settled there, it is lawful to impress upon their minds and souls the stamp of Christianity, after having instructed them in the principal articles of our Faith. Hebrews 11, vers. 6.Sieur de Poutrincourt is careful to do this, remembering what the Apostle said, He that cometh to God, must believe that he is; and after believing this, one comes gradually to ideas which are farther removed from mere sensual apprehension, such as the belief that out of nothing God created all things, that he made himself man, that he was born of a Virgin, that he consented to die for man, etc. And inasmuch as the Ecclesiastics who have been taken over there, are not [18] familiar with the language of these people, the Sieur has taken the trouble to teach them and to have them taught by his eldest son, a young Gentleman who understands and speaks the native language very well, and who seems to have been destined to open up to the Savages the way to heaven. The people who are at Port Royal, and in73 the adjacent countries extending toward Newfoundland, are called Souriquois 15 and have a language of their own. But beyond French Bay, which extends into the land about forty leagues, and is ten or twelve leagues wide, the people on the other side are called Etechemins; and still farther away are the Armouchiquois, whose language is different from that of the Etechemins, and who are fortunate in having an abundance of vines and large grapes, if they only knew how to make use of this fruit, which they believe (as did our ancient Gauls) to be poisonous. Ammianus Marcellinus.They also have excellent hemp, which grows wild, and in quality and appearance is much superior to ours. Besides this they have Sassafras, and a great abundance of oak, walnut, plum and chestnut trees, and other fruits which are unknown to us. As to Port Royal, I must confess that there is not [19] much fruit there; and yet the land is productive enough to make us hope from it all that Gallic France yields to us. All these tribes are governed by Captains called Sagamores, a word used with the same signification in the East Indies, as I have read in the History by Maffeus,16 and which I believe comes from the Hebrew word Sagan, which, according to Rabbi David, means Great Prince, and sometimes means the one who holds the second place after the sovereign Pontiff. Isaiah 41, vers. 25, Jerem. 51, vers. 23, Santes Pagnin, 9.In the usual version of the Bible it is defined "Magistrate," and yet even there the Hebrew interpreters translate it by the word "Prince." And in fact we read in Berosus 17 that Noah was called Saga, as much because he was a great Prince as because he had taught Theology and the ceremonies of divine service, and also many of the secrets of nature, to the Armenian Scythians, whom the ancient Cosmog75raphers called "Sages," after Noah. And perhaps for this very same reason our Tectosages, who are the Tolosains,18 are so called. For this good father, who restored the world, came into Italy and sent [20] a new population into Gaul after the Deluge, giving his name, Gauls (for Xenophon says that he was also called by this name), to those whom he sent there, because he had escaped from the waters. And it is not improbable that he himself imposed this name upon the Tectosages. Let us return to our word Sagamore, which is the title of honor given to the Captains in these new Lands, of which we are speaking. At Port Royal, the name of the Captain or Sagamore of the place is Membertou.19 He is at least a hundred years old, and may in the course of nature live more than fifty years longer. He has under him a number of families whom he rules, not with so much authority as does our King over his subjects, but with sufficient power to harangue, advise, and lead them to war, to render justice to one who has a grievance, and like matters. He does not impose taxes upon the people, but if there are any profits from the chase he has a share of them, without being obliged to take part in it. It is true that they sometimes make him presents of Beaver skins and other things, when he is occupied in curing the sick; or in questioning [21] his demon (whom he calls Aoutem) to have news of some future event or of the absent: for, as each village, or company of Savages, has an Aoutmoin, or Prophet, who performs this office, Membertou is the one who, from time immemorial, has practiced this art among his followers. He has done it so well that his reputation is far above that of all the other Sagamores of the country, he having been since his youth a great Captain, and77 also having exercised the offices of Soothsayer and Medicine-man, which are the three things most efficacious to the well-being of man, and necessary to this human life. Now this Membertou to-day, by the grace of God, is a Christian, together with all his family, having been baptized, and twenty others with him, on last saint John's day, the 24th of June. I have letters from Sieur de Poutrincourt about it, dated the eleventh day of July following. He said Membertou was named after our late good King Henri IV., and his eldest son after Monseigneur the Dauphin, to-day our King Louis XIII., whom may God bless. And so, as a natural consequence, the wife of Membertou [22] was named Marie after the Queen Regent, and her daughter received the name of the Queen, Marguerite. The second son of Membertou, called Actaudin, was named Paul after our holy Father, the Pope of Rome. The daughter of the aforesaid Louis was named Christine in honor of Madame, the eldest sister of the King. And thus to each one was given the name of some illustrious or notable personage here in France. A number of other Savages were about to camp elsewhere (as it is their custom to scatter in bands when summer comes) at the time of these ceremonies of Christian regeneration, whom we believe to be to-day enrolled in the family of God by the same cleansing water of holy baptism.20 But the devil, who never sleeps, has shown the jealousy which he felt at the salvation of these people, and at seeing that the name of God was glorified in this land, by inciting a wicked Frenchman, not a Frenchman but a Turk, not a Turk but an Atheist, to divert from the path of righteousness several Savages who had been Christians in their hearts and [23] souls for79 three years; and among others a Sagamore named Chkoudun, a man of great influence, of whom I have made honorable mention in my History of New France, because I saw that he, more than all the others, loved the French, and that he admired our civilization more than their ignorance: to such an extent, that being present sometimes at the Christian admonitions, which were given every Sunday to our French people, he listened attentively, although he did not understand a word; and moreover wore the sign of the Cross upon his bosom, which he also had his servants wear; and he had in imitation of us, a great Cross erected in the public place of his village, called Oigoudi, at the port of the river saint John, ten leagues from Port Royal. Now this man, with others, was turned away from Christianity, by the cursed avarice of this wicked Frenchman to whom I have referred above, and whom I do not wish to name now on account of the love and reverence I bear his father, but I protest that I will immortalize him if he does not mend his ways. He, I say, in order to defraud this Sagamore [24], Chkoudun, of a few Beavers, went last June to bribe him, after having escaped from the hands of Sieur de Poutrincourt, saying that all this Poutrincourt told them about God was nonsense, that they need not believe it, that he was an impostor, that he would kill them and get their Beavers. I omit a great many wicked stories that he may have added to this. If he were of the religious belief of those who call themselves Reformed, I might somewhat excuse him. But he plainly shows that he is neither of the one nor the other. But I will say, however, that he has reason to thank God for his escape from imminent peril on our 81 voyage. This Sagamore, being a Christian, by his good example might have caused a great number of others to become Christians. But I am willing to hope, or rather firmly believe, that he will not remain much longer in this error, and that the Sieur will have found some means of attracting him with many others to himself, to impress upon him the vital truths with which he had formerly, in my presence, touched his soul. For the spirit of God has power to drop upon this field fresh dew, which will bring forth a new germination where all has been laid waste and beaten down by the hail. May God, by his grace, guide all in such a way that it will redound to his glory and to the edification of this people, for whom all Christians ought to make continual supplication to his divine goodness, to the end that he may consent to confirm and advance the work, which he has been pleased to begin at this time for the exaltation of his name and for the salvation of his creatures.21

This Port Royal, the home of Sieur de Poutrincourt, is the most beautiful place on Earth that God has ever created. It is protected on the North by a range of mountains spanning 12 to 15 leagues, where the Sun shines all day, and by hills on the Southern shore, forming a port that can securely hold twenty thousand ships. The entrance is twenty fathoms deep, a league and a half wide, and extends four leagues long to an island that is a French league in circumference. Here, I have sometimes seen a medium-sized whale swimming leisurely, coming in with the tide every morning at eight o'clock. Furthermore, during the right season, you can catch a large quantity of herring, smelt, sardines, barbels, cod, seals, and other fish in this port. As for shellfish, there are plenty of lobsters, crabs, palourdes, cockles, mussels, snails, and porpoises. But for those willing to venture beyond the tides of the sea, the river offers lots of sturgeon and salmon, providing ample sport in catching them. Now, back to our story: When Sieur de Poutrincourt arrived there, he found his buildings intact, with the Savages (as these people have been called even today) having touched nothing, even the furniture remaining just as we left it. Concerned about their old friends, they asked how everyone was doing, calling each by name, and inquiring why certain individuals hadn’t returned. This reflects the great friendliness of these people, who, having seen only the most humane qualities in us, never shy away from us as they do from Spaniards across this entire new world. Consequently, through a certain gentleness and courtesy, which are just as familiar to them as to us, it’s easy to guide them to fulfill our desires, especially regarding Religion, of which we left them some positive impressions when we were there; they seemed eager to enroll themselves under the banner of Jesus Christ, where they would have been welcomed immediately if we had firmly established ourselves in the area. However, just as we hoped to proceed with our work, it happened that Sieur de Monts, unable to sustain the expenses and not receiving any help from the King, had to recall everyone who was there, who had not brought the means necessary for a longer stay. So, it would have been rash and unwise to baptize people whom we would then have to abandon, giving them a chance to return to their former ways. But now that the work is genuinely advancing, and as Sieur de Poutrincourt has actually settled there, it’s appropriate to instill the principles of Christianity in their minds and souls after teaching them the main articles of our Faith. Sieur de Poutrincourt is mindful of this, remembering what the Apostle said, "He that comes to God must believe that He is"; and after believing this, one gradually understands ideas that are further removed from merely physical sensations, such as the belief that God created everything from nothing, that He became man, that He was born of a Virgin, that He consented to die for humanity, etc. And since the clergy taken over there are not familiar with the language of these people, the Sieur has made an effort to teach them and have them taught by his eldest son, a young gentleman who understands and speaks the native language very well, and who seems destined to guide the Savages on their path to heaven. The people at Port Royal and the surrounding areas extending toward Newfoundland are called Souriquois and have their own language. But beyond French Bay, which extends into the land about forty leagues and is ten to twelve leagues wide, the people on the other side are called Etechemins; and farther still are the Armouchiquois, whose language differs from that of the Etechemins and who are lucky to have an abundance of vines and large grapes, if only they knew how to utilize this fruit, which they believe (as did our ancient Gauls) to be poisonous. They also have excellent hemp that grows wild and is of much better quality and appearance than ours. Additionally, they have sassafras, and a great abundance of oak, walnut, plum, and chestnut trees, along with other fruits that are unknown to us. As for Port Royal, I must admit that there isn’t much fruit there; still, the land is productive enough to make us hope for all that France produces. All these tribes are governed by Captains called Sagamores, a term used with the same meaning in the East Indies, as I read in the history by Maffeus, and which I believe comes from the Hebrew word “Sagan”, which, according to Rabbi David, means Great Prince, and sometimes refers to someone who holds the second position after the sovereign Pontiff. In the usual version of the Bible, it is defined as "Magistrate," yet even there the Hebrew interpreters translate it as "Prince." In fact, we read in Berosus that Noah was called Saga, both because he was a great Prince and because he taught Theology and the ceremonies of divine service, as well as many secrets of nature, to the Armenian Scythians, whom ancient Cosmogographers called "Sages," after Noah. Perhaps that's why our Tectosages, who are the Tolosains, are named so. This good father, who restored the world, came to Italy and sent a new population to Gaul after the Deluge, giving his name, Gauls (for Xenophon notes he was also known by this name), to those he sent there because he had escaped from the waters. It’s not unlikely he imposed this title on the Tectosages. Let’s return to the term Sagamore, which is the title of honor given to the Captains in these new lands we’re discussing. At Port Royal, the title of Captain or Sagamore of the place is Membertou. He is at least a hundred years old and may live over fifty years longer. He leads several families whom he governs not with as much authority as our King over his subjects, but with enough power to speak, advise, and lead them to war, to provide justice to those who have grievances, and similar matters. He doesn’t impose taxes on the people, but if there are any gains from hunting, he shares in them, without having to partake in the hunting himself. It’s true that they sometimes gift him beaver skins and other items while he’s busy caring for the sick; or while consulting his spirit (whom he calls Aoutem) for news on future events or the absent. Each village or group of Savages has an Aoutmoin, or Prophet, performing this role, and Membertou has long practiced this art among his followers. He has done so well that his reputation is far above that of all other Sagamores in the country; he has been a great Captain since his youth and has also served as a Soothsayer and Medicine-man, which are the three most essential roles for human well-being and necessary for life. Today, this Membertou, by the grace of God, is a Christian, along with his whole family, having been baptized, along with twenty others, on last St. John's Day, June 24th. I have letters from Sieur de Poutrincourt regarding this, dated July 11th. He said Membertou was named after our late good King Henri IV, and his eldest son after Monseigneur the Dauphin, today our King Louis XIII, whom may God bless. As a natural consequence, Membertou’s wife was named Marie after the Queen Regent, and their daughter received the name of the Queen, Marguerite. Membertou’s second son, called Actaudin, was named Paul after our Holy Father, the Pope of Rome. The daughter of the aforementioned Louis was named Christine in honor of Madame, the eldest sister of the King. Thus, each received the name of some illustrious or notable person here in France. Many other Savages were preparing to camp elsewhere (as is their custom to scatter in bands when summer comes) during these ceremonies of Christian regeneration, whom we believe are now registered in the family of God through the same cleansing water of holy baptism. But the devil, who never sleeps, has shown jealousy at the salvation of these people and at the glorification of God’s name in this land, by inciting a wicked Frenchman, not truly a Frenchman but a Turk, not a Turk but an Atheist, to lead several Savages who had Christians in their hearts and souls for three years away from the path of righteousness; among them, a Sagamore named Chkoudun, a man of great influence, whom I have honored in my History of New France, because I noticed he, more than all others, loved the French and admired our civilization over their ignorance: to such an extent that, being present at the Christian teachings given every Sunday to our French people, he listened attentively even if he didn’t understand a word; he also wore the sign of the Cross on his chest and had his servants wear it too; and he had, in imitation of us, a large Cross erected in the public place of his village, called Oigoudi, at the port of the Saint John River, ten leagues from Port Royal. Now this man, along with others, was steered away from Christianity by the cursed greed of that wicked Frenchman I mentioned earlier, whose name I will not reveal now out of love and respect for his father, though I vow to immortalize him if he doesn’t change his ways. He, in an attempt to deceive this Sagamore Chkoudun out of some beavers, went last June to bribe him after escaping from Sieur de Poutrincourt’s grasp, claiming that everything Poutrincourt told them about God was nonsense, that they shouldn’t believe it, that he was a fraud who would kill them and take their beavers. I omit many other wicked stories he may have added. If he belonged to the faith of those who call themselves Reformed, I might slightly excuse him. But he clearly shows he is neither. However, I will say he has reason to thank God for his escape from imminent danger on our voyage. This Sagamore, being a Christian, could have inspired a great number of others to become Christians through his good example. But I hope, or rather firmly believe, that he won’t stay in this error long and that Sieur will find ways to attract him, and many others, to genuinely convey the vital truths that had once touched his soul in my presence. Because the spirit of God can bring fresh dew upon this field, which will enable new growth where everything has been destroyed and beaten down by hail. May God, by His grace, guide everyone in a way that brings glory to Him and edification to this people, for whom all Christians ought to continually pray to His divine goodness, that He may confirm and advance the work He has begun at this time for the exaltation of His name and for the salvation of His creatures.

END.

Understood. Please provide the text you would like me to modernize.

[25] There are in that country some men of the Church, of good scholarship, whom nothing but their religious zeal has taken there, and who will not fail to do all that piety requires in this respect. Now, for the present, there is no need of any learned Doctors who may be more useful in combating vices and heresies at home. Besides, there is a certain class of men in whom we cannot have complete confidence, who are in the habit of censuring everything that is not in harmony with their maxims, and wish to rule wherever they are. It is enough to be watched from abroad without having these fault-finders, from whom even the greatest Kings cannot defend themselves,83 come near enough to record every movement of our hearts and souls. And then what would be the use of so many such men over there at present, unless they wanted to devote themselves to the cultivation of the soil? For going there is not all. What they will do, when they get there, must be taken into consideration. As to Sieur de Poutrincourt's residence, he provided himself at his departure with everything that was necessary. But if a few honest people were seized with a desire to [26] advance the cause of the Gospel there, I would advise them to make up five or six parties, each one having a well-equipped ship, and to go and establish colonies in different parts of New France, as at Tadoussac, Gachepé, Campseau, la Héve, Oigoudi, Ste. Croix, Pemptegoet, Kinibeki, and in other places, where there are assemblages of Savages, whom time must lead to the Christian Religion: unless the head of some great family, like the King, wishes to have the sole glory of peopling these lands. For to think of living as the Savages do seems to me out of all reason. And to prove this, the following is an example of their way of living: Manner of living of the Souriquois and Ethechemins.From the first land (which is Newfoundland) to the country of the Armouchiquois, a distance of nearly three hundred leagues, the people are nomads, without agriculture, never stopping longer than five or six weeks in a place. Pliny mentions a certain people called Ichthyophagi, i.e., Fish-eaters, living in the same way. These Savages get their living in this manner during three seasons of the year. For, when Spring comes, they divide into bands upon the shores of the sea, until [27] Winter; and then as the fish withdraw to the bottom of the great salt waters, they seek the lakes and the shades of the forests, where they catch 85 Beavers, upon which they live, and other game, as Elk, Caribou, Deer, and still smaller animals. And yet, sometimes even in Summer, they do not give up hunting: besides, there are an infinite number of birds on certain islands in the months of May, June, July and August. Their beds.As to their beds, a skin spread out upon the ground serves as mattress. And in this we have nothing to jest about, for our old Gallic ancestors did the same thing, and even dined from the skins of dogs and wolves, if Diodorus and Strabo tell the truth. Armouchiquois.But as to the Armouchiquois and Iroquois countries, there is a greater harvest to be gathered there by those who are inspired by religious zeal, because they are not so sparsely populated, and the people cultivate the soil, from which they derive some of the comforts of life. It is true that they do not understand very well how to make bread, not having mills, yeast, or ovens; so they pound their corn in a kind of [28] mortar, and make a paste of it as best they can, and bake it between two stones heated at the fire; or they roast this corn on the ear upon the live coals, as did the old Romans, according to Pliny. Pliny, book 18, chap. 2 and 10.Afterwards people learned to bake cakes under the embers; and still later bakers began to make use of ovens. Now these people who cultivate the soil are stationary, not like the others who have nothing of their own, just as the Germans in the time of Tacitus, who has described their ancient way of living. Iroquois.Farther inland, and beyond the Armouchiquois, are the Iroquois tribes, also stationary, because they till the soil, whence they gather maize wheat (or Buckwheat), beans, edible roots, and in short all that we have mentioned in describing the Armouchiquois, even more, for from necessity they draw their87 sustenance from the earth, as they are far from the sea. However, they have a great lake in their country, of wonderful extent, perhaps about sixty leagues, around which they encamp. New Mexico.In this lake there are large and beautiful islands inhabited by the Iroquois, who are a great people; the farther [29] we penetrate into the country, the more we find it inhabited: so much so that (if we can believe the Spaniards) in the country called New Mexico, a long distance to the Southwest of these Iroquois, there are regularly built cities and houses of three and four stories, and even domesticated cattle, whence they have named a certain river, Rio de las Vaccas, or Cow river, because they saw a large number of them grazing on its banks. A great lake beyond Canada.And this country is more than five hundred leagues directly to the north of old Mexico, being near, I believe, the end of the great lake of the river of Canada which (according to the Savages) is a thirty days' journey in length. I believe that robust and hardy men could live among these people, and do great work for the advancement of the Christian Religion. But as to the Souriquois and Etechemins, who are nomadic and divided, they must be made sedentary by the cultivation of the land, thus obliging them to remain in one place. For any one who has taken the trouble to cultivate a piece of land does not readily abandon it, but struggles valiantly to keep it. [30] But, I think, the execution of this plan will be very slow unless we take hold of it with more zeal, and unless a King, or some rich Prince, take this cause in hand, which is certainly worthy a most Christian kingdom. Conquest of Palestine compared with that of New France.Great expense and loss of life were once incurred in the re-conquest of Palestine, from which there was little profit; and to-day at slight expense wonders could 89 be accomplished, and an infinite number of people won over to God, without striking a blow: and yet we are touched by an inexplicable apathy in religious matters, which is quite different from the fervid zeal, which of old burned in the bosoms of our fathers. If we did not expect any temporal fruit from these labors, I would pardon this human weakness. But there are such well-founded hopes of good usury, that they close the mouths of all the enemies of that country, who decry it in order not to lose the traffic in Beaver and other furs from which they gain a livelihood, and without which they would die of starvation or would not know what to do. Appeal to the King and the Queen Regent.But if the King and the Queen Regent, his mother, in whom God has kindled a fire of piety, should be pleased to take an interest in this (as she has certainly done in the report of the Conversion of the Savages, baptized through the [31] instrumentality of Sieur de Poutrincourt) and would leave some memorial of herself, or rather would secure for herself the blessedness of heaven by this most godly act, no one can tell how great would be her future glory in being the first to establish the Gospel in such vast territories, which (so to speak) have no bounds. If Helena, the mother of the Emperor Constantine, had found such a field for good work, she would have greatly preferred to glorify God with living temples, instead of building so many marble edifices, with which she has filled the holy land. And, after all, the hope of temporal profit is not vain. For on one hand Sieur de Poutrincourt will continue to be the servant of the King in the country which his Majesty has granted him; where he would afford a rendezvous and give assistance to all the vessels which go every year to the new91 World, where they encounter a thousand hardships and, as we have seen and heard, great numbers of them are lost. Means of reaching the Moluccas through the Northern route.On the other hand, penetrating into the country, we might become familiar with the route to China and the Moluccas, through a mild climate and latitude, establishing a few stations, or [32] settlements, at the Falls of the great Canadian river, then at the lakes which are beyond, the last of which is not far from the great Western sea, through which the Spaniards to-day reach the Orient. Or, indeed, the same enterprise could be carried on through the Saguenay river, beyond which the Savages say there is a sea of which they have never seen the end, which is without doubt that Northern passage that has been so long sought in vain. Advantages.So that we could have spices and other drugs without begging them from the Spaniards, and the profits derived from us upon these commodities would remain in the hands of the King, not counting the advantages of having hides, pasturage, fisheries, and other sources of wealth. But we must sow before we can reap. In this work we could give employment to many of the youth of France, a part of whom languish in poverty or in idleness: while others go to foreign countries to teach the trades which in former times belonged strictly and peculiarly to us, and by means of which France was filled with prosperity; whereas, to-day, a long period of peace has not yet been able to restore to her her former glory, as much [33] for the reasons just given, as for the number of idle men, and of able-bodied and voluntary mendicants, whom the public supports. Chicanery.Among these obstacles we may place also the evil of chicanery, which preys upon our nation, and which has always been a reproach to it. Ammianus Marcellinus.This would be93 somewhat obviated by frequent voyages; for a part of these pettifoggers would sooner conquer some new land, remaining under the dominion of the King, than follow up their cause here with so much loss, delay, anxiety, and labor. Happiness of the Savages.And, in this respect, I consider all these poor savages, whom we commiserate, to be very happy; for pale Envy doth not emaciate them, neither do they feel the inhumanity of those who serve God hypocritically, harassing their fellow-creatures under this mask; nor are they subject to the artifices of those who, lacking virtue and goodness wrap themselves up in a mantle of false piety to nourish their ambition. If they do not know God, at least they do not blaspheme him, as the greater number of Christians do. Nor do they understand the art of poisoning, or of corrupting [34] chastity by devilish artifice. There are no poor nor beggars among them. All are rich, because all labor and live. But among us it is very different, for more than half of us live from the labors of the others, having no trades which serve to the support of human life. Opportunities for emigrants to New France.If that country were settled, there are men who would do there what they have not courage to do here. Here they would not dare to be wood-cutters, husbandmen, vinedressers, etc., because their fathers were pettifoggers, barber-surgeons, and apothecaries. But over yonder they would forget their fear of being ridiculed, and would take pleasure in cultivating their land, having a great many companions of as good families as theirs. Cultivating the soil is the most innocent of occupations and the most sure; it was the occupation of those from whom we have all descended, and of those brave Roman Captains who knew how to subjugate, but not how to be subjugated.95 But now, since pomp and malice have been introduced among men, what was virtue has been turned into reproach, and idlers have risen into favor. To the Queen.However, let us leave these people, and return to Sieur de Poutrincourt, or rather to you, O most Christian Queen, [35] the greatest and most cherished of heaven, whom the eye of the world looks down upon in its daily round about this universe. You who have the control of the most noble Empire here below, how can you see a Gentleman so full of good will, without employing and helping him? Will you let him carry off the greatest honor in the world when it might have been yours, and will you let the triumph of this affair remain with him and not share in it yourself? No, no, Madame, all must proceed from you, and as the stars borrow their light from the sun, so upon the King, and upon you who have given him to us, all the great deeds of the French depend. We must then anticipate this glory, and not yield it to another, while you have a Poutrincourt, a loyal Frenchman who served the late lamented King, your Husband (may God give him absolution), in affairs of State which are not recorded in history. In revenge for which his house and property passed through the ordeal of fire. He is not crossing the Ocean to see the country, as have nearly all the others who have undertaken similar voyages [36] at the expense of our Kings. But he shows so plainly what his intentions are, that we cannot doubt them, and your Majesty will risk nothing by employing him in earnest for the propagation of the Christian religion in the Western lands beyond the sea. You recognize his zeal, your own is incomparable; but you must take thought as to how you may best employ it. I commend the Prin97cesses and Ladies who for fifteen years have given of their means for the repose of those men or women who wished to sequester themselves from the world. But I believe (under correction) that their piety would shine with greater luster if it were shown in behalf of these poor Western nations, who are in a lamentable condition, and whose lack of instruction cries to God for vengeance against those who might help them to become Christians, and will not. A Queen of Castille caused the Christian religion to be introduced into the lands of the West which belong to Spain; so act, O light of the Queens of the world, that through your instrumentality, the name of God may soon be proclaimed throughout all this new world; where it is not yet known. Now resuming the thread of our [37] History, as we have spoken of the voyage of Sieur de Poutrincourt, it will not be out of place, if, after having touched upon the hardships and tediousness of his journey, which retarded him one year, we say a word about the return of his ship, which will be brief, inasmuch as the voyages from the Western world, this side of the Tropic of Cancer, are usually so. Book 1, ch. 24, and book 2, ch. 41 and 42.I have given the reason for this in my History of New France, to which I refer the Reader, where he will also learn why it is that in Summer the sea there is overhung with fogs to such an extent that for one clear day there are two foggy ones; and twice we were in fogs which lasted eight entire days. For these Banks, see the said History, book 2, ch. 24.This is why Sieur de Poutrincourt's son, when he was sent back to France for fresh supplies, was as long in reaching the great Codfish Banks from Port Royal, as in getting to France from the said Banks; and yet from these Banks to the coast of France there are eight hundred good leagues; and99 thence to Port Royal there are hardly [38] more than three hundred. It is upon these Banks that a great many ships are usually found all the Summer, fishing for Cod, which are brought to France and are called Newfoundland Codfish. For their manner of fishing, see the above-mentioned place.So Sieur de Poutrincourt's son (who is called Baron de Sainct Just), on arriving at these Banks, laid in a supply of fresh meat and fish. While doing this he met a ship from Rochelle and another from Havre de Grace, whence he heard the news of the lamentable death of our late good King, without knowing by whom or how he was killed. But afterwards he met an English ship from which he heard the same thing, certain persons being accused of this parricide whom I will not here name; for they brought this accusation through hatred and envy, being great enemies of those whom they accused. In 15 days from the Banks to France.So in fifteen days Baron de Sainct Just made the distance between the Banks and France, always sailing before the wind; a voyage certainly much more agreeable than that of the twenty-sixth day of February mentioned above. Sieur de Monts's crew left Havre de Grace nine or ten days after this twenty-sixth of February to go to Kebec, forty leagues beyond [39] the Saguenay river, where Sieur de Monts has fortified himself. But contrary winds compelled them to put into port. And thereupon a report was circulated that Sieur de Poutrincourt was lost in the sea with all his crew. I did not believe this for an instant, trusting that God would help him and would enable him to surmount all difficulties. Kebec, Sieur de Monts's fort.We have as yet no news from Kebec, but expect to hear from there soon. I can say truly that if ever any good comes out of New France, posterity will be indebted for it to Sieur de Monts, author of these enterprises:101 and if they had not taken away the license which was granted him to trade in Beaver and other skins, to-day we should have had a vast number of cattle, fruit-trees, people, and buildings in the said province. For he earnestly desired to see everything established there to the honor of God and of France. And, although he has been deprived of the motive for continuing, yet up to the present he does not seem discouraged in doing what he can; for he has had built at Kebec a Fort and some very good and convenient dwellings. Here at Kebec this [40] great and mighty river of Canada narrows down and is only a falcon-shot wide; it has as great a supply of fish as any river in the world. As to the country, it is wonderfully beautiful, and abounds in game. But being in a colder region than port Royal, since it is eighty leagues farther North, the fur there is all the finer. For (among other animals) the Foxes are black and of such beautiful fur that they seem to put the Martens to shame. The Savages of Port Royal can go to Kebec in ten or twelve days by means of the rivers, which they navigate almost up to their sources; and thence, carrying their little bark canoes for some distance through the woods, they reach another stream which flows into the river of Canada, and thus greatly expedite their long voyages, which we ourselves could not do in the present state of the country. And from Port Royal to Kebec by sea it is more than four hundred leagues, going by way of Cape Breton. Sieur de Monts sent some cows there two years and a half ago, but for want of some village housewife who understood [41] taking care of them, they let the greater part die in giving birth to their calves. The need of women.Which shows how necessary a woman is in103 a house, and I cannot understand why so many people slight them, although they cannot do without them. For my part, I shall always believe that, in any settlement whatsoever, nothing will be accomplished without the presence of women. Without them life is sad, sickness comes, and we die uncared-for. Therefore I despise those woman-haters who have wished them all sorts of evil, which I hope will overtake that lunatic in particular, who has been placed among the number of the seven Sages, who said that woman is a necessary evil, since there is no blessing in the world to be compared to her. Ecclesiastes 4, verse 10.Therefore God gave her as a companion to man, to aid and comfort him: and the Wise Man says:—Woe to him that is alone, for when he falleth, he hath none to lift him up. And if two lie together, they shall warm one another. If there are some worthless women, we must remember that men are not faultless. Several suffered because of this lack of cows, for, when they fell ill they did not have all the comforts [42] that they would have had otherwise, and so they have departed to the Elysian fields. A conspiracy punished.Another, who had been with us on the voyage, did not have the patience to wait for death, but must needs go to heaven by scaling the walls, as soon as he arrived there, by a conspiracy against sieur de Champlein, his Captain. His accomplices were condemned to the galleys and sent back to France. Journey to the land of the Iroquois.When Summer came, that is a year ago, Champlein wishing to see the country of the Iroquois, to prevent the Savages from seizing his Fort in his absence, persuaded them to go and make war against them; so they departed with him and two other Frenchmen, to the number of eighty or a hundred, to the lake of 105 the Iroquois, two hundred leagues distant from Kebec. Hostile nations.There has always been war between these two nations, as there has been between the Souriquois and Armouchiquois: and sometimes the Iroquois have raised as many as eight thousand men to war against and exterminate all those who live near the great river of Canada: and it seems that they did this, as to-day the language which was spoken in the [43] time of Jacques Quartier, who was there eighty years ago, is no longer heard in that region.22 War.When Champlein arrived there with his troops, they could not conceal themselves so well but that they were perceived by the Iroquois, who always have sentinels upon the routes of their enemies: and each side being well fortified, it was agreed among them not to fight that day, but to postpone the affair until the morrow. The weather then was very clear; so clear that scarcely had Aurora chased away the shadows of the night, than a din was heard throughout the camp. An Iroquois skirmisher having tried to issue from the fortifications, was pierced through, not by one of the arrows of Apollo, nor of the little Archer with the blindfolded eyes, but by a genuine and very painful arrow, which stretched him out upon his back. Thereupon the eyes of the offended were full of ire, and each one takes his place in the line of attack and defense. As the band of Iroquois advances, Champlein, who had charged his musket with two balls, seeing two Iroquois, their heads adorned with feathers, marching on in front, supposed they were two Captains, and wanted to advance [44] and aim at them. But the Kebec Savages prevented him, saying:—"It is not well that they should see thee, for, never having been accustomed 107 to see such people as thou art, they would immediately run away. But withdraw behind our first rank, and when we are ready, thou shalt advance." He did so, and in this way the two Captains were both slain by one musket shot. Victory.Victory ensued at once. For they all disbanded, and it only remained to pursue them. Tabagie is celebrated.This was done with little opposition, and they carried off some fifty of their enemies' heads, a triumph which, upon their return, they celebrated with great festivities, consisting of continual Tabagies,23 dances, and chants, according to their custom.24

[25] In that country, there are some church members with good knowledge, motivated only by their religious passion, who will surely do everything that piety demands in this regard. Right now, there’s no need for learned doctors who might be more useful fighting against vices and heresies at home. Moreover, there are certain individuals that we can't fully trust, who tend to criticize everything that doesn’t align with their beliefs and want to dominate wherever they go. It's enough to be scrutinized from afar without having these fault-finders, from whom even the mightiest kings cannot protect themselves, moving in close enough to judge our every thought and action. And what would be the point of sending so many of such men there now, unless they planned to focus on farming? Getting there isn’t all that matters; we must consider what they will actually do once they arrive. As for Sieur de Poutrincourt’s stay, he took everything necessary with him upon leaving. However, if a few genuine people wanted to further the cause of the Gospel there, I would suggest they organize five or six groups, each with a well-equipped ship, and go to establish colonies in different regions of New France, such as Tadoussac, Gachepé, Campseau, la Héve, Oigoudi, Ste. Croix, Pemptegoet, Kinibeki, and other areas where there are gatherings of Indigenous peoples, whom time must lead toward the Christian faith, unless some prominent leader, like the King, desires the sole honor of populating these lands. Living like the Indigenous people seems unreasonable to me. To illustrate, consider their lifestyle: Lifestyle of the Souriquois and Ethechemins. From the first land (Newfoundland) to the land of the Armouchiquois, nearly three hundred leagues apart, the people are nomadic, without farming, rarely staying in one place for more than five or six weeks. Pliny talks about a certain group called Ichthyophagi, meaning Fish-eaters, who live similarly. These Indigenous peoples sustain themselves in this way for three seasons each year. When spring arrives, they separate into bands along the shores until winter; then, as fish sink to the bottom of the salty waters, they turn to lakes and forest cover, where they catch beavers, which they rely on, along with other game like elk, caribou, deer, and smaller animals. Yet, they sometimes keep hunting even in summer; besides, there’s an abundance of birds on certain islands from May through August. Their beds. For beds, they lay a skin on the ground to sleep on. There's nothing to make jokes about here, as our ancient Gallic ancestors did the same, even eating from the skins of dogs and wolves, if Diodorus and Strabo are correct. Armouchiquois. In the Armouchiquois and Iroquois regions, however, there’s a greater opportunity for those motivated by religious fervor, as these areas are not as sparsely populated, and the people actually farm the land, providing them with some comforts of life. Admittedly, they don’t quite know how to make bread, as they lack mills, yeast, and ovens; they pound their corn in a sort of mortar and prepare a paste as best as they can, cooking it between two stones heated in the fire; or they roast corn on the cob over live coals, just like the ancient Romans did, according to Pliny. Pliny, book 18, chapters 2 and 10. Eventually, people learned to bake cakes under the embers; later, bakers began to use ovens. Now, those who farm the land are settled, unlike the others who own nothing, reminiscent of the Germans in Tacitus's time, who described their ancient way of life. Further inland, beyond the Armouchiquois, are the Iroquois tribes, also settled because they farm the land, gathering maize, wheat (or buckwheat), beans, edible roots, and indeed all that we mentioned in describing the Armouchiquois, even more so, as they must draw their sustenance from the earth, since they are far from the sea. However, they have a large and beautiful lake in their region, spanning about sixty leagues, around which they camp. New Mexico. This lake has large, beautiful islands inhabited by the Iroquois, who are a significant people; the further we delve into the land, the more we find it populated: so much so that (if we believe the Spaniards) in the area called New Mexico, far to the southwest of these Iroquois, there are well-constructed cities and three- and four-story houses, along with domesticated animals, leading to the naming of a river, Rio de las Vaccas or Cow River, due to the number of them grazing along its banks. A large lake in Canada. This region lies more than five hundred leagues north of ancient Mexico, likely near the far end of the great lake of the Canadian river, which (the Indigenous people say) stretches out for thirty days’ journey. I believe that strong and hardy men could thrive among these people and contribute greatly to the advancement of the Christian faith. Yet, as for the Souriquois and Etechemins, who are nomadic and fractured, they must be settled by cultivating the land, compelling them to stay in one place. Because anyone who takes the effort to cultivate a piece of land won’t abandon it easily but will strive vigorously to hold onto it. [30] Yet, I think the execution of this plan will be too slow unless we approach it with more enthusiasm, and unless a king or some wealthy prince takes this cause in hand, which surely deserves the attention of a most Christian kingdom. The conquest of Palestine compared to that of New France. Considerable expense and loss of life were once sustained in the reconquest of Palestine, resulting in little gain; and today, with minimal expense, wonders could be achieved, with countless people brought to God, without a single blow being struck: yet we are gripped by an inexplicable indifference in religious matters, quite different from the fervent zeal that once burned in the hearts of our ancestors. If we did not expect any temporal benefit from these efforts, I would excuse this human frailty. But there are such solid hopes for good yields that they silence all the critics of that land, who speak ill of it to preserve their beaver and fur trade, from which they make a living, and without which they would perish. Appeal to the King and the Queen Regent. But if the King and the Queen Regent, his mother, in whom God has ignited a passion for piety, would take an interest in this (as she has certainly done regarding the report of the conversion of the Indigenous peoples, baptized through the work of Sieur de Poutrincourt) and secure a lasting memory for herself, or rather win the eternal joy of heaven through this godly act, no one can fathom the immense glory that would follow her in being the first to establish the Gospel in such vast, boundless territories. If Helena, the mother of Emperor Constantine, had discovered such a field for good works, she would have greatly preferred to glorify God with living temples rather than erecting so many marble structures that fill the Holy Land. And ultimately, the hope for temporal profit is not unfounded. On one side, Sieur de Poutrincourt will continue to serve the King in the lands bestowed upon him by His Majesty, which would function as a meeting point and provide assistance to all ships that make the annual journey to the New World, where they face numerous hardships, and as we've seen and heard, many of them are lost. Ways to get to the Moluccas via the Northern route. On the other side, venturing into the territory might lead us to discover the route to China and the Moluccas via a mild climate and latitude, by establishing some stations or [32] settlements at the Falls of the great Canadian river, then at the lakes beyond, the final of which lies not far from the great western sea, from which the Spaniards currently make their way to the East. Or, the same quest could proceed through the Saguenay river, past which the Indigenous people say there's a sea without an end, undoubtedly the Northern passage that has been sought for so long in vain. Benefits. In this way, we could obtain spices and other goods without relying on the Spaniards, and the profits from these commodities would remain within the royal hands, not to mention the benefits derived from hides, grazing lands, fisheries, and other sources of wealth. But we must sow before we can harvest. This endeavor could provide work for many of France’s youth, a part of whom suffer from poverty or idleness, while others travel to foreign lands to learn trades that once thrived here, contributing to France’s prosperity; contrary to today, where long-lasting peace has yet to restore her former glory, mostly due to the reasons mentioned and the number of idle individuals and able-bodied beggars supported by the public. Trickery. One of the hurdles we face is the evil of chicanery, which plagues our nation and has always tainted it. Ammianus Marcellinus. Frequent voyages could somewhat remedy this issue, as part of these schemers would prefer to conquer new lands under the King than pursue their cases here with such loss, delay, anxiety, and labor. Happiness of the Savages. In this aspect, I see all these poor Indigenous peoples, whom we pity, as very fortunate; they are not afflicted by pale envy, nor do they feel the cruelty of those who hypocritically serve God, tormenting their fellow creatures under this guise; nor are they subject to the manipulations of those who, lacking virtue and goodness, disguise themselves in false piety to feed their ambitions. If they do not know God, at least they do not blaspheme Him, as most Christians do. They do not know how to poison or seduce [34] purity through devilish craft. Among them, there are no poor or beggars. Everyone is rich because all work and live. But among us, it is quite different, as more than half depend on the work of others without having any trades that support human life. Opportunities for immigrants to New France. If that land were settled, there are men who would do there what they lack the courage to do here. Here, they wouldn't dare to be woodcutters, farmers, vintners, and so on, because their fathers were petty lawyers, barber-surgeons, and apothecaries. But over there, they would forget their fear of being mocked and would take joy in cultivating their land, having many companions from equally good families. Farming is the most innocent and secure of professions; it was what those from whom we all descended did and what those valiant Roman captains knew how to conquer but not how to be conquered. 95 But now, since pomp and malice have entered among us, virtue has become disgraceful, and idlers have gained favor. To the Queen. However, let’s leave these people and return to Sieur de Poutrincourt, or rather to you, O most Christian Queen, [35] the greatest and most cherished of heaven, whom the world gazes upon in its daily round about this universe. You who hold the most honorable Empire here below, how can you overlook a Gentleman so filled with goodwill without employing and assisting him? Will you allow him to seize the greatest honor in the world when it could be yours, and will you let the triumph of this initiative stay with him while you remain uninvolved? No, no, Madame, all must come from you, and just as the stars derive their light from the sun, so all the grand deeds of the French lean on the King and on you—who bestowed him upon us. We must then anticipate this glory, and not give it up to another, especially when you have a Poutrincourt, a faithful Frenchman who served the late King, your Husband (may God grant him absolution) in matters of State not chronicled in history. In retaliation, his home and property went through hardships. He is not crossing the ocean to explore, as nearly all others have done, at the cost to our kings. But his intentions are so clear that we cannot doubt them, and your Majesty has nothing to risk by engaging him earnestly in propagating the Christian faith in the lands across the sea. You recognize his passion, while yours is unmatched; but you must consider how best to employ it. I commend the Princesses and Ladies who, for fifteen years, have donated their resources for the comfort of those who sought to isolate themselves from the world. However, I believe (respectfully) that their piety would shine even brighter if shown on behalf of these poor Western nations, who are in a dire state, and whose lack of education calls out to God for vengeance against those capable of helping them become Christians but who refuse. A Queen of Castille brought Christianity to the lands of the West that belong to Spain; thus act, O beacon for the queens of the world, so through your means, the name of God may soon be proclaimed throughout this new world, where it is still unknown. Now, returning to the tale, as we’ve discussed Sieur de Poutrincourt's voyage, it is fitting to also mention the return of his ship, which will be brief since journeys from the Western world, this side of the Tropic of Cancer, are usually so. Book 1, chapter 24, and Book 2, chapters 41 and 42. I have detailed this in my History of New France, which I refer the reader to, where they will learn why, in summer, the sea there is engulfed in fog to such an extent that for one clear day, there are two foggy ones; and we were once in fogs that lasted eight full days. For these Banks, refer to the mentioned History, book 2, ch. 24. That's why Sieur de Poutrincourt's son, when sent back to France for supplies, took as long to reach the great Codfish Banks from Port Royal as it did to get from those Banks to France. Yet from those Banks to the French coast, there are eight hundred good leagues; while from there to Port Royal, there are hardly [38] more than three hundred. These Banks usually have a great number of ships fishing for Cod all summer, which are brought back to France and referred to as Newfoundland Codfish. For how they fish, refer to the place mentioned above. So Sieur de Poutrincourt's son (Baron de Sainct Just) stocked up on fresh meat and fish upon arriving at these Banks. During this, he encountered a ship from Rochelle and another from Havre de Grace, from which he learned about the unfortunate death of our late good King, without knowing who or how it happened. However, later he came across an English ship, which reiterated the same news, naming certain individuals as accused of this murder, whom I will not mention here; they made this accusation out of spite and jealousy, being great enemies of those they accused. In 15 days from the Banks to France. So, in fifteen days, Baron de Sainct Just traversed the distance from the Banks to France, always sailing before the wind; a journey certainly much more pleasant than that of the twenty-sixth of February mentioned earlier. Sieur de Monts's crew left Havre de Grace nine or ten days after that aforementioned date to reach Kebec, forty leagues beyond [39] the Saguenay river, where Sieur de Monts had fortified himself. But contrary winds forced them to seek harbor. Consequently, a report spread that Sieur de Poutrincourt had been lost at sea along with all his crew. I never believed this for an instant, trusting that God would assist him and help him overcome all obstacles. Kebec, Sieur de Monts's fort. So far, we have no news from Kebec, but we expect to hear from there soon. I can truthfully say that if anything good arises from New France, posterity will owe it to Sieur de Monts, the author of these endeavors: 101 and if the license to trade in beaver and other skins had not been revoked, we would already have numerous cattle, fruit trees, people, and buildings in that province today. For he genuinely desired to see everything established there for the glory of God and France. Although he has lost the incentive to continue, he still seems undeterred in doing what he can. He has constructed a Fort and some very good and convenient dwellings at Kebec. There, the mighty Canadian river narrows to a point just a falcon’s shot wide; it has an abundance of fish like no other river in the world. The land is incredibly beautiful and rich in game. However, since it lies further north than Port Royal—eighty leagues away—the fur there is superior. For instance, among other animals, the foxes are black with such exquisite fur that they make the martens seem inferior. The Indigenous population of Port Royal can travel to Kebec in ten to twelve days using the rivers, which they navigate almost to their sources; from there, they carry their canoes a little way through the woods to another stream that flows into the Canadian river, significantly speeding up their lengthy journeys, which we ourselves cannot do in the current state of the region. And from Port Royal to Kebec by sea, it’s over four hundred leagues around Cape Breton. Sieur de Monts sent some cows there two and a half years ago, but due to the absence of a village housewife knowledgeable in their care, most died during childbirth. Women’s needs. This highlights the necessity of having women in a household, and I cannot fathom why so many undervalue them, even though they are essential. Personally, I will always believe that no settlement can thrive without the presence of women. Life becomes dismal, sickness follows, and we die uncared for without them. Therefore, I have no respect for those who disdain women, wishing them all sorts of misfortune; I especially hope ill befalls that madman who is counted among the seven sages, who claimed that woman is a necessary evil, as there's no blessing like her in the world. Ecclesiastes 4:10. Hence, God gave her as a companion to man, to aid and comfort him: and the Wise Man states—Woe to him that is alone; for when he falls, he has none to lift him up. And if two lie together, they shall warm one another. Although there may be some worthless women, we must remember that men aren’t free from faults either. Many suffered because of the lack of cows; when illness struck, they didn’t have the comforts [42] they would have otherwise enjoyed, leading them to depart this life. A conspiracy punished. One other individual who traveled with us didn’t have the patience to wait for death; rather, he took it upon himself to ascend to heaven by scaling the walls right upon arrival, conspiring against Sieur de Champlein, his Captain. His accomplices were sentenced to the galleys and returned to France. *Journey to the land of the Iroquois.* When summer arrived, a year ago, Champlein sought to explore the land of the Iroquois, intending to prevent the Indigenous peoples from taking over his Fort during his absence; he convinced them to go to war against the Iroquois. So, along with two other Frenchmen and around eighty to a hundred Indigenous men, they set out for the lake of the Iroquois, located two hundred leagues from Kebec. Hostile countries. There has always been conflict between these two nations, just as there has been between the Souriquois and Armouchiquois: at times, the Iroquois have mobilized as many as eight thousand men to engage in war and eliminate those living near the great Canadian river. It seems that they have done this since the days of Jacques Quartier, who was there eighty years ago, as the language spoken back then is no longer heard in that region. 22 Conflict. When Champlein arrived with his troops, they couldn't hide themselves well enough not to be noticed by the Iroquois, who always keep sentinels along the routes of their enemies. With both sides well fortified, they agreed not to fight that day but to postpone it until the next. The weather was clear; so clear that hardly had dawn broken and driven away the shadows of night, than a commotion was heard throughout the camp. An Iroquois skirmisher, having attempted to break out from the fortifications, was shot, not by one of Apollo's arrows or those of the blindfolded little Archer, but by a real and very painful arrow that laid him flat on his back. This enraged the others, and everyone took their position on the defense line. As the Iroquois band advanced, Champlein, who had loaded his musket with two balls, spotted two Iroquois with feathers on their heads marching in front and assumed they were captains, wanting to move forward and aim at them. However, the Kebec Indigenous people stopped him, saying: “It's not wise for them to see you; being unaccustomed to people like you, they would run away immediately. Stay behind our first rank, and when we're ready, you'll advance." He complied, and subsequently, both captains were killed with one musketshot. Win. Victory followed immediately. They scattered, and all that remained was to pursue them. Tabagie is celebrated. This pursuit faced little resistance, and they brought back about fifty enemy heads, a triumph they celebrated upon returning with great feasts, characterized by continuous Tabagies, dances, and chants according to their customs.

108

[45] Extrait dv Regitre de Bapteme de l'Eglise dv Port Royal en la Nouvelle France. Le iovr Sainct Iehan Baptiste 24. de Iuin.

MEMBERTOV grand Sagamos âgé de plus de cent ans a esté baptizé par Messire Iessé Fleche Pretre, & nommé Henry par Monsieur de Poutrincourt au nom du Roy.

MEMBERTOV, the grand Sagamos over a hundred years old, was baptized by Sir Jessé Fleche, Priest, and named Henry by Mr. de Poutrincourt in the name of the King.

2. Membertovcoichis (dit Iudas) fils ainé de Membertov âgé de plus de 60. ans, aussi baptizé, & nommé Lovis par Monsieur de Biencour au nom de Monsieur le Dauphin.

2. Member to any choice (also known as Iudas) is the eldest son of Membertov, over 60 years old, also baptized, and named Lovis by Monsieur de Biencour on behalf of Monsieur le Dauphin.

3. Le fils ainé de Membertoucoichis dit à present Louïs Membertou, âgé de cinq ans, baptizé & tenu par Monsieur de Poutrincourt, qui l'a nomme Iehan de son nom.

3. The eldest son of Membertoucoichis is now called Louis Membertou, five years old, baptized and held by Mr. de Poutrincourt, who named him Iehan after his own name.

4. La fille ainée dudit Louïs âgée de treze ans aussi baptizée, & nommée Christine par ledit Sieur de Poutrincourt au nom de Madame la fille ainée de France.

4. The eldest daughter of said Louis, aged thirteen, was also baptized and named Christine by the said Sieur de Poutrincourt in the name of Madame the eldest daughter of France.

5. La seconde fille dudit Louïs âgée d'onze ans aussi baptizée, & nommée Elizabeth par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt au nom de Madame la fille puisnée de France.

5. The second daughter of the aforementioned Louis, aged eleven, was also baptized and named Liz by the said Sieur de Poutrincourt in honor of Madame, the younger daughter of France.

6. La troisieme fille dudit Louïs tenuë par ledit Sieur de Poutrincourt au nom de Madame sa femme aussi baptizée, nommée Clavde.

6. The third daughter of the said Louis, held by the said Sieur de Poutrincourt in the name of Madame his wife, was also baptized and named Clavde.

7. La 4. fille dudit Louïs tenuë par Monsieur de Coullogne pour Madamoiselle sa mere, a eu nom Catherine.

7. The 4th daughter of the aforementioned Louis, taken care of by Monsieur de Coullogne for Mademoiselle, her mother, is named Cathy.

110 8. La 5. fille dudit Louïs a eu nom Iehanne ainsi nõmée par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt au nõ d'une de ses filles. [46]

110 8. Louis's fifth daughter was named Jeanne, after one of the daughters of the mentioned Sieur de Poutrincourt. [46]

9. La 6. fille dudit Louïs tenuë par René Maheu a esté nommée Charlotte du nom de sa mere.

9. The 6th daughter of the aforementioned Louïs, who was held by René Maheu, has been named Charlotte after her mother.

10. Actavdinech, troisieme fils dudit Henri Membertou a esté nommé Pavl par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt au nom du Pape Paul.

10. Actavdinech, the third son of Henri Membertou, was named Pavl by the gentleman de Poutrincourt in the name of Pope Paul.

11. La femme dudit Paul a esté nommée Renee du nom de Madame d'Ardanville.

11. The wife of the aforementioned Paul has been named Renee after Madame d'Ardanville.

12. La femme dudit Henri a esté tenuë par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt au nom de la Royne, & nommée Marie de son nom.

12. The wife of said Henri has been held by the said Mr. de Poutrincourt in the name of the Queen, and her name is Marie.

13. La fille dudit Henri tenuë par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt, & nommée Margverite au nom de la Royne Marguerite.

13. The daughter of the aforementioned Henri, held by the said Mr. de Poutrincourt, and named Marguerite in honor of Queen Marguerite.

14. L'vne des femmes dudit Louïs tenuë par Monsieur de Iouï pour Madame de Sigogne, nommée de son nom.

14. The wife of the aforementioned Louis held by Monsieur de Jouy for Madame de Sigogne, named after her.

15. L'autre femme dudit Louïs tenuë par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt au nom de Madame de Dampierre.

15. The other woman of the said Louïs held by the said Mr. de Poutrincourt in the name of Madame de Dampierre.

16. Arnest cousin dudit Henri a esté tenu par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt au nom de Monsieur le Nonce, & nommé Robert de son nom.

16. Arnest cousin dudit Henri was held by the said Sieur de Poutrincourt on behalf of Monsieur le Nonce, and was named Robert after himself.

17. Agovdegoven aussi cousin dudit Henri a esté nommé Nicolas par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt au nom de Monsieur des Noyers Advocat au Parlement de Paris.

17. Agovdegoven, also a cousin of the aforementioned Henri, has been named Nicolas by the said Mr. de Poutrincourt on behalf of Mr. des Noyers, Lawyer at the Parliament of Paris.

18. La femme dudit Nicolas tenuë par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt au nom de Monsieur son neveu, a eu nom Philippe.

18. The wife of the aforementioned Nicolas, held by the said Mr. de Poutrincourt on behalf of Mr. his nephew, was named Philippe.

19. La fille ainée d'icelui Nicolas tenuë par le dit Sieur pour Madame de Belloy sa niepce, & nommée Lovise de son nom.

19. The eldest daughter of this Nicolas was held by the said Sir as Madame de Belloy, his niece, and was named Lovise.

112 20. La puis-née dudit Nicolas tenuë par ledit sieur pour Iacques de Salazar son fils, a esté nommée Iacqveline.

112 20. The firstborn of said Nicolas, held by the said gentleman for Jacques de Salazar his son, has been named Iacqveline.

21. Vne niepce dudit Henri tenuë par Monsieur de Coullongne au nom de Madamoiselle de Grandmare, & nommée Anne de son nom.

LOVÉ SOIT DIEV.

GOD BE WITH YOU.

109

[45] Extract from the Register of Baptism in the Church of Port Royal, New France. The day of Saint John the Baptist, June 24.

MEMBERTOU, a great Sagamore, over one hundred years old, has been baptized by Messire Jessé Fleche,25 a priest; and named Henry, by Monsieur de Poutrincourt, after the late king.

MEMBERTOU, a great chief, over one hundred years old, has been baptized by Father Jessé Fleche,25 a priest; and named Henry, by Mr. de Poutrincourt, in honor of the late king.

2. Membertoucoichis (called Judas), eldest son of Membertou, over sixty years old, also baptized; and named LOUIS, by Monsieur de Biencour, after Monsieur the Dauphin.

2. Membertoucoichis (known as Judas), the oldest son of Membertou, who is over sixty years old, was also baptized and given the name LOUIS by Monsieur de Biencour, in honor of Monsieur the Dauphin.

3. The eldest son of Membertoucoichis, now called Louis Membertou, aged five years, baptized; Monsieur de Poutrincourt godfather, and named John, after himself.

3. The oldest son of Membertoucoichis, now known as Louis Membertou, aged five years, was baptized; Monsieur de Poutrincourt was the godfather and named John, after himself.

4. The eldest daughter of said Louis, aged thirteen years, also baptized; and named Christine by Sieur de Poutrincourt, after Madame the eldest daughter of France.

4. The oldest daughter of Louis, who is thirteen years old, was also baptized and named Christine by Sieur de Poutrincourt, after the eldest daughter of France.

5. The second daughter of the said Louis, eleven years old, also baptized; and named Elizabeth by sieur de Poutrincourt, after Madame, the youngest daughter of France.

5. The second daughter of Louis, who is eleven years old, was also baptized and named Liz by sieur de Poutrincourt, after Madame, the youngest daughter of France.

6. The third daughter of said Louis, Sieur de Poutrincourt godfather, also baptized, and named Claude, in honor of his wife.

6. The third daughter of Louis, Sieur de Poutrincourt, who was the godfather, was also baptized and named Claude in honor of his wife.

7. The fourth daughter of said Louis, Monsieur de Coullogne godfather, was named Catherine, after his mother.

7. The fourth daughter of Louis, Monsieur de Coullogne, her godfather, was named Catherine, after his mother.

111 8. The fifth daughter of said Louis was named Jeanne, thus named by sieur de Poutrincourt, after one of his daughters. [46]

111 8. Louis's fifth daughter was named Jeanne, a name given by sieur de Poutrincourt, after one of his own daughters. [46]

9. The sixth daughter of said Louis, René Maheu godfather, was named Charlotte, after his mother.

9. The sixth daughter of Louis, René Maheu's godfather, was named Charlotte, after his mother.

10. Actavdinech, the third son of Henry Membertou, was named Paul by sieur de Poutrincourt, after Pope Paul.

10. Actavdinech, the third son of Henry Membertou, was named Paul by Sieur de Poutrincourt, after Pope Paul.

11. The wife of said Paul was named Renée, after Madame d'Ardanville.

11. Paul’s wife was named Renée, after Madame d'Ardanville.

12. The wife of said Henry, sieur de Poutrincourt sponsor in the name of the Queen, was named Marie, after her.

12. The wife of Henry, known as sieur de Poutrincourt, who was a sponsor on behalf of the Queen, was named Marie, after her.

13. The daughter of Henry, sieur de Poutrincourt godfather, was named Marguerite, after Queen Marguerite.

13. The daughter of Henry, sieur de Poutrincourt, was named Marguerite, after Queen Marguerite.

14. One of the wives of Louis, Monsieur de Jouï sponsor in the name of Mme. de Sigogne, was named after her.

14. One of Louis's wives, Monsieur de Jouï, a sponsor on behalf of Mme. de Sigogne, was named after her.

15. The other wife of Louis, sieur de Poutrincourt sponsor in the name of Madame de Dampierre.

15. The other wife of Louis, Mr. de Poutrincourt, is sponsored on behalf of Madame de Dampierre.

16. Arnest, cousin of Henry, sieur de Poutrincourt godfather in the name of Monsieur the Nuncio, was after him named Robert.

16. Arnest, cousin of Henry, sieur de Poutrincourt godfather in the name of Mr. Nuncio, was later named Robert.

17. Agovdegoven, also cousin of Henry, was by sieur de Poutrincourt named Nicholas, after Monsieur de Noyers, a Lawyer of the Parliament of Paris.

17. Agovdegoven, who was also a cousin of Henry, was named Nicholas by Sieur de Poutrincourt, after Monsieur de Noyers, a lawyer in the Parliament of Paris.

18. The wife of said Nicholas, sieur de Poutrincourt godfather in the name of his nephew, was named Philippe.

18. The wife of Nicholas, sieur de Poutrincourt, who served as godfather for his nephew, was named Philippe.

19. The eldest daughter of Nicholas, the said Sieur sponsor in the name of Madame de Belloy, his niece, was after her named Louise.

19. The oldest daughter of Nicholas, the mentioned Sieur, was named Louise after her sponsor, Madame de Belloy, his niece.

20. The younger daughter of Nicholas, the said113 sieur being godfather for Jacques de Salazar, his son, was named Jacqueline.

20. The younger daughter of Nicholas, the aforementioned113 gentleman being the godfather for Jacques de Salazar, his son, was named Jacqueline.

21. A niece of Henry, Monsieur de Coullongne sponsor in the name of Mademoiselle de Grandmare, was after her named Anne.

21. A niece of Henry, Monsieur de Coullongne sponsored in the name of Mademoiselle de Grandmare, was later named Anne.

PRAISED BE GOD.

Praise be to God.

Bertrand's Letter

Touchant la Conversion et Baptesme du grand Sagamos

Touching the Conversion and Baptism of the great Sagamore

Paris: JEAN REGNOUL, 1610

Source: Title-page and text reprinted from original in Lenox Library.

Source: Title page and text reprinted from the original in Lenox Library.

118

LETTRE MISSIVE, TOVCHANT LA Conversion et Baptesme du grand Sagamos de la nouuelle Frãce, qui en estoit auparauant l'arriuée des François le chef & souuerain.

Cover Letter, REGARDING THE Conversion and Baptism of the great Sagamos of New France, who was before the arrival of the French the leader and sovereign.

Contenant sa promesse d'amener ses subjets à la mesme Conuersion, ou les y contraindre par la force des armes.

Containing his promise to bring his subjects to the same conversion, or to compel them by the force of arms.

Enuoyée du Port Royal de la nouuelle France au S^R de la Tronchaie, dattée du 28. Iuin 1610.

Enuoyée du Port Royal de la nouvelle France au S^R de la Tronchaie, datée du 28. juin 1610.

A PARIS,

Paris,

Chez Iean Regnovl, ruë du Foin, pres sainct Yues.

At Iean Regnovl's, Foin Street, near Saint Yues.

1610.

Auec permission.

Access granted.

A LETTER MISSIVE IN REGARD TO THE Conversion and Baptism of the grand Sagamore of New France, who was, before the arrival of the French, its chief and sovereign.

A letter ABOUT THE Conversion and Baptism of the great leader of New France, who was, before the arrival of the French, its chief and ruler.

Containing his promise to secure the conversion of his subjects also, even by strength of arms.

Including his promise to ensure the conversion of his subjects as well, even through force.

Sent from Port Royal, in New France, to Sieur de la Tronchaie, dated June 28, 1610.

PARIS,

Jean Regnoul, Rue du Foin, near Saint Ives.

Jean Regnoul, Foin Street, near Saint Ives.

1610.

With permission.

With permission.

[3] Lettre Missive, Tovchant la Conversion et 120 Baptesme du Grand Sagamos de la nouuelle France, qui en estoit auparauant l'arriuée des François chef & souuerain.

MONSIEVR & Frere, Ie n'ay voulu laisser partir le nauire sans vous faire sçauoir des nouuelles de ce païs que ie croy aurez agreables, d'autant que ie sçay, qu'estes bon Catholique, C'est que le Grand Sagamos, qui se dit en nostre langue Grand Capitaine des Sauuages, & le premier de tous, s'est fait baptiser le iour de la sainct Iean Baptiste derniere, [4] auec sa femme, ses enfans, & enfans de ses enfans, iusques au nombre de vingt: auec autant de ferueur, ardeur & zele à la Religion que pourroit faire vn qui y auroit esté instruict depuis trois ou quatre ans: Il promet faire baptizer les autres, autrement qu'il leur fera la guerre: Monsieur de Poutrincourt & Monsieur son fils les ont tenus au nom du Roy, & de Monseigneur le Dauphin. Les nouvelles de la mort du Roy n'estoiẽt encores en ce pays là. C'est desia vn beau commencement, ie croy que cy apres ce sera encores mieux: Quant au pays, iamais ie n'ay veu rien de si beau, meilleur ny plus fertile, & vous dis auec verité, & sans mentir, que si i'auois trois ou quatre Laboureurs maintenant auec moy, & [5] pour les nourrir vne année, & du bled pour ensemencer le labourage qu'ils pourroient faire de leurs bras seulement, du surplus qui me reuiendroit apres leur nourriture, i'espererois faire trafiq tous les ans de sept ou huict mille liures en Castors & Pelleterie: Ie suis bien marry auant que 122 partir que ie ne sçauois ce que ie sçay, i'eusse employé le verd & le sec ou i'en eusse amené deux ou trois, & deux muids de bled qui est peu de chose: Vous asseurant qu'il fait beau trafiquer par deçà & faire vn beau gain: Si vous voulez y entendre, mandez moy vostre volonté par ce porteur qui desire retourner & faire trafiq, suiuant ce qu'il a veu. Ie ne vous [6] en diray dauantage, sinon que ie prieray Dieu Monsieur & frere vous donner en parfaicte santé tres-longue vie. De la nouuelle France, du Port Royal ce xxviij. Iuin, 1610.

MONSIEUR & Frère, I didn’t want to let the ship leave without letting you know some news about this place that I think you’ll find pleasant, especially since I know you are a good Catholic. The Great Sagamos, who is called the Great Captain of the Savages in our language, and the foremost of them all, was baptized on the feast of Saint John the Baptist last week, along with his wife, children, and grandchildren, totaling twenty people. They showed as much fervor, enthusiasm, and zeal for the Faith as someone who has been taught about it for three or four years might. He promises to baptize the others; otherwise, he will wage war on them. Monsieur de Poutrincourt and his son have recognized him in the name of the King and of Monseigneur the Dauphin. The news of the King's death hadn't reached this land yet. This is already a great beginning, and I believe it will only get better from here. As for the land, I have never seen anything so beautiful, better, or more fertile, and I can honestly say, without exaggeration, that if I had three or four laborers with me right now, and enough food to support them for a year, and grain to sow in the fields they could till with their own hands, I would expect to trade every year for seven or eight thousand livres in beaver and furs from the surplus left after their sustenance. I’m quite sorry that before leaving I didn’t know what I know now; I would have brought the wet and dry goods, or I would have brought two or three laborers and two barrels of grain, which isn’t much. I assure you that trade here is excellent and yields a good profit. If you would like to participate, please let me know your intentions through this messenger who wishes to return and trade based on what he has seen. I won’t say more about it, except to pray to God to grant you, Monsieur and brother, perfect health and a very long life. From New France, Port Royal, this 28th of June, 1610.

Vostre tres-affectionné Frere & seruiteur

Your very affectionate brother & servant

Bertrand.

[3] A Letter Missive in regard to the Conversion121 and Baptism of the Grand Sagamore of new France, who was, before the arrival of the French, its chief and sovereign.

SIR and Brother, I did not wish the ship to depart without giving you some news of this country which I believe will be acceptable, as I know that you are a good Catholic. The Grand Sagamore, whom we call in our language Grand Captain of the Savages, and chief of all, was baptized on last saint John the Baptist's day; [4] with his wife, children, and children's children, to the number of twenty; with as much enthusiasm, fervor, and zeal for Religion as would have been evinced by a person who had been instructed in it for three or four years. He promises to have the others baptized, or else make war upon them. The news of the King's death had not then reached Canada.Monsieur de Poutrincourt and his son acted as sponsors for them in the name of the King, and of Monseigneur the Dauphin. We have already made this good beginning, which I believe will become still better hereafter. As to the country, I have never seen anything so beautiful, better, or more fertile; and I can say to you, truly and honestly, that if I had three or four Laborers with me now, and [5] the means of supporting them for one year, and some wheat to sow in the ground tilled by their labor alone, I should expect to have a yearly trade in Beaver and other Skins amounting to seven or eight thousand livres, with the sur 123plus which would remain to me after their support. I am very sorry that I did not know before my departure what I know now; if I had, I should have left no stone unturned to bring with me two or three farmers, and two hogsheads of wheat, which is a mere trifle. I assure you it is delightful to engage in trade over here and to make such handsome profits. If you wish to take a hand in it, let me know your intentions by the bearer, who desires to return and traffic here in pursuance of what he has seen. I [6] shall say no more, except to pray God to give you, Sir and Brother, a long life and perfect health. From Port Royal, New France, this 28th of June, 1610.

SIR and Brother, I didn’t want the ship to leave without sharing some news about this country that I think you'll find encouraging, especially since I know you’re a devoted Catholic. The Grand Sagamore, whom we refer to as the Grand Captain of the Savages and chief of all, was baptized on the last Saint John the Baptist’s day; [4] along with his wife, children, and grandchildren, totaling twenty people; with as much enthusiasm, fervor, and zeal for Religion as someone who has been taught for three or four years. He promises to have the others baptized or go to war against them. The news of the King’s death had not yet reached Canada. Monsieur de Poutrincourt and his son acted as sponsors for them in the name of the King and Monseigneur the Dauphin. We’ve already made this good start, which I believe will improve even more in the future. As for the country, I’ve never seen anything so beautiful, better, or more fertile; and I can genuinely say that if I had three or four workers with me now, and [5] the means to support them for a year, along with some wheat to sow in the ground they worked, I would expect to have a yearly trade in Beaver and other skins worth seven or eight thousand livres, plus what would remain for me after their support. I truly regret not knowing what I know now before my departure; if I had, I would have done everything possible to bring two or three farmers and two hogsheads of wheat with me, which is a small amount. I assure you it’s wonderful to engage in trade here and to make such nice profits. If you're interested in getting involved, let me know your plans through the messenger, who wants to return and do business here based on what he has seen. I [6] won’t say more, except to pray that God grants you, Sir and Brother, a long life and good health. From Port Royal, New France, this 28th of June, 1610.

Your very affectionate Brother and servant,

Your very loving brother and servant,

Bertrand.

124

From Lescarbot's Histoire de la Novvelle France; Paris, 1612.

From Lescarbot's History of New France; Paris, 1612.

(Slightly reduced from original.)

Sure! Please provide the text you'd like me to modernize.

Larger image

III-VI

Lettre du P. Pierre Biard, au T. R.-P. Claude Aquaviva

Dieppe, Janvier 21, 1611

Dieppe, January 21, 1611

Lettre du P. Biard, au R.-P. Christophe Baltazar

Port Royal, Juin 10, 1611

Port Royal, June 10, 1611

Lettre du P. Ennemond Massé, au T. R.-P. Aquaviva

Port Royal, Juin 10, 1611

Port Royal, June 10, 1611

Lettre du P. Biard, au T. R.-P. Aquaviva

Lettre de P. Biard à T. R.-P. Aquaviva

Port Royal, Juin 11, 1611.

Port Royal, June 11, 1611.

Source: Reprinted from Première Mission des Jésuites au Canada, by Auguste Carayon, S. J. Paris: L'Écureux, 1864.
Source: Reprinted from First Mission of the Jesuits in Canada, by Auguste Carayon, S. J. Paris: L'Écureux, 1864.

126

[1] PREMIÈRE MISSION DES JÉSUITES AU CANADA.[I.]

Lettre du P. Pierre Biard, au T. R. P. Claude Aquaviva, Général de la Compagnie de Jésus, à Rome.

(Traduite sur l'original latin, conservé dans les Archives du Jésus, à Rome).

(Translated from the original Latin, preserved in the Archives of Jesus, in Rome).

Dieppe, 21 janvier 1611.

Dieppe, January 21, 1611.

Mon Très-révérend Père,

My Most Reverend Father,

Pax Christi.

Peace of Christ.

Que je voudrais pouvoir vous raconter combien grandes et nombreuses ont été, dans notre petite affaire, les miséricordes de Dieu et les fruits de sa bénédiction et des prières; c'est-à-dire comment 128 [2] nous sommes sortis de difficultés graves et multipliées, et comment, délivrés de toute entrave, nous partons pour la Nouvelle-France, lieu de notre [3] destination, 130 comme Votre Paternité le sait! Elle peut certainement s'en réjouir avec une grande consolation dans le Seigneur.

Que j'aimerais pouvoir vous dire combien grandes et nombreuses ont été, dans notre petite affaire, les miséricordes de Dieu et les fruits de sa bénédiction et des prières; c'est-à-dire comment 128 [2] nous avons surmonté de graves et multiples difficultés, et comment, libérés de toute entrave, nous partons pour la Nouvelle-France, notre [3] destination, 130 comme Votre Paternité le sait! Elle peut certainement s'en réjouir avec une grande consolation dans le Seigneur.

[4] Mais voici déjà minuit sonné, et à la première lueur du jour, nous mettons à la voile. Je vous donnerai seulement un précis des événements.

[4] But here it is already midnight, and at the first light of day, we set sail. I will only give you a summary of the events.

Quand les marchands hérétiques nous virent à Dieppe, au jour fixé pour le départ, le 27 octobre de 132 l'année dernière, 1610 (nous étions en effet convenus qu'on partirait de Dieppe), ils imaginèrent un moyen qu'ils crurent favorable pour nous nuire. Deux d'entre eux avaient fait un contrat avec M. de Potrincourt pour charger et équiper son navire, [5] sur lequel nous devions voyager. Ils déclarèrent aussitôt qu'ils ne voulaient plus s'occuper du vaisseau, s'il devait porter des Jésuites. C'était une insigne malice, et elle était facile à prouver, surtout quand les catholiques leur ajoutaient que le devoir ne leur permettait pas de refuser les Jésuites, puisque c'était l'ordre formel de la Reine.

When the heretical merchants saw us in Dieppe on the designated departure date, October 27 of last year, 1610 (we had actually agreed to leave from Dieppe), they came up with a scheme that they thought would harm us. Two of them had made a deal with Mr. de Potrincourt to load and outfit his ship, [5] on which we were supposed to travel. They immediately announced that they no longer wanted to deal with the vessel if it was going to carry Jesuits. This was a blatant act of malice, and it was easy to prove, especially when the Catholics added that their duty did not allow them to refuse the Jesuits, as it was the Queen's formal order.

On ne put cependant rien gagner sur eux. Il fallut avoir encore recours à la Reine. Sa Majesté écrit au gouverneur de la ville, catholique plein de zèle et de piété, et lui enjoint de signifier aux hérétiques que c'est sa volonté que les Jésuites soient reçus dans le vaisseau qui va partir pour la Nouvelle-France, et qu'on n'y mette aucun obstacle.

On couldn't gain anything from them, though. We had to turn to the Queen again. Her Majesty wrote to the governor of the city, a Catholic full of zeal and piety, and instructed him to inform the heretics that it is her wish for the Jesuits to be accepted on the ship leaving for New France, and that no obstacles should be placed in their way.

A la réception de ces lettres, le gouverneur assemble ce qu'on appelle le consistoire, c'est-à-dire tous les fidèles disciples de Calvin. Il donne lecture des lettres de la Reine, et les invite à l'obéissance.—Quelques-uns, c'est-à-dire ceux qui étaient bons, disent hautement qu'ils sont eux aussi du même avis, et ils engagent les marchands à se soumettre; mais ils déclarent que pour eux ils ne sont maîtres de rien. Tel était leur langage en public; mais en particulier, un des marchands qui était chargé d'équiper le navire, protesta qu'il n'y mettrait rien; que la Reine, si elle le voulait, pouvait lui [6] ôter son droit, mais que pour lui, il ne le céderait pas autrement.

Upon receiving these letters, the governor gathers what is called the consistory, meaning all the faithful disciples of Calvin. He reads the letters from the Queen and urges them to comply. Some of them, specifically those who were good, openly express that they share the same opinion and encourage the merchants to submit; however, they declare that they themselves have no authority over anything. That was their public stance; but privately, one of the merchants who was responsible for equipping the ship protested that he would not contribute anything. He stated that the Queen, if she chose, could take away his rights, but as for him, he would not give them up otherwise.

Que faire? Certainement tout était arrêté; car cette société n'avait pas de contrat écrit, et ces sortes 134 d'engagements entre gens nobles ne se mettent pas ordinairement sur papier. On ne pouvait donc pas agir contre ces hérétiques.

On s'adresse de nouveau à la Reine. A la vue d'une pareille effronterie, elle dit en manière de proverbe: "Il ne faut s'abaisser à prier des vilains"; et elle ajouta que les Pères partiraient une autre fois.

On s'adresse de nouveau à la Reine. En voyant une telle audace, elle dit comme un proverbe : "Il ne faut pas s'abaisser à prier des gens de peu"; et elle ajouta que les Pères partiraient une autre fois.

Les catholiques consternés déclarent alors aux hérétiques que les Jésuites ne monteront pas dans ce vaisseau, qu'ils peuvent en conséquence le fréter, et que, dans tous les cas, si les Jésuites y prenaient place, ils payeraient auparavant eux-mêmes le prix de la cargaison.

Les catholiques, déçus, disent aux hérétiques que les Jésuites ne monteront pas dans ce bateau, qu'ils peuvent donc le louer, et que, de toute façon, si les Jésuites y prenaient place, ils paieraient eux-mêmes le prix de la cargaison à l'avance.

Cette assurance une fois donnée, on vit à nu toute la malice des calvinistes; car ils chargèrent aussitôt le navire complétement et de marchandises et de toute espèce d'objets, ne pouvant s'imaginer que les catholiques pussent jamais trouver de quoi payer le prix de tant de choses.

Cette assurance, une fois donnée, on vit à nu toute la malice des calvinistes; car ils chargèrent aussitôt le navire complètement avec des marchandises et toutes sortes d'objets, ne pouvant s'imaginer que les catholiques pourraient un jour trouver de quoi payer le prix de tant de choses.

A cette nouvelle, Madame la marquise de Guercheville, première dame d'honneur de la Reine, [7] s'indigna de voir les efforts de l'enfer prévaloir et la malice des hommes pervers détruire ces grandes espérances que l'on avait de procurer la gloire de Dieu. C'est pourquoi, afin que Satan ne demeurât pas le maître et ne renversât pas l'espoir que l'on avait de fonder une église au Canada, elle sollicita elle-même les aumônes des Grands, des Princes et de toute la Cour pour soustraire les Jésuites à la méchanceté des hérétiques.

Upon hearing this news, Madame la marquise de Guercheville, the Queen's chief lady-in-waiting, was outraged to see the efforts of hell prevail and the malice of wicked men destroy the great hopes of bringing glory to God. Therefore, in order to prevent Satan from remaining in control and to protect the hope of establishing a church in Canada, she personally sought donations from the nobles, the princes, and the entire court to rescue the Jesuits from the wickedness of the heretics.

Qu'arriva-t-il? Le navire déjà chargé était prêt à prendre la mer, quand cette dame envoya aux catholiques 4,000 livres avec d'autres secours. Alors, pour ne pas agir par surprise, ils vont dire adroitement 136 aux hérétiques qu'ils veulent avoir avec eux les Jésuites, que telle est la volonté de la Reine, et que, par conséquent, il faut qu'ils les laissent monter dans le vaisseau, ou bien que les marchands acceptent le prix de la cargaison et qu'ils se retirent. Ceux-ci déclarent qu'ils veulent le prix de leurs marchandises (Je crois qu'ils ne pensaient pas que les catholiques eussent assez d'argent, ou qu'ils espéraient trouver quelque autre moyen de déjouer leurs projets). On leur donne le prix demandé, et ce à quoi personne ne se serait attendu, nous sommes si pleinement substitués à leur place, que la moitié du bâtiment nous appartient, et que nous avons déjà ce qu'il faut pour commencer [8] cette fondation que le Seigneur daignera bénir dans sa générosité et dans sa bonté.

Qu'est-ce qui s'est passé ? Le navire déjà chargé était prêt à partir, quand cette femme a envoyé aux catholiques 4,000 livres avec d'autres aides. Donc, pour ne pas agir par surprise, ils ont habilement dit aux hérétiques qu'ils voulaient avoir les Jésuites avec eux, que c'était la volonté de la Reine, et que, par conséquent, ils devaient les laisser monter dans le vaisseau, sinon les marchands devaient accepter le prix de la cargaison et se retirer. Ceux-ci ont déclaré qu'ils voulaient le prix de leurs marchandises (je crois qu'ils ne pensaient pas que les catholiques auraient assez d'argent, ou qu'ils espéraient trouver un autre moyen de contrecarrer leurs plans). On leur a donné le prix demandé, et ce à quoi personne ne s'attendait, nous sommes tellement substitués à leur place, que la moitié du bâtiment nous appartient, et que nous avons déjà ce qu'il faut pour commencer cette fondation que le Seigneur daignera bénir dans sa générosité et dans sa bonté.

Ainsi donc, mon Très-Révérend et bon Père, Votre Paternité voit combien la malice du démon et de ses suppôts a tourné à notre avantage. Nous ne demandions d'abord qu'un petit coin dans ce vaisseau, et à prix d'argent; maintenant nous y sommes les maîtres. Nous allions dans une région déserte, sans grande espérance d'un secours de longue durée, et nous recevons déjà le commencement de la fondation. Nous étions forcés d'enrichir les hérétiques d'une partie de nos aumônes, et maintenant ils renoncent d'eux-mêmes à profiter d'une occasion qui les devait enrichir.

Thus, my Very Reverend and dear Father, Your Paternity sees how the malice of the devil and his followers has turned to our advantage. At first, we only asked for a small corner in this vessel, and at a price; now we are the masters of it. We were heading into a desolate region, with little hope of long-term aid, and we are already receiving the beginnings of the foundation. We were forced to enrich the heretics with part of our alms, and now they are voluntarily giving up the chance to benefit from an opportunity that should have enriched them.

Mais je crois que le grand sujet de leur douleur, c'est précisément le triomphe du Seigneur Jésus; et fasse le ciel qu'il triomphe toujours! Ainsi soit-il!

Mais je pense que le véritable sujet de leur peine, c'est justement la victoire du Seigneur Jésus; et que le ciel veuille qu'il triomphe toujours ! Ainsi soit-il !

Dieppe, le 21 janvier 1611.

Dieppe, January 21, 1611.

De Votre Paternité

Of Your Paternity

Le fils en Jésus-Christ et le serviteur indigne,

Pierre BIARD S. J.

Pierre BIARD S.J.

NOTES:

[I.] Nous ajouterons aux lettres de nos premiers missionnaires au Canada un fragment d'un mémoire intitulé: Monumenta Novæ Franciæ, ab anno 1607, ad annum 1737.—Insulæ Martinicæ ab anno 1678.—Insulæ Cayennensis ab anno 1668.

[I.] We will include in the letters of our early missionaries in Canada a portion of a report titled: Monumenta Novæ Franciæ, from the year 1607 to the year 1737.—Isle of Martinique from the year 1678.—Isle of Cayenne from the year 1668.

La traduction du chapitre II de ce manuscrit, conservé dans nos archives de Rome, donnera un ensemble de faits sur la Nouvelle- [2] France, qui ne se trouve pas dans les lettres que nous publions.

La traduction du chapitre II de ce manuscrit, conservé dans nos archives de Rome, fournira un ensemble de faits sur la Nouvelle-France qui ne se trouve pas dans les lettres que nous publions.

Parmi les gentilshommes qui s'offrirent à Henri-le-Grand, d'heureuse mémoire, pour entreprendre la colonisation de la Nouvelle-France, était le sieur de Potrincourt. Le roi lui accorda tout ce qu'il demandait, mais en lui signifiant qu'il aurait à emmener avec lui des religieux pris dans notre Compagnie pour les employer, selon ses ordres, à procurer le salut des sauvages; que du reste la dépense de cette mission ne serait nullement à sa charge, mais que le Trésor royal y pourvoirait.

Among the gentlemen who offered themselves to the beloved Henry the Great, to undertake the colonization of New France, was Monsieur de Potrincourt. The king granted him everything he asked for, but he made it clear that he would need to bring along some clergy from our Company to carry out his orders and help ensure the salvation of the Indigenous people. Furthermore, the expenses for this mission would not be his responsibility, as the royal treasury would cover them.

Le R. P. Pierre Coton, alors confesseur et prédicateur du roi, et qui était fort estimé de Sa Majesté, comme on sait, fut chargé par lui de choisir, dans sa Compagnie, des hommes capables, pour mener à bien cette périlleuse et sainte entreprise.

Le R. P. Pierre Coton, who was the king's confessor and preacher and highly regarded by His Majesty, as is known, was tasked by him to select capable men from his company to successfully undertake this risky and holy endeavor.

Beaucoup de nos religieux s'offrirent pour cette mission lointaine. Parmi eux on remarquait le P. Pierre Biard, homme dont la vertu égalait le talent, et qui occupait alors la chaire de théologie à Lyon. Le choix des supérieurs tomba sur lui et sur le P. Ennemond Masse, dont nous aurons à parler plus loin.

Ils partirent tous les deux en 1608 pour Bordeaux, où ils devaient s'embarquer, mais il fallut attendre trois ans. Car le gentilhomme, dont nous avons déjà parlé, retarda son départ; puis ensuite il prétexta la nécessité de faire un voyage d'essai, afin, disait-il, de préparer une habitation convenable pour les Pères. Il fit en effet ce voyage accompagné d'un prêtre séculier, lequel, se laissant aller à un zèle peu réfléchi, baptisa une centaine de sauvages, sans les avoir suffisamment instruits et éprouvés. Plus tard, on s'aperçut que ces pauvres gens n'avaient pas même compris ce qu'ils avaient reçu.

Ils partirent tous les deux en 1608 pour Bordeaux, où ils devaient s'embarquer, mais il fallut attendre trois ans. Car le gentleman, dont nous avons déjà parlé, retarda son départ; puis ensuite il prétexte la nécessité de faire un voyage d'essai, afin, disait-il, de préparer une maison convenable pour les Pères. Il fit en effet ce voyage accompagné d'un prêtre séculier, qui, se laissant emporter par un zèle peu réfléchi, baptisa une centaine de sauvages, sans les avoir suffisamment instruits et éprouvés. Plus tard, on s'aperçut que ces pauvres gens n'avaient même pas compris ce qu'ils avaient reçu.

Trois ans après, de retour de son voyage, le sieur de Potrincourt, pressé par la reine-mère, se chargea de conduire nos Pères au [3] Canada. Mais ce ne fut pas sans grandes difficultés et beaucoup de souffrances que nos Pères arrivèrent au Port-Royal, sur les côtes de l'Acadie.

L'année qui suivit leur arrivée, deux autres des Nôtres allèrent les rejoindre: ce furent le P. Quentin et le Frère coadjuteur Gilbert du Thet. Deux ans de séjour à Port-Royal démontrèrent à nos Pères l'impossibilité de fixer là le centre de leur mission, soit à cause de la difficulté d'y attirer un grand concours de sauvages, soit à cause des tracasseries de ceux qui commandaient. Ils transportèrent le siége de leur mission sur un autre point de la même côte, au 45e degré 30 minutes de latitude, et cela sur un décret du roi. Cette fondation prit le nom de Saint-Sauveur. Ils y étaient établis depuis peu de temps, lorsque les anglais, survenant à l'improviste, s'emparèrent du vaisseau français, saisirent les lettres-patentes du commandant, et, par une insigne fourberie, le traitèrent de pirate. Au moment de l'attaque, plusieurs français furent tués, et parmi eux le frère Gilbert du Thet, homme remarquable par son courage et sa piété.

The year after their arrival, two more of our people joined them: Father Quentin and Brother Gilbert du Thet. Two years spent at Port-Royal showed our fathers the impossibility of establishing their mission's center there, both due to the difficulty of attracting a large number of Indigenous people and because of the troubles caused by those in charge. They moved the center of their mission to another location along the same coast, at 45 degrees 30 minutes of latitude, based on a decree from the king. This new foundation was named Saint-Sauveur. They had only been settled there for a short time when the English unexpectedly attacked, taking over the French ship, seizing the commander’s royal letters, and, through a notorious trick, accused him of being a pirate. At the time of the attack, several Frenchmen were killed, including Brother Gilbert du Thet, a man known for his courage and piety.

Les anglais victorieux, après avoir pillé tout à leur aise, abandonnèrent dans une mauvaise barque une partie de français, et emmenèrent avec eux, en Virginie, les PP. Biard et Quentin. Nos deux prisonniers s'attendaient à être condamnés à mort, surtout lorsque, reconduits à Port-Royal, ils refusèrent de faire connaître la retraite des français qui se tenaient cachés dans les environs. Dirigés une seconde fois sur la Virginie, ils y auraient probablement trouvé la mort, si la divine Providence n'eût rendu inutiles tous les efforts des marins anglais pour y aborder. La violence de la tempête les rejeta sur les îles Açores appartenant aux portugais, et où, malgré eux, ils furent obligés de prendre terre.

The victorious English, after plundering at their leisure, left behind some Frenchmen in a shabby boat and took with them to Virginia the priests Biard and Quentin. Our two prisoners expected to be sentenced to death, especially when, taken back to Port-Royal, they refused to reveal the location of the French who were hiding in the area. Guided a second time to Virginia, they would likely have met their end there if divine Providence hadn't made all the efforts of the English sailors to reach it futile. The force of the storm drove them back to the Azores, which belong to the Portuguese, where, against their will, they were forced to come ashore.

Les anglais eux-mêmes furent forcés d'admirer la loyauté et la [4] charité de nos Pères qui, en se montrant aux portugais, pouvaient amener la saisie du navire et faire condamner les anglais, comme pirates, au dernier supplice. Avant d'entrer dans le port, ils avaient exigé de leurs prisonniers la promesse de ne pas les dénoncer et de se tenir cachés durant tout leur séjour aux Açores. Pendant la visite du vaisseau faite par les portugais, les Pères restèrent à fond de cale, où ils échappèrent à tous les regards. Cette générosité et cette fidélité à garder la parole donnée surprirent tellement les anglais, qu'ils changèrent immédiatement de procédés envers leurs captifs et les emmenèrent directement en Angleterre, où ils firent publiquement leur éloge.

The English themselves were forced to admire the loyalty and charity of our Fathers, who, by showing themselves to the Portuguese, could have led to the seizure of the ship and the execution of the English as pirates. Before entering the port, they had demanded that their prisoners promise not to betray them and to remain hidden throughout their stay in the Azores. During the Portuguese visit to the ship, the Fathers stayed deep in the hold, where they avoided all attention. This generosity and loyalty to keep their word surprised the English so much that they immediately changed their behavior towards their captives and took them directly to England, where they publicly praised them.

L'ambassadeur de France, à la nouvelle de leur arrivée, se hâta de les réclamer et les fit reconduire honorablement dans leur patrie, au mois de mai 1614.

L'ambassadeur de France, upon hearing about their arrival, hurried to request them and had them escorted back to their homeland with honor in May 1614.

Ce premier voyage de nos missionnaires, si stérile en apparence, eut cependant d'heureux résultats. Outre l'expérience acquise et dont on profita, le zèle des catholiques français, ranimé par les paroles des Pères, créa de nouvelles ressources, et dès que la colonie française fut délivrée des anglais, les Jésuites reprirent la route du Canada, où ils fondèrent enfin une des plus belles missions de la Compagnie.

This first voyage of our missionaries, although seemingly unproductive, had positive outcomes. In addition to the experience gained and utilized, the enthusiasm of French Catholics, reignited by the Fathers' words, created new resources. As soon as the French colony was freed from the English, the Jesuits resumed their journey to Canada, where they ultimately established one of the most beautiful missions of the Company.

127

[1] FIRST MISSION OF THE JESUITS IN CANADA.[II.] 26

Letter from Father Pierre Biard,27 to the Very Reverend Father Claude Aquaviva,28 General of the Society of Jesus, Rome.

(Translated from the Latin original, preserved in the Archives of Jesus, at Rome.)

(Translated from the original Latin, kept in the Archives of Jesus, in Rome.)

Dieppe, January 21st, 1611.29

Dieppe, January 21, 1611. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

My Very Reverend Father,

The peace of Christ be with you.

Would that I could recount how great and numerous have been the mercies of God, the fruits of his blessing and, of our prayers in this our little enterprise; that is to say, how [2] we have emerged from 129 grave and multiplied difficulties, and how, delivered from every obstacle, we depart for New France, the place to which we [3] are bound, as Your Reverence 131 knows. For this you may rejoice with great consolation in the name of the Lord.

I wish I could tell you how amazing and countless the blessings from God have been, the results of his gifts and our prayers in this small endeavor; specifically, how we have overcome serious and numerous challenges, and how, freed from all obstacles, we are setting off for New France, the destination we have in mind, as you know, Your Reverence. For this, you can rejoice with great comfort in the name of the Lord.

[4] But it has already struck midnight, and we are to sail at break of day, so I shall give you only a summary of the events which have taken place.

[4] But it’s already past midnight, and we’re set to sail at dawn, so I’ll just give you a brief summary of what’s happened.

When the heretic merchants saw us at Dieppe, upon the day fixed for our departure, the 27th of October of last year, 1610 (we had, in fact, agreed to 133 sail from Dieppe), they contrived a plan which they considered capable of injuring us. Two of them 31 had made a contract with Monsieur de Potrincourt to load and equip his ship, [5] in which we were to make the voyage. They straightway declared that they would have nothing more to do with the vessel, if it were going to carry any Jesuits. It was a remarkable exhibition of malice, as was easy to prove, especially when the catholics informed them that they were in duty bound not to reject the Jesuits, since it was the formal order of the Queen.32

When the heretic merchants saw us in Dieppe on the day we were supposed to leave, October 27th of last year, 1610 (we had actually agreed to sail from Dieppe), they came up with a scheme they thought would harm us. Two of them had made a deal with Monsieur de Potrincourt to load and equip his ship, which we were supposed to travel on. They immediately declared that they would have nothing more to do with the ship if it was going to carry any Jesuits. It was a clear act of malice, which was easy to prove, especially when the Catholics informed them that they were obligated not to reject the Jesuits, as it was the Queen's formal order.

However, nothing could be gained from them, and the Catholics were again obliged to have recourse to the Queen. Her Majesty writes to the governor of the city, a zealous and pious catholic, and charges him to inform the heretics that it is her will that the Jesuits be received in the ship which is about to depart for New France, and that no obstacle be put in their way.

However, nothing could be gained from them, and the Catholics were once again forced to turn to the Queen. Her Majesty writes to the governor of the city, a devoted and devout Catholic, and instructs him to let the heretics know that it is her wish for the Jesuits to be welcomed on the ship that is about to leave for New France, and that no barriers should be placed in their way.

When these letters are received, the governor assembles what is called the consistory, namely, all faithful disciples of Calvin. He reads the Queen's letters and urges them to be obedient. Some of them, namely, those who were well disposed toward us, boldly declare that they also are of the same opinion; and they try to induce the merchants to yield. But they declare that for their part they are not the masters. At least they say this in public; but in private one of the merchants who was charged with fitting out the vessel, protested that he would put nothing into it; that the Queen, if she wished, could deprive him [6] of his right, but that he certainly would not yield it otherwise.

When these letters arrive, the governor gathers what’s called the consistory, which is made up of all the loyal followers of Calvin. He reads the Queen's letters and encourages them to comply. Some of the members, particularly those who support us, confidently state that they feel the same way; they try to persuade the merchants to give in. However, they assert that they aren’t the decision-makers. At least, they say this publicly; but privately, one merchant responsible for equipping the ship insisted that he would put nothing into it. He said that the Queen could take away his rights if she wanted, but he definitely wouldn’t give it up otherwise.

What was to be done? In truth, all proceedings 135 were at a standstill; for this society had no written contract, since agreements of this kind among noblemen are not usually put upon paper. Therefore they could not prosecute these heretics.

What should be done? In reality, everything was at a standstill; this society had no written contract, as agreements like this among noblemen aren't typically documented. So, they couldn't go after these heretics.

They address themselves anew to the Queen. In the presence of such effrontery she quoted the words of the proverb: "Never stoop to entreat a churl," and added that the Fathers should go another time.

They spoke to the Queen again. In the face of such boldness, she quoted a proverb: "Never beg a rude person," and said that the Fathers should come back another time.

The dismayed catholics then declare to the heretics that the Jesuits will not embark upon their vessel, and that consequently they may go on freighting it; and that, in any event, if the Jesuits did occupy a place therein, they themselves would first pay the price of the cargo.

The upset Catholics then tell the heretics that the Jesuits won’t join their ship, meaning they can continue loading it up; and that, in any case, if the Jesuits were to take a spot on it, they would be the ones to cover the cost of the goods first.

This assurance once given, the malice of these calvinists was exposed in all its nakedness; for they immediately loaded every part of the ship not only with merchandise, but with all kinds of goods, never dreaming that the catholics would be able to find the means of paying for all these things.

This assurance once given, the malice of these Calvinists was revealed in all its rawness; for they immediately filled every part of the ship not only with merchandise but with all kinds of goods, never imagining that the Catholics would be able to find a way to pay for all these things.

At this news, the marchioness de Guercheville, first lady of honor to the Queen, [7] was indignant at seeing the forces of hell prevail, and the malice of wicked men destroy one's strong hopes of securing the glory of God.33 Therefore, in order to prevent the triumph of Satan and the overthrow of their hopes of founding a church in Canada, she herself solicited alms from Nobles, Princes, and from all the Court, to rescue the Jesuits from the malevolence of the heretics.

At this news, the marchioness de Guercheville, the Queen's top lady in waiting, was furious to see the forces of evil winning and the spite of wicked people shattering their strong hopes of glorifying God.33 So, to stop Satan's victory and to protect their dreams of establishing a church in Canada, she personally asked for donations from nobles, princes, and everyone at court to save the Jesuits from the hostility of the heretics.

What happened? The ship, already loaded, was about to sail, when this lady sent to the catholics 4,000 livres, with other means of assistance. Then, not to be underhand, they go directly to the heretics and say that they want the Jesuits to go with them, 137 that such is the will of the Queen; and so consequently they must allow them to embark, or else the merchants must accept the price of the cargo and withdraw. The latter declare that they want the value of their merchandise. (I believe they did not think the catholics would have enough money, or else they hoped to baffle them by some other means.) They give them the price they asked; and, what no one could have expected, we so completely take their place, that half the ship belongs to us, and we have already means enough to begin [8] laying the foundation, which the Lord, in his generosity and goodness, will condescend to bless.

What happened? The ship was all loaded and ready to set sail when this woman sent 4,000 livres to the Catholics, along with other forms of support. Then, to be straightforward, they went directly to the Protestants and said they wanted the Jesuits to accompany them, 137 claiming that it was the Queen's wish; therefore, they had to let them board, or else the merchants would have to accept the price for the cargo and leave. The merchants insisted they wanted the value of their goods. (I think they didn't believe the Catholics had enough money, or they hoped to outsmart them in some other way.) They offered the price they asked for, and surprisingly, we completely took over their position, ending up with half the ship, and we already have enough resources to start [8] laying the groundwork, which the Lord, in His generosity and goodness, will surely bless.

So now, my Very Reverend and good Father, you see how entirely the malice of the evil one and of his tools has been turned to our advantage. At first we only asked a little corner in this vessel at their price. Now we are masters of it. We were going into a dreary wilderness, without much hope of permanent help; and we have already received enough to begin laying the foundation. We were to enrich the heretics by a portion of our alms; and now they, of their own accord, refuse to profit by an occasion which was to benefit them.

So now, my Very Reverend and good Father, you see how completely the malice of the devil and his followers has worked in our favor. At first, we only wanted a small space in this vessel at their price. Now we own it. We were heading into a bleak wilderness, without much hope of lasting support; and we've already received enough to start laying the groundwork. We were supposed to enrich the heretics with a portion of our donations; and now they, on their own, refuse to take advantage of an opportunity that was meant to help them.

But I believe that the great source of their grief, is nothing else than the triumph of the Lord Jesus; and may heaven grant that he always triumph! Amen!

But I believe that the main reason for their sadness is nothing other than the victory of the Lord Jesus; and may heaven grant that he always wins! Amen!

Dieppe, January 21, 1611.

Of Your Reverence,

Of Your Respect,

The son and unworthy servant in Jesus Christ,

Pierre BIARD S. J.

FOOTNOTES:

[II.] We shall add to the letters of our first missionaries to Canada a fragment of a memoir entitled: Records of New France, from the year 1607 to the year 1737.—Of the Island of Martinique from the year 1678.—Of the Island of Cayenne from the year 1668.

[II.] We will include a part of our first missionaries' letters to Canada along with a piece of a memoir called: Records of New France, from the year 1607 to the year 1737.—About the Island of Martinique from the year 1678.—About the Island of Cayenne from the year 1668.

The translation of chapter II. of this manuscript, preserved in our archives at Rome, will give a collection of facts about New [2] France, which are not found in the letters we publish.

The translation of chapter II of this manuscript, kept in our archives in Rome, will provide a collection of facts about New [2] France that aren’t included in the letters we publish.

Among the gentlemen who offered themselves to Henry the Great, of happy memory, to undertake the colonization of New France, was sieur de Potrincourt. The king granted him all that he asked, but at the same time gave him to understand that he must take with him some religious persons from our Society for the purpose of securing, according to his orders, the salvation of the savages; furthermore, that the expense of this mission would in no respect devolve upon him, but would be provided for from the royal Treasury.

Among the gentlemen who volunteered to assist Henry the Great, of blessed memory, in the colonization of New France, was Sieur de Potrincourt. The king granted him everything he requested but also made it clear that he needed to bring along some members of our Society to ensure, as per his orders, the salvation of the indigenous people. Additionally, the king stated that the costs of this mission would not be his responsibility but would be covered by the royal Treasury.

The Reverend Father Pierre Coton, then confessor and preacher to the king, and who was very highly esteemed by His Majesty, as we know, was commissioned by him to select, from his Society, some men capable of conducting to a successful issue this perilous and holy enterprise.

The Reverend Father Pierre Coton, who was the king's confessor and preacher and greatly respected by His Majesty, was given the task to choose members from his Society who could successfully lead this risky and sacred mission.

Many of our religious offered themselves for this distant mission. Among them was noticed Father Pierre Biard, a man whose integrity equaled his talent and who then occupied the chair of theology at Lyons. The choice of the superiors fell upon him and upon Father Ennemond Masse, of whom we shall speak hereafter.

Many of our clergy volunteered for this distant mission. Among them was Father Pierre Biard, a man whose integrity matched his talent and who was then the theology professor in Lyon. The superiors chose him along with Father Ennemond Masse, whom we will discuss later.

They both departed in 1608 for Bordeaux, where they intended to embark, but they were obliged to wait three years. For the gentleman, of whom we have already spoken, postponed his departure; then he offered as an excuse the necessity of making a trial voyage, in order, said he, to prepare a suitable dwelling for the Fathers. In fact he did make this journey, accompanied by a secular priest, who, yielding to a thoughtless zeal, baptized a hundred savages without having sufficiently instructed and tested them. Later, it was discovered that these poor people had not even understood what they had received.

They both left for Bordeaux in 1608, planning to set sail, but they had to wait three years. The gentleman we mentioned before delayed his departure; then he claimed he needed to take a trial voyage to, as he put it, prepare a proper place for the Fathers. He did indeed make this trip, accompanied by a secular priest who, carried away by his enthusiasm, baptized a hundred natives without properly instructing or evaluating them. Later, it was found that these poor people didn’t even understand what they had received.

Three years afterwards, on returning from his voyage, sieur de Potrincourt, urged by the queen-mother, undertook to convey our Fathers to [3] Canada. But it was not without great difficulty and much suffering that they reached Port Royal, upon the coast of Acadia.

Three years later, when he returned from his voyage, Sieur de Potrincourt, encouraged by the queen-mother, agreed to take our Fathers to [3] Canada. However, it wasn't easy, and they faced a lot of challenges and hardships before they arrived at Port Royal on the coast of Acadia.

The year following their arrival, two others of our Society went to join them, namely, Father Quentin and Gilbert du Thet, a Brother-coadjutor.30 A two years' sojourn in Port Royal demonstrated to them the impossibility of making that the center of their mission, either on account of the difficulty of attracting there a great assemblage of savages, or because of the bickerings of those in command. They transferred the seat of their mission to another point upon the same coast, in latitude 45° 30', according to a decree of the king. This settlement received the name of Saint Savior. They had been established there but a short time, when the English, coming upon them suddenly, took possession of the French ship, seized the letters-patent of the commander, and, by a piece of outrageous rascality, treated him as a pirate. At the moment of attack several Frenchmen were killed, and among them brother Gilbert du Thet, a man remarkable for his courage and piety.

The year after they arrived, two more members from our Society joined them: Father Quentin and Brother Gilbert du Thet. A two-year stay in Port Royal showed them that it was impossible to make that the center of their mission, either because it was hard to attract a large group of natives there or due to conflicts among those in charge. They moved their mission to another spot on the same coast, at latitude 45° 30', as ordered by the king. This new settlement was named Saint Savior. They had only been there a short time when the English suddenly attacked, took control of the French ship, seized the commander’s letters of patent, and, in a shocking act, treated him like a pirate. During the attack, several Frenchmen were killed, including Brother Gilbert du Thet, a man known for his bravery and devotion.

The victorious English, after having pillaged as much as they liked, abandoned part of the French in a miserable bark, and took with them to Virginia Fathers Biard and Quentin. Our two prisoners expected to be condemned to death, especially when, being taken back to Port Royal they refused to make known the hiding-place of the French who were concealed in the neighborhood. Turning their course a second time toward Virginia, they would probably have met death there, had not divine Providence frustrated all the efforts of the English sailors to land. A violent storm cast them upon the Azores islands, which belong to Portugal; and there, in spite of all their efforts, they were obliged to disembark.

The victorious English, after ransacking as much as they wanted, left some of the French in a pathetic little boat and took Fathers Biard and Quentin with them to Virginia. Our two captives expected to be sentenced to death, especially when they were brought back to Port Royal and refused to reveal the hiding place of the French who were hiding nearby. If they had turned back toward Virginia again, they probably would have faced death there, but divine Providence intervened and thwarted all the efforts of the English sailors to land. A violent storm forced them onto the Azores islands, which belong to Portugal, and there, despite all their attempts, they had to disembark.

Even the English were forced to admire the loyalty and charity [4] of our Fathers, who, by showing themselves to the Portuguese, might have caused the seizure of the ship, and had the English condemned and executed as pirates. Before entering port they exacted from their prisoners the promise not to denounce them, and to keep themselves concealed during their entire sojourn at the Azores. While the Portuguese were visiting the ship, the Fathers remained in the bottom of the hold, where they escaped observation. This generosity and loyalty in keeping their word so surprised the English that they immediately changed their treatment of their captives, and took them directly to England, where they publicly eulogized them.

Even the English had to admire the loyalty and kindness of our Fathers, who, by revealing themselves to the Portuguese, could have led to the ship being taken over and the English being judged and executed as pirates. Before entering port, they forced their prisoners to promise not to say anything about them and to stay hidden during their whole time in the Azores. While the Portuguese were on board the ship, the Fathers stayed hidden in the bottom of the hold to avoid being seen. This generosity and loyalty in keeping their word surprised the English so much that they changed how they treated their captives and took them straight to England, where they praised them publicly.

The French ambassador, on hearing of their arrival, hastened to reclaim them, and had them taken back honorably into their own country, in the month of May, 1614.

The French ambassador, upon learning of their arrival, quickly moved to bring them back and had them returned honorably to their own country in May 1614.

This first voyage of our missionaries, apparently so futile, had, however, fortunate results. Beside the experience acquired, of which good use was made, the zeal of French catholics, revived by the stories of the Fathers, created new resources; and as soon as the French colony was delivered from the English, the Jesuits resumed their voyages to Canada, where they finally founded one of the finest missions of the Society.—[Carayon.]

This initial journey of our missionaries, which seemed so pointless at first, actually had some positive outcomes. In addition to the valuable experience gained, which was put to good use, the enthusiasm of French Catholics, sparked by the accounts of the Fathers, generated new resources. Once the French colony was freed from English control, the Jesuits resumed their trips to Canada, where they ultimately established one of the Society's most impressive missions.—[Carayon.]

138

[9] Lettre du P. Biard, au R. P. Christophe Baltazar, Provincial de France a Paris.

(Copiée sur l'autographe conservé aux Archives du Jésus à Rome.)

(Copied from the autograph preserved at the Archives of Jesus in Rome.)

Mon Reverend Pere,

Mon Reverend Pere

Pax Christi.

Peace of Christ.

Enfin, par la grace et faveur de Dieu, nous voicy arrivez à Port-Royal, lieu tant désiré, et après avoir paty et surmonté, pendant l'espace de sept mois, force contradictions et traverses, que nous susciterent à Dieppe quelques-uns de la pretendue religion, et sur mer, les fatigues, orages et tourmentes de l'hyver, des vents et des tempestes. Par la misericorde de Dieu et par les prieres de Vostre Reverence et de nos bons Peres et Freres, nous voicy au bout de nostre course, et au lieu tant souhaité. Voicy aussi la premiere commodité qui se presente pour escrire à Vostre Reverence, et lui faire sçavoir de nos nouvelles et de l'estat auquel nous nous retrouvons. Je suis marry que le peu de temps de nostre arrivée en ce pays ne me permette pas d'en discourir, et comme je désirerois [10] plus amplement, et de l'estat de cette pauvre nation; neantmoins je m'efforceray de vous descrire non-seulement ce qui s'est passé en nostre voyage, mais aussy tout ce qu'avons peu apprendre de ce peuple depuis que nous y sommes, selon que, je pense, tous nos bons seigneurs et amis avec Vostre Reverence (doivent) l'attendre et le desirer.

Finally, by the grace and favor of God, we have arrived at Port-Royal, the place we have longed for, after enduring and overcoming, for seven months, many challenges and obstacles that some of the so-called religious in Dieppe caused us, as well as the hardships, storms, and winter tempests at sea. By the mercy of God and the prayers of Your Reverence and our good Fathers and Brothers, we are at the end of our journey and in this much-desired place. Here is also the first opportunity that presents itself to write to Your Reverence and let you know our news and the state in which we find ourselves. I am sorry that the short time since our arrival in this country does not allow me to elaborate, as I would like to, on the condition of this poor nation; nevertheless, I will do my best to describe not only what happened during our voyage but also everything we have been able to learn about this people since we arrived, as I believe all our good lords and friends along with Your Reverence are expecting and desiring it.

140 Et, pour commencer par le préparatif de nostre voyage, Vostre Reverence aura sceu l'effort que firent deux marchants de Dieppe de la religion pretendue, qui avoient charge de fretter le navire, pour empescher que n'y fussions reçus. Il y avoit jà quelques années que ceux qui avoient commencé et continué le voyage de Canada, avoient desiré quelques uns de nostre Compagnie pour s'employer à la conversion de ce peuple là; et le feu Roy d'heureuse memoire Henry le Grand avoit assigné cinq cents escus pour le voyage des premiers qui y seroient envoyés, quand le R. P. Enmond Masse et moy, deputés pour ce voyage, après avoir salué la Reyne Regente, entendu de sa propre bouche le saint zele qu'elle avoit de la conversion de ces peuples barbares, reçu les susdicts cinq cents escus pour nostre viatique, aydés aussi de la pieuse libéralité de Mesdames les Marquises de Guercheville, Verneuil et de Sourdis, partis de Paris, arrivasmes à Dieppe au jour que nous avait assigné [11] Monsieur de Biancourt, fils de Monsieur de Potrincourt, pour nous y prendre, sçavoir le 27 d'Octobre 1610.

140 To begin with the preparations for our journey, Your Reverence should know about the effort made by two merchants from Dieppe of the so-called religion, who were tasked with chartering the ship, trying to prevent us from being received. A few years earlier, those who had started and continued the journey to Canada had wanted some members of our Company to work on the conversion of those people; and the late King, Henry the Great, had allocated five hundred escus for the journey of the first ones who would be sent there. When the Rev. Father Enmond Masse and I, appointed for this journey, after greeting the Queen Regent and hearing from her own mouth the holy zeal she had for the conversion of these barbarous peoples, received the aforementioned five hundred escus for our travel expenses, also aided by the generous contribution of the esteemed Marquis ladies of Guercheville, Verneuil, and Sourdis, we left Paris and arrived in Dieppe on the day appointed by Monsieur de Biancourt, son of Monsieur de Potrincourt, which was October 27, 1610.

Les deux susdicts marchants, aussitost qu'ils ouïrent que deux Iesuites debvoient aller au Canada, s'adresserent à Monsieur de Biancourt [III.] et luy denoncerent que si lesdicts Iesuites entroient au navire, ils n'y vouloient rien avoir. On leur respondit que la venuë des Iesuites ne leur nuyroit en rien; que, Dieu mercy et la Reyne, ils avoient moyen de payer leur pension sans grever aucunement leur fret. Ils persistent 142 toute fois en leur negative; et quoyque Monsieur de Sicoine, gouverneur de la ville, fort zelé catholique, s'en entremeslast de bonne affection, si ne pût-il rien obtenir d'eux. A cette cause, Monsieur Robbin,[IV.] le fils, autrement de Coloigne, associé avec Monsieur de Biancourt pour le voyage, se delibera d'aller en Cour et déclarer à la Reyne cet accrochement; ce qu'il fit. La Reyne sur cela donna lettres addressantes à Monsieur de Sicoigne, à ce qu'il eust à declarer la volonté du Roy à present regnant, être telle, et avoir pareillement [12] esté telle celle du feu Roy d'eternelle memoire, que lesdicts Iesuites allent en Canada; et par ainsy entendissent les contrariants sur ce fait, qu'ils se trouveroient en opposition contre le bon plaisir de leur Prince. Les lettres estoient fort affectueuses; et plût à Monsieur de Sicoigne de mander à soy tout le consistoire, et leur en faire lecture. Si est-ce que pour tout cela, les marchants sus mentionnés ne voulurent en rien démordre; seulement fut accordé que, laissant à part la question des Iésuites, on chargeroit promptement le vaisseau, de peur que cet embarras et dispute n'apportast du retardement au secours qui promptement debvoit estre donné à Monsieur de Potrincourt.

The two merchants mentioned, as soon as they heard that two Jesuits were going to Canada, went to Monsieur de Biancourt [III.] and warned him that if the Jesuits boarded the ship, they would have nothing to do with it. They were told that the arrival of the Jesuits would not harm them in any way; thankfully, with God's help and the Queen's, they had the means to pay their share without affecting the freight. However, they insisted on their stance; and although Monsieur de Sicoigne, the governor of the city, who was a very zealous Catholic, tried to mediate with good intentions, he could not get anything from them. For this reason, Monsieur Robbin,[IV.] the son, otherwise known as Coloigne, joined forces with Monsieur de Biancourt for the journey and decided to go to the Court to inform the Queen about this situation, which he did. The Queen then sent letters to Monsieur de Sicoigne, instructing him to declare the will of the current King, as well as what had also been the desire of the late King of eternal memory, that the Jesuits should go to Canada; and thus, the dissenters would understand that they would be opposing the wishes of their Prince. The letters were very heartfelt; and Monsieur de Sicoigne was pleased to summon the entire consistory and read them aloud. Nevertheless, despite everything, the aforementioned merchants were unwilling to budge; it was only agreed that, setting aside the issue of the Jesuits, the ship would be quickly loaded, for fear that this hassle and dispute would delay the aid that needed to be urgently given to Monsieur de Potrincourt.

Lors je pensois bien quasi toutes nos attentes estre mises au rouët, et ne sçavois quelle clef nous en pourroit assez desgager. Mais Monsieur de Coloigne ne desespera point; ains, se montrant de sa grâce toujours plus ardent à poursuivre pour nous, fit entendre en Cour, par un second voyage qu'il fit, y avoir bien moyen de debouter les susdits marchants, 144 sçavoir est, en leur payant leur marchandise, et ainsi les dédommageant. Madame de la Guercheville, dame de grande vertu, recognoissant cet expédient, et jugeant n'estre convenable à la piété de la cour que pour si peu un œuvre de Dieu fust arresté, et satan en eust ainsi le [13] dessus, se délibera de faire un queste pour mettre ensemble la somme de deniers requise, et le fist avec telle diligence et si heureusement, par la pieuse liberalité de plusieurs des Seigneurs et Dames de la cour, qu'elle assembla bientost quatre mil livres, et les envoya à Dieppe. Ainsy lesdits marchants furent exclus de tout le droict qu'ils eussent pû avoir sur le vaisseau, sans rien perdre, et nous y fusmes introduits.

As I was thinking, it seemed like all our hopes were spinning away, and I didn’t know what key could set us free. But Monsieur de Coloigne didn’t lose hope; instead, showing his unwavering determination to help us, he let it be known at Court, during a second trip he made, that there was indeed a way to prevent those merchants from having their claims. Specifically, by paying for their goods and compensating them. Madame de la Guercheville, a woman of great virtue, recognizing this solution and believing it wasn’t right for such a small act of God to be stopped, allowing Satan to triumph, decided to organize a collection to gather the required amount of money. She did this with such diligence and success, thanks to the generous contributions of several Lords and Ladies in the court, that she soon raised four thousand livres and sent it to Dieppe. Thus, the merchants were excluded from any rights they might have had over the ship, losing nothing, and we were let in.

Cet affaire et plusieurs autres qui survinrent dans l'aprest de nostre voyage, furent cause que ne pusmes partir de Dieppe avant le 26 janvier 1611. Monsieur de Biancourt, jeune seigneur fort accomply et expert en la maryne, estoit nostre conducteur, et chef du vaisseau. Nous estions 36 personnes dans un navire appelé la Grace de Dieu, d'environ soixante tonneaux. Nous n'eusmes que deux jours de bon vent; au troisiesme, nous nous vismes subitement, par un vent et marées contraires, emportés jusques à cent ou deux cents pas des esquillons l'isle d'Wytht, en Angleterre; et bien nous en print que nous y rencontrasmes bon ancrage; sans cela resoluement c'estoit faict de nous.

This situation and several others that came up during our preparations for the journey delayed our departure from Dieppe until January 26, 1611. Monsieur de Biancourt, a young nobleman who was very skilled and experienced in navigation, was our leader and captain of the ship. There were 36 of us on a vessel called la Grace de Dieu, which was about sixty tons. We only had two days of good wind; on the third day, we suddenly found ourselves, due to contrary winds and tides, carried about a hundred or two hundred paces from the shoals off the Isle of Wight, England; fortunately, we found good anchorage there; otherwise, we would have certainly been doomed.

Eschappés de là, nous relaschasmes à Hyrmice et depuis à Niéport; en quoy nous consumasmes 18 jours. Le 16 de février, premier jour de caresme, [14] un bon norouest s'élevant, nous donna moyen de partir, et nous accompagna jusques hors de la Manche. 146 Ors ont accoustumé les mariniers, venant à Port-Royal, de ne point prendre la droite route des isles Ouessants jusqu'au Cap de Sable, ce qui abregeroit beaucoup le chemin; car en cette façon, de Dieppe à Port-Royal, n'y auroit qu'environ mil lieues; ains leur coustume est de descendre vers le Sud jusqu'aux Açores, et de là tirer au grand banc, pour du grand banc, selon que les vents se présentent, viser au Cap de Sable, ou bien à Campseaux, ou bien autre part. Ils m'ont dict que pour trois raisons ils descendent ainsi aux Açores: la première pour esviter la mer du nort, qui est fort haute, disent-ils; la seconde, pour s'ayder des vents du sud, qui volontiers reignent le plus; la troisiesme, pour assurer leur estime: autrement il est difficile qu'ils se recognoissent et dressent leur voyage sans erreur. Mais nulle de ces causes a eu effet quant à nous, qui neantmoins avons suivy cette coustume: non la premiere, parce que nous avons experimenté tant de tempestes et la mer si rude, que je ne pense pas y avoir beaucoup de gain, nort ou sud, sud ou nort; non la seconde, parce que souvent, quand nous voulions le Sud, le Nort souffloit, et à retours; non enfin la troisiesme, d'autant que nous ne pusmes point voir ces Açores, quoyque nous fussions [15] descendus jusqu'à 39 degrés et demy. Ainsi toute l'estime de nos conducteurs s'embrouilla, et nous n'estions pas encore aux Açores du grand banc, quand quelques-uns opinoient que nous l'eussions desjà passé.

Escaped from there, we set sail for Hyrmice and then for Niéport; this took us 18 days. On February 16, the first day of Lent, a good northwest wind picked up, allowing us to leave and accompanied us out of the Channel. 146 The sailors are used to going to Port-Royal by not taking the direct route from the Ouessant Islands to Cape Sable, which would shorten the journey a lot; because in this way, from Dieppe to Port-Royal, it would only be about a thousand leagues. Instead, their custom is to go down south to the Azores, and from there head towards the Grand Banks, depending on the winds, aiming for Cape Sable, or Campseaux, or elsewhere. They've told me that they go down to the Azores for three reasons: the first is to avoid the rough North Sea; the second is to take advantage of the prevailing southern winds; the third is to ensure their navigation: otherwise, it's difficult for them to determine their position and navigate without making mistakes. But none of these reasons applied to us, who nevertheless followed this custom: not the first, because we experienced so many storms and such rough seas that I don’t think it made much difference, north or south, south or north; not the second, because often when we wanted to go south, the north wind blew instead, and back and forth; and lastly, not the third, since we weren’t able to see the Azores, even though we had gone down to 39 and a half degrees. Thus, our guides' estimates got muddled, and we hadn’t even reached the Azores of the Grand Banks when some suggested that we might have already passed it.

Le grand banc aux molües n'est pas, comme j'estimois en France, quelque banc de sablon ou terre qui apparoisse hors de la mer, ains est une grande lisiere de terre soubs l'eau à 35, 40 et 45 brasses, large en quelques endroits de 25 lieuës. On l'appelle banc, parce que c'est là premierement où venant des 148 abismes de l'ocean, l'on trouve terre avec la sonde. Or, sur le bord de ce grand banc, les vagues sont d'ordinaire fort furieuses trois ou quatre lieues durant, et ces trois ou quatre lieues on appelle les Açores.

Le grand banc aux moules n'est pas, comme je le pensais en France, un banc de sable ou de terre qui apparaît hors de la mer, mais plutôt une grande zone de terre sous l'eau à 35, 40 et 45 brasses, qui est large à certains endroits de 25 lieux. On l'appelle banc parce que c'est là, au sortir des 148 abîmes de l'océan, qu'on trouve de la terre avec la sonde. Sur le bord de ce grand banc, les vagues sont généralement très fortes sur trois ou quatre lieux, et on appelle ces trois ou quatre lieux les Açores.

Nous estions environ ces Açores le mardy de Pasques, quand nous voicy en prouë notre ennemy conjuré, l'Ouest, avec telle furie et opiniastreté, que peu s'en fallut que nous ne perissions. De huict jours entiers, il ne nous donna relasche, adjoustant à sa malice le froid et souvent la pluie ou la neige.

Nous étions autour des Açores le mardi de Pâques, quand nous avons vu à l'avant notre ennemi conjuré, l'Ouest, avec une telle fureur et obstination que nous avons failli périr. Pendant huit jours entiers, il ne nous a pas laissé de répit, ajoutant à sa méchanceté le froid et souvent la pluie ou la neige.

Naviger en ce traject de la Nouvelle-France, si dangereux et si aspre, principalement en petits vaisseaux et mal munitionnez, est un sommaire de toutes les miseres de la vie. Nous n'avions repos ni [16] jour ni nuict. Si nous pensions prendre nostre refection, nostre plat subitement eschappoit contre la tête de quelqu'un; un autre tomboit sour nous, et nous contre quelque coffre, et tourneboulions avec d'autres pareillement renversez; nostre tasse se versoit sur nostre lict, et le bidon dans nostre seing, ou bien un coup de mer mandoit nostre plat.

Navigating through the treacherous and harsh terrain of New France, especially in small, poorly equipped vessels, is like a summary of all the hardships of life. We had no rest, day or night. Just when we thought we could grab a bite to eat, our dish would suddenly fly into someone's face; another would fall on us, and we’d crash into some chest, tumbling around with others who were also upended. Our cup would spill onto our bed, and the kettle would end up in our lap, or a wave would send our food flying.

Monsieur de Biancourt m'honoroit de tant, que je couchois dans sa chambre. Une belle nuict ainsy qu'estant au lict nous pensions prendre quelque repos, voicy qu'un gentil et hardy coup de mer qui faussa les fermetures de la fenestre, la rompt et nous vient couvrir bien hautement; autant en eusmes nous une autre fois de jour. En outre, le froid estoit si violent, et l'a esté plus de six semaines durant, qu'à peine nous sentions nous d'engourdissement et de gel. Le bon Père Masse a pati beaucoup. Il a demeuré quelques quarante jours malade sans manger que bien peu, et quasi sans bouger du lict; encore vouloit-il 150 jeusner avec tout cela. Après Pasque, il meliora tousjours, Dieu mercy de plus en plus. Pour moy, j'estois gaillard, quand mesme plusieurs des matelots se rendoient, et la Dieu grâce, je n'ay jamais tenu le lict pour mal que j'eusse.

Monsieur de Biancourt honored me so much that I slept in his room. One beautiful night, while we were in bed thinking about getting some rest, a strong and bold wave hit the window, broke it, and flooded us quite a bit; we had a similar experience once during the day. Additionally, the cold was so intense, and it lasted for over six weeks, that we could barely feel our limbs due to the numbness and freezing temperatures. Good Father Masse suffered a lot. He was sick for about forty days, hardly eating anything and barely moving from the bed; still, he wanted to fast even with all that. After Easter, he kept improving, thank God, more and more. As for me, I was in good spirits, even though many of the sailors were giving up, and thank God, I never felt the bed was uncomfortable, no matter how unwell I was.

Eschappés des tourmentes, nous entrasmes dans les glaces sur les Açores du banc, degrez du nort 46. Aucunes des glaces sembloient des isles, autres [17] des petits bourgs, autres des grandes églises ou dômes bien haults, ou superbes chasteaux: toutes flottoient. Pour les esviter, nous prismes au sud; mais ce fut tomber, comme l'on dict, de Charybdis en Sylla, car de ces haults rochers, nous tombasmes en un pavé de basse glace, la mer en estant toute couverte autant que la vue pouvoit porter. Nous ne savions en passer; et n'eust esté la hardiesse de M. de Biancourt, nos mariniers demeuroient sans expedient; mais il fit passer outre, non obstant le murmure de plusieurs, par où la glace estoit plus rare, et Dieu, par sa bonté, nous assista.

Escaping the storms, we entered the ice near the Azores of the bank, heading north 46. None of the ice looked like islands; some resembled small towns, others great churches or tall domes, or magnificent castles: all were floating. To avoid them, we headed south; but it was like falling, as they say, from Charybdis into Scylla, because from those high rocks, we landed on a field of low ice, the sea being completely covered as far as the eye could see. We didn’t know how to get through; and if it hadn't been for the courage of Mr. de Biancourt, our sailors would have been without a plan; but he led us through, despite the murmurs of many, where the ice was less thick, and God, in His goodness, assisted us.

Le 5 de may, nous descendismes à Campceau, et eusmes le moyen d'y celebrer la sainte messe après tant de temps, et nous sustenter de ce pain qui nourit sans deffaut, et console sans fin. Depuis, nous costoyames terre jusqu'à Port-Royal, et y sommes arrivés à bons et heureux auspices le saint jour de Pencoste de bon matin, sçavoir est le 22 de may,[V.] jour auquel le soleil entre dans les Iumeaux. Nostre voyage avoit duré quatre mois.

Le 5 mai, nous sommes descendus à Campceau, et nous avons réussi à y célébrer la messe après tant de temps, et à nous sustenter de ce pain qui nourrit sans faille et console sans fin. Ensuite, nous avons longé la terre jusqu'à Port-Royal, et nous y sommes arrivés sous de bons auspices le jour de la Pentecôte, tôt le matin, c'est-à-dire le 22 mai,[V.] jour où le soleil entre dans les Gémeaux. Notre voyage a duré quatre mois.

Il n'est possible d'exprimer l'ayse que reçurent de nostre arrivée Monsieur de Potrincourt et les siens, lesquels, durant tout cet hyver, se trouvèrent [18] en 152 de très-grandes necessités, comme je vous vais declarer.

Il n'est possible d'exprimer l'ayse que reçurent de notre arrivée Monsieur de Potrincourt et les siens, lesquels, durant tout cet hyver, se trouvèrent [18] en 152 de très-grandes necessités, comme je vous vais declarer.

Monsieur de Potrincourt avoit accompagné son fils revenant en France sur la fin de juillet 1610, et y estoit venu jusques au port Saint Iean,[VI.] autrement dict Chachippé, distant du Port-Royal 70 lieuës est et sud. Revenant et ayant redoublé le Cap de Sable, se trouvant en la baye courante, accablé de fatigues, il fut contraint de ceder le gouvernail pour un peu dormir, donnant mandement à celuy qui succedoit de suivre toujours terre, jusqu'au plus profond de la Baye. Ce successeur, ne sçay pourquoy, ne suyvit pas le commandement, ains peu de temps après changea, et abandonna terre.

Monsieur de Potrincourt had accompanied his son back to France at the end of July 1610, reaching the port of Saint Jean,[VI.] otherwise known as Chachippé, which is 70 leagues south of Port-Royal. On his return, after rounding Cape Sable and finding himself in the current bay, exhausted from fatigue, he was forced to give up the helm to take a short nap, instructing his successor to always stay close to shore until they reached the deepest part of the bay. This successor, for some unknown reason, did not follow the order and soon changed course, abandoning the shore.

Le Sauvage Membertou, qui suyvoit dans sa chaloupe, fut estonné de cette route; néanmoins, n'en sçachant pas la cause, n'en imita pas l'exemple, et si n'en dit rien. Aussi arriva-t-il bientost à Port-Royal, là où M. de Potrincour erra par six semaines en danger de se perdre; car le bon seigneur, s'estant esveillé, fut bien esbahy de se veoir en pleine mer, à perte de terre, dans une chaloupe. Il avait beau regarder son cadran, car ne sçachant [19] quelle route son gentil gouverneur avoit tenué, il ne pouvoit deviner ni où il estoit, ni où il convenoit addresser. Un autre mal, sa chaloupe ne pouvoit aller à la boline,[VII.] ayant esté, ne scay comment, brisée par les flancs. Ainsi, voulust-il ou non, il estoit necessité à prendre toujours vent derriere.

Le Sauvage Membertou, who was following in his canoe, was astonished by this route; however, not knowing the reason, he did not follow suit and said nothing about it. He soon arrived at Port-Royal, where Mr. de Potrincour had wandered for six weeks, in danger of getting lost; for the good lord, waking up, was quite astonished to find himself in the open sea, far from land, in a canoe. He looked at his watch in vain, as not knowing which direction his gentleman helmsman had taken, he could neither guess where he was nor where he should head. Another problem was that his canoe could not sail properly, having been, for some unknown reason, damaged on the sides. Thus, whether he wanted to or not, he was forced to always take the wind from behind.

Un tiers inconvenient et grief: ils n'avoient de 154 vivres. Néantmoins, c'est une homme qui ne se rend pas facilement, et bonheur l'accompagne. Donc, en cette perplexité de route, il se determina heureusement de prendre au nord, et Dieu lui envoya ce qu'il souhaitoit, un favorable Sud. Contre le mal de la faim, sa prudence luy servit; car il avoit chassé et gardé certain nombre de cormorans.[VIII.] Mais quel moyen de les rôtir en une chaloupe, pour les manger et garder? De bonne fortune, il se trouva avoir quelque planche, sur laquelle il dressa un foyer, et ainsi rotit son gibier, à l'ayde duquel il arriva à Pentegouët, anciennement la Norembegue, et de là aux Etechemins, puis à l'embouscheure du Port-Royal, où, par desastre, il pensa faire naufrage.

A third inconvenient and serious issue: they had no food. Nevertheless, he was a man who didn’t give up easily, and luck was on his side. So, in this puzzling situation, he wisely decided to head north, and God sent him what he desired, a favorable south wind. To combat hunger, he used his prudence; he had hunted and kept a number of cormorants. But how could he roast them in a small boat to eat and preserve? Fortunately, he found a board on which he set up a fire, and thus he roasted his catch, with which he managed to reach Pentegouët, formerly known as Norembegue, and from there to the Etechemins, then to the mouth of Port-Royal, where, unfortunately, he thought he might shipwreck.

Il faisoit obscur quand il se trouva en cette entrée, et ses gens commencerent à lui, contredire, [20] niant assurément que ce fust l'embouscheure du Port-Royal. Luy ouït volontiers les opinions de ses gens, et malheur qu'encore les suyvit-il, et aynsi prenant en bas de la Baye Françoise, il s'en alla roder bien loing à la mercy des vents et des marées. Cependant ses gens estoient bien en peine au Port-Royal, et jà quasi tenoient-ils pour tout assuré qu'il fust peri; à cela aydoit le sauvage Membertou, qui affirmoit luy avoir veu prendre vers la mer à perte de vuë; d'où l'on inferoit, comme l'on croit autant facilement ce que l'on craint comme ce que l'on ayme, que puisque tels ou tels vents avoient régné, il estoit impossible qu'avec une chaloupe, il eust peu eschapper. Et jà traitoit-on du retour en France. Or bien esbahis, et ensemble bien joyeux furent-ils, quand ils virent leur Thésée, revenu de l'autre monde; ce fut 156 six semaines après son depart, au même temps que M. de Biancourt arrivoit en France, le retour duquel estoit attendu à Port-Royal pour tout Novembre de la même annèe 1610. Mais on fut bien estonné, quand non seulement on ne le vit pas à Noël, mais aussi on perdit espérance, à cause de l'hiver, de le revoir avant la fin d'apvril ensuivant.

It was getting dark when he reached this entrance, and his people began to contradict him, definitely denying that this was the ambush at Port-Royal. He willingly listened to the opinions of his men, and unfortunately, he followed them, thus going down along the Bay Françoise, wandering far off at the mercy of the winds and tides. Meanwhile, his men were quite worried at Port-Royal, and they already believed it was certain that he was lost; this was supported by the native Membertou, who claimed to have seen him head out to sea until he disappeared from sight; from this, it was inferred, as one easily believes what one fears as much as what one loves, that since certain winds had been blowing, it was impossible for him to have escaped in a small boat. They were already discussing a return to France. They were both astonished and overjoyed when they saw their Theseus return from the other world; it was six weeks after his departure, at the same time that Mr. de Biancourt arrived in France, whose return was expected at Port-Royal in November of the same year, 1610. But they were quite shocked when not only did they not see him at Christmas, but they also lost hope, due to the winter, of seeing him again before the end of April following.

Cette fut raison pour quoy on se retrancha de vivres; mais ce retranchement profitoit peu, d'autant que le Sieur de Potrincourt ne rabattoit rien [21] de ses libéralités vers les Sauvages, craingnant les aliener de la foy chrestienne. C'est un seigneur vrayment liberal et magnanime, mesprisant toute recompense des biens qu'il leur fait; de maniere que les Sauvages, quand par fois on leur demande pourquoy ils ne lui redonnent quelque chose pour tant de biens qu'il leur faict, ont de coustumes de respondre malitieusement: Endries ninan metaij Sagamo: c'est-à-dire, Monsieur ne se soucie point de nos peaux de castor. Néantmoins ils envoyoient par fois quelques pieces d'orignac, qui aydoyent à toujours gagner le temps. Or, bon moyen pour espargner, voicy que, l'hyver venu, leur moulin se glace, et n'y avoit moyen de faire farine. Bon pour eux, qu'ils trouverent provision de pois et febves; cette fut leur manne et ambroisie sept semaines durant.

This was the reason why they cut back on provisions; but this cutback helped little, since Mr. de Potrincourt didn’t hold back on his generosity toward the natives, fearing it would alienate them from the Christian faith. He is truly a generous and magnanimous lord, dismissing any reward for the goods he gives them; so much so that when the natives are sometimes asked why they don’t give him something in return for all the goods he provides, they typically respond sarcastically: Endries ninan metaij Sagamo: that is to say, "Sir doesn’t care about our beaver skins." Nevertheless, they would occasionally send a few pieces of moose, which helped buy some time. Now, a good way to save was this: as winter came, their mill froze, and there was no way to make flour. Fortunately for them, they found a supply of peas and beans; this was their manna and ambrosia for seven weeks.

Là estoit venu Apvril, mais non pas le navire, et lors le moulin eut beau se glacer, car aussi bien n'y avoit-il rien pour la tremye. Que fera-on? la faim est un meschant mal. On se met à pescher sur eau, et fouiller soubs terre: sur eau, on eut des esplans et du harang; soubs terre, on trouva de fort bonnes racines, qu'on appelle chiqueli, et abondent fort en de certains endroits.

Là, April had arrived, but not the ship, and the mill had no use for freezing because there was nothing to grind. What will we do? Hunger is a terrible thing. People started fishing in the water and digging underground: in the water, they caught some eels and herring; underground, they found some really good roots called chiqueli, which are quite plentiful in certain areas.

158 Ainsi contentoit-on aucunement cet importun crediteur; je dis aucunement parce que, le pain leur [22] manquant, toute autre chose leur estoit peu, et jà faisoit-on estat que, si le navire ne venoit pour tout le mois de may, que l'on se mettroit par la coste en recherche de quelques navires, pour repasser au doux pays de froment et vignoble. C'estoyent les gens de Monsieur de Potrincourt qui parloient ainsi; car pour luy, il avoit le courage, et si sçavoit bien les moyens de faire attendre jusques à la saint Iean. Il n'en fut pas de besoing, Dieu mercy, car comme dict est, nous arrivasmes le 22 de may. Or si, à cette venue, l'allegresse de Monsieur de Potrincourt et de ceux de l'habitation fut grande, ceux là le pourront conjecturer, qui sçavent ce que c'est de la faim, du desespoir, de la crainte, de patir, d'estre pere, et veoir ses entreprises et travaux à volleau.

158 Thus, they were not at all pleased with this annoying creditor; I say not at all because, with the lack of food, everything else mattered little to them, and they were already considering that if the ship didn’t arrive by the end of May, they would head along the coast looking for other ships to return to the pleasant land of wheat and vineyards. It was Monsieur de Potrincourt's people who spoke this way; as for him, he had the courage and knew very well how to make them wait until Saint John’s Day. Fortunately, it wasn’t necessary, because as mentioned, we arrived on May 22. Now, if at this arrival, the joy of Monsieur de Potrincourt and those from the settlement was great, those who understand what it means to feel hunger, despair, fear, to suffer, to be a father, and to see one’s efforts and labors at risk will be able to imagine it.

Nous pleurasmes tous au rencontre, et nous estimions quasi songer; puis, quand nous fusmes un peu revenus et entrez en propos, cette question fut mise en avant, sçavoir: mon (de vrai) qui estoit le plus ayse des deux, ou M. de Potrincourt et les siens, ou M. de Biancourt et nous. De vray, nous avions bien tous le cœur bien eslargy, et Dieu, par sa misericorde, donna signe d'y prendre plaisir; car, après la messe et le disner, comme ce ne fusse qu'allée et venue du navire à l'habitation et de l'habitation au [23] navire, chacun voulant caresser, et estre caressé de ses amis, comme après l'hyver on se resjouït du beau temps, et après le siége de la liberté, il arriva que deux de l'habitation prindrent un canot des sauvages pour aller au navire. Ces canots sont tellement faits que, si on ne s'y tient pas bien juste et à plomb, aussitost 160 on vire; arriva donc que, voulant retourner dans le mesme canot du navire à l'habitation ne sçay comment ne charrierent pas droict, et eux dans l'eau.

We all cried when we met, and we almost considered it a dream; then, when we had calmed down a bit and started talking, the question arose: who was truly the happier of the two, Mr. de Potrincourt and his people, or Mr. de Biancourt and us? Honestly, we all felt quite uplifted, and God, in His mercy, showed signs of enjoying it too; for after Mass and lunch, as it was just back and forth from the ship to the settlement and from the settlement to the ship, everyone wanted to embrace and be embraced by their friends, just as after winter we rejoice in nice weather, and after the siege of freedom, it happened that two of the settlers took a native canoe to go to the ship. These canoes are made in such a way that if you don't hold on just right and level, they'll tip over immediately; so it happened that, wanting to return in the same canoe from the ship to the settlement, somehow they didn't steer straight, and they ended up in the water.

Le bonheur porta que pour lors je me promenois avec M. de Potrincourt à la rive. Nous voyons l'accident, et, à nostre pouvoir faisions signe avec nos chapeaux à ceux du navire, de courir au secours; car de crier, rien n'eust proffité, tant le navire estoit esloigné, et le vent faisoit du bruit. Personne n'y prenoit garde du commencement; de maniere que nostre recours fut à l'oraison, et de nous mettre à genou, n'y voyant autre remede; et Dieu eut pitié de nous. L'un des deux se saisit du canot renversé, et se jette dessus; l'autre, à la parfin, fut secouru d'une chaloupe, et tous deux ainsi retirez et sauvez nous comblerent de liesse, voyant comme la bonté divine, par sa toute parternelle douceur, n'avoit point voulu permettre que le malin esprit nous enviast et funestast un si bon jour. A elle soit gloire à tout jamays. Ainsy soit-il.

Le bonheur arriva quand je me promenais avec M. de Potrincourt au bord de la rivière. Nous avons vu l'accident et, dans la mesure de nos possibilités, nous avons fait signe avec nos chapeaux aux personnes du navire pour qu'elles viennent à notre secours ; parce que crier n'aurait servi à rien, étant donné que le navire était trop éloigné et que le vent faisait trop de bruit. Personne n'y faisait attention au début, donc notre seule solution fut de prier et de nous mettre à genoux, n'ayant pas d'autre remède en vue ; et Dieu eut pitié de nous. L'un des deux se saisit du canot renversé et y sauta, tandis que l'autre a finalement été secouru par une chaloupe. Tous deux ainsi récupérés et sauvés nous ont remplis de joie, réalisant que la bonté divine, par sa douceur paternelle, n'avait pas voulu permettre que le malin esprit nous envie et nous gâche un si bon jour. À elle soit la gloire pour toujours. Ainsi soit-il.

[24] Or maintenant il est temps qu'arrivés par la grâce de Dieu en santé nous jettions les yeux sur le pays, et y considerions un peu l'estat de la chrestienté que nous y trouvons. Tout son fondement consiste après Dieu en cette petite habitation d'une famille d'environ vingt personnes. Messire Iessé Flesche, vulgairement dict le Patriarche, en a eu la charge, et, dans un an qu'il y a demeuré, a baptizé quelque cent ou tant des Sauvages. Le mal a esté qu'il ne les a pu instruire comme il eust bien désiré, faute de sçavoir la langue, et avoir de quoy les entretenir; car celui qui leur nourrit l'âme faut quand et quand qu'il se delibere de sustenter leur corps. 162 Ce bon personnage nous a fait beaucoup d'amitié, et a remercié Dieu de nostre venue; car il avoit jà de longtemps resolu de repasser en France à la premiere commodité; ce qu'il est bien ayse de faire maintenant, sans le regret d'abandonner une vigne qu'il auroit plantée.

[24] Now it’s time that, having arrived safely by the grace of God, we take a look at the land and consider the state of Christianity that we find here. Its foundation relies, after God, on this small settlement of about twenty people. Sir Jesse Fleche, commonly known as the Patriarch, has been in charge and, in the year he has been here, has baptized around a hundred or so of the Indigenous people. The problem has been that he hasn’t been able to teach them as he would have liked due to not knowing the language and lacking resources to support them; because the one who nourishes their souls fails when he neglects to sustain their bodies. 162 This good man has shown us a lot of kindness and thanked God for our coming; for he had long since resolved to return to France at the first opportunity, which he is now quite happy to do, without the regret of leaving behind a vineyard he would have planted.

On n'a pû jusques à maintenant traduire au langage du pays la croyance commune ou symbole, l'oraison de nostre Seigneur, les commandemens de Dieu, les Sacremens et autres chefs totalement necessaires à faire un chrestien.

Estant dernièrement au port Saint-Iean, je fus adverty qu'entre les autres Sauvages, il y en avoit cinq jà chrestiens. Ie prends de là occasion de leur [25] donner des images, et planter une croix devant leur cabane, chantant un Salve Regina. Ie leur fis faire le signe de la croix; mais je me trouvois bien esbahy, car autant quasi y entendoient les non-baptizés, que les chrestiens. Ie demandois à un chacun son nom de baptesme; quelques-uns ne le sçavoient pas, et ceux-là s'appeloient Patriarches; et la cause est parce que c'est le Patriarche qui leur impose le nom; car ils concluënt ainsy, il faut qu'ils s'appellent Patriarches, quand ils ont oublié leur vray nom.

Récemment, while I was at the port of Saint-Jean, I was told that among the other Native people, there were five who were already Christians. I took the opportunity to give them images and put up a cross in front of their hut while singing a Salve Regina. I made them do the sign of the cross; however, I was quite surprised because the non-baptized understood it almost as well as the Christians did. I asked each one their baptismal name; some didn’t know it, and those referred to themselves as Patriarches. The reason is that it's the Patriarch who gives them their name; they concluded that they must call themselves Patriarches when they’ve forgotten their real name.

Il y eut aussi pour rire, car lorsque je leur demandois s'ils estoient chrestiens, ils ne m'entendoient pas; quand je leur demandois s'ils estoient baptizés, ils me respondoient: Hetaion enderquir Vortmandia Patriarché; c'est à-dire: "Oui, le Patriarche nous a fait semblables aux Normans." Or, appellent-ils Normans tous les Françoys hormis les Malouins, qu'ils appellent Samaricois, et les Basques qu'ils disent Bascua.

There was also some laughter, because when I asked them if they were Christians, they didn’t understand me; when I asked them if they were baptized, they responded: Hetaion enderquir Vortmandia Patriarché; meaning: "Yes, the Patriarch made us like the Normans." Now, they call all the French Normans except for the Malouins, whom they call Samaricois, and the Basques, whom they refer to as Bascua.

Le sagamo, c'est-à-dire le seigneur du port Saint-Iean, 164 est un appelé Cacagous, fin et matois s'il n'y en a point en la coste; c'est tout ce qu'il a rapporté de France (car il a esté en France), et me disoit qu'il avoit esté baptizé à Bajonne, me racontant cela comme qui raconteroit d'avoir esté par amitié conduit à un bal. Sur quoy, voyant le mal, et [26] voulant esprouver si je luy esmouverois point la conscience, je luy demandois combien il avoit de femmes. Il me respondit qu'il en avoit huict; et de fait, il m'en compta sept, qu'il avoit là presentes, me les désignant avec autant de gloire, tant s'en faut qu'avec honte, comme si je luy eusse demandé combien il avoit de fils legitimes.

Le sagamo, that is to say the lord of the port of Saint-Iean, 164 is called Cacagous, clever and shrewd if there aren't any along the coast; it's all he brought back from France (since he has been to France), and he told me that he was baptized in Bayonne, recounting it as if he were talking about being taken to a dance out of friendship. Noticing the bad, and [26] wanting to see if I could stir his conscience, I asked him how many wives he had. He replied that he had eight; and in fact, he counted seven that were present, pointing them out to me with as much pride, far from shame, as if I had asked him how many legitimate sons he had.

Un autre, qui cherchoit plusieurs femmes, comme je luy dissuadasse, luy alleguant qu'il estoit chrestien, me paya de cette response: Reroure quiro Nortmandia: c'est à-dire Cela est bon pour vous autres, Normans. Aussi ne voit-on gueres de changement en eux après le baptesme. La mesme sauvagine et les mesmes mœurs demeurent, ou peu s'en faut, mesmes coustumes, ceremonies, us, façons et vices, au moins à ce qu'on en peut sçavoir, sans point observer aucune distinction de temps, jours, offices, exercices, prieres, debvoirs, vertus ou remedes spirituels.

Un autre, qui cherchait plusieurs femmes, comme je lui ai dit de ne pas le faire, en lui arguant qu'il était chrétien, me répondit : Reroure quiro Nortmandia: c'est-à-dire Cela est bon pour vous autres, Normands. On ne voit donc guère de changement en eux après le baptême. La même sauvagerie et les mêmes mœurs demeurent, ou peu s'en faut, ainsi que les coutumes, cérémonies, usages, façons et vices, du moins d'après ce qu'on peut en savoir, sans observer de distinction quelconque de temps, jours, offices, exercices, prières, devoirs, vertus ou remèdes spirituels.

Membertou, comme celuy qui hante le plus M. de Potrincourt dés long temps, est aussi le plus zelé, et montre le plus de foy; mais encore il se plaint de ne nous pas assez entendre, et desireroit d'estre prescheur, dit-il, s'il estoit bien instruict. Ce fut luy qui me fit l'autre jour une plaisante repartie; car, comme je luy enseignois son Pater, selon la traduction que m'en a fait M. de Biancourt, sur ce [27] que je lui faisois dire: Nui en caraco nac iquem esmoi ciscou; c'est-à-dire, donne-nous aujourd'huy nostre pain quotidien. 166 "Mais, dit-il, si je ne luy demandois que du pain, je demeurerois sans orignac ou poisson."

Membertou, like the one who has long been close to Mr. de Potrincourt, is also the most eager and shows the most faith; however, he still complains that he doesn’t quite understand us enough and says he would like to be a preacher if he were well instructed. He was the one who made a witty remark the other day; as I was teaching him his Pater, according to the translation given to me by Mr. de Biancourt, about what I had him say: Nui en caraco nac iquem esmoi ciscou; which means, give us our daily bread today. 166 "But," he said, "if I only ask for bread, I would be left without meat or fish."

Le bon vieillard nous contoit avec grande affection comme Dieu l'assiste depuis qu'il est chrestien, et nous disoit que ce printemps, luy arriva de patir grande faim luy et les siens; que sur ce il luy souvint qu'il estoit chrestien, et par ce il pria Dieu. Après sa prière, allant veoir à la riviere, il trouva des esplans à suffisance. Et puisque je suis sur ce vieux sagamo, premices de cette gentilité, je vous diray encore ce qui luy est arrivé cet hyver.

The kind old man told us with great affection how God has supported him since he became a Christian, and he said that this spring, he and his family faced severe hunger; then it came to his mind that he was a Christian, and because of that, he prayed to God. After his prayer, when he went to check by the river, he found plenty of fish. And since I'm on the subject of this old sage, the origin of this nobility, I'll also tell you what happened to him this winter.

Il a esté malade, et ce qui est plus, jugé à mort par les aoutmoins ou sorciers du pays. Or est la coustume que dès aussitost que les Aoutmoins ont sentencié la maladie ou plaie estre mortelle, dès lors le patient ne mange plus; aussy ne luy donne-t-on rien. Ains, prenant sa belle robe, il entonne luy-mesme le chant de sa mort; après lequel cantique, s'il tarde trop à mourir, on luy jette force seaux d'eau dessus, pour l'advancer, et quelquefois l'enterre-t-on à demy vif. Or les enfants de Membertou, quoy que chrestien, se preparoient à user de ce beau devoir de pieté envers leur père; jà ils ne luy donnoient plus à manger, et luy ayant prins sa [28] belle robe de loutre, avoit, comme un cygne, chanté et conclu sa Nænie ou chant funerail. Une chose l'affligeoit encore, c'est qu'il ne sçavoit pas pomment il debvoit bien mourir en chrestien, et qu'il ne disoit point adieu à M. de Potrincourt. Ces choses entendues, M. de Potrincourt vint à luy, luy remonstre et l'asseure qu'en despit de tous les Aoutmoins et Pilotois, il vivroit et recouvreroit santé, s'il vouloit manger; ce qu'il estoit tenu de faire, estant chrestien. Le bon homme crut, 168 et fut sauvé; aujourd'huy il raconte cecy avec grand contentement, et rememore bien à propos comme Dieu a misericordieusement en cela fait entendre la malice et mensonge de leurs aoutmoins.

He was sick, and what's more, he was sentenced to death by the shamans or witches of the land. Now, it's customary that as soon as the shamans declare the illness or wound to be fatal, the patient stops eating; no one gives him anything either. Instead, taking his beautiful robe, he starts singing his own death song; after this chant, if he takes too long to die, they pour buckets of water on him to hasten the process, and sometimes they even bury him alive. Now, Membertou’s children, although Christians, were preparing to carry out this lovely act of piety towards their father; they were no longer giving him food, and having taken his lovely otter robe, he sang and concluded his funeral chant like a swan. One thing troubled him, though; he didn't know how he was supposed to die as a Christian and he hadn't said goodbye to Mr. de Potrincourt. Once this was understood, Mr. de Potrincourt came to him, reminded him and assured him that despite all the shamans and Pilotois, he would live and regain his health if he would eat; something he was required to do as a Christian. The good man believed, and he was saved; today he recounts this with great happiness and thoughtfully recalls how God mercifully made known the malice and lies of their shamans.

Je raconteray icy un autre faict du mesme Sieur de Potrincourt, et qui a beaucoup proffité à toute cette gentilité. Un sauvage chrestien estoit mort, et (marque de sa constance) il avoit mandé icy à l'habitation, pendant sa maladie, qu'il se recommandoit aux prieres. Après sa mort, les autres Sauvages se preparoient de l'enterrer à leur mode: leur mode est qu'ils prennent tout ce qui appartient au defunct, peaux, arcs, utensiles, cabannes, etc. bruslent tout cela, hurlants, brayants avec certains clameurs, sorceleries et invocations du malin esprit. M. de Potrincourt delibera de vertueusement resister à ces ceremonies. Il met donc en armes toutes ses gens, et [29] s'en va aux Sauvages en main forte, obtient par ce moyen ce qu'il demandoit, sçavoir est que le corps fust donné à M. le Patriarche, et ainsi l'enterrement fut faict à la chrestienne. Cet acte, d'autant qu'il n'a pû estre contrarié par les Sauvages, a esté loué par eux, et l'est encores.

I'm going to tell another story about the same Mr. de Potrincourt, which greatly benefited all of this gentry. A Christian Native American had died, and (as a sign of his faith) he had sent word to the settlement during his illness that he requested prayers. After his death, the other Natives were preparing to bury him in their way: their tradition is to take everything that belongs to the deceased—furs, bows, tools, lodges, etc.—and burn it all, shouting and making certain cries, sorceries, and invocations to the evil spirit. Mr. de Potrincourt decided to nobly resist these ceremonies. He armed all his men and went to the Natives with strength, obtaining by this means what he requested, namely that the body be given to Mr. the Patriarch, and thus the burial was performed in a Christian manner. This act, since it could not be opposed by the Natives, was praised by them and still is.

La chappelle qu'on a eue jusque à maintenant, est fort petite, pirement accomodée, et en toutes façons incommode à tous exercices de religion. Pour remede, M. de Potrincourt nous a donné tout un quartier de son habitation, si nous pouvons le couvrir et accomoder. Seulement j'adjousteray encore un mot, que plusieurs seront bien ayses et édifiés d'ouïr.

La chapelle que nous avons jusqu'à présent est très petite, mal aménagée et, de toutes les façons, peu pratique pour les activités religieuses. Pour remédier à cela, M. de Potrincourt nous a donné tout un quartier de sa propriété, à condition que nous puissions l'abriter et l'aménager. Je veux juste ajouter un mot que beaucoup seront heureux et encouragés d'entendre.

Après mon arrivée icy à Port-Royal, j'ay esté avec M. de Potrincourt jusque aux Etechemins. Là, Dieu voulut que je rencontrasse le jeune du Pont de Sainct 170 Malo, lequel ne sçays comment effarouché,[IX.] avoit passé toute l'année avec les Sauvages, vivant de mesme qu'eux. C'est un jeune homme d'une grande force d'esprit et de corps, n'y ayant sauvage qui courre, agisse ou patisse ou parle mieux que luy. Il estoit en grandes apprehensions de M. de [30] Potrincourt; mais Dieu me donna tant de croyance envers luy, que sur ma parole il vint avec moy dans nostre navire, et, après quelques submissions et debvoir rendu par luy, la paix fut faite au grand contentement de tous. Au départir, comme les canonades bruyèrent, il me pria de luy assigner heure pour sa confession. Au lendemain matin, luy mesme prevint l'heure, tant il estoit en ferveur, et se confessa en l'orée de la mer, en la présence de tous les Sauvages, qui s'émerveilloient d'ainsy le voir à genoux devant moy si long temps. Depuis, il communia avec grand exemple, et puis dire que les larmes m'en vinrent aux yeux, et ne fus pas seul. Le diable fut confus de cet acte: aussy pensa-il subitement tout troubler l'aprés disnée suivante; mais Dieu mercy, par l'équité et bonté de M. de Potrincourt, le tout a esté remis en son entier.

After my arrival here at Port-Royal, I stayed with Mr. de Potrincourt until we reached the Etechemins. There, God willed that I meet the young man from Saint Malo, who, I don’t know how, was frightened and had spent the entire year living among the natives, living just like they did. He is a young man of great strength, both of mind and body; there's no native who runs, acts, suffers, or speaks better than him. He was very apprehensive of Mr. de Potrincourt; but God gave me such faith in him that on my word he came with me to our ship, and after some submission and duty rendered by him, peace was made to everyone’s great satisfaction. When we parted, as the cannons roared, he asked me to schedule a time for his confession. The next morning, he came to the scheduled time himself, so fervent was he, and he confessed on the shore of the sea, in the presence of all the natives, who marveled at seeing him on his knees before me for so long. Since then, he received communion with great example, and I must say that tears came to my eyes, and I was not alone. The devil was confused by this act; he also suddenly tried to disturb everything the next day after dinner; but thank God, due to the fairness and kindness of Mr. de Potrincourt, everything was fully restored.

Voilà, mon Révérend Pere, le discours de nostre voyage et des choses survenues tant en yceluy que devant celuy, et depuis nostre arrivée à cette habitation. Reste maintenant à vous dire que la conversion de ce pays à l'Evangile, et de ce peuple à la civilité, n'est pas petite, ni sans beaucoup de difficultez; car en premier lieu, si nous considerons le pays, 172 ce n'est qu'une forest, sans autre commodité pour la vie que celles qu'on apportera de France, et avec le temps on pourroit retirer du terroir, après qu'on [31] l'aura cultivé. La nation est sauvage, vagabonde, mal habituée, rare et d'assez peu de gens. Elle est, dis-je, sauvage, courant les bois, sans lettres, sans police, sans bonnes mœurs; elle est vagabonde, sans aucun arrest, ni des maisons ni de parenté, ni des possessions ni de patrie; elle est mal habituée, gens extremement paresseux, gourmans, irreligieux, traitres, cruels en vengeance, et adonnés à toute luxure, hommes et femmes, les hommes ayant plusieurs femmes et les abandonnant à autruy, et les femmes ne leur servant que d'esclaves qu'ils battent et assomment de coups, sans qu'elles osent se plaindre; et après avoir esté demy meurtries, s'il plaist au meurtrier, il faut qu'elles rient et luy fassent caresses.

Here it is, my Reverend Father, the account of our journey and the events that occurred both during it and before, as well as since our arrival at this settlement. It remains for me to tell you that the conversion of this land to the Gospel and of this people to civility is no small task and comes with many difficulties; for, first of all, if we consider the land, 172 it is nothing but a forest, lacking any amenities for life except those that will be brought from France, and over time, one might be able to cultivate the soil to yield some produce. The people are wild, nomadic, poorly educated, sparse, and few in number. They are, I say, wild, roaming the woods, without written language, without governance, and without good morals; they are nomadic, having no permanent homes, family ties, possessions, or homeland; they are poorly educated, being extremely lazy, gluttonous, irreligious, treacherous, cruel in vengeance, and indulging in all kinds of vice, both men and women, with men having multiple wives whom they abandon to others, and women serving only as slaves whom they beat and abuse without daring to complain; and after being half-killed, if it pleases the assailant, they must laugh and show affection to him.

Avec tous ces maux, ils sont extrêmement glorieux: ils s'estiment plus vaillans, que nous, meilleurs que nous, plus ingenieux que nous, et, chose difficile à croire, plus riches que nous. Ils s'estiment, dis-je, plus vaillants que nous, se vantant qu'ils ont tué des Basques et Malouins, et fait beaucoup de mal aux navires, sans que jamays on en ait tiré vengeance, voulant dire que ce a esté faute de cœur. Ils s'estiment meilleurs: "Car, disent-ils, vous ne cessez de vous entrebattre et quereller l'un l'autre; nous vivons en paix. Vous estes envieux les uns des autres, et détractez les uns des autres ordinairement; [32] vous estes larrons et trompeurs; vous estes convoiteux, sans liberalité et misericorde: quant à nous, si nous avons un morceau du pain, nous le partissons entre nous."

With all these problems, they are extremely proud: they think they are braver than us, better than us, more clever than us, and, unbelievably, richer than us. They believe, I say, that they are braver than us, boasting that they have killed Basques and Malouins, and have done a lot of harm to ships, without anyone ever taking revenge, implying that it’s due to a lack of courage. They think they are better: "Because," they say, "you keep fighting and arguing with each other; we live in peace. You are envious of one another and regularly slander each other; you are thieves and deceivers; you are greedy, without generosity and compassion: as for us, if we have a piece of bread, we share it among ourselves."

174 Telles et semblables choses disent-ils communement, voyant les susdictes imperfections en quelques-uns de nos gens; et, se flattent de ce que quelques-uns d'entre eux ne les ont si éminentes, ne considerant (pas) qu'ils ont tous des vices beaucoup plus énormes, et que la meilleure part des nostres n'ont pas mesmes les vices susdicts, concluent universellement qu'ils vallent mieux que tous les chrestiens. C'est l'amour propre qui les aveugle, et le malin esprit qui les seduit, ne plus ne moins que vous voyez en nostre France les desvoyés de la foy s'estimer et se vanter estre meilleurs que les catholiques, d'autant qu'en quelques-uns ils voyent beaucoup de vices, ne regardants ni les vertus des autres catholiques, ni leurs vices beaucoup plus grands; ne voulant, comme Cyclopes, avoir, qu'un seul œil, et celuy fiché sur aucuns vices de quelques catholiques, et jamays sur les vertus des autres, ni sur eux, sinon pour se tromper.

174 They commonly say such things, noticing the aforementioned flaws in some of our people; and they take comfort in the fact that some of them don’t have such prominent issues, not considering that they all have much bigger faults. Meanwhile, the best among us don’t even have the aforementioned flaws, yet they universally conclude that they are better than all Christians. It’s their pride that blinds them, and the evil spirit that misleads them, just like you see in our France where those who have strayed from the faith believe and boast that they are better than Catholics, simply because they see many vices in some of them, ignoring both the virtues of other Catholics and their much greater vices; they, like Cyclopes, only want to see with one eye, focusing solely on the faults of some Catholics, and never on the virtues of others, nor on themselves, except to deceive themselves.

Ils s'estiment aussi plus ingenieux, d'autant qu'ils nous voyent admirer aucunes de leurs manufactures, comme œuvres de personnes si rudes et grossieres, [33] et admirent peu ce que nous leur monstrons, quoy que beaucoup plus digne d'estre admiré, faute d'esprit. De là vient qu'ils s'estiment beaucoup plus riches que nous, quoy qu'ils soyent extremement pauvres et souffreteux.

Ils se considèrent aussi comme plus ingénieux, surtout quand ils nous voient admirer certaines de leurs fabrications, comme des œuvres de personnes si rudimentaires et grossières, et ils admirent peu ce que nous leur montrons, bien que ce soit de loin plus digne d'admiration, par manque de compréhension. C'est pourquoi ils se croient beaucoup plus riches que nous, bien qu'ils soient extrêmement pauvres et souffrants.

Cacagous, duquel j'ai cy-devant parlé, a bonne grace, quand il a un peu haussé le ton; car pour monstrer sa bonne affection envers les Françoys, il se vante de vouloir aller veoir le Roy, et luy porter un present de cent castors, et fait estat, ce faisant, de le faire le plus riche de tous ses predecesseurs. La 176 cause aussy de ce jugement leur vient de l'extreme et bruslante convoitise de leurs castors qu'ils voyent regner en quelques-uns des nostres.

Cacagous, whom I mentioned earlier, has a good sense of humor when he raises his voice a bit; to show his goodwill towards the French, he boasts about wanting to go see the king and bring him a gift of a hundred beavers, and by doing this, he intends to make him the wealthiest of all his predecessors. The 176 reason for this judgment also comes from their extreme and burning desire for their beavers that they see flourishing among some of ours.

Non moins plaisant est le discours d'un certain Sagamo, qui ayant ouy raconter de M. de Potrincourt, que le Roy estoit jeune et à marier: "Peut-estre, dit-il, luy pourray-je donner ma fille pour femme; mais, selon les us et coustumes du pays, il faudroit que le Roy lui fist de grands presens: sçavoir, quatre ou cinq barriques de pain, trois de pois ou de febves, un de petun, quatre ou cinq chapots de cent sols pièce, avec quelques arcs, flesches, harpons, et semblables denrées."

No less entertaining is the speech of a certain Sagamo, who, having heard about Mr. de Potrincourt saying that the King was young and single, remarked, "Perhaps I could give him my daughter as a wife; however, according to the customs of the land, the King would need to give some substantial gifts: namely, four or five barrels of bread, three barrels of peas or beans, one of tobacco, four or five goats worth a hundred sols each, along with some bows, arrows, harpoons, and similar items."

Voylà les marques de l'esprit de cette nation, qui est fort peu peuplée, principalement les Soriquois et Etechemins qui avoysinent la mer, combien, que [34] Membertou assure qu'en sa jeunesse il a veu chimonuts, c'est-à-dire des Sauvages aussi dru semés que les cheveux de la teste. On tient qu'ils sont ainsi diminués depuis que les François ont commencé à y hanter: car, depuis ce temps-là, ils ne font tout l'esté que manger; d'où vient que, prenant une tout autre habitude, et amassant de humeurs, l'automne et l'hyver ils payent leurs intemperies par pleurésies, esquinances, flux de sang, qui les font mourir. Seulement cette année, soixante en sont morts au Cap de la Hève, qui est la plus grande partie de ce qu'ils y estoient; et neantmoins personne du petit peuple de M. de Potrincourt n'a esté seulement malade, nonobstant toute l'indigence qu'ils ont paty; ce qui a faict apprehender les Sauvages que Dieu nous deffend et protége comme son peuple particulier et bien-aymé.

Here are the marks of the spirit of this nation, which is sparsely populated, primarily by the Soriquois and Etechemins who live near the sea. Membertou claims that in his youth he saw chimonuts, meaning Indigenous people as plentiful as the hair on one’s head. It is believed that they have diminished since the French began to settle there; since then, they spend the entire summer just eating. As a result, developing different habits and accumulating various ailments, in the autumn and winter, they suffer from pleurisy, headaches, and hemorrhages, which lead to their deaths. Only this year, sixty of them died at Cap de la Hève, which is mostly what remained of their population; yet, no one from Mr. de Potrincourt's small group fell ill, despite all the hardships they endured. This made the Indigenous people worry that God defends and protects us as His chosen and beloved people.

Ce que je dis de cette rareté d'habitants de cette 178 contrée, se doict entendre de ceux qui paroissent en la coste de la mer; car, dans les terres, principalement des Etechemins, il y a force peuple, à ce qu'on dit. Toutes ces choses conjoinctes avec la difficulté du langage, le temps qu'il y faudra consommer, les despends qu'il y faudra faire, les grandes incommoditez et labeurs et disettes qu'il faudra endurer, declarent assez la grandeur de cette entreprise, et les difficultés qui la pourront traverser. Toutes [35] fois plusieurs choses m'encouragent à la poursuite d'icelle.

Ce que je dis sur la rareté des habitants de cette 178 région doit être compris en parlant de ceux qui apparaissent le long de la côte; car, à l'intérieur des terres, surtout chez les Etechemins, il y a beaucoup de gens, selon ce qu'on dit. Tous ces éléments, associés à la complexité de la langue, le temps qu'il faudra y consacrer, les dépenses nécessaires, les grandes difficultés, les efforts et la pénurie qu'il faudra supporter, montrent clairement l'ampleur de ce projet et les obstacles qui pourraient se dresser sur son chemin. Pourtant, plusieurs choses m'encouragent à continuer cette quête.

Premierement l'esperance que j'ay en la bonté et providence de Dieu. Esaïe nous assure que le royaume de nostre Redempteur doict estre recognu par toute la terre, et qu'il ne doict avoir ni antres de dragons, ni cavernes de basilisques, ni rochers inaccessibles, ni abysmes tant profonds que son humanité n'adoucisse, son salut ne guerisse, son abondance ne fertilise, son humilité ne surhausse, et enfin que sa croix ne triomphe victorieusement. Et pour quoy n'esperay-je que le temps est venu auquel cette prophetie doict estre accomplie en ces quartiers? Que si cela est, qu'y a-t-il de tant difficile que nostre Dieu ne puisse faciliter?

First, there’s the hope I have in the goodness and providence of God. Isaiah assures us that the kingdom of our Redeemer should be recognized all over the earth, and that there should be neither dens of dragons, nor caves of basilisks, nor inaccessible rocks, nor abysses so deep that His humanity cannot soften, His salvation cannot heal, His abundance cannot enrich, His humility cannot elevate, and finally, that His cross cannot triumph gloriously. And why shouldn’t I hope that the time has come for this prophecy to be fulfilled in these regions? If that’s the case, what could possibly be so difficult that our God cannot make it easier?

En second lieu, je mets la consideration du Roy nostre Sire. C'est un Roy qui nous promet rien de moindre que le feu Roy son pere l'incomparable Henri le Grand. Cet œuvre a commencé avec son reigne, et peut on dire que depuis cent années la France s'est approprié ce pays, ou en a si veritablement pris possession, ny tant faict, que depuis son reigne, que Dieu remplisse de toutes benedictions. Il ne voudra permettre que son nom et ses armes paroissent en ces regions avec le paganisme, son authorité 180 avec la barbarie, sa renommée avec la sauvagine, son pouvoir avec l'indigence, [36] sa foy avec manquement, ses subjects sans ayde ni secours. Sa mère aussy, une autre Reyne Blanche, visant à la gloire de Dieu, contemplera ces deserts et nouveliers siens, où, au commencement de sa Regence, le coutre de l'Evangile a par son moyen ouvert quelque esperance de moisson, et se souviendra de ce que le feu Roy, grand de sagesse aussi bien que de valeur, prononça au Sieur de Potrincourt venant en ce pays: "Allez, dit-il, je trace l'édifice; mon fils le bastira." Ce que nous supplions vostre Reverence de luy representer, et ensemble le bon œuvre que leurs Majestés peuvent faire en ces quartiers, si c'estoit leur bon playsir de fonder et donner quelque honneste revenu à cette residence, de laquelle se pourroit s'epandre par toute cette contrée ceux qui y seroyent eslevés et entretenus.

In the second place, I bring to your attention our Lord the King. He is a King who promises us nothing less than his incomparable father, the late King Henri the Great. This work began with his reign, and can we say that for a hundred years France has truly claimed this land or taken possession of it, especially since his reign, which God fill with all blessings? He will not allow his name and his arms to appear in these regions alongside paganism, his authority with barbarism, his reputation with savagery, his power with poverty, his faith with failure, or his subjects without aid or support. His mother, another White Queen, aiming for the glory of God, will look upon these deserts and her new lands, where, at the beginning of her Regency, the Gospel's reach opened some hope for a harvest through her means. She will remember what the late King, great in wisdom as well as bravery, said to Sieur de Potrincourt when coming to this land: "Go," he said, "I lay the foundation; my son will build it." We kindly ask your Reverence to present this to him, along with the good work that their Majesties can do in these areas, if it pleases them to establish and provide some honorable income for this residence, from which those who are raised and supported could spread throughout the region.

Voylà le second fondement de nostre esperance, auquel j'adjousteray la pieté et largesse que nous avons experimenté sur nostre depart ès-seigneurs et dames de cette tres-noble et tres-chrestienne cour, me promettant qu'ils ne voudront manquer de favoriser de leurs moyens cette entreprise, pour ne perdre ce que desjà ils y ont employé, ce qui leur sert d'ares de gloire et de felicité immortelle devant Dieu.

Voylà the second foundation of our hope, to which I will add the kindness and generosity that we have experienced upon our departure from the very noble and very Christian court, promising myself that they will not hesitate to support this endeavor with their resources, so as not to lose what they have already invested there, which serves them as a source of glory and immortal happiness before God.

M. de Potrincourt, Seigneur doux et équitable, [37] vaillant, amé et experimenté en ces quartiers, et M. de Biancourt son fils, imitateur des vertus et belles qualitez de son pere, tous deux zelés au service de Dieu, qui nous honorent et cherissent plus que nous ne meritons, nous donnent aussi grand courage de nous employer en ceste ouvrage de tout nostre pouvoir.

M. de Potrincourt, a kind and fair lord, brave, beloved, and experienced in these parts, and M. de Biancourt, his son, who follows the virtues and admirable qualities of his father, both dedicated to serving God, who honors and cherishes us more than we deserve, also give us great encouragement to devote ourselves to this work with all our might.

182 Finalement, l'assiete et condition de ce lieu, qui promet beaucoup pour l'usage de la vie humaine, s'il est cultivé, et sa beauté, qui me fait esmerveiller de ce qu'il a esté si peu recherché jusques à maintenant, où est ce port où nous sommes, fort propre pour d'icy nous estendre aux Armouchiquois, Iroquois et Montagnes, nos voisins, qui sont grands peuples, et labourent les terres comme nous; ce lieu, dis-je, nous fait esperer quelque chose à l'advenir. Que si nos Souriquois sont peu, ils se peuvent peupler; s'ils sont sauvages, c'est pour les domestiquer et civiliser qu'on vient icy; s'ils sont rudes; nous ne devons point estre pour cela paresseux; s'ils ont jusqu'ici peu profité, ce n'est merveille, ce seroit rigueur d'exiger si tost fruict d'un gref, et demander sens et barbe d'un enfant.

182 Ultimately, the state and condition of this place, which holds great promise for human life if cultivated, along with its beauty, astonishes me for being so little sought after until now. Look at this harbor where we are; it’s very suitable for reaching out to the Armouchiquois, Iroquois, and the Mountains, our neighbors who are great peoples and farm the land just like we do. This place, I say, gives us hope for the future. Even if our Souriquois are few, they can still grow in number; if they're wild, that's why we're here—to domesticize and civilize them; if they're rough, we shouldn't be lazy about it; if they haven’t profited much so far, it’s no surprise—it's unreasonable to expect fruit from a young tree so soon, or to demand wisdom from a child.

Pour conclusion, nous esperons avec le temps les rendre susceptible de la doctrine de la foy et religion chrestienne et catholique, et après, passer [38] plus avant aux regions de deçà plus habitées et cultivées, comme dict est; esperance que nous appuyons sur la bonté et misericorde de Dieu, sur le zele et fervente charité de tous les gens de bien qui affectueusement desirent le royaume de Dieu, particulierement sur les sainctes prieres de Vostre Reverence et de nos RR. PP. et très-chers FF. auxquels très-affectueusement nous nous recommandons.

Pour conclure, nous espérons qu'avec le temps, nous pourrons les amener à la foi et à la religion chrétienne et catholique, et ensuite, avancer davantage vers les régions plus peuplées et cultivées, comme il est dit ; une espérance que nous plaçons dans la bonté et la miséricorde de Dieu, dans le zèle et la fervente charité de tous ceux qui souhaitent sincèrement le royaume de Dieu, en particulier dans les saintes prières de Votre Révérence et de nos Reverends Pères et très chers Frères, à qui nous nous recommandons affectueusement.

Du Port-Royal en la Nouvelle-France, ce dixiesme juin mil six cents onze.

Du Port-Royal in New France, this tenth day of June, 1611.

Pierre BIARD.

NOTES:

[III.] Charles de Biencourt, écuyer, sieur de Saint-Just et fils de M. de Poutrincourt. Il était alors âgé de dix-neuf ou vingt ans. (Lescarbot et Champlain.)

[III.] Charles de Biencourt, squire, lord of Saint-Just and son of Mr. de Poutrincourt. He was then about nineteen or twenty years old. (Lescarbot and Champlain.)

[IV.] Thomas Robin, écuyer, sieur de Cologne, demeurant en la ville de Paris. (Lescarbot.)

[IV.] Thomas Robin, gentleman, lord of Cologne, living in the city of Paris. (Lescarbot.)

[V.] Champlain et Charlevoix, qui l'a copié, mettent à tort le 12 de juin.

[V.] Champlain and Charlevoix, who copied it, mistakenly state June 12.

[VI.] Lescarbot dit: «Son père le conduisit jusque au port de la Hève, à cent lieues loin, ou environ du Port-Royal.» Ce qui donnerait à entendre que Chachippè, Port Saint-Jean et la Hève sont une même chose.

[VI.] Lescarbot says: "His father took him all the way to the port of La Hève, a hundred leagues or so from Port-Royal." This suggests that Chachippè, Port Saint-Jean, and La Hève are essentially the same place.

[VII.] Aller à la bouline, c'est-à-dire tenir le plus près du vent.

[VII.] Going close-hauled, meaning to sail as close to the wind as possible.

[VIII.] Le cormoran est un oiseau de mer, qui a le cou fort long, les pattes très-hautes, et qui vit de poisson.

[VIII.] The cormorant is a sea bird with a long neck, very tall legs, and it feeds on fish.

[IX.] «L'année prochainement passée, il avoit été fait prisonnier par le Sieur de Potrincourt, d'où s'estant esvadé subtilement, il avoit esté contraint courrir les bois en grande misere.» (Relation imprimée.)

[IX.] "Last year, he had been captured by Sieur de Potrincourt, but after cleverly escaping, he was forced to run through the woods in great hardship." (Printed Relation.)

139

[9] Letter from Father Biard to Reverend Father Christopher Baltazar, Provincial of France, at Paris.

(Copied from the autograph preserved in the Archives of Jesus, at Rome).

(Copied from the original preserved in the Archives of Jesus, in Rome).

My Reverend Father,

My Pastor

The peace of Christ be with you.

At last by the grace and favor of God, here we are at Port-Royal, the place so greatly desired, after having suffered and overcome, during the space of seven months, a multitude of trials and difficulties raised up against us at Dieppe by those belonging to the pretended religion; and after having survived at sea the fatigues, storms, and discomforts of winter, winds, and tempests. By the mercy of God, and through the prayers of Your Reverence and of our good Fathers and Brothers, here we are at the end of our journey and in the long-wished-for place. And I am now taking the first opportunity which presents itself to write to Your Reverence, and to communicate to you news of ourselves and of our present situation. I am sorry that the short time we have been in this country does not permit me to write about it at length, as I was desirous [10] of doing, and about the condition of these poor people; however, I will try to describe to you not only what happened in our voyage, but also all that we have been able to learn of these peoples since our arrival, as I believe all our good noblemen and friends, as well as Your Reverence, expect and desire me to do.

At last, by the grace and favor of God, we are here at Port-Royal, the place we've longed for, after enduring and overcoming a multitude of trials and challenges over the past seven months at Dieppe, caused by those who follow the so-called faith; and after weathering the fatigue, storms, and discomforts of winter at sea. Thanks to God's mercy and the prayers of Your Reverence and our good Fathers and Brothers, we have reached the end of our journey and arrived at this long-awaited destination. I’m seizing this first opportunity to write to you and share news about ourselves and our current situation. I wish I could write more about this country, but our short time here doesn’t allow for it, as I would have liked to. I will do my best to describe not only what happened during our voyage but also everything we've learned about these people since our arrival, as I believe all our noble friends, as well as Your Reverence, expect and wish me to do.

141 So, to begin with the preparations for our voyage, Your Reverence must know about the effort put forth by two Dieppe merchants of the pretended religion, who were charged with freighting the ship, to prevent our being received upon it. For a number of years past, those who began and continued to make voyages to Canada have wished some of our Society to be employed for the conversion of the people of that country; and Henry the Great, the late King, of happy memory, had set aside five hundred écus 34 for the voyage of the first ones who should be sent there: at this time Reverend Father Enmond Masse and I, chosen for this mission, after having saluted the Queen Regent and learned from her own utterances the holy zeal which she felt for the conversion of this barbarous people, and having received the above-mentioned five hundred écus for our viaticum,35 aided also by the pious liberality of the Marchionesses de Guercheville, Verneuil, and de Sourdis,36 left Paris and arrived at Dieppe upon the day which [11] Monsieur de Biancourt, son of Monsieur de Potrincourt, had designated for our departure, the 27th of October, 1610.

141 So, to kick off the preparations for our journey, Your Reverence should know about the effort made by two Dieppe merchants of the supposed religion, who were tasked with arranging the ship’s freight to stop us from being accepted on it. For several years now, those who started and continued to travel to Canada have wanted some members of our Society to be involved in converting the people there; and Henry the Great, the late King, of blessed memory, had set aside five hundred écus 34 for the voyage of the first people sent there. At this time, Reverend Father Enmond Masse and I, chosen for this mission, after greeting the Queen Regent and hearing from her own words the holy enthusiasm she had for converting this uncivilized people, and having received the aforementioned five hundred écus for our travel expenses,35 supported also by the generous donations of the Marchionesses de Guercheville, Verneuil, and de Sourdis,36 left Paris and reached Dieppe on the day designated for our departure by Monsieur de Biancourt, son of Monsieur de Potrincourt, the 27th of October, 1610.

The two above-mentioned merchants, as soon as they heard that two Jesuits were going to Canada, addressed themselves to Monsieur de Biancourt [X.] and warned him that, if the said Jesuits intended to embark upon the ship, they would have nothing to do with it: they were told that the presence of the Jesuits would in no wise interfere with them; that, thanks to God and the Queen, they had the money 143 to pay their passage without in the least disturbing their cargo. They still persisted, however, in their refusal; and although Monsieur de Sicoine, governor of the city, a very zealous catholic, kindly interposed, he could gain nothing from them. For this reason, Monsieur Robbin,[XI.] his son, otherwise called de Coloigne,37 a partner of Monsieur de Biancourt in this voyage, thought he would go to Court and make known this difficulty to the Queen; he did so. The Queen, thereupon, sent letters addressed to Monsieur de Sicoigne, telling him to announce that the will of the present King, as well as [12] that of the late King of eternal memory, was that these Jesuits should go to Canada; and that those who were opposing their departure were doing so against the will of their Prince. The letters were very kind: and Monsieur de Sicoigne was pleased to assemble the consistory, and read them to that body. Notwithstanding all this, the merchants would not yield in the least; it was merely granted that, leaving the Jesuits out of the question, they should promptly load their ship, lest these perplexities and disputes should cause some delay in bringing the succor to Monsieur de Potrincourt, which must be given promptly. Then I almost made up my mind that all our hopes were doomed to disappointment, for I did not see how we were to be extricated from these difficulties. Monsieur de Coloigne did not despair; but, showing himself in his kindness always more eager to pursue the case for us, by a second journey he convinced the Court of an excellent plan for thwarting the merchants; namely, by paying them for their cargo, and 145 thus indemnifying them. Madame de la Guercheville, a lady of great virtue, recognizing the expediency of this plan, and deeming it inconsistent with real piety to allow a godly work to be checked for such a trifle, and thus [13] that satan should be permitted to triumph, determined to try and raise the sum of money required; and she did so with such diligence and success, through the pious generosity of several Noblemen and Ladies of the court, that she soon collected four thousand livres and sent them to Dieppe. Thus the merchants were deprived of all the rights which they might have had in the vessel, without losing anything, and we were admitted into it.

The two merchants mentioned above, as soon as they learned that two Jesuits were going to Canada, approached Monsieur de Biancourt and warned him that if the Jesuits planned to board the ship, they would refuse to sail. They were told that the Jesuits' presence would not affect them; they had the funds, thanks to God and the Queen, to pay for their passage without disturbing their cargo at all. However, they still insisted on their refusal; and although Monsieur de Sicoigne, the city's governor and a devoted Catholic, kindly intervened, he could persuade them to change their minds. For this reason, Monsieur Robbin, along with his son, known as de Coloigne, who was a partner with Monsieur de Biancourt in this venture, decided to go to Court and inform the Queen about this issue; and he did just that. The Queen then sent letters to Monsieur de Sicoigne, instructing him to announce that both the current King and the late King, who is remembered fondly, wanted these Jesuits to go to Canada; and that those opposing their journey were acting against the wishes of their Prince. The letters were very gracious: and Monsieur de Sicoigne was glad to gather the consistory and read them to the group. Despite this, the merchants still would not budge; it was simply agreed that, aside from the Jesuits, they should quickly load their ship so that these complications and disputes wouldn’t delay the assistance that needed to be provided to Monsieur de Potrincourt. At that point, I almost resigned myself to the idea that our hopes were doomed to fail, as I couldn’t see a way out of these troubles. Monsieur de Coloigne, however, remained optimistic; and, showing his kindness by taking further action for us, he made a second trip to Court where he convinced them of an excellent solution to outsmart the merchants—by compensating them for their cargo, thus indemnifying them. Madame de la Guercheville, a woman of great virtue, saw the necessity of this plan and believed it was not truly pious to let such a worthy cause be halted over a trivial matter, allowing evil to triumph. She made the decision to raise the needed funds; and she did so with remarkable diligence and success, through the generous support of several noblemen and ladies at court, collecting four thousand livres swiftly and sending it to Dieppe. As a result, the merchants lost all claims they might have had on the vessel without losing anything, and we were then allowed to board.

This, and other incidents interfering with the preparations for our voyage, were the reasons why we could not leave Dieppe before the 26th of January, 1611. Monsieur de Biancourt, a very accomplished young gentleman, and well versed in matters pertaining to the sea, was our leader and commander. There were thirty-six of us in the ship, which was called la Grace de Dieu, of about sixty tons burden. We had only two days of favorable winds; on the third day we suddenly found ourselves carried, by contrary winds and tides, to within a hundred or two hundred paces of the breakers of the isle of Wight, in England; and it was fortunate for us that we found good anchorage there, for otherwise we certainly should have been lost.

This, along with other events that disrupted our preparations for the trip, is why we couldn’t leave Dieppe until January 26, 1611. Monsieur de Biancourt, a very skilled young man who knew a lot about the sea, was our leader and captain. There were thirty-six of us on the ship, which was named la Grace de Dieu, and weighed about sixty tons. We only had two days of good winds; on the third day, we abruptly found ourselves pushed by strong winds and tides to just a hundred or two hundred yards from the rocky shore of the Isle of Wight in England. Luckily, we found a good place to anchor there; otherwise, we would have definitely been in trouble.

Leaving this place we put into port at Hyrmice, and then at Newport; by which we lost eighteen days. The 16th of February, first day of lent, [14] a good northwester arising allowed us to depart, and accompanied us out of the English Channel. Now mariners, in coming to Port Royal, are not accustomed 147 to take the direct route from the Ouessant islands to Cape Sable, which would lessen the distance, for in this way, from Dieppe to Port Royal, there would only be about one thousand leagues; but they are in the habit of going South as far as the Azores, and from there to the great bank, thence, according to the winds, to strike for Cape Sable, or Campseaux, or elsewhere. They have told me that they go by way of the Azores for three reasons: first, in order to avoid the north sea, which is very stormy, they say; second, to make use of the south winds, which usually prevail there; third, to be sure of their reckonings; for otherwise it is difficult to take their bearings and arrange their route without error. But none of these causes affected us, although we followed this custom. Not the first, for we were so tossed about by tempests and high seas, that I do not think we gained much by going north or south, south or north; nor the second, because often when we wanted the South, the North wind blew, and vice versa; and certainly not the third, inasmuch as we could not even see the Azores, although we went [15] down as far as 39° 30'. Thus all the calculations of our leaders were confounded, and we had not yet reached the Azores of the great bank when some of them thought we had passed it.38

Leaving this place, we stopped at Hyrmice and then at Newport, which cost us eighteen days. On February 16th, the first day of Lent, a good northwesterly wind allowed us to set sail and guided us out of the English Channel. Nowadays, sailors heading to Port Royal don’t usually take the direct route from the Ouessant islands to Cape Sable, even though it would cut the distance, reducing the journey from Dieppe to Port Royal to about a thousand leagues. Instead, they often go south as far as the Azores, then to the Grand Banks, and from there, depending on the winds, they aim for Cape Sable, Campseaux, or other destinations. I’ve been told they choose the Azores route for three reasons: first, to avoid the stormy North Sea; second, to take advantage of the prevailing southerly winds; and third, to ensure accurate navigation, as it’s hard to maintain bearings and plan a course without error otherwise. However, none of these reasons helped us, even though we followed this tradition. Not the first one, as we were tossed around by storms and rough seas, and I don’t think going north or south made much difference; nor the second, because often when we needed a south wind, a north wind blew, and vice versa; and definitely not the third reason, since we couldn’t even see the Azores, despite going as far down as 39° 30'. Thus, all the calculations of our leaders were thrown into disarray, and we hadn’t even reached the Azores of the Grand Banks when some of them thought we had already passed it.38

The great codfish bank is not, as I thought in France, a kind of sand or mud-bank, appearing above the surface of the sea; but is a great sub-marine plateau 35, 40 and 45 fathoms deep, and in some places twenty-five leagues in extent. They call it bank, because, in coming from the deep sea, it is the first place where bottom is found with the sounding lead. Now upon the border of this great bank, for the space of three or four leagues, the waves are generally 149 very high, and these three or four leagues are called the Azores.

The great codfish bank isn't, as I believed in France, a type of sand or mudbank that rises above the surface of the sea; instead, it's a large underwater plateau that's 35, 40, and 45 fathoms deep, and in some areas, it stretches for about twenty-five leagues. It's referred to as a bank because it's the first spot where you can find the bottom when coming from the deep sea with the sounding lead. Now, along the edge of this massive bank, for a distance of three or four leagues, the waves are usually very high, and this stretch of three or four leagues is known as the Azores.

We were near these Azores on Tuesday of Easter week, when suddenly we became a prey to our sworn foe, the West wind, which was so violent and obstinate that we very nearly perished. For eight entire days it gave us no quarter, its vindictiveness being augmented by cold and sometimes rain or snow.

We were close to the Azores on Tuesday of Easter week when suddenly we fell victim to our sworn enemy, the West wind, which was so fierce and relentless that we almost perished. For eight full days, it showed us no mercy, its anger intensified by cold and occasional rain or snow.

In taking this route to New France, so rough and dangerous, especially in small and badly-equipped boats, one experiences the sum total of all the miseries of life. We could rest neither [16] day nor night. When we wished to eat, a dish suddenly slipped from us and struck somebody's head. We fell over each other and against the baggage, and thus found ourselves mixed up with others who had been upset in the same way; cups were spilled over our beds, and bowls in our laps, or a big wave demanded our plates.

Taking this rough and dangerous route to New France, especially in small, poorly-equipped boats, brings all of life’s hardships to light. We couldn’t rest day or night. Whenever we wanted to eat, a dish would suddenly slip from us and hit someone in the head. We stumbled over each other and our baggage, ending up tangled with others who had been tossed around just like us; cups spilled on our beds, bowls ended up in our laps, and big waves took our plates.

I was so highly honored by Monsieur de Biancourt as to share his cabin. One fine night, as we were lying in bed, trying to get a little rest, a neat and impudent wave bent our window fastenings, broke the window, and covered us over completely; we had the same experience again, during the day. Furthermore, the cold was so severe, and continued to be for more than six weeks, that we lost nearly all sensation from numbness and exposure. Good Father Masse suffered a great deal.39 He was ill about forty days, eating very little and seldom leaving his bed; yet, notwithstanding all that, he wanted to fast. After Easter he continued to improve, thank God, more and more. As for me, I was gay and happy, and, by the grace of God, was never ill enough to 151 stay in bed even when several of the sailors had to give up.

I was very honored by Monsieur de Biancourt to share his cabin. One nice night, as we were lying in bed trying to get some rest, a playful and bold wave bent our window fastenings, broke the window, and completely covered us; we had the same experience again during the day. The cold was so intense, and it lasted for more than six weeks, that we almost lost all sensation due to numbness and exposure. Good Father Masse suffered a lot. He was sick for about forty days, eating very little and rarely leaving his bed; yet, despite all that, he wanted to fast. After Easter, he continued to get better, thank God, more and more. As for me, I was cheerful and happy, and, by the grace of God, I was never sick enough to have to stay in bed, even when several of the sailors had to give up.

After escaping from these trials, we entered the ice at the Azores of the bank, 46 degrees north latitude. Some of these masses of ice seemed like islands, others [17] little villages, others grand churches or lofty domes, or magnificent castles: all were floating. To avoid them we steered towards the south; but this was falling, as they say, from Charybdis into Scylla, for from these high rocks we fell into a level field of low ice, with which the sea was entirely covered, as far as the eye could reach. We did not know how to steer through it; and had it not been for the fearlessness of Monsieur de Biancourt, our sailors would have been helpless; but he guided us out, notwithstanding the protests of many of them, through a place where the ice was more scattered, and God, in his goodness, assisted us.

After getting through these challenges, we entered the icy waters at the Azores of the bank, 46 degrees north latitude. Some of the ice formations looked like islands, others like small villages, some resembled grand churches or tall domes, and others were magnificent castles: all were floating. To avoid them, we headed south; but this was like falling from Charybdis into Scylla, because from those towering ice masses, we found ourselves in a flat expanse of low ice, which covered the sea as far as we could see. We didn’t know how to navigate through it; if it weren’t for the bravery of Monsieur de Biancourt, our sailors would have been lost, but he led us out, despite many of their objections, through an area where the ice was more scattered, and God, in his goodness, helped us.

On the 5th of May, we disembarked at Campceau,40 and there had the opportunity of celebrating holy mass after so long a time, and of strengthening ourselves with that bread which never fails to nourish and console. Then we coasted along until we reached Port Royal, where we arrived under good and happy auspices early in the morning 41 of the holy day of Pentecost, the 22nd of May,[XII.] the day upon which the sun enters the constellation Gemini. Our voyage had lasted four months.

On May 5th, we got off the ship at Campceau,40 and we had the chance to celebrate mass for the first time in a long while, revitalizing ourselves with the bread that always nourishes and brings comfort. Then we sailed along the coast until we reached Port Royal, arriving early in the morning 41 on the holy day of Pentecost, May 22nd,[XII.] the day when the sun moves into the Gemini constellation. Our journey had lasted four months.

The joy of Monsieur de Potrincourt and his followers, at our arrival, is indescribable. They had been, during the entire winter, reduced [18] to sore straits, as I am going to explain to you.

The joy of Monsieur de Potrincourt and his followers at our arrival is beyond words. They had been in a tough situation all winter, as I'm about to explain.

153 Monsieur de Potrincourt had accompanied his son a part of the way upon the latter's return to France the last of July, 1610, and had gone as far as port Saint John,[XIII.] otherwise called Chachippé,42 70 leagues east and south of Port Royal. When he was returning, as he veered around Cape Sable, he found himself in a strong current; weakened by hardships, he was obliged to yield the helm, in order to take a little rest, commanding his successor to always keep near the shore, even in the deepest part of the Bay. This pilot, I know not why, did not follow his orders, but soon afterward changed his course and left the shore.

153 Monsieur de Potrincourt had traveled part of the way with his son on the latter's return to France at the end of July 1610, and had gotten as far as Port Saint John,[XIII.] also known as Chachippé,42 70 leagues east and south of Port Royal. On his way back, as he turned around Cape Sable, he encountered a strong current; exhausted from the journey, he had to relinquish the helm to take a short break, instructing the new helmsman to stay close to the shore, even in the deepest part of the Bay. For some reason, this pilot did not follow his instructions and soon changed course, leaving the shore behind.

The Savage, Membertou, who was following in his boat, was astonished that Poutrincourt should take this route; but, not knowing why he did so, neither followed him nor said anything about it. So he soon arrived at Port Royal, while Monsieur de Potrincourt drifted about for six weeks, in danger of being hopelessly lost; for this worthy gentleman, when he awoke, was very much surprised at seeing himself in a small boat in the open sea, out of sight of land. He looked at his dial in vain, for not knowing [19] what route his amiable pilot had taken, he could not guess where he was, nor in what direction to turn. Another misfortune was that his boat would not sail on a bowline,[XIV.] having been somehow damaged in the sides. So, whether he wished to do so or not, he was always obliged to sail before the wind.

The savage, Membertou, who was following in his boat, was shocked that Poutrincourt would take this route; but since he didn't know why he was doing it, he didn't follow him or mention it. So he soon reached Port Royal, while Monsieur de Potrincourt drifted around for six weeks, at risk of getting hopelessly lost; because this gentleman, when he woke up, was very surprised to find himself in a small boat in the open sea, far from land. He looked at his compass in vain, since not knowing what route his pleasant pilot had taken, he couldn't figure out where he was, or which way to go. Another problem was that his boat wouldn't sail a bowline,[XIV.] having somehow been damaged on the sides. So, whether he wanted to or not, he always had to sail before the wind.

A third inconvenience and misfortune was a lack of food. However, he is a man who does not easily 155 give up, and good luck follows him. Now in this perplexity about the route, he fortunately decided to turn to the north, and God sent him what he desired, a favorable South wind. His thrift served him against the misfortune of hunger, for he had hunted and kept a certain number of cormorants.[XV.] But how could they be roasted in a small boat, so as to be eaten and kept? Fortunately he found he had a few planks, upon which he built a fire-place, and thus roasted the game; by the aid of which he arrived at Pentegouët, formerly Norembegue, and from there to the Etechemins, thence to the harbor of Port Royal, where by a piece of ill luck, he was nearly shipwrecked.

A third inconvenience and misfortune was a lack of food. However, he is a man who does not easily give up, and good luck follows him. Now, in this confusion about the route, he fortunately decided to head north, and God granted him what he sought, a favorable south wind. His resourcefulness helped him cope with the misfortune of hunger, as he had hunted and saved a number of cormorants. But how could he roast them in a small boat so that they could be eaten and preserved? Luckily, he discovered he had a few planks, which he used to build a fireplace and thus roasted the birds; with this, he made his way to Pentegouët, formerly Norembegue, then to the Etechemins, and from there to the harbor of Port Royal, where, by a stroke of bad luck, he nearly shipwrecked.

It was dark when he entered this harbor, and his crew began to oppose him, stoutly denying [20] that they were in the harbor of Port Royal. He was willing to listen to their objections, and unfortunately even yielded to them; and so turning to the lower part of French Bay, he went wandering away off at the mercy of the winds and waves. Meanwhile the colonists of Port Royal were in great anxiety and had already nearly made up their minds that he was lost; the savage, Membertou, strengthened this fear by asserting that he had seen him sail out of sight upon the sea; whence it was inferred, since people believe as easily what they fear as what they favor, that as such and such a wind had prevailed, it was impossible for them to escape in such a boat. And they were already planning their return to France. Now they were greatly astonished, and at the same time exceedingly happy when they saw their Theseus return from another world; this was six weeks after his departure, 157 just when Monsieur de Biancourt arrived in France, whose return was expected at Port Royal during the whole month of November of the same year, 1610. But they were very much surprised when they did not see him at Christmas; then they lost all hope, on account of the winter weather, of seeing him again before the end of the following April.

It was dark when he entered the harbor, and his crew began to argue with him, strongly insisting that they were not in the harbor of Port Royal. He was willing to hear their objections and, unfortunately, even gave in to them; so, turning to the lower part of French Bay, he ended up drifting away at the mercy of the winds and waves. Meanwhile, the colonists of Port Royal were very anxious and had almost convinced themselves that he was lost; the savage, Membertou, fueled this fear by claiming he had seen him sail out of sight on the sea; from this, it was assumed that since people easily believe both what they fear and what they hope for, the prevailing winds made it impossible for him to escape in such a small boat. They were already planning their return to France. They were greatly astonished and extremely happy when they saw their Theseus return from another world; this was six weeks after his departure, 157 just when Monsieur de Biancourt arrived in France, whose return had been anticipated at Port Royal throughout November of that same year, 1610. But they were very surprised when he didn't show up by Christmas; then they lost all hope, due to the winter weather, of seeing him again before the end of the following April.

For this reason they cut down their rations; but such economy was of little avail, since Sieur de Potrincourt did not lessen [21] his liberality toward the Savages, fearing to alienate them from the Christian faith. He is truly a liberal and magnanimous gentleman, refusing all recompense for the good he does them; so when they are occasionally asked why they do not give him something in return for so many favors, they are accustomed to answer, cunningly: Endries ninan metaij Sagamo, that is to say, "Monsieur does not care for our beaver skins." Nevertheless, they have now and then sent him some pieces of elk meat, which have helped him to gain time [i.e., to save his own provisions]. But they, the French, had a good chance of economizing when winter came, for their mill froze up, and they had no way of making flour. Happily for them they found a store of peas and beans, which proved to be their manna and ambrosia for seven weeks.

For this reason, they cut back on their supplies; however, this effort was mostly useless because Sieur de Potrincourt didn’t reduce his generosity towards the Native Americans, fearing it would drive them away from Christianity. He is truly a generous and noble man, refusing any rewards for the good he does for them. So when they are occasionally asked why they don’t give him something in return for all his favors, they slyly respond: Endries ninan metaij Sagamo, which means, “Monsieur doesn’t care about our beaver skins.” Nevertheless, they have sometimes sent him some elk meat, which helped him stretch his supplies a bit. But the French had a good opportunity to save resources when winter came, as their mill froze, and they couldn't make flour. Thankfully, they discovered a stash of peas and beans, which became their source of sustenance for seven weeks.

Then April came, but not the ship; now it was just as well that the mill was frozen up, for they had nothing to put in the hopper. What were they to do? Hunger is a bad complaint. Some began to fish, others to dig. From their fishing they obtained some smelts and herrings; from their digging some very good roots, called chiqueli, which are very abundant in certain places.

Then April came, but the ship still hadn’t arrived; now it was just as well that the mill was frozen, because they had nothing to put in the hopper. What were they supposed to do? Hunger is a terrible thing. Some started to fish, others began to dig. From their fishing, they caught some smelts and herrings; from their digging, they found some really good roots, called chiqueli, which are quite plentiful in certain areas.

159 Thus this importunate creditor was somewhat satisfied; I say somewhat, because, when there was no bread, [22] everything else was of little account; and they had already made up their minds that, if the ship did not come during the month of May, they would resort to the coast, in search of ships to take them back to the sweet land of wheat and vines. It was Monsieur de Potrincourt's followers who talked this way; as for him, he was full of courage and knew well how he could manage to hold out until saint John's day [midsummer]. Thank God, there was no need of this, for, as has been said, we arrived the 22nd of May. Those who know what hunger, despair, fear and suffering are, what it is to be a leader and see all one's enterprises and hard work come to nought, can imagine what must have been the joy of Monsieur de Potrincourt and his colony upon seeing us arrive.

159 So this demanding creditor was somewhat satisfied; I say somewhat because, when there was no food, everything else meant little. They had already decided that if the ship didn’t arrive by the end of May, they would head to the coast in search of ships to take them back to the lovely land of wheat and vines. It was Monsieur de Potrincourt's followers who spoke this way; as for him, he was full of courage and knew he could manage to hold out until St. John's Day [midsummer]. Thankfully, there was no need for that because, as mentioned, we arrived on May 22nd. Those who understand hunger, despair, fear, and suffering, what it means to be a leader and see all one's efforts and hard work come to nothing, can imagine the joy of Monsieur de Potrincourt and his colony upon our arrival.

We all wept at this meeting, which seemed almost like a dream; then when we had recovered ourselves a little and had begun to talk, this question (mine, in fact) was proposed, to wit: Which was the happier of the two, Monsieur de Potrincourt and his people, or Monsieur de Biancourt and his? Truly, our hearts swelled within us, and God, in his mercy, showed that he took pleasure in our joy; for, after mass and dinner, there was nothing but going and coming from the ship to the settlement, and from the settlement to the [23] ship, each one wanting to embrace and be embraced by his friends, just as, after the winter, we rejoice in the beautiful spring, and after a siege, in our freedom. It happened that two persons from the settlement took one of the canoes of the savages to go to the ship. These canoes are so made that, if you do not sit very straight and steady, they immediately 161 tip over; now it chanced that, wishing to come back in the same canoe from the ship to the settlement, somehow they did not properly balance it, and both fell into the water.

We all cried at this meeting, which felt almost like a dream; then, after we had collected ourselves a bit and started talking, someone posed this question (mine, actually): Who was happier, Monsieur de Potrincourt and his people or Monsieur de Biancourt and his? Truly, our hearts swelled, and God, in His mercy, showed that He was pleased with our happiness; for after mass and dinner, everyone was going back and forth between the ship and the settlement, wanting to hug and be hugged by our friends, just like we celebrate the beautiful spring after winter and our freedom after a siege. It so happened that two people from the settlement took one of the Native canoes to go to the ship. These canoes are designed in such a way that if you don’t sit perfectly straight and steady, they tip over immediately; as luck would have it, when they tried to return in the same canoe from the ship to the settlement, they somehow didn’t balance it properly and both fell into the water.

Fortunately, it occurred at a time when I happened to be walking upon the shore with Monsieur de Potrincourt. Seeing the accident, we made signs with our hats as best we could to those upon the ship to come to their aid; for it would have been useless to call out, so far away was the ship, and so loud the noise of the wind. At first no one paid any attention to us, so we had recourse to prayer, and fell upon our knees, this being our only alternative; and God had pity upon us. One of the two caught hold of the canoe, which was turned upside down, and threw himself upon it: the other was finally saved by a boat, and thus both were rescued; so our cup of joy was full in seeing how God in his all paternal love and gentleness, would not permit the evil one to trouble us and to destroy our happiness upon this good day. To him be the glory forever. Amen!

Fortunately, it happened while I was walking along the shore with Monsieur de Potrincourt. Seeing the accident, we waved our hats as best as we could to signal those on the ship to come help; calling out would have been useless since the ship was so far away and the wind was so loud. At first, no one noticed us, so we turned to prayer and fell to our knees, our only option; and God had mercy on us. One of the two grasped the canoe, which was capsized, and threw himself onto it: the other was eventually rescued by a boat, and thus both were saved; our joy was complete as we saw how God, in His loving and gentle nature, would not let the evil one disturb us or ruin our happiness on this good day. To Him be the glory forever. Amen!

[24] But now that we have arrived in good health, by the grace of God, it is time we were casting our eyes over the country, and were giving some consideration to the condition in which we find christianity here. Its whole foundation consists, after God, in this little settlement of a family of about twenty persons. Messire Jessé Flesche, commonly called the Patriarch, has had charge of it; and, in the year that he has lived here, has baptized about one hundred Savages. The trouble is, he has not been able to instruct them as he would have wished, because he did not know the language, and had nothing with which to support them; for he who would minister to their souls, must 163 at the same time resolve to nourish their bodies. This worthy man has shown great friendliness toward us, and thanked God for our coming; for he had made up his mind some time ago to return to France at the first opportunity, which he is now quite free to do without regret at leaving a vine which he has planted.

[24] But now that we have arrived in good health, thanks to God's grace, it’s time to look around the country and consider the state of Christianity here. Its entire foundation, after God, relies on this small settlement of about twenty people. Messire Jessé Flesche, known as the Patriarch, has been in charge of it, and during the year he has lived here, he has baptized around one hundred Indigenous people. The problem is, he hasn’t been able to teach them as he would have liked because he didn’t know the language and had nothing to support them. To minister to their souls, one must also be prepared to provide for their physical needs. This good man has shown great kindness toward us and has given thanks to God for our arrival; he had decided a while ago to return to France at the first chance, which he can now do without regret over leaving behind a vine he has planted.

They have not yet succeeded in translating into the native language the common creed or symbol, the Lord's prayer, the commandments of God, the Sacraments, and other principles quite necessary to the making of a christian.

They still haven't managed to translate into the native language the common creed or symbol, the Lord's Prayer, the commandments of God, the Sacraments, and other essential principles needed to be a Christian.

Recently, when I was at port Saint John, I was informed that among the other Savages there were five who were already christians. Thereupon I took occasion to give them [25] some pictures, and to erect a cross before their wigwams, singing a Salve Regina. I had them make the sign of the cross; but I was very much astonished, for the unbaptized understood almost as much about it as the christians. I asked each one his baptismal name; some did not know theirs, so they called themselves Patriarchs, because it is the Patriarch who gives them their names, and thus they conclude that, when they have forgotten their own names, they ought to be called Patriarchs.

Recently, when I was at Port Saint John, I learned that among the other Indigenous people, there were five who were already Christians. So, I took the opportunity to give them some pictures and set up a cross in front of their wigwams while singing a Salve Regina. I had them make the sign of the cross; but I was really surprised because the unbaptized understood almost as much about it as the Christians. I asked each person their baptismal name; some didn’t know theirs, so they referred to themselves as Patriarchs because it is the Patriarch who gives them their names, and so they figured that when they forget their own names, they should be called Patriarchs.

It was also rather amusing that, when I asked them if they were christians, they did not know what I meant; when I asked them if they had been baptized, they answered: Hetaion enderquir Vortmandia Patriarché, that is to say, "Yes, the Patriarch has made us like the Normans." Now they call all the French "Normans," except the Malouins,43 whom they call Samaricois, and the Basques, Bascua.

It was also pretty funny that, when I asked them if they were Christians, they had no idea what I meant; when I asked them if they had been baptized, they replied: Hetaion enderquir Vortmandia Patriarché, which means, "Yes, the Patriarch has made us like the Normans." Now they refer to all the French as "Normans," except for the Malouins,43 whom they call Samaricois, and the Basques, Bascua.

The name of the sagamore, that is, the lord of port Saint John, is Cacagous, a man who is shrewd and cunning 165 as are no others upon the coast; that is all that he brought back from France (for he has been in France); he told me he had been baptized in Bayonne, relating his story to me as one tells about going to a ball out of friendship. Whereupon, seeing how wicked he was, and [26] wishing to try and arouse his conscience, I asked him how many wives he had. He answered that he had eight; and in fact he counted off seven to me who were there present, pointing them out with as much pride, instead of an equal degree of shame, as if I had asked him the number of his legitimate children.

The name of the sagamore, the lord of Port Saint John, is Cacagous, a man who is shrewd and clever like no one else on the coast; that’s all he brought back from France (since he has been to France); he told me he was baptized in Bayonne, sharing his story with me as casually as one talks about going to a party out of friendship. Then, noticing how wicked he was and wanting to provoke his conscience, I asked him how many wives he had. He replied that he had eight; in fact, he counted out seven of them who were there, pointing them out with pride instead of shame, as if I had asked him about the number of his legitimate children.

Another, who was looking out for a number of wives, made the following answer to my objections on the ground that he was a Christian: Reroure quiro Nortmandia: which means, "That is all well enough for you Normans." So there is scarcely any change in them after their baptism. The same savagery and the same manners, or but little different, the same customs, ceremonies, usages, fashions, and vices remain, at least as far as can be learned; no attention being paid to any distinction of time, days, offices, exercises, prayers, duties, virtues, or spiritual remedies.

Another person, who was looking out for several wives, responded to my objections by saying that he was a Christian: Reroure quiro Nortmandia: which means, "That may be fine for you Normans." So there’s hardly any change in them after their baptism. The same savagery and the same behaviors, or only a little different, the same customs, ceremonies, practices, styles, and vices remain, at least as far as can be observed; no attention is paid to any distinctions of time, days, duties, activities, prayers, responsibilities, virtues, or spiritual remedies.

Membertou, as the one who has most associated with Monsieur de Potrincourt for a long time, is also the most zealous and shows the greatest faith, but even he complains of not understanding us well enough; he would like to become a preacher, he says, if he were properly taught. He gave me a witty answer the other day, as I was teaching him his Pater, according to the translation made of it by M. de Biancourt, when [27] I had him say: Nui en caraco nac iquem esmoi ciscou; that is, "Give us this day our daily bread." "But," said he, "if I did not ask him for 167 anything but bread, I would be without moose-meat or fish."

Membertou, who has been closely associated with Monsieur de Potrincourt for a long time, is also the most eager and shows the greatest faith. However, he still expresses that he doesn’t fully understand us; he says he would like to become a preacher if he received proper teaching. The other day, he gave me a clever response while I was teaching him his Pater, based on the translation made by M. de Biancourt, when I had him say: Nui en caraco nac iquem esmoi ciscou; which means, "Give us this day our daily bread." He replied, "But if I only ask him for bread, I would be without moose-meat or fish."

The good old man told us, with a great deal of feeling, how God is helping him since he has become a Christian, saying that this spring it happened that he and his family were suffering much from hunger; then he remembered that he was a christian, and therefore prayed to God. After his prayer, he went to the river and found all the smelts he wanted. And while I am speaking of this old sagamore, the first fruit of this heathen nation, I will tell you also what happened this winter.

The kind old man shared with us, deeply moved, how God has been supporting him since he became a Christian. He mentioned that this spring he and his family were really struggling with hunger; then he remembered he was a Christian and prayed to God. After his prayer, he went to the river and found all the smelts he needed. While I’m talking about this old leader, the first fruit of this non-Christian nation, I’ll also tell you what happened this winter.

He was sick, and what is more, had been given up to die by the native aoutmoins, or sorcerers. Now it is the custom, when the Aoutmoins have pronounced the malady or wound to be mortal, for the sick man to cease eating from that time on, nor do they give him anything more. But, donning his beautiful robe, he begins chanting his own death-song; after this, if he lingers too long, a great many pails of water are thrown over him to hasten his death, and sometimes he is buried half alive. Now the children of Membertou, though christians, were prepared to exercise this noble and pious duty toward their father; already they had ceased giving him anything to eat and had taken away his [28] beautiful otter robe, and he had, like the swan, finished his Nænie, or funeral chant. One thing still troubled him, that he did not know how to die like a christian, and he had not taken farewell of Monsieur de Potrincourt. When M. de Potrincourt heard these things, he went to see him, remonstrated with him, and assured him that, in spite of all the Aoutmoins and Pilotois, he would live and recover his health if he would eat 169 something, which he was bound to do, being a christian. The good man believed and was saved; to-day he tells this story with great satisfaction, and very aptly points out how God has thereby mercifully exposed the malice and deceit of their aoutmoins.

He was sick, and what’s more, the local sorcerers, known as the Aoutmoins, had declared him to be dying. It’s customary when the Aoutmoins decide that a sickness or injury is fatal for the sick person to stop eating from that moment on, and they don’t provide anything else to him. However, he puts on his beautiful robe and starts singing his death song. If he takes too long to pass, they sometimes pour buckets of water over him to speed up his death, and occasionally he is buried while still alive. Though the children of Membertou were Christians, they were ready to fulfill this noble and pious duty for their father; they had already stopped giving him food and removed his beautiful otter robe, and he had, like a swan, completed his funeral chant. One thing still bothered him: he didn’t know how to die like a Christian, and he hadn’t said farewell to Monsieur de Potrincourt. When M. de Potrincourt heard about this, he went to see him, reasoned with him, and assured him that despite what the Aoutmoins and Pilotois claimed, he would live and recover his health if he just ate something, which he was obligated to do as a Christian. The good man believed and was saved; today he tells this story with great satisfaction and points out how God has mercifully revealed the malice and deceit of the Aoutmoins.

I shall here relate another act of the same Sieur de Potrincourt, which has been of great benefit to all these heathen. A christian savage had died, and (as a mark of his constancy) he had sent word here to the settlement during his sickness, that he desired our prayers. After his death the other Savages prepared to bury him in their way; they are accustomed to take everything that belongs to the deceased, skins, bows, utensils, wigwams, etc., and burn them all, howling and shouting certain cries, sorceries, and invocations to the evil spirit. M. de Potrincourt firmly resolved to oppose these ceremonies. So he armed all his men, and [29] going to the Savages in force, by this means obtained what he asked, namely, that the body should be given to the Patriarch, and so the burial took place according to christian customs. This act, inasmuch as it could not be prevented by the Savages, was and still is, greatly praised by them.

I want to share another story about the Sieur de Potrincourt, which has really helped all these indigenous people. A Christian Native American had died, and as a sign of his faith, he had sent word to the settlement while he was sick, asking for our prayers. After he passed away, the other Native Americans got ready to bury him in their traditional way; they usually take everything that belonged to the deceased—skins, bows, tools, wigwams, etc.—and burn it all, howling and shouting certain cries, spells, and calling on evil spirits. M. de Potrincourt was determined to put a stop to these rituals. So he armed all his men, and by going to the Native Americans with a strong force, he got what he wanted: the body was handed over to the church, and the burial was conducted according to Christian customs. This act, since it could not be stopped by the Native Americans, has been and continues to be highly praised by them.

The chapel they have been using until now is very small, badly arranged, and in every way unsuited for religious services. To remedy this, M. de Poutrincourt has given us an entire quarter of his habitation, if we can roof it over and adapt it to our needs. But I shall add one more word which will be pleasant and edifying news to many.

The chapel they’ve been using so far is really small, poorly organized, and not suitable for religious services at all. To fix this, M. de Poutrincourt has offered us a whole section of his home, as long as we can cover it and make it fit for our needs. But I want to add one more thing that will be good and encouraging news for many.

After my arrival here at Port Royal, I went with M. de Potrincourt as far as the Etechemins. There God willed that I should meet young du Pont, of Sainct Malo,44 who, having been for some reason 171 frightened away [from the settlement],[XVI.] had passed the entire year with the Savages, living just as they did. He is a young man of great physical and mental strength, excelled by none of the savages in the chase, in alertness and endurance, and in his ability to speak their language. He was very much afraid of M. de [30] Potrincourt: but God inspired me with so much faith in him that, relying upon my word, Du Pont came with me to our ship; and after making some apologies and promises, peace was declared, to the great satisfaction of all. When he departed, as the cannon were sounding, he begged me to appoint an hour to receive his confession. The next morning, in his great eagerness, he anticipated the hour, and made his confession upon the shores of the sea in the presence of all the Savages, who were greatly astonished at thus seeing him upon his knees so long before me. Then he took communion in a most exemplary manner, at which I can say tears came into my eyes, and not into mine alone. The devil was confounded at this act; so he straightway planned trouble for us that very afternoon; but thank God, through the justice and goodness of M. de Potrincourt, harmony was everywhere restored.

After I arrived here at Port Royal, I went with M. de Potrincourt as far as the Etechemins. There, by God's will, I met young du Pont from Sainct Malo, who, for some reason, had been scared away from the settlement and spent the entire year living with the Savages. He is a young man of great physical and mental strength, surpassing the Savages in hunting, alertness, endurance, and his ability to speak their language. He was very afraid of M. de Potrincourt, but God gave me enough faith in him that, trusting my word, Du Pont came with me to our ship. After making some apologies and promises, peace was established, which pleased everyone. When he left, with the cannon booming, he asked me to set a time for his confession. The next morning, eager as he was, he arrived early and confessed on the shores of the sea in front of all the Savages, who were astonished to see him kneeling before me for so long. He then took communion in a very exemplary way, which brought tears to my eyes, and I wasn't the only one. The devil was troubled by this act, so he quickly schemed to cause us trouble that very afternoon. But thank God, through the fairness and goodness of M. de Potrincourt, harmony was restored everywhere.

And now you have had, my Reverend Father, an account of our voyage, of what happened in it, and before it, and since our arrival at this settlement. It now remains to tell you that the conversion of this country to the Gospel, and of these people to civilization, is not a small undertaking nor free from great difficulties; for, in the first place, if we consider the 173 country, it is only a forest, without other conveniences of life than those which will be brought from France, and what in time may be obtained from the soil after [31] it has been cultivated. The nation is savage, wandering and full of bad habits; the people few and isolated. They are, I say, savage, haunting the woods, ignorant, lawless and rude: they are wanderers, with nothing to attach them to a place, neither homes nor relationship, neither possessions nor love of country; as a people they have bad habits, are extremely lazy, gluttonous, profane, treacherous, cruel in their revenge, and given up to all kinds of lewdness, men and women alike, the men having several wives and abandoning them to others, and the women only serving them as slaves, whom they strike and beat unmercifully, and who dare not complain; and after being half killed, if it so please the murderer, they must laugh and caress him.

And now, my Reverend Father, you have an account of our journey, what happened during it, before it, and since we arrived at this settlement. It’s important to tell you that converting this country to the Gospel and these people to civilization is no small task and comes with significant challenges. First, if we look at the country, it’s just a forest, without any comforts of life except for what we bring from France and what might be cultivated from the land over time. The people here are primitive, nomadic, and have many bad habits; they are few in number and isolated. They are, I must say, wild, living in the woods, uneducated, lawless, and rough. They wander around with no ties to a specific place, lacking homes, family connections, possessions, or a sense of patriotism. As a group, they exhibit poor habits, are incredibly lazy, gluttonous, disrespectful, treacherous, and seek cruel revenge. They engage in all kinds of immorality, both men and women, with men having multiple wives and abandoning them to others. The women are treated as slaves, mistreated and harshly beaten, with no right to complain. After being half-killed, if the murderer desires, they must laugh and show affection to him.

With all these vices, they are exceedingly vainglorious: they think they are better, more valiant and more ingenious than the French; and, what is difficult to believe, richer than we are. They consider themselves, I say, braver than we are, boasting that they have killed Basques and Malouins, and that they do a great deal of harm to the ships, and that no one has ever resented it, insinuating that it was from a lack of courage. They consider themselves better than the French; "For," they say, "you are always fighting and quarreling among yourselves; we live peaceably. You are envious and are all the time slandering each other; [32] you are thieves and deceivers; you are covetous, and are neither generous nor kind; as for us, if we have a morsel of bread we share it with our neighbor."

With all these flaws, they are incredibly boastful: they believe they are better, braver, and smarter than the French; and, surprisingly, richer than we are. They see themselves as braver than we are, bragging about how they’ve taken down Basques and Malouins, claiming they cause a lot of damage to ships and that no one has ever reacted, suggesting it’s because of a lack of courage. They think of themselves as superior to the French; "Because," they say, "you are always fighting and arguing among yourselves; we live in peace. You are envious and constantly slandering one another; [32] you are thieves and liars; you are greedy, and you’re neither generous nor kind; as for us, if we have a piece of bread, we share it with our neighbor."

175 They are saying these and like things continually, seeing the above-mentioned imperfections in some of us, and flattering themselves that some of their own people do not have them so conspicuously, not realizing that they all have much greater vices, and that the better part of our people do not have even these defects, they conclude generally that they are superior to all christians. It is self-love that blinds them, and the evil one who leads them on, no more nor less than in our France, we see those who have deviated from the faith holding themselves higher and boasting of being better than the catholics, because in some of them they see many faults; considering neither the virtues of the other catholics, nor their own still greater imperfections; wishing to have, like Cyclops, only a single eye, and to fix that one upon the vices of a few catholics, never upon the virtues of the others, nor upon themselves, unless it be for the purpose of self-deception.

175 They keep saying things like this, constantly pointing out the flaws in some of us, while flattering themselves that some of their own don’t have these issues so obviously. They fail to see that they have much worse faults and that the better part of our people don’t even have these shortcomings. They generally conclude that they are superior to all Christians. It’s self-love that blinds them, along with the devil leading them on. Just like in our France, we see those who have strayed from the faith thinking they are better than Catholics because they notice many faults in some of them. They overlook the virtues of other Catholics and their own even greater imperfections, wanting to be like Cyclops with just one eye, focusing solely on the faults of a few Catholics and never on the virtues of others or themselves, unless it’s for the sake of self-deception.

Also they [the savages] consider themselves more ingenious, inasmuch as they see us admire some of their productions as the work of people so rude and ignorant; [33] lacking intelligence, they bestow very little admiration upon what we show them, although much more worthy of being admired. Hence they regard themselves as much richer than we are, although they are poor and wretched in the extreme.

Also, they [the savages] think they are more clever because they see us admire some of their creations as the work of people who are so crude and uneducated; [33] lacking intelligence, they hardly appreciate what we show them, even though it deserves much more admiration. As a result, they see themselves as much richer than we are, even though they are extremely poor and miserable.

Cacagous, of whom I have already spoken, is quite gracious when he is a little elated about something; to show his kindly feelings toward the French he boasts of his willingness to go and see the King, and to take him a present of a hundred beaver skins, proudly suggesting that in so doing he will make him richer than all his predecessors. They get this 177 idea from the extreme covetousness and eagerness which our people display to obtain their beaver skins.

Cacagous, whom I've already mentioned, is pretty friendly when he's a bit excited about something. To show his good feelings toward the French, he brags about his willingness to visit the King and bring him a gift of a hundred beaver skins, proudly claiming that by doing so, he'll make him wealthier than all his predecessors. They get this 177 notion from the extreme greed and eagerness our people show to get their beaver skins.

Not less amusing is the remark of a certain Sagamore, who, having heard M. de Potrincourt say that the King was young and unmarried: "Perhaps," said he, "I may let him marry my daughter; but according to the usages and customs of the country, the King must make me some handsome presents; namely, four or five barrels of bread, three of peas or beans, one of tobacco, four or five cloaks worth one hundred sous apiece, bows, arrows, harpoons, and other similar articles."

Not less amusing is the remark of a certain Sagamore, who, having heard M. de Potrincourt say that the King was young and unmarried: "Maybe," he said, "I'll let him marry my daughter; but according to the customs of the land, the King needs to give me some nice gifts; specifically, four or five barrels of bread, three of peas or beans, one of tobacco, four or five cloaks worth one hundred sous each, bows, arrows, harpoons, and other similar items."

Such are the marks of intelligence in the people of these countries, which are very sparsely populated, especially those of the Soriquois and Etechemins, which are near the sea; although [34] Membertou assures us that in his youth he has seen chimonuts, that is to say, Savages, as thickly planted there as the hairs upon his head. It is maintained that they have thus diminished since the French have began to frequent their country; for, since then they do nothing all summer but eat; and the result is that, adopting an entirely different custom and thus breeding new diseases, they pay for their indulgence during the autumn and winter by pleurisy, quinsy and dysentery, which kill them off. During this year alone sixty have died at Cape de la Hève, which is the greater part of those who lived there; yet not one of all M. de Potrincourt's little colony has even been sick, notwithstanding all the privations they have suffered; which has caused the Savages to apprehend that God protects and defends us as his favorite and well-beloved people.

These are the signs of intelligence among the people of these countries, which are very sparsely populated, especially the Soriquois and Etechemins near the sea; although [34] Membertou tells us that in his youth he saw chimonuts, or Savages, packed in there as thick as the hairs on his head. It is said that their numbers have decreased since the French began visiting their land; now, all they do in the summer is eat, and as a result of adopting completely different customs and developing new diseases, they suffer through the autumn and winter with pleurisy, quinsy, and dysentery, which take many lives. This year alone, sixty have died at Cape de la Hève, which is most of the population there; yet not one person from M. de Potrincourt's small colony has even fallen ill, despite all their hardships; this has made the Savages believe that God protects us as his favored and beloved people.

What I say about the sparseness of the population 179 of these countries must be understood as referring to the people who live upon the coast; for farther inland, principally among the Etechemins, there are, it is said, a great many people. All these things, added to the difficulty of acquiring the language, the time that must be consumed, the expenses that must be incurred, the great distress, toil and poverty that must be endured, fully proclaim the greatness of this enterprise and the difficulties which beset it. Yet [35] many things encourage me to continue in it.

What I say about the low population density 179 of these countries should be understood as referring to the people living on the coast; farther inland, especially among the Etechemins, there are, reportedly, a lot of people. All these factors, along with the challenge of learning the language, the time it takes, the costs involved, and the significant hardship, labor, and poverty that must be faced, clearly highlight the scale of this effort and the obstacles it presents. Still, [35] many things motivate me to keep going with it.

First, my trust in the goodness and providence of God. Isaiah assures us that the kingdom of our Redeemer shall be recognized throughout the earth; and that there shall be neither caves of dragons nor dens of cockatrices, nor inaccessible rocks, nor abysses so deep, that his grace will not soften and his salvation cure, his abundance fertilize, his humility raise up, and over which his cross will not at last victoriously triumph. And why shall I not hope that the time has come when this prophecy is to be fulfilled in these lands? If that be so, what can there be so difficult that our Lord cannot make it easy?

First, my trust in the goodness and guidance of God. Isaiah assures us that the kingdom of our Redeemer will be recognized all over the earth; and that there will be no caves of dragons, no dens of serpents, no unreachable cliffs, nor abysses so deep that his grace won't soften and his salvation won't heal, his abundance won't nourish, his humility won't lift up, and over which his cross will not ultimately triumph. And why shouldn’t I believe that the time has come for this prophecy to be fulfilled in our lands? If that's the case, what could possibly be so hard that our Lord can't make it easy?

In the second place, I rely upon the King, our Sire. He is a Sovereign who promises us nothing less than the late King, his father, the incomparable Henry the Great. This work began in the latter's reign, and it may be said that in the century since France has appropriated this country, or has so completely taken possession of it, there has not been so much accomplished at any time as since our present king became sovereign; may God fill his reign with all blessings. He will not permit his name and arms to stand in these regions side by side with paganism, his authority with barbarism, his renown with savagery, 181 his power with poverty, [36] his faith with lack of works, nor leave his subjects without aid or succor. His mother also, another Queen Blanche,45 looking to the glory of God, will contemplate these lately-acquired wildernesses, where in the beginning of her Regency the Gospel plough has, through her instrumentality, created some hope of a harvest; and will recall what the late King, great in wisdom as well as in courage, said to Sieur de Potrincourt when he came to this country: "Go," said he. "I plan the edifice; my son will build it." We beg your Reverence to lay this matter before him, together with the work which might be done by their Majesties in these lands, if it were their good pleasure to endow and to give a fair revenue to this mission, from which all those who would be educated and maintained here might go forth through the whole country.

In the second place, I count on the King, our Sovereign. He is a ruler who promises us nothing less than what the late King, his father, the incomparable Henry the Great, provided. This work began during the latter's reign, and it can be said that in the century since France took over this land, or has completely claimed it, there has not been as much accomplished at any time as since our current king ascended to the throne; may God bless his reign with many good things. He will not allow his name and insignia to coexist in these regions alongside paganism, his authority with barbarism, his fame with savagery, his power with poverty, his faith with a lack of action, nor leave his subjects without support or assistance. His mother, another Queen Blanche, looking toward the glory of God, will gaze upon these recently acquired wilderness areas, where at the start of her Regency, the Gospel has, through her efforts, created some hope for a harvest; she will remember what the late King, great in wisdom as well as in bravery, said to Sieur de Potrincourt when he arrived in this country: "Go," he said. "I will design the structure; my son will construct it." We ask your Reverence to bring this matter to his attention, along with the work that could be done by their Majesties in these lands if they wish to support and provide a fair revenue for this mission, so that all those who would be educated and supported here could go out across the entire country.

That is the second resource upon which our hopes are founded; to which I will add the piety and liberality which we experienced upon our departure from the lords and ladies of this most noble and most christian court, who promised me that they would not fail to assist this enterprise with their means, in order not to lose what they have already invested in it, which serves them as monuments of glory and of eternal happiness before God.

That is the second resource upon which our hopes are built; to that, I will add the kindness and generosity we experienced when leaving the lords and ladies of this most noble and most Christian court, who promised me that they would continue to support this endeavor with their resources, so as not to lose what they have already invested in it, which will serve as a testament to their glory and eternal happiness before God.

M. de Potrincourt, a mild and upright Gentleman, [37] brave, beloved and well-known in these parts, and M. de Biancourt, his son, who reflects the virtues and good qualities of his father, both zealous in serving God, and who honor and cherish us more than we deserve, also encourage us in devoting all our energy to this work.

M. de Potrincourt, a kind and honorable gentleman, [37] brave, well-liked, and respected in these areas, and M. de Biancourt, his son, who embodies his father's virtues and good qualities, both eager to serve God, and who honor and value us more than we deserve, also motivate us to dedicate all our efforts to this work.

Finally, we are encouraged by the situation and 183 condition of this place, which, if it is cultivated, promises to furnish a great deal for the needs of human life; and its beauty causes me to wonder that it has been so little sought up to the present time. From this port where we now are, it is very convenient for us to spread out to the Armouchiquois, Iroquois, and Montagnais, our neighbors, which are populous nations and till the soil as we do; this situation, I say, makes us hope something for the future. For, if our Souriquois are few, they may become numerous; if they are savages, it is to domesticate and civilize them that we have come here; if they are rude, that is no reason that we should be idle; if they have until now profited little, it is no wonder, for it would be too much to expect fruit from this grafting, and to demand reason and maturity from a child.

Finally, we are encouraged by the situation and 183 condition of this place, which, if cultivated, promises to provide a lot for the needs of human life; and its beauty makes me wonder why it has been so little sought after until now. From this port where we are, it’s easy for us to reach out to the Armouchiquois, Iroquois, and Montagnais, our neighboring nations, which are populous and farm the land as we do; this situation gives us hope for the future. For, if our Souriquois are few, they could become numerous; if they are savages, we have come here to help them become domesticated and civilized; if they are rough around the edges, that doesn’t mean we should be idle; if they have gained little so far, it’s no surprise, as it would be unreasonable to expect fruit from this grafting and to demand understanding and maturity from a child.

In conclusion, we hope in time to make them susceptible of receiving the doctrines of the faith and of the christian and catholic religion, and later, to penetrate [38] farther into the regions beyond, which they say are more populous and better cultivated. We base this hope upon Divine goodness and mercy, upon the zeal and fervent charity of all good people who earnestly desire the kingdom of God, particularly upon the holy prayers of Your Reverence and of our Reverend Fathers and very dear Brothers, to whom we most affectionately commend ourselves.

In conclusion, we hope that over time we can make them open to accepting the beliefs of the faith and the Christian and Catholic religion, and later, to explore further into the areas beyond that are said to be more populated and better developed. We base this hope on Divine goodness and mercy, on the passion and sincere love of all good people who genuinely want the kingdom of God, especially on the holy prayers of Your Reverence and our Reverend Fathers and dear Brothers, to whom we send our warmest regards.

From Port Royal, New France, this tenth day of June, one thousand six hundred and eleven.

From Port Royal, New France, this 10th day of June, 1611.

Pierre BIARD.

FOOTNOTES:

[X.] Charles de Biencourt, esquire, sieur de Saint-Just and son of Monsieur de Poutrincourt. He was then nineteen or twenty years old. (Lescarbot and Champlain.)—[Carayon.]

[X.] Charles de Biencourt, knight, lord of Saint-Just and son of Monsieur de Poutrincourt. He was about nineteen or twenty years old. (Lescarbot and Champlain.)—[Carayon.]

[XI.] Thomas Robin, esquire, sieur de Cologne, living in the city of Paris. (Lescarbot.)—[Carayon.]

[XI.] Thomas Robin, gentleman, lord of Cologne, residing in the city of Paris. (Lescarbot.)—[Carayon.]

[XII.] Champlain and Charlevoix, who copied this, were wrong in saying the 12th of June.—[Carayon.]

[XII.] Champlain and Charlevoix, who copied this, were incorrect in stating the 12th of June.—[Carayon.]

[XIII.] Lescarbot says: "His father accompanied him as far as port de la Hève, a hundred leagues, more or less, from Port Royal." This makes it appear that Chachippè, Port Saint John, and la Hève are one and the same place.—[Carayon.]

[XIII.] Lescarbot says: "His father went with him to the port of la Hève, about a hundred leagues, give or take, from Port Royal." This suggests that Chachippè, Port Saint John, and la Hève are all the same location.—[Carayon.]

[XIV.] To sail on a bowline means to sail close to the wind.—[Carayon.]

[XV.] The cormorant is a long-necked, high-stepping sea-bird, which lives upon fish.—[Carayon.]

[XV.] The cormorant is a long-necked, tall sea bird that feeds on fish.—[Carayon.]

[XVI.] "The year before he had been made a prisoner by Sieur de Potrincourt; and having slyly escaped from him, he had been obliged to wander about in the woods in great misery."—(Printed Relation.)—[Carayon.]

[XVI.] "The year before, he was captured by Sieur de Potrincourt; after secretly escaping, he was forced to roam the woods in immense suffering."—(Printed Relation.)—[Carayon.]

184

[39] Lettre du Père Ennemond Masse au R. P. Claude Aquaviva, Général de la Compagnie de Jésus.

(Traduite sur l'original latin.)

(Translated from original Latin.)

Port-royal, 10 juin 1611.

Port-Royal, June 10, 1611.

Mon Très-révérend Père,

My Most Reverend Father,

Pax Christi.

Si Votre Paternité a vu avec plaisir ma lettre du 13 octobre, j'en ai éprouvé bien davantage à recevoir la sienne du 7 décembre; d'autant plus que je suis le premier de la Compagnie qui ait reçu la première lettre que Votre Paternité ait jamais envoyée au Canada. Je prends ce fait comme un heureux augure, et je l'accepte comme venant du ciel, pour m'exciter à courir avec ferveur dans la carrière, afin de mériter et de recevoir le prix de cette vocation céleste, et enfin de me sacrifier moi-même plus promptement et plus complétement pour le salut de ces peuples.

If Your Paternity was pleased to receive my letter from October 13, I was even more delighted to get yours from December 7; especially since I am the first in the Company to have received the very first letter that Your Paternity has ever sent to Canada. I take this as a good sign, and I see it as a heavenly encouragement to inspire me to run fervently in the race, so that I may earn and receive the reward of this heavenly calling, and finally to dedicate myself more quickly and fully for the salvation of these people.

Je vous l'avoue; j'ai dit alors franchement à Dieu: Me voici: Si vous choisissez ce qu'il y a de faible et de méprisable dans ce monde, pour renverser [40] et détruire ce qui est fort, vous trouverez tout cela dans Ennemond. Me voici: envoyez-moi, et rendez ma langue et ma parole intelligible, afin que je ne sois pas barbare pour ceux qui m'entendront.

Je vous l'avoue; j'ai dit alors franchement à Dieu: Me voici : Si vous choisissez ce qu'il y a de faible et de méprisable dans ce monde, pour renverser [40] et détruire ce qui est fort, vous trouverez tout cela dans Ennemond. Me voici : envoyez-moi, et faites que ma langue et ma parole soient compréhensibles, afin que je ne sois pas barbare pour ceux qui m'entendront.

Vos prières, j'en ai la confiance, ne seront pas sans succès, comme semble le présager notre arrivée ici, le très-saint jour de la Pentecôte. Nous sommes faibles en Jésus-Christ, mais, je l'espère, nous vivrons avec lui 186 par la force de Dieu. Que Votre Paternité, je l'en conjure, obtienne par ses saintes prières et ses saints sacrifices, que le Seigneur accomplisse toutes ces choses en nous.

Your prayers, I trust, will not go unanswered, especially since our arrival here falls on the very sacred day of Pentecost. We are weak in Jesus Christ, but, I hope, we will live with him 186 through the strength of God. I urge you, Your Paternity, to obtain through your holy prayers and sacrifices that the Lord fulfills all these things within us.

Le fils indigne en Jésus-Christ de la Compagnie de Jésus.

Ennemond MASSE.

Port-Royal, dans la Nouvelle-France, le 10 juin 1611.

Port-Royal, in New France, June 10, 1611.

185

[39] Letter from Father Ennemond Masse to Reverend Father Claude Aquaviva, General of the Society of Jesus.

(Translated from the Latin original.)

(Translated from the original Latin.)

Port Royal, June 10, 1611.

My Very Reverend Father,

My Very Reverend Father

The peace of Christ be with you

If Your Reverence read with pleasure my letter of October 13th, I felt a great deal more in receiving yours of December 7th, especially as I am the first of the Society to receive from Your Reverence the first letter which you have ever sent to Canada. I take this event as a happy omen, and accept it as coming from heaven, to incite me to run with ardor in the race, in order to merit and receive the reward of this heavenly vocation, and to sacrifice myself more promptly and more completely for the salvation of these people.

If you enjoyed my letter from October 13th, I was even more excited to receive yours from December 7th, especially since I'm the first in the Society to get the first letter you've ever sent to Canada. I see this as a positive sign and believe it comes from above, encouraging me to run with enthusiasm in this journey, to deserve and receive the reward of this divine calling, and to dedicate myself more quickly and fully for the salvation of these people.

I admit to you that I said then freely to God: Here I am; if you choose what is weak and despicable in this world to overthrow [40] and destroy that which is strong, you will find all this in Ennemond. Here I am; send me, and make my tongue and my words intelligible, so that I may not be a barbarian to those who will hear me.

I confess to you that I said back then openly to God: Here I am; if you choose to use what is weak and insignificant in this world to overturn [40] and eliminate what is strong, you will find all of that in Ennemond. Here I am; send me, and help me speak clearly, so that I won’t sound like a barbarian to those who will listen to me.

Your prayers, I am sure, will not be in vain, as our arrival here upon the most holy day of Pentecost seems to presage. We are weak in Jesus Christ, but, I hope, we shall live with him by the power of God. It is 187my earnest entreaty that Your Reverence, by your prayers and holy sacrifices, may prevail upon the Lord to accomplish all these things in us.

Your prayers, I'm sure, won’t go unanswered, as our arrival here on the holy day of Pentecost seems to suggest. We are weak in Jesus Christ, but I hope, we'll live with him by the power of God. It is 187my sincere request that Your Reverence, through your prayers and holy sacrifices, may persuade the Lord to make all these things happen in us.

The unworthy son in Jesus Christ, of the Society of Jesus,

Ennemond MASSE.

Port Royal, New France, June 10, 1611.

188

[41] Lettre du P. Pierre Biard, au T.-R. P. Claude Aquaviva, Général de la Compagnie de Jésus.

(Traduite sur l'original latin.)

Translated from the original Latin.

Port-Royal, 11 juin 1611.

Port-Royal, June 11, 1611.

Mon Très-Révérend Père,

My Very Reverend Father,

Pax Christi.

Peace, Christ.

Après quatre mois d'une navigation vraiment trèspénible et très-périlleuse, nous sommes enfin arrivés, grâce à la protection de Dieu et aux prières de Votre Paternité, à Port-Royal, dans cette Nouvelle-France, terme de notre voyage.

Après quatre mois de navigation vraiment difficile et dangereuse, nous sommes enfin arrivés, grâce à la protection de Dieu et aux prières de Votre Paternité, à Port-Royal, dans cette Nouvelle-France, point final de notre voyage.

Nous avons en effet quitté Dieppe le 26 janvier de cette année 1611, et nous sommes arrivés cette même année le 22 mai. Je donne en français au R. P. Provincial la relation de toute notre entreprise et de l'état où nous avons trouvé les choses ici. C'est ce qui me paraissait plus urgent et plus utile, puisque j'étais dans l'impossibilité de le faire en même temps en latin. Je ne me suis pas encore arrêté huit jours à Port-Royal, et tout le temps est [42] absorbé par des interruptions continuelles et par les nécessités de la vie. Au reste, le P. Masse et moi, nous nous portons assez bien, grâce à Dieu: mais il nous a fallu prendre un serviteur pour les travaux matériels. Nous ne pouvions nous en passer sans un grand détriment pour l'esprit et pour le cœur.

Nous avons effectivement quitté Dieppe le 26 janvier de cette année 1611, et nous sommes arrivés le 22 mai de la même année. Je donne en français au R. P. Provincial le rapport complet de notre mission et de l'état des choses ici. C'était ce qui me semblait le plus urgent et le plus utile, puisque je ne pouvais pas le faire en même temps en latin. Je ne suis pas encore resté huit jours à Port-Royal, et tout mon temps est absorbé par des interruptions constantes et par les exigences de la vie. D'ailleurs, le P. Masse et moi, nous allons assez bien, grâce à Dieu : mais nous avons dû engager un serviteur pour les travaux matériels. Nous ne pouvions pas nous en passer sans nuire grandement à notre esprit et à notre cœur.

M. de Potrincourt, qui commande ici au nom du Roi, nous aime et nous estime en proportion de sa piété.

M. de Potrincourt, who commands here on behalf of the King, likes us and respects us according to his piety.

190 A la première occasion nous nous empresserons, avec la grâce de Dieu, de dire quelles sont nos espérances de succès.

190 At the first opportunity, we will eagerly share, with God's grace, what our hopes for success are.

Le vaisseau s'est déjà éloigné. Je vais être obligé d'aller le rejoindre en canot, pour qu'il ne parte sans mes lettres.

Le bateau est déjà parti. Je vais devoir le rejoindre en canoe, pour qu'il ne parte pas sans mes lettres.

Je conjure Votre Paternité, par les mérites de Jésus-Christ, de se souvenir de nous et de ces contrées très-solitaires, et de venir à notre secours, autant qu'elle le pourra, non-seulement par le moyen des prières très-ferventes de notre Compagnie, mais aussi par la bénédiction et les faveurs de notre Saint-Père le Pape (comme je les ai déjà demandées).

Je vous demande, en évoquant les mérites de Jésus-Christ, de ne pas oublier notre situation et ces régions très isolées. J'espère que vous viendrez à notre aide autant que possible, non seulement grâce aux prières ferventes de notre groupe, mais aussi par la bénédiction et les faveurs de notre Saint-Père le Pape, comme je l'ai déjà demandé.

Assurément nous semons dans une grande pauvreté et dans les larmes; daigne le Seigneur nous accorder de moissonner un jour dans la joie. C'est ce qui arrivera, comme je l'espère et comme je l'ai [43] dit, grâce aux prières et aux bénédictions de Votre Paternité, que je sollicite humblement,

Assuredly we sow in great poverty and in tears; may the Lord grant us to reap one day in joy. This will happen, as I hope and as I have said, thanks to the prayers and blessings of Your Paternity, which I humbly seek.

de Votre Paternité,

of Your Fatherhood,

Le fils et serviteur indigne,

The unworthy son and servant,

Pierre BIARD, S. J.

Pierre BIARD, S.J.

A Port-Royal, dans la Nouvelle-France, ou Canada, le 11 de juin 1611.

A Port-Royal, in New France, or Canada, on June 11, 1611.

189

[41] Letter from Father Pierre Biard, to the Very Reverend Father Claude Aquaviva, General of the Society of Jesus.

(Translated from the Latin original.)

(Translated from the Latin original.)

Port Royal, June 11, 1611.

My Very Reverend Father,

The peace of Christ be with you.

After four months of very painful and perilous navigation, we have at last arrived, thanks to the protection of God and to the prayers of Your Reverence, at Port Royal, in New France, the end of our journey.

After four months of difficult and dangerous navigation, we have finally arrived, thanks to God's protection and your prayers, at Port Royal in New France, the destination of our journey.

In truth we left Dieppe the 26th of January this year, 1611, and arrived May 22nd of this same year. I am giving to the Reverend Father Provincial the narrative in French of our whole undertaking, and of the condition in which we found things here. This seemed to me the more necessary and useful, as it was impossible for me to write it at the same time in Latin. I have not yet been settled a week in Port Royal, and all the time has [42] been taken up by continual interruptions and in providing the necessities of life. As to ourselves, Father Masse and I, we are feeling very well, thank God; but we have been obliged to take a servant to do the drudgery. We could not dispense with one without a great deal of anxiety and trouble.

In truth, we left Dieppe on January 26th this year, 1611, and arrived on May 22nd of this same year. I'm presenting the narrative in French of our entire journey to the Reverend Father Provincial, along with the state of things when we arrived. I thought this was necessary and useful since I couldn't write it in Latin at the same time. I haven't been settled in Port Royal for even a week, and all the time has been consumed by constant interruptions and taking care of our basic needs. As for Father Masse and me, we are feeling well, thank God; but we have had to hire a servant to handle the chores. We couldn't manage without one without a lot of stress and trouble.

M. de Potrincourt, who commands here in the name of the King, loves and esteems us in proportion to his piety.

M. de Potrincourt, who leads here on behalf of the King, values and respects us according to his faith.

191 We shall take the first opportunity to impart to you what may be, by the grace of God, our prospects of success in this country.

191 We'll seize the first chance to share with you what may be, by God's grace, our chances of success in this country.

The ship has already gone. I shall be obliged to overtake it in a canoe, that it may not leave without my letters.

The ship has already left. I'll have to catch up to it in a canoe so it doesn't leave without my letters.

I conjure Your Reverence, through the merits of Jesus Christ, to remember us and these solitary lands, and to come to our aid in so far as you are able, not only by the fervent prayers of our Society, but also by the blessing and favor of our Holy Father the Pope (which I have already invoked). Surely we sow in great poverty and in tears; may the Lord grant that we some day reap in joy. Which will come to pass, as I hope and have said, [43] through the prayers and blessings of Your Reverence, which are humbly solicited by your

I urge you, Your Reverence, through the grace of Jesus Christ, to remember us and these remote lands, and to help us as much as you can, not only with the passionate prayers of our Society but also with the blessing and support of our Holy Father the Pope (which I have already requested). We are indeed planting in great poverty and with tears; may the Lord allow us to someday reap with joy. This will happen, as I hope and have mentioned, [43] through your prayers and blessings, which I humbly seek from you.

Unworthy son and servant,

Pierre BIARD, S. J.

Pierre BIARD, S.J.

Port Royal, New France, or Canada, June 11, 1611.

192

From Lescarbot's Histoire de la Novvelle France; Paris, 1612.

From Lescarbot's History of New France; Paris, 1612.

[Reduced to ⅔ the dimensions of original.]

Larger image

VII

Jouvency's Report on Canadian Missions

Rome: GIORGIO PLACKO, 1710

Source: We follow the general style of O'Callaghan's Reprint No. 4. The Title-page, Eulogy of Biard, and Table of Contents, are the work of that Editor. The Text, and List of Missions in 1710, he reprinted from Jouvency's Historia Societatis Jesu (Rome, 1710), part v., pp. 321-325, 961, 962; the proof of these we have read from a copy of that work, found in the library of the College of St. Francis Xavier, New York. The bracketed pagination in Arabic figures is that of Jouvency; that in Roman, of O'Callaghan.
Source: We adhere to the general style of O'Callaghan's Reprint No. 4. The title page, Eulogy of Biard, and Table of Contents were created by that editor. The text and list of missions from 1710 were reproduced from Jouvency's Historia Societatis Jesu (Rome, 1710), part v., pp. 321-325, 961, 962; we have checked these proofs against a copy of that work located in the library of the College of St. Francis Xavier, New York. The bracketed page numbers in Arabic numerals are from Jouvency; the Roman numerals are from O'Callaghan.

CANADICÆ

CANADA

MISSIONIS

RELATIO

RELATION

Ab anno 1611 usque ad annum 1613, cum statu ejusdem Missionis, annis 1703 & 1710,

From the year 1611 to the year 1613, with the state of this Mission, in the years 1703 & 1710,

Auctore Josepho Juvencio, Societatis Jesu, Sacerdote.

By Joseph Juvencio, Society of Jesus, Priest.

Ex Historiæ Soc. Jesu. Lib. xv. Part. v, impressa

ROMÆ

Rome

Ex Typographia Georgii Plachi

From the Press of Georgii Plachi

M. D. CC. X.

M.D. CC. X.

AN ACCOUNT OF THE

A STORY OF THE

CANADIAN

MISSION

From the year 1611 until the year 1613, with the condition of the same Mission in the years 1703 and 1710,

From 1611 to 1613, along with the status of the same Mission in 1703 and 1710,

By Joseph Jouvency, a Priest of the Society of Jesus.

Printed from the History of the Society of Jesus, Book xv., Part v.

Printed from the History of the Society of Jesus, Book 15, Part 5.

ROME

From the Press of Giorgio Placko

1710.

196

[i] P. Petri Biardi Eulogium ac Vita.

DE Patre Petro Biardo qui tantam in Missione Canadica inchoanda partem gessit hæc scribit Pater Josephus Juvencius in sua Historiâ sub anno 1622.

DE Patre Petro Biardo who played such a significant role in starting the Canadian Mission, this is written by Father Joseph Juvencius in his History under the year 1622.

"Ex omnibus qui hoc anno vivere in provincia Lugdunensi desierunt, luctu maximo elatus est Avenione P. Petrus Biardus Gratianopolitanus. Religionis propagandæ studio navigaverat ad barbaros Canadenses, fueratque inter primos ejus terræ cultores, ut in quinta parte narratum est. Inde pulsus ab hæreticis Anglis, & redire in Galliam coactus, totum se impendit [ii] juvandis popularibus suis, quorum ut saluti consuleret, nihil sibi reliqui ad laborem diligentiamque faciebat. Ejus tamen industriam experti maxime sunt Parodienses in præfectura Carolitana, quam civitatem per usitata ordinis ministeria diu coluit. Novissime regionis præfectus Marchio Ragnius, jussus a rege copias in Campaniam ducere contra Ernestum Mansfeldium Galliæ finibus imminentem, Biardum sibi adsciverat comitem expeditionis, & sacrorum ministrum. Per eam occasionem nescias, utrum spectata magis sit apostolici viri charitas, an patientia. Magna erat in castris inopia commeatuum. Diaria militibus præbebantur adeo maligne, ut nonnulli fame perirent. Biardus cibario, & 198 demensum suum, ac siquid præterea pecuniolæ a ditioribus emendicando corrogasset, inter egentissimos militum partiebatur, se ipsum fraudans diurno victu, ut aliis benigne faceret. Avenionem concesserat [iii] denique, ut attritas tot laboribus vires paucorum dierum otio reficeret. Verum quasi divinans, instare sibi omnium laborum & vitæ finem, totum illud tempus impendit excolendo piis commentationibus animo inter tirones, seque ad primam tirocinii formam senex emeritus ita composuit, ut nullam omitteret earum exercitationum, quibus ad sui mundique contemptum erudiri solent novitii. His intentum, nihilque jam præter cælestia cogitantem mors oppressit, xv. Cal. Decembris."

"Among all those who ceased to live this year in the province of Lugdunum, P. Petrus Biardus from Gratianopolis was greatly mourned in Avignon. He had sailed to spread the faith to the Canadian barbarians and was one of the first cultivators of that land, as noted in the fifth part. Driven out by heretical Englishmen and forced to return to France, he dedicated himself entirely to helping his people, doing everything possible to ensure their well-being. His efforts were especially felt by the people of the Carolitan prefecture, where he had long served through the usual ministry duties. Recently, the regional prefect Marchio Ragnius, ordered by the king to lead troops into Campania against Ernest Mansfeld, who threatened the borders of France, had enlisted Biard as a companion for the campaign and minister of the sacraments. During this time, it’s hard to say what was more evident, the apostolic man’s love or his patience. There was great scarcity of supplies in the camps. The soldiers were given provisions so poorly that some were dying of hunger. Biard shared his own food and any money he had scraped together from wealthier people with the neediest soldiers, denying himself daily sustenance to be generous to others. He eventually went to Avignon to restore the strength of those worn out by so many hardships with a few days of rest. However, feeling that the end of all his labors and life was approaching, he dedicated all that time to uplifting his spirit with pious reflections among the recruits, arranging himself into the form of a preacher in such a way that he did not neglect any of the exercises through which novices are trained to despise both themselves and the world. Focused on this, and thinking only of heavenly matters, he was struck by death on the 15th of November."

Adhæc non inutile forsan videbitur adjicere quæ ab auctore antiquiore Philippo scilicet Alegambe scripta sunt in Catalogo Scriptorum Societatis Jesu, sub verbo Biard:

"Petrus Biardus natione Gallus, patriâ Gratianopolitanus, operarius magni zeli, atque adeò multarum palmarum, quas [iv] in horridis et inuiis Canadensium Septentrionalis Americæ populorum siluis primus legit. Extrema ibi omnia passus, nihil tamen inhumanum magis, quàm Hæreticos, expertus est. Feritatis oblita gens barbara integerrimi hominis innocentiam venerari discebat; cùm ecce tibi sanctitatis inimica, Deumque nesciens Hæresis, cum Anglis Canadæ oras irrupit; difficillimæ expeditionis ingens pretium fuit, exosum inde abducere Jesuitam. Habitus 200 est in vinculis aliquamdiu; & vix tandem in Galliam nudus ab omni remissus. Intereà verò dum integrum illi esset ad noualia Canadæ redire, damnum ab Hæreticis illatum sanctè vitus est: reliquo vitæ tempore quæsiuit intentissimis studiis ad vitam illos, à quibus ad necem adductus fuerat. Docuerat olim Theologiam Lugduni, non sine laude. Reuersus è Missione Castrensi, cùm Auenionem diuertisset, & opportunitate temporis vsus secessisset in Nouitiatum, in ipsis [v] penè spiritualium Exercitiorum initiis, ad paradisi contemplationem, vt credimus, euocatus est, die XIX. Nouembris, Anno MDCXXIJ.

"Petrus Biard, a Frenchman from Gratianopolis, was a devoted worker and accomplished many things, being the first to explore the harsh and remote forests of the northern American peoples of Canada. Although he suffered greatly there, nothing was more inhumane than the heretics he encountered. The barbaric people, forgetting their savagery, learned to respect the innocence of a truly good man. Suddenly, however, enemies of holiness, ignorant of God, the Dissenters, invaded the shores of Canada with the English; the cost of this difficult expedition was the removal of a Jesuit. He was kept in chains for a while and was finally released back to France, stripped of everything. Meanwhile, although it remained possible for him to return to the new lands of Canada, he suffered loss from the heretics: for the rest of his life, he sought with intense dedication to aid those whom he had been brought to the point of execution by. He had once taught theology in Lyon, not without praise. After returning from the military mission, when he had stopped in Avignon and taking advantage of the moment had secluded himself in the Novitiate, it is believed he was called to the contemplation of paradise almost at the very beginning of the [v] spiritual Exercises, on the day of XIX November, in the year MDCXXIJ."

Præter Epistolam ad R. P. Præpositum Generalem è Portu Regali, et Relationem Expeditionis Anglorum in Canadam, P. Biardus scripsit Librum pro auctoritate Pontificis, contra Martinettum Ministrum. Gallicè etiam edidit seorsim Relationem Novæ Franciæ & itineris Patrum Societatis Jesu ad illam. Lugduni apud L. Muguet, MDCXVI. in 12."

Besides the Letter to the Reverend Father General in Port Royal and the Report on the English Expedition to Canada, Father Biard wrote A Book for the Authority of the Pope, against Minister Martinett. He also published separately in French The Account of New France & the Journey of the Jesuit Fathers to it. In Lyon, published by L. Muguet, 1616. in 12."

197

[i] Eulogy and Life of Father Peter Biard.

CONCERNING Father Peter Biard, who performed so great a part in the establishment of the Canadian Mission, Father Joseph Juvency 46 writes these things in his History, under the year 1622:

CONCERNING Father Peter Biard, who played such a significant role in establishing the Canadian Mission, Father Joseph Juvency 46 writes the following in his History for the year 1622:

"Of all who during the present year have departed this life in the province of Lyons, the most regretted was Father Peter Biard, of Grenoble, who, was taken away at Avignon. With the desire of propagating religion, he had journeyed to the barbarous Canadians, and had been among the first settlers of that country, as has been narrated in the fifth part (of this volume). Upon being driven thence by the heretical English, and compelled to return to France, he entirely devoted himself [ii] to the service of his countrymen; and, that he might provide for their salvation, in no respect showed himself deficient either in labor or diligence. His industry, however, was especially enjoyed by the Paray le Monial, in the prefecture of Charolles, which community he long served with the customary ministrations of the order. Finally, the prefect of the district, Marchio Ragne, upon being ordered by the king to lead troops into Campania against Ernest von Mansfeld,47 who was threatening the frontiers of France, had selected Biard as his companion during the expedition, and as a minister of sacred rites. Upon that occasion one would doubt whether the charity of the apostolic man, or his patience, were the more remarkable. There was in the camp a great scarcity of provisions. Rations were so 199 poorly furnished to the soldiers that some perished with hunger. Biard divided among the most needy of them, both his own allowance and whatever small sums of money he had collected by begging from the more wealthy, depriving himself of daily sustenance, that he might do a kindness to others. He had retired to Avignon, [iii] at last, that he might with a few days' leisure refresh his energies, which had been worn out by so many toils. But divining, as it were, that the end of all labors and of life was at hand, he spent all that period in disciplining his spirit by pious meditations among the novices; and, although an aged man who had served his time, so adapted himself to the earliest form of the novitiate, that he omitted none of those exercises by which beginners are educated to a contempt of themselves and of the world. While intent upon these, and already thinking of nothing but heavenly things, death seized him on the 17th day of November."

"Of all those who have passed away this year in the province of Lyons, the one most mourned was Father Peter Biard from Grenoble, who died in Avignon. With the goal of spreading religion, he traveled to the indigenous Canadians and was among the first settlers in that region, as described in the fifth part (of this volume). After being forced out by the heretical English and compelled to return to France, he fully dedicated himself [ii] to serving his fellow countrymen; to ensure their salvation, he was tireless and diligent. His hard work was especially valued by the community in Paray le Monial, in the prefecture of Charolles, where he served for a long time with the customary duties of his order. Eventually, the district prefect, Marchio Ragne, was ordered by the king to lead troops into Campania against Ernest von Mansfeld,47 who was threatening France's borders, and he chose Biard to accompany him on the expedition, serving as a minister of sacred rites. During this time, it was hard to tell what was more remarkable: the charity of the devoted man or his patience. The camp faced a significant shortage of supplies. Rations were so poorly distributed to the soldiers that some died from starvation. Biard shared his own food and any small amounts of money he collected by begging from wealthier individuals with the neediest soldiers, sacrificing his own daily sustenance to help others. He had retired to Avignon, [iii] seeking a few days of rest to refresh his exhausted spirit after so many labors. However, sensing that the end of all his efforts and his life was near, he spent this time focusing on spiritual discipline through prayer and reflection with the novices; despite being an older man who had fulfilled his duties, he immersed himself in the early stages of novitiate training, participating in all the exercises intended to teach beginners to disregard themselves and the world. While engaged in these practices and already thinking of nothing but spiritual matters, he passed away on November 17th."

To these things it will perhaps not seem useless to add what has been written by an earlier author, namely, Philip Alegambe,48 in the Bibliography of the Authors of the Society of Jesus, under the word Biard:

To these things, it may not seem pointless to include what was written by an earlier author, specifically Philip Alegambe,48 in the Bibliography of the Authors of the Society of Jesus, under the entry for Biard:

"Peter Biard, a French citizen, born in Grenoble, a laborer of great zeal, and of very many laurels which [iv] he first gathered in the dreadful and pathless forests of the Canadian tribes of North America. Although suffering there every extremity, he still experienced nothing more brutal than the Heretics. The barbarous race, forgetting its savageness, was learning to venerate the character of this most righteous man; when, behold, Heresy, hostile to holiness and ignorant of God, burst, together with the English, upon the shores of Canada. The reward of a 201 very laborious expedition was great,—to drive thence the hated Jesuit. For some time he was kept in bonds; and at last, stripped of everything, he was with difficulty restored to France. But meanwhile, until it was safe to return to the wilds of Canada, he took vengeance in a holy manner for the injury inflicted by the Heretics; during the rest of his life he sought with the greatest enthusiasm to win to life those by whom he had been devoted to death. He had formerly taught Theology at Lyons, not without commendation. On his return from the Military Mission, when he had turned aside to Avignon, and, making use of his opportunity, had retired into the Novitiate, in [v] almost the very beginning of his spiritual Exercises, he was called away to the contemplation of paradise, as we believe, on the 19th day of November, in the year 1622.

"Peter Biard, a French citizen born in Grenoble, was a hardworking laborer who achieved many accomplishments, particularly in the harsh and uncharted forests inhabited by Canadian tribes in North America. Despite facing extreme challenges there, he found nothing as brutal as the Heretics. The fierce people, overcoming their savagery, began to respect this incredibly righteous man; then, suddenly, Heresy, opposing holiness and ignorant of God, along with the English, invaded Canada. The reward for this grueling expedition was substantial—to drive away the despised Jesuit. For a while, he was imprisoned, and eventually, stripped of everything, he managed to make his way back to France with great difficulty. But in the meantime, until it was safe to return to the wilds of Canada, he sought to avenge the harm caused by the Heretics in a holy way; for the rest of his life, he passionately worked to bring back to life those who had condemned him to death. He had previously taught Theology in Lyons, earning praise for his efforts. Upon returning from the Military Mission, he stopped in Avignon and, seizing the opportunity, withdrew into the Novitiate. In [v] the early stages of his spiritual Exercises, he was called away to contemplate paradise, as we believe, on November 19th, 1622."

Besides a Letter to R. P. General Commander from Port Royal, and An Account of the Expedition of the English against Canada, Father Biard wrote A Book Advocating the authority of the Pontiff against Martinet, a minister. In French, also, he published separately An Account of New France and of the journey thither of the Fathers of the Society of Jesus. Lyons, by L. Muguet, 1616, in 12mo."—[O'Callaghan.]

Besides a Letter to R. P. General Commander from Port Royal and An Account of the Expedition of the English against Canada, Father Biard wrote A Book Advocating the Authority of the Pontiff against Martinet, a minister. He also separately published in French An Account of New France and of the Journey Thither of the Fathers of the Society of Jesus. Lyons, by L. Muguet, 1616, in 12mo."—[O'Callaghan.]

202

[vii] Tabvla Rervm.

	Pag.
SOCIETAS Jesu, in Canadam, seu Novam Franciam inducta SOCIETAS Jesu, in Canadam, seu Novam Franciam inducta	5
II Initium Canadicæ Missionis, & primi fructus	7
III Domicilia Societatis & Missiones in Nova Francia	18
IV Missio Canadensis ab Anglis proturbata	25
V Unus è Societate interficitur; alii Canada ejiciuntur	27
VI Missiones Societatis Jesu in America septentrionali, Anno 1710	37

203

[vii] Table of Contents.

[The page numbers refer to O'Callaghan's Reprint.]

	Page.
THE Society of Jesus introduced into Canada or New France The Society of Jesus brought to Canada or New France	5
II Beginning and first fruits of the Canadian Mission	7
III Settlements and Missions of the Society in New France	18
IV The Canadian Mission driven out by the English	25
V One of the members of the Society is killed; the others are expelled from Canada	27
VI Missions of the Society of Jesus in North America, in the year 1710	37

204

Missionis Canadicæ Relatio.

[321 §. II.] SOCIETAS JESU, IN CANADAM, SEU NOVAM FRANCIAM INDUCTA.

AMERICAM septentrionalem tres præcipuè nationes obtinent, Hispani, Galli, & Angli. Mexicum, Floridæ pars & Californiæ, sunt Hispanæ ditionis. Littora orienti foli opposita & ad Austrum devexa occuparunt variis temporibus Angli, Sueci, & Hollandi. Quod inter illos & Mexicanos versus septentriones & occasum campi jacet, Galli tenent, ac Novam Franciam, sive Canadam, vulgo vocant. Nihil tetrius immaniusve barbaris Canadensibus fingi poterat, prius quam inducta religione mitescerent, ut patebit ex iis quæ Paragrapho decimo referentur. Nunc barbaries, & fœda scelerum cohors, rationi ac virtuti locum dedit, videturque huic oraculo Isai. c. 35. veteri constare fides: Lætabitur deserta & invia, & exultabit solitudo, & florebit quasi lilium.

North America is primarily home to three nations: the Spanish, the French, and the English. Mexico, parts of Florida, and California are under Spanish rule. The eastern coast and southern territories were occupied at various times by the English, Swedes, and Dutch. The land between them and the Mexicans to the north and west is held by the French, who call it New France or Canada. Nothing could be more horrific and savage than the Canadian barbarians before they embraced religion and became more refined, as will be evident from what is mentioned in Paragraph ten. Now, barbarism and a filthy band of criminals have given way to reason and virtue, and it seems that this is in line with the ancient oracle Isaiah 35:1: The wilderness and the solitary place shall be glad, and the desert shall rejoice and blossom like the rose.

205

An Account of the Canadian Mission.

[321 §. II.] THE SOCIETY OF JESUS INTRODUCED INTO CANADA, OR NEW FRANCE.

[321 §. II.] THE SOCIETY OF JESUS BROUGHT TO CANADA, OR NEW FRANCE.

NORTH AMERICA is occupied principally by three nations—the Spanish, the French, and the English. Mexico, a part of Florida and of California, belongs to the Spanish dominions. The shores opposite to the rising sun, and stretching Southward, have been occupied at various times by the English, the Swedes, and the Dutch. The French possess the territory which lies between these and the Mexicans, towards the north and west, commonly called New France or Canada. Nothing fouler and more hideous than the savage Canadians could have been imagined, before they began to soften under the influence of religion, as will appear from matters to be presented in the tenth Paragraph. Now, barbarism and the vile array of sins have given place to reason and virtue, which seems to confirm our faith in this ancient prophecy:Isaiah, c. 35. The land that was desolate and impassable shall be glad, and the wilderness shall rejoice, and shall flourish like the lily.

NORTH AMERICA is primarily occupied by three nations—the Spanish, the French, and the English. Mexico, along with parts of Florida and California, is part of Spanish territory. The shores across from the rising sun, stretching southward, have at various times been settled by the English, the Swedes, and the Dutch. The French control the area between these nations and Mexico to the north and west, commonly referred to as New France or Canada. Before being influenced by religion, the savage Canadians appeared to be the most foul and hideous people imaginable, as will be discussed in the tenth paragraph. Now, barbarism and a troubling array of sins have been replaced by reason and virtue, which seems to affirm our belief in this ancient prophecy: Isaiah, about 35. The land that was desolate and impassable shall be glad, and the wilderness shall rejoice, and shall flourish like the lily.

206

INITIUM CANADICÆ MISSIONIS, & PRIMI FRUCTUS.

AMERICÆ littora, Franciæ obversa, Galli jam inde ab anno MDXXIV. identidem lustraverunt: sed obiter, & quasi prætereuntes. Demum superiori seculo ineunte, regionem interiorem subiit Samuel Camplenius, qui Canadensis coloniæ parens merito dici potest. Jamque negotiatio bellissimè procedebat, cum Henricus IV. de religione magis, quàm de commercio solicitus, in hanc Orbis novi partem inferre Christiana sacra decrevit, anno MDCVIII. ac Societatis homines ad hanc Apostolicam expeditionem postulavit. Certior de consilio Regis factus P. Petrus Cotonus, regiæ conscientiæ moderator, jussusque strenuos quamprimum designare sacerdotes, qui solida tanti operis jacerent fundamenta, Societatis Præpositum admonuit. Ex omni, non juvenum modo, sed etiam senum, numero, laboriosam Missionem flagitantium, delecti sunt P. Petrus Biardus, Gratianopolitanus, theologiæ professor in collegio Lugdunensi; & P. Enemundus Massæus, Lugdunensis. Moram consiliis felicibus attulit Regis improvisa mors; & Societatis amicorum studia, qui navem & reliqua itineri necessaria comparabant, debilitavit. Sed invicta rebus adversis Cotoni pietas, Reginæ auctoritatem interposuit, ut difficultates objectas profligaret. Ergo indicitur profectio: Patres 208 Deppam advolant, inde vela Novam in Franciam facturi. Ecce autem repentè inexpectatus obex. Ea navis erat Potrincurtii, nobilis Galli: duobus tamen mercatoribus Calvinianis obnoxia, utpote qui sumptus non leves ad illam armamentis instruendam fecerant. Isti simul atque imponendos in hanc homines Societatis audierunt, negant enimvero se passuros ut è portu solvat. Opponitur imperium Reginæ, mandata ingeminantur. Respondent per se non stare quin sacerdotes alii quilibet admittantur; at sibi cum nostris hominibus nihil esse rei velle. Ubi vidit Cotonus improborum pertinaciam frangi non posse, alia rem aggressus est via. Erat matrona non pietate minus quàm genere nobilis, Antonia Guerchevillæa. Hæc negotium Missionis haud secus procurabat, ac suum: utque non vulgarem apud multos gratiam, virtutis opinione collegerat, magnam subito pecuniæ vim corrogavit, qua mercatoribus hæreticis summa rependeretur, ab iis in adornandam navim contributa. Sic illis rejectis & invitis, Patres admissi suerunt. At, quia interim extractum tempus fuerat, non ante VII. Kalend. Februarias, cum hyemaret asperum æquor, vela sunt facta. Hinc mensium quatuor cursus fuit, qui vulgo duorum est; ac morbis intus, tempestatibus foris, infestus. Ingressi demum ostia Laurentiani fluvii XI. Kal. Junias, ipso sacro Pentecostes die, vestigia Christianæ religionis aliqua invenere, leviter ab iis quos è Gallia profectos in hanc plagam diximus, impressa. Cum enim illis ignotus [322] gentis sermo, 210 nec certum constansque in humo barbara domicilium esset, facultas non suppetebat erudiendi quos obiter baptizabant: quique pristinos in mores revoluti, Christianum vix retinebant nomen, illudque popularibus vitiis conspurcabant. Prima Patribus cura fuit ut sacellum construerent, perdiscerent linguam vernaculam, excolerent Gallos, qui è veteri Francia in novam navigaverant. Instituta est solennis supplicatio; Christus sanctissimi Sacramenti velo tectus, & quanto fieri potuit maximo apparatu circumvectus, in terræ felicis, tot sanctis postea frequentandæ veluti possessionem auspicatò venit. Proxima infantibus sacro lavandis fonte cura est data, quorum nonnulli, post susceptum salutis sacramentum, ad terram viventium possidendam, quasi gentis totius nomine, demigrarunt. Puellam annos natam novem, oppressam gravi morbo, parentes abjecerant. Cum enim artis medicæ prorsus ignara natio sit, ægrotos facile desperat, neque cibo, aut curatione ulla, juvat. Depositam Patres à parentibus postularunt, ut expiarent lympha salutari. Ultro illis permissa est, quippe quæ instar mortui canis haberetur. Abductam in mapale separatum curavere sedulo: edoctam, quantum erat necesse; baptizatam, ac nona post luce mortuam, cœlo intulerunt. Eadem Sociorum caritas lætiorem exitum in juvene sortita est. Ejus pater Membertous, primus omnium, uti narrant, barbarorum, cum è Gallia navigatum illuc fuit, in Christianorum numerum venerat; homo strenuus, & omnium popularium testimonio, 212 ceteris longè præstans animi robore, belli scientia, clientelarum multitudine, & gloriosi claritudine cognominis; quippe Magni Imperatoris titulum publico suffragio consecutus. Hunc obtinebat locum Membertous inter Souriquios, qui Acadiam, circa ostia Laurentiani amnis, incolunt. Ejus filium difficili ægritudine conflictatum P. Biardus invisit. Miratur nihil triste in tugurio; non planctum, non flebiles nænias: imo epulum, choream, & duos tresve canes alligatos. Quærit quid hæc sibi velint. Respondent juvenem brevi esse moriturum, amicos vocatos: illis epulum parari: funebrem choream postea ducendam: canes, quos videbat, interficiendos, placandis mortui Manibus. Exclamavit Pater nequaquam ista Christianis hominibus convenire, & impias consuetudines graviter increpuit. Senior, adolescentis parens, ignorantiam excusavit; ceterum se ac filium in ipsius esse potestate; doceret, juberet, imperata facturos. Sacerdos vetuit ne canes interficerentur: saltatores importunos amandavit: epuli partem, quæ superstitionis habere nihil videbatur, permisit: in primis autem, ne deponeretur penitus ægroti cura prohibuit; imo suasit ut ad Gallorum domicilia, quamvis longè disjuncta, deportaretur; sperare se, favente Deo, futurum ut convalesceret. Benignè auditus est à Membertoo: delatus æger ad nos fuit, ridentibus, ac bolum tantum tam subito è faucibus ereptum sibi dolentibus veneficis, & circulatoribus, quorum sententiâ conclamatus adolescens vivere posse negabatur. Ac 214 sane agebat animam, cùm triduo post ad Gallorum domicilia pervenit, fractus itinere ac morbo. Patrum tamen arte ac studio, & scilicet Dei benignitate, recreatus est; nec ipse tantum in fide catholica confirmatus, sed ejus capessendæ desiderio complures inflammati.

AMERICAS' shores, facing France, the French have explored them repeatedly since 1524, but only in passing. Finally, at the beginning of the last century, Samuel Camplenius ventured into the interior region, who rightly can be called the father of the Canadian colony. Trade was thriving when Henry IV, more concerned with religion than commerce, decided to introduce Christianity to this part of the New World in 1608, and requested members of the Society for this Apostolic mission. When Father Peter Cotonus learned of the King's plan, he, the royal conscience's moderator, was commanded to quickly select strong priests to lay a solid foundation for such an important work, and he informed the head of the Society. From all, not only the young but also the old, those seeking a challenging mission were chosen: Father Peter Biard, from Gratianopolis, a theology professor at the Lyon college; and Father Enemund Massæus, from Lyon. The King's unexpected death delayed the plans, weakening the efforts of the Society's friends who were preparing the ship and other necessities for the journey. But Cotonus's unwavering faith inspired the queen to intercede to overcome the presented difficulties. Therefore, the departure was announced: the Fathers 208 would fly to Deppam, there to set sail for New France. Suddenly, however, an unexpected obstacle arose. The ship belonged to Potrincurtii, a nobleman from France, but it had two Calvinist merchants who had invested heavily in outfitting it. As soon as they heard that members of the Society were to be taken aboard, they firmly declared they would not allow the ship to leave port. The queen's command was opposed, and the orders were reiterated. They responded that they would not object to any other priests boarding, but they wanted nothing to do with our people. When Cotonus saw that the obstinacy of the dishonest men could not be broken, he pursued another course of action. There was a noble woman, not only in piety but also in lineage, named Antonia Guerchevillæa. She managed the affairs of the mission as if it were her own; having garnered a considerable reputation for virtue among many, she quickly raised a large sum of money to repay the merchants for their contributions to outfit the ship. Thus, with them cast aside and unwilling, the Fathers were admitted. However, since time had passed, they did not set sail until February 7, when the sea was rough from winter. Four months elapsed, which felt like two; with illnesses inside the ship, storms outside, it was a daunting journey. Finally entering the mouth of the Laurentian River on June 11, on the very day of the sacred Pentecost, they found some traces of Christianity, lightly imprinted by those who had come from France to this region. Since the language of the native people was unknown to them 210 and there was no stable, consistent presence established on barbaric soil, there was no means to educate those they baptized on the spot: those who had returned to their ancient customs barely retained the Christian name, and that was tainted with popular vices. The first concern of the Fathers was to build a chapel, learn the local language, and nurture the Frenchmen who had sailed from old France to the new one. A solemn prayer was organized; Christ, veiled in the most holy sacrament, was carried around with the greatest possible pomp as a sign of auspicious possession of the blessed land, to be frequented by many saints afterward. Next, they focused on baptizing infants in the holy fountain, some of whom, after receiving the sacrament of salvation, moved towards the land of the living, almost as ambassadors for the entire nation. A nine-year-old girl, afflicted with a severe illness, had been abandoned by her parents. Since the nation is completely ignorant of the medical arts, they readily despair of the sick, providing no food or healing. The Fathers requested her from her parents to purify her with the saving water. They were willingly permitted to take her, as she was regarded as akin to a dead dog. Taken into a separate hut, they cared for her diligently: taught her what was necessary; baptized her, and after nine days, they took her to heaven. The same compassion of the companions led to a happier outcome for a young man. His father, Membertous, as it is said, was the first among the barbarian people, having voyaged from France there, to join the ranks of Christians; a strong man, and by the testimony of all his people, far superior in mind, knowledge of war, a multitude of followers, and the glorious fame of his name; indeed, he had earned the title of Great Emperor by public suffrage. He held a place among the Souriquios, who inhabited Acadia, around the mouth of the Laurentian River. Father Biard visited his son, who was struggling with a serious illness. He noticed nothing sad in the hut; no weeping, no lamenting; rather, there was a feast, dancing, and two or three dogs tied up. He asked what this all meant. They responded that the young man was shortly going to die and that friends had been called: they were preparing a feast for them; a funeral dance was to follow; the dogs he saw were to be killed to appease the dead's spirit. The Father exclaimed that such customs were utterly inappropriate for Christians, and he severely reproached those impious traditions. The elder, the youth's father, excused their ignorance; but he affirmed that he and his son were in the priest's power; he would teach them, order them, and they would obey. The priest forbade them to kill the dogs, dismissed the intrusive dancers, and permitted part of the feast that seemed harmless to superstition; but above all, he prevented any utter neglect of the sick man's care; in fact, he urged that he should be transported to the French quarters, even if far away, hoping that, with God's favor, he would recover. Membertous graciously agreed: the sick man was brought to us, with the laughter of those who had been so rapidly deprived of their wine, and with pain for the boy, who according to the opinion of the witches and wandering folk was believed to have no chance of living. And 212 indeed, he was on the brink of death when he finally reached the French quarters three days later, weakened by the journey and illness. However, through the skill and dedication of the Fathers, and of course, God's kindness, he was revived; and not only was he confirmed in the Catholic faith, but many were also ignited with a desire to embrace it.

Incidit aliquanto post in morbum pater adolescentis, & ad nos similiter deferri voluit, ubi nostrum in tugurium, atque adeo in unius è Patribus lectum acceptus, piè vitam clausit; quodque barbaris novum accidit ac molestum, illatus est in commune Christianæ plebi sepulcrum: nam ipsi a sepulcris majorum ægerrime divelluntur. Curatum funus illustri, ut rerum ferebant angustiæ, pompa. Nec honore isto qualicumque indigna barbari virtus erat, qui etiam ante quàm Christum nosset, non potuerat adduci ut plures una duceret uxores: id naturæ ac rationi magis consentaneum arbitratus. Post susceptam vero Christi Fidem ita vixerat, ut barbaris admirationi esset, Christianis exemplo.

Incidit um pouco depois no doença do pai do adolescente, e quis ser levado até nós, onde, acolhido em nossa pequena casa e até mesmo na cama de um dos Padres, fechou a vida com piedade; e o que foi novo e incômodo para os bárbaros, foi levado para o sepulcro da comunidade cristã: pois eles se afastam com dificuldade dos túmulos de seus antepassados. O funeral foi realizado com destaque, dadas as circunstâncias limitadas, e com uma pompa notável. A honra que foi dada a ele não era adequada para a virtude dos bárbaros, que mesmo antes de conhecerem Cristo, não podiam ser persuadidos a ter várias esposas ao mesmo tempo: acreditavam que isso era mais consistente com a natureza e a razão. Depois de ter aceito a Fé Cristã, viveu de uma forma que se tornou motivo de admiração para os bárbaros e um exemplo para os cristãos.

Hæc domi gesta. Egressi deinde quasi pomerio præcones Evangelici magnam regionis partem lustravere. Divina res, ubicumque licuit, facta: impositæ manus ægrotis, conciliati munusculis parentes ac liberi; data Gallis, novas condentibus sedes, opera; necnon classiariis atque vectoribus. Non defuit patientiæ læta seges, ac tanta interdum exstitit annonæ penuria, ut singulis hebdomadis certum [323] unicuique demensum daretur, quod vix sufficiebat in unum 216 diem, videlicet panis unciæ decem, selibra carnis sale maceratæ, & pisorum, fabarumve aliquantulum. Adhæc, erat sibi quisque faber, sarcinator, pistor, coquus, lignator, & aquator. Occurrebant interdum Patribus, in his ærumnis, voces illorum, quibus Moses provinciam explorandæ Chananitidis dederat,Num. c. 13, 14. Terra hæc devorat habitatores suos; ibi vidimus monstra quædam filiorum Enac, de genere Giganteo, quibus comparati, quasi locustæ videbamur. At simul veniebat in mentem oratio Josue, & Calebi, plena divinæ fiduciæ: Terra valde bona est. Si propitius fuerit Dominus, inducet nos in eam. Neque timeatis populum terræ hujus, Dominus nobiscum est.

Here are the events that took place at home. They then set out almost like heralds of the Gospel, traversing a large part of the region. A divine act occurred wherever it was possible: hands were laid on the sick, gifts were offered by parents and children; assistance was provided to the French, who were establishing new settlements; as well as to sailors and travelers. There was no shortage of a joyful harvest of patience, and at times the scarcity of food was so severe that each person was allotted a fixed portion each week, which barely sufficed for one day, namely ten ounces of bread, half a pound of salted meat, and a little fish or beans. Additionally, each person took on the roles of artisan, porter, baker, cook, woodcutter, and water carrier. Occasionally, in these hardships, they recalled the words of those whom Moses had sent to explore the land of Canaan: This land devours its inhabitants; there we saw certain giants, the descendants of Anak; in comparison, we seemed like grasshoppers. But they also remembered the words of Joshua and Caleb, filled with divine trust: The land is very good. If the Lord is pleased with us, He will bring us into it. Do not fear the people of this land; the Lord is with us.

207

BEGINNING AND FIRST FRUITS OF THE CANADIAN MISSION.

THE French had, since the year 1524, often visited the coasts of America opposite to France, but cursorily, and, as it were, while passing by. Finally, at the beginning of the last century, Samuel Champlain, who well deserves to be called the parent of the Canadian colony, entered the region of the interior. Already was the undertaking progressing very favorably, when Henry IV., more solicitous for religion than for commerce, resolved, in the year 1608, to introduce Christian rites into this part of the new World, and asked members of the Society to undertake this Apostolic enterprise. Upon being informed of the plan of the King, and ordered to choose as soon as possible energetic priests who would lay solidly the foundations of so great a work, Father Coton, the confessor of the king, informed the Commander of the Society. From the whole number, not only of youths but also of old men, who sought this laborious Duty, there were chosen Father Peter Biard, of Grenoble, a professor of theology in the college of Lyons, and Father Enemond Massé, of Lyons. The unforeseen death of the King delayed this auspicious enterprise, and diminished the enthusiasm of the friends of the Society, who were providing a ship and other necessaries for the voyage. But the pious Coton, unconquered by adversity, brought in the authority of the Queen, in order that he might overcome the difficulties in his way. As a result, the time was set for their departure, and the Fathers hastened 209 to Dieppe, in order that they might sail thence for New France. But, lo! suddenly an unexpected obstacle. Their ship belonged to Poutrincourt, a French nobleman; it was, however, subject to the control of two Calvinistic merchants, since they had incurred no light expense toward providing her with equipments. As soon as they heard that members of the Society were to be embarked upon her, they refused to allow her to leave the port. The authority of the Queen was invoked; her commands were reiterated. They answered that they would not refuse admission to any other sort of priests, but that they were unwilling to have anything to do with our men. When Coton saw that the stubbornness of the rascals could not be overcome, he approached the matter by another way. There was a lady distinguished not less for piety than for birth, Antoinette de Guercheville. This woman was as solicitous for the interests of the Mission as for her own; and since she had acquired an uncommon influence among many, because of her reputation for integrity, she quickly collected a large sum of money, by means of which the heretical merchants were repaid the amount which they had spent in equipping the ship. So, although the merchants were disappointed and unwilling, the Fathers were admitted. But, because of the intervening delay, they did not sail until the 26th of January, when the storms of winter caused a raging sea. On this account the voyage was of four months' duration, although ordinarily of two, and was terrible because of disease within and tempests without. Having entered at last the mouth of the St. Lawrence river on the 22nd day of May, on the holy day of Pentecost, they came upon some traces of the Christian religion, which had been superficially impressed by those 211 whom we have mentioned as having journeyed from France into this region. For, since the speech of the people was unknown [322] to them, and they had no certain and fixed residence in this savage land, there was no opportunity for educating those whom they chanced to baptize, and who, plunging again into their former habits, scarcely retained the Christian name, while defiling it with their native vices. The first concern of the Fathers was to build a chapel, to learn the language of the country, and to instruct the Frenchmen who had emigrated from old to new France. A solemn Thanksgiving was enjoined; the figure of Christ, covered with a canopy, was carried about with the greatest possible ceremony; and he came auspiciously into the possession, so to speak, of the happy land afterwards to be frequented by so many holy men. Next, attention was given to laving the infants in the sacred font, of whom some, after receiving the sacrament of salvation, departed to their homes in the land of the immortals, in the name, as it were, of the whole race. A girl aged nine years, afflicted with a grievous disease, had been abandoned by her parents. For, since the race is altogether ignorant of the art of medicine, they readily despair of the sick, and neither provide them with food nor care for them in any way. The Fathers asked her parents to give them the forsaken child, in order that they might sanctify her with the water of salvation. She was readily handed over to them; and naturally, inasmuch as she was considered no better than a dead dog. Taking her apart to their hut they gave her assiduous care; she was baptized, and, dying on the ninth day afterward, they introduced her into Heaven. The same charity of the Associates resulted more fortunately in the case of a young boy. His father was 213 Membertou, who, they say, in the early days of navigation thither from France, first of all the savages became a Christian; he was an energetic man, and, according to the testimony of all his countrymen, far excelled others in vigor of mind, in knowledge of war, in number of dependents, and the distinction of a glorious name, for by public vote he had acquired the title of "Great Chief." This position Membertou held among the Souriquois, who inhabit Acadia about the mouth of the St. Lawrence river. Father Biard visited Membertou's son, who was suffering from a dangerous illness. He was surprised that there was no grief in the wigwam; no lamentations, no tearful dirges; instead, a feast, a dance, and two or three dogs fastened together. He asked what these things meant. They answered that the youth would die in a short time; that the friends had been invited, and for them the banquet was being prepared; that afterwards a funeral dance was to be conducted; and that the dogs which he saw were to be killed to appease the Spirit of the dead boy. The Father exclaimed that these things were quite unfitting for Christian men, and severely censured the impious custom. The parent of the youth excused his ignorance; he said that henceforth he and his son should be under the Father's direction; he begged him to instruct and command them, and said that they would execute his orders. The Priest forbade the killing of the dogs; he dismissed the rude dancers; a part of the repast he allowed, as not devoted to superstitious rites. He insisted that the patient should no longer be neglected; still more, he persuaded them that the boy should be taken to the dwellings of the French, although these were far distant, saying that he hoped, by the favor of God, for his recovery. The 215 priest was favorably heard by Membertou; the patient was brought to us, although the sorcerers and medicine-men, who declared that the unhappy youth could not live, ridiculed this decision, and grieved that such a morsel should be snatched suddenly from their jaws. And indeed he was at the point of death, when, three days afterward, exhausted by the journey, and by sickness, he arrived at the French settlement. Nevertheless, by the skill and devotion of the Fathers, and by the kindness of God, he was restored; nor was he alone established in the Catholic faith, but many of his countrymen were inflamed with the desire of adopting it.

THE French had, since 1524, frequently visited the coasts of America across from France, but only briefly, as if just passing through. Finally, at the start of the last century, Samuel Champlain, who truly deserves to be called the founder of the Canadian colony, ventured into the interior. The endeavor was going well when Henry IV., more focused on religion than commerce, decided in 1608 to introduce Christian rites to this part of the New World and asked members of the Society to take on this missionary work. After learning of the King’s plan and being ordered to quickly choose determined priests to lay the solid foundations of such a significant task, Father Coton, the king's confessor, informed the head of the Society. Among all those, both young and old, eager for this demanding task, Father Peter Biard from Grenoble, a theology professor at the college of Lyons, and Father Enemond Massé from Lyons were selected. The unexpected death of the King delayed this promising venture and dampened the enthusiasm of the Society’s supporters, who were preparing a ship and other necessities for the journey. However, the devoted Coton, undeterred by this setback, sought the authority of the Queen to help navigate the challenges ahead. Consequently, a departure date was set, and the Fathers hurried to Dieppe to sail for New France. But suddenly, an unforeseen obstacle arose. Their ship belonged to Poutrincourt, a French nobleman; however, it was under the control of two Calvinist merchants who had incurred significant expenses to equip her. When they heard that members of the Society would be aboard, they refused to let the ship leave port. The authority of the Queen was invoked; her commands were repeated. They replied that they would not refuse entry to any other kind of priests, but they were unwilling to associate with our men. When Coton realized that the stubbornness of the merchants could not be overcome, he approached the issue differently. There was a lady renowned for both her piety and her noble birth, Antoinette de Guercheville. She was just as invested in the Mission’s success as her own; having gained considerable influence due to her reputation for integrity, she quickly raised a large sum of money, which was used to repay the merchants for their expenses in equipping the ship. So, despite the disappointment and reluctance of the merchants, the Fathers were allowed to board. Yet, due to the delay, they didn't sail until January 26, when winter storms caused a turbulent sea. As a result, the voyage, which typically took two months, became a grueling four-month journey, filled with disease on board and tempests outside. They finally reached the mouth of the St. Lawrence River on May 22, Pentecost, where they found signs of Christian religion, which had been superficially introduced by those who had come from France. Because the local peoples’ language was unfamiliar to them and there was no permanent settlement in this wild land, there was no opportunity to educate those they baptized, who quickly returned to their old ways, leaving behind only the Christian name, tarnished by their native vices. The Fathers’ first priority was to build a chapel, learn the local language, and teach the French settlers who had migrated from old France. A solemn Thanksgiving was established; the figure of Christ, adorned with a canopy, was paraded with the utmost ceremony, signifying his auspicious arrival in the land where many holy men would soon arrive. They then focused on baptizing infants, some of whom, after receiving the sacrament of salvation, passed on to their eternal homes, representing the entire race. One nine-year-old girl, suffering from a severe illness, had been abandoned by her parents. Since the local people knew nothing about medicine, they quickly lost hope for the sick and did not provide food or care for them. The Fathers asked her parents to hand over the forsaken child so they could sanctify her with the sacrament. She was willingly given to them, as she was considered no better than a dead dog. Taking her to their hut, they cared for her diligently; she was baptized, and after passing away on the ninth day, she was welcomed into Heaven. The charity of the Associates was more fortunate in the case of a young boy. His father was Membertou, who, it is said, was the first of the natives to become a Christian early in the French navigations. He was a vigorous man, and according to the testimonies of his countrymen, he was exceptional in intellect, warfare knowledge, the number of followers, and the distinction of a glorious name, having been elected “Great Chief” by popular vote. Membertou held this position among the Souriquois, who lived around the mouth of the St. Lawrence River. Father Biard visited Membertou's sick son, who was gravely ill. He was surprised to find no sorrow in the wigwam—no lamentations, no tearful mourning—but instead a feast, a dance, and two or three dogs tied together. He asked what this was all about. They responded that the boy was going to die soon; the friends had been invited, and a banquet was being prepared for them; afterward, a funeral dance would take place; and the dogs he saw were to be killed to appease the spirit of the deceased youth. The Father exclaimed that this was utterly inappropriate for Christians and chastised the ungodly custom. The boy's father excused his ignorance, stating that from now on he and his son would follow the Father’s guidance; he asked him to teach and instruct them, promising they would obey his orders. The Priest forbade the killing of the dogs and sent away the unruly dancers; he allowed some of the feast as it was not directed toward superstitious practices. He insisted that the boy needed care and convinced them to take him to the French settlements, despite being far away, claiming that he had hope for the boy's recovery through God's grace. The priest’s request was favorably received by Membertou; the sick boy was brought to the settlement, although the sorcerers and medicine men, who insisted the unfortunate youth wouldn't survive, mocked this decision, lamenting that such a prize was snatched from them. Indeed, the boy was near death when, three days later, worn out by the journey and illness, he arrived at the French settlement. Nevertheless, through the skill and dedication of the Fathers, and God’s kindness, he was healed; not only was he established in the Catholic faith, but many of his countrymen became eager to adopt it as well.

Some time afterward, the father of the young man fell sick, and wished to be also brought to us, where, after being received into our hut and even into the bed of one of the Fathers, he piously departed this life; and, what was novel and displeasing to the savages, he was buried among Christian people; for they themselves are very reluctant to be separated from the tombs of their ancestors. His funeral was observed, as far as the limitations of the case permitted, with marked ceremony. Nor was this savage's virtue unworthy in any respect of that honor; for, even before he had learned of Christ, he could not be induced to marry more than one wife, considering this more in harmony with nature and reason. But, after his acceptance of the Faith of Christ, he so lived that he was to the savages an object of admiration, to the Christians an example.

Some time later, the young man's father got sick and wanted to be brought to us. Once he arrived at our hut and even shared a bed with one of the Fathers, he peacefully passed away. What was surprising and upsetting to the natives was that he was buried among Christians, as they are very hesitant to be separated from the graves of their ancestors. His funeral was held with as much ceremony as the situation allowed. This man's character was deserving of that honor; even before he learned about Christ, he refused to marry more than one wife, believing it was more in line with nature and reason. After he embraced the Christian Faith, he lived in a way that made him admired by the natives and served as an example for Christians.

These things were accomplished at home. Then going forth, as it were, from the city walls, the heralds of the Gospel traversed a great part of the country. A godly act was performed whenever opportunity allowed; hands were laid upon the sick; 217 parents and children were conciliated by means of little gifts; services were rendered to the French who were establishing new homes; nor were the seamen and ships' passengers neglected. There was not lacking a glad harvest for their patience. Meanwhile, so great a scarcity of provisions existed, that for each week [323] a ration was allotted, so scanty that it was hardly sufficient for one day; namely, ten ounces of bread, half a pound of salted meat, and a handful of peas or beans. In addition to this, each man was his own mechanic, mender, miller, cook, hewer of wood, and drawer of water. There occurred sometimes to the Fathers, in the midst of the miseries, the words of those to whom Moses had given the task of reconnoitering Canaan:Num. c. 13, 14. This land ... devoureth its inhabitants; ... there we saw certain monsters of the sons of Enac of the Giant-kind: in comparison of whom, we seemed like locusts. But at the same time there came into mind the speech of Joshua and of Caleb, full of divine trust: The land which we have gone round is very good. If the Lord be favorable, he will bring us into it.... Fear ye not the people of this land, ... the Lord is with us.

These things were done at home. Then, stepping outside the city's walls, the messengers of the Gospel traveled across a large part of the region. Good deeds were done whenever possible; hands were placed on the sick; 217 parents and children were brought together with small gifts; help was given to the French who were starting new lives; and the sailors and travelers were not overlooked. They reaped a joyful reward for their patience. Meanwhile, there was such a shortage of food that each week, a ration was given out, so small it barely lasted a day: ten ounces of bread, half a pound of salted meat, and a handful of peas or beans. On top of this, each man had to be his own mechanic, fixer, miller, cook, woodcutter, and water carrier. Sometimes, in the midst of their hardships, the Fathers recalled the words of those Moses had sent to scout Canaan: Num. c. 13, 14. This land ... devours its inhabitants; ... there we saw the giants, the descendants of Anak; we felt like grasshoppers compared to them. But at the same time, they remembered the words of Joshua and Caleb, full of faith: The land we explored is very good. If the Lord is pleased with us, he will bring us into it.... Don't be afraid of the people of this land, ... the Lord is with us.

218

DOMICILIA SOCIETATIS & MISSIONES IN NOVA FRANCIA.

ET esse cum servis suis, ac militibus Dominum, exitus comprobavit. Nam hoc anno MDCCIII. ineunte, cum hæc scribimus, præter Quebecense collegium, numerantur in hac terra deserta prius & invia triginta & amplius florentissimæ cultissimæque Missiones nostræ Societatis. Prima in conspectu Quebeci, decimo ab urbe lapide, Lauretana dicitur. Altera in pago Tadussaco sedet: ad ripam fluvii Laurentiani, leucis infra Quebecum LX. versus ortum. Tres aliæ supra Quebecum ipsum, longe procurrunt in Boream, circa lacum S. Joannis: una in eo loco, qui à septem insulis nomen habet; altera, in pago Chigoutimino; tertia, secus amnem Saguenæum. Excoluntur ibi Montagnæi, Papinachii, Mistassini, & aliæ passim gentes errabundæ. Jam, si versus obeuntis solis partes & fluminis Laurentiani fontem tendas, occurret in ejus ripâ septentrionali pagus Trium fluminum dictus, quia ibi tria quædam flumina confluunt: abest Quebeco septem octove dierum iter. Florebat illic Algonkinorum Missio longe pulcherrima, sed hanc vinum igne vaporatum & stillatum, à mercatoribus Europæis, facilem inde quæstum male captantibus invectum, vehementer labefactavit inducta ebrietate. Pensat hæc damna virtus ac pietas Abnakisorum. 220 Triplex apud illos statio collocata una Quebeco non procul, in XLVI. gradu latitudinis, nomine S. Francisci Salesii & patrocinio insignita: aliæ duæ sunt remotiores; loco nomen est Nipisikouit. Trans amnem Laurentianum ad Meridiem funduntur Iroquæorum quinque nationes. Septem sunt apud illos præconum Evangelii domicilia, per centum quinquaginta leucas sparsa. Ex iis sex profligata fuerant bello Gallos inter & Iroquæos conflato circa annum MDCLXXXII. Revocata cum religione pax anno MDCCII. omnia priorem in statum restituit. In iis Iroquæorum Missionibus ea præcipuè floret, quæ à S. Francisco Xaverio nomen habet, ad Montem-Regalem.

ET being with his servants and soldiers, the Lord confirmed the outcome. For this year 1703, as we write this, aside from the college at Quebec, there are more than thirty flourishing and well-cultivated missions of our Society in this desolate land previously inaccessible. The first, in the view of Quebec, is called Lauretana and is located ten miles from the city. Another is situated in the town of Tadoussac: on the bank of the St. Lawrence River, sixty leagues east of Quebec. Three others extend northward beyond Quebec itself, around Lake St. John: one in the place named after the seven islands; another in the town of Chigoutimi; and the third along the Saguenay River. There, the Montagnais, Papinachis, Mistassinis, and other wandering tribes are cultivated. Now, if you head towards the setting sun and the source of the St. Lawrence River, you will encounter the village called Three Rivers on its northern bank, where three rivers converge: it is seven or eight days' journey from Quebec. The Algonquin Mission was flourishing beautifully there, but it was severely undermined by the wine, distilled and vaporized by European traders, who brought in a harmful temptation of drunkenness. This damage is weighed by the virtue and piety of the Abnakis. 220 A triplex station is located near Quebec, at the 46th degree of latitude, named St. Francis de Sales and marked by its special patronage: two others are farther away; the place is called Nipisikouit. Across the St. Lawrence River to the south are the five nations of the Iroquois. There are seven evangelical houses scattered over a hundred and fifty leagues. Of these, six were destroyed during the war between the French and the Iroquois around the year 1682. The peace was restored with the return of religion in 1702, returning everything to its previous state. Among these Iroquois missions, one particularly flourishes, named after St. Francis Xavier, at Mount Royal.

Supra Iroquæos, versus occasum & Aquilonem, intra quadragesimum gradum & XLV. cernere est majores duos lacus angusto freto junctos: alter, isque amplior, Ilinæorum; alter Huronum dicitur. Hos ingens terræ lingua dividit, cujus in apice sedet Missio S. Ignatii, sive Missilimakinacana. Supra duos istos lacus tertius est, ambobus major, quem superiorem lacum appellant. Hujus in aditu constituta est Missio S. Mariæ à Saltu. Interjectum inter hunc, & binos inferiores lacus spatium occupant Outaouaki, apud quos plurima stativa Societas habet. Ejusmodi arces religionis (sic enim appellare Missiones licet) unde suos profert milites, & sacra explicat vexilla, tres circa lacum Ilinæorum positæ sunt, prima inter Puteatamisos: Missio Sancti Josephi nuncupatur: altera inter Kikarousos, Maskoutensos, & Outagamisos; S. 222 Francisci Xaverii nomen obtinet: tertia inter Oumiamisos, Angeli Custodis. Infra memoratos lacus, supra ipsam Floridam, vastissimos pererrant campos Ilinæi. Ibi amplissima statio, cui nomen ab immaculata Virginis Matris conceptione impositum, tres in Missiones secatur, & ad fluvium usque Missisipum procurrit. Insidet ejusdem fluminis ripis missio Baiogulana, in trigesimo primo gradu latitudinis: demum ultima protenditur secundum eundem amnem versus Mexicanum sinum. Hæc visum est enucleare paulo distinctius, & quasi sub uno statim aspectu ponere, ut intelligatur quò singula referenda sint, quæ postea de Nova Francia narrabuntur.

Above the Iroquois, to the west and north, within the 40th degree and 45th, you can see two large lakes connected by a narrow strait: one, the larger, is called Lake Ilinéa; the other is known as Lake Huron. A large tongue of land divides them, at the top of which sits the Mission of St. Ignatius or Missilima kinacana. Above these two lakes is a third, larger lake, referred to as the upper lake. At its entrance is the Mission of St. Mary of the Falls. Positioned between this and the two lower lakes is the territory of the Outaouak, where the Society has multiple outposts. Such strongholds of faith (for that’s what missions can be called) are where they train their followers and raise sacred banners; three are located around Lake Ilinéa. The first is among the Puteatamisos and is named the Mission of Saint Joseph. The second, among the Kikarsious, Maskoutens, and Outagamisos, bears the name of St. Francis Xavier. The third is among the Oumiamisos and is named after the Guardian Angel. Below the mentioned lakes, right above Florida, vast fields are roamed by the Ilinéi. There, a significant station, named after the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mother, branches into three missions and extends all the way to the Mississippi River. The mission at Baiogula sits on the banks of that river, at the 31st degree of latitude. Finally, the last extends along the same river toward the Gulf of Mexico. This has been outlined a bit more clearly, as if presenting everything at once, so it can be understood where each element relates to what will be described later about New France.

Restat ignota Europæis adhuc pars Canadæ immensa, ultra Missisipum fluvium, clementiori subjecta cœlo, frequens incolis, armentis frugibusque læta; vitæ veræ ac salutis expers. Hæc generosos Christi milites vocat. Nec non altera [324] longe isti dissimilis, quæ rigidis circa Hudsonium finum, à gradu LV. ad LX. aut LXX. subjecta septentrionibus, nivibus ac pruinis demersa, tanto æquiùs implorat opem, quanto gravioribus incommodis conflictatur. Hic Societas ante annos paucos prima cœpit figere vestigia. Illucescet illa, spero, dies, cum obvallatum periculis ac laboribus iter eadem perrumpet. Non sine magno molimine claustra Tartari, oppressas injusta servitute animas retinentis, perfringuntur; neque illa ipsa, tot florens modo coloniis, Missio Canadica statim suam est maturitatem adepta. Ægrè per sexdecim 224 annos tanquam in salebris hæsit, nec suam quandam nacta formam est, nisi anno seculi superioris quinto & vigesimo, cùm se aliquando ex illis angustiis explicuit, P. Petri Cotoni, cui sua debebat primordia, beneficio, ut sexta Pars Historiæ fusius exponet.

Resting unknown to Europeans is a vast part of Canada, beyond the Mississippi River, under a milder climate, populated with people, rich in livestock and crops; yet lacking true life and salvation. This calls out to noble soldiers of Christ. Not far off is another region, very different, which stretches along Hudson's Bay, from latitude 55 to 60 or 70, buried under snow and frost, and all the more urgently seeks help as it struggles with harsher difficulties. Here, the Society began to take its first steps a few years ago. I hope that day will come when, besieged by dangers and labors, it will break through the barriers. With considerable effort, the gates of Tartarus, which hold souls oppressed by unjust servitude, are being shattered; nor has that place, once flourishing with colonies, yet achieved its full maturity. It barely lingered in difficulties for sixteen years like in a bog and did not find its form until the fifth and twentieth year of the previous century, when it finally extricated itself from those straits, thanks to Father Pierre Coton, to whom it owed its beginnings, as the sixth part of the History will explain in detail.

Nunc ærumnarum ac periculorum plenos natales referimus laboriosæ Missionis, quæ vix nata, in ipsis cunis per Anglos propemodùm extincta est.

219

SETTLEMENTS AND MISSIONS OF THE SOCIETY IN NEW FRANCE.

AND that the Lord is with his servants and soldiers, the outcome has proved. For, in the beginning of this year 1703, while we are writing these things, there are numbered in this formerly solitary and unexplored country more than thirty very prosperous and well-equipped Missions of our Society, besides the college of Quebec. The first of these, in sight of Quebec, at the tenth mile-stone from the city, is called Lorette. Another is situated in the district of Tadoussac, on the shore of the river St. Lawrence, sixty leagues below Quebec toward the east. Three others, above Quebec itself, extend far into the North about lake St. John; one in that place which takes its name from the seven islands;49 another in the district of Chigoutimini;50 the third on the Saguenay river. There they minister to the Montagnais, the Papinachois, the Mistassins, and other wandering tribes. Now, if you journey towards the regions of the setting sun, and the source of the St. Lawrence river, you will find upon its northern bank a district called Three rivers, because there three rivers flow together: it is distant from Quebec seven or eight days' journey. Here, there formerly flourished the most successful Mission of the Algonquins; but it has been much weakened through the drunkenness induced by brandy, brought in by European merchants who thus wickedly derive an easy profit. But these losses are compensated by the virtue and piety of the Abenakis. Among them a mission of three stations 221 has been established; one located among them, not far from Quebec, on the forty-sixth parallel of latitude, distinguished by the name and patronage of St. Francis de Sales: the other two are more remote, at a place named Nipisikouit. Across the St. Lawrence river, to the South, extend the five nations of the Iroquois. There are among them seven stations of the Evangelists, scattered through a hundred and fifty leagues. Of these, six were destroyed in the war which arose between the French and Iroquois, about the year 1682. Peace, together with the recall of the missionaries, in the year 1702 restored all things to their previous condition.51 Among these Missions of the Iroquois, that one is especially flourishing which is named for St. Francis Xavier, at Montreal.52

AND that the Lord is with His servants and soldiers, the outcome has shown. For, at the start of this year 1703, while we are writing this, there are more than thirty very successful and well-equipped Missions of our Society in this previously solitary and unexplored country, in addition to the college of Quebec. The first of these, visible from Quebec, located ten miles from the city, is called Lorette. Another is situated in the Tadoussac area, along the shore of the St. Lawrence River, sixty leagues east of Quebec. Three others, north of Quebec itself, reach far into the northern regions around Lake St. John; one in that area takes its name from the seven islands;49 another in the Chigoutimini district;50 and the third on the Saguenay River. There, they serve the Montagnais, the Papinachois, the Mistassins, and other wandering tribes. Now, if you travel towards the west and the source of the St. Lawrence River, you will come across a region called Three Rivers, where three rivers meet: it is a seven or eight-day journey from Quebec. Here, there was once a very successful Mission among the Algonquins; but it has been greatly weakened by the drunkenness caused by brandy, brought in by European merchants who profit wickedly from this. However, these losses are balanced by the virtue and piety of the Abenakis. Among them, a mission with three stations has been established; one located among them, not far from Quebec, on the forty-sixth parallel of latitude, named in honor of St. Francis de Sales: the other two are more distant, at a place called Nipisikouit. Across the St. Lawrence River, to the south, lie the five nations of the Iroquois. Among them, there are seven missions of the Evangelists, spread over a hundred and fifty leagues. Of these, six were destroyed during the war between the French and the Iroquois around the year 1682. Peace and the return of the missionaries in 1702 restored everything to its former state.51 Among these Missions of the Iroquois, one, in particular, is thriving, named after St. Francis Xavier, at Montreal.52

Above the Iroquois, toward the west and North, between the fortieth and forty-fifth parallels, one may see two great lakes joined by a narrow strait; the larger one is called the lake of the Ilinois,53 the other the lake of the Hurons.54 These are separated by a large peninsula, at the point of which is situated the Mission of St. Ignatius, or Missilimakinac.55 Above these two lakes there is a third, greater than either, called lake superior. At the entrance of this lake has been established the Mission of Ste. Marie at the Sault.56 The space between this and two smaller lakes is occupied by the Outaouaki, among whom the Society has many stations. Three such citadels of religion (for thus it is proper to call the Missions), whence she leads forth her soldiers and unfurls her sacred standards, have been located about the lake of the Ilinois: the first, among the Puteatamis, and called the Mission of St. Joseph; another, among the Kikarous, Maskoutens, and Outagamies, and possessing the name of St. Francis Xavier:57 the third, 223 among the Oumiamis,58 has the name of the Guardian Angel. Below the lakes which have been mentioned, above Florida, the Ilinois roam through most extensive territories. There, a very large station, named from the immaculate conception of the Virgin Mother, is divided into three Missions, and extends as far as the river Mississippi. Upon the banks of the same river is situated the mission of Baiogula, at the thirty-first parallel of latitude;59 and it extends down that stream towards the gulf of Mexico. It has seemed best to explain these matters somewhat fully, because the individual facts here specified will be referred to in what is to be hereafter narrated concerning New France.

Above the Iroquois, to the west and north, between the 40th and 45th parallels, you can see two large lakes connected by a narrow strait; the bigger one is called Lake Illinois,53 and the other is Lake Huron.54 These lakes are separated by a large peninsula, where the Mission of St. Ignatius, or Missilimakinac,55 is located. Above these two lakes, there's a third, larger lake called Lake Superior. At the entrance to this lake, the Mission of Ste. Marie at the Sault 56 has been established. The area between this and two smaller lakes is home to the Outaouaki, where the Society has many outposts. Three centers of faith (which is how it’s appropriate to refer to the Missions), from which it sends out its members and raises its sacred banners, are located around Lake Illinois: the first is among the Puteatamis and is called the Mission of St. Joseph; another is among the Kikarous, Maskoutens, and Outagamies, known as St. Francis Xavier:57 the third, 223 is among the Oumiamis,58 and is named the Guardian Angel. Below the mentioned lakes, above Florida, the Illinois people roam across vast territories. There, a very large station, named after the immaculate conception of the Virgin Mother, is divided into three Missions and stretches as far as the Mississippi River. On the banks of this same river is the mission of Baiogula, at the 31st parallel of latitude;59 and it flows down that river toward the Gulf of Mexico. It seems best to clarify these details somewhat thoroughly because the specific facts mentioned will be referenced in the following accounts about New France.

There remains unknown to Europeans, up to the present time, an immense portion of Canada, beyond the Mississippi river, situated beneath a milder sky, well-inhabited, and abounding in animal and vegetable life; the whole, deprived of true life and of salvation. This region calls to the generous soldiers of Christ. So is it, likewise, [324] with another region far dissimilar to that, around the frozen Hudson bay, from the fifty-fifth parallel to the sixtieth or seventieth; lying at the north, plunged in snows and frosts, it even more justly implores aid, as it is afflicted by more weighty ills. Here the Society, a few years ago, first began to plant its footsteps. That day will dawn, I hope, when it shall break through the barriers of dangers and toils. Not without great exertion are the gates of Tartarus, which hold burdened souls in unmerited bondage, broken down; nor did the Canadian Mission itself, now flourishing with so many settlements, all at once attain its full development. Grievously, through sixteen years did it, so to speak, stick in a rough 225 road; indeed, it did not take shape until 1625, when it was extricated from its perplexities by the aid of Father Peter Coton, to whom it owed its origin, as the sixth Part of this History will more fully explain.

Much of Canada, beyond the Mississippi River, remains unknown to Europeans even today. This vast area, under a milder climate, is well-populated and rich in animal and plant life; however, it lacks true vitality and salvation. This land calls out to the noble soldiers of Christ. Similarly, there’s another region, quite different, around the frozen Hudson Bay, from the fifty-fifth parallel to the sixtieth or seventieth; located in the north, buried in snow and ice, it urgently seeks help as it suffers from even greater afflictions. A few years ago, the Society began to establish its presence here. I hope the day will come when it overcomes the obstacles of danger and hardship. The gates of Tartarus, which trap burdened souls in undeserved bondage, are not broken down without significant effort; nor did the Canadian Mission, now thriving with so many settlements, reach its full potential overnight. For sixteen long years, it struggled along a difficult path; it truly began to take shape in 1625, when Father Peter Coton helped it overcome its challenges, as the sixth part of this History will explain in more detail.

Now we return to the natal days, full of hardships and dangers, of the toilsome Mission, which, scarcely born, was almost exterminated in its cradle by the English.

Now we return to the early days, filled with struggles and threats, of the challenging Mission, which, barely beginning, was nearly wiped out in its infancy by the English.

226

MISSIO CANADENSIS AB ANGLIS PROTURBATA.

SOCIIS illic degentibus venerant auxilio Idibus Maii anni MDCXIII. Pater Quintinus, & Frater Gilbertus Thetus, regio diplomate instructi, quo facultas ipsis dabatur novi domicilii commodo loco ædificandi. Gallos reperiunt incumbentes in condendam urbem, & periculi, quod instabat, ignaros. Angli paucis ante annis occupaverant Virginiam. Hæc Americæ septentrionalis ad ortum portio maritima, inter Floridam Novamque Franciam sita, tricesimo sexto, septimo, & octavo gradibus substernitur. Eò cum tenderent Angli æstivis anni MDCXIII. mensibus, & inscii locorum errarent, ob exortam caliginem, quæ huic mari densissima solet per eos menses incubare, paulatim delapsi sunt ad littus, ubi Galli consederant, haud procul portu Sancti Salvatoris. Postquam cognoverunt Gallicas naves ibi consistere, arma expediunt, & in portum invehuntur. Interea Galli ancipiti opinione suspensi, amicos an hostes censerent, quos recta in suam stationem ventus inferebat, eventum trepidi opperiebantur. Brevi, quinam essent patuit. Angli facto impetu in Gallicum navigium, paucis instructum propugnatoribus, ceteris ad condenda domicilia digressis, id nullo negotio expugnant.

SOCIIS living there came to help on the Ides of May in the year 1613. Father Quintinus and Brother Gilbert Thetus, armed with a royal charter, were given the authority to build a new settlement. They found the French busy with establishing a city and unaware of the danger that was approaching. The English had occupied Virginia just a few years earlier. This part of North America on the east coast is situated between Florida and New France, at the 36th, 37th, and 38th degrees. As the English headed there during the summer months of 1613, lost in unfamiliar territories due to the thick fog that usually blankets the sea during those months, they gradually drifted to the shore where the French had settled, not far from the port of Saint Saviour. After discovering that French ships were anchored there, they readied their weapons and entered the port. Meanwhile, the French were anxiously unsure whether the newcomers were friends or foes, as the wind brought them directly to their station, and they awaited the outcome in fear. Soon it became clear who they were. The English launched a surprise attack on the French vessel, poorly defended with only a few crew members present, as the rest had gone off to establish homes, and they easily captured it.

227

THE CANADIAN MISSION DRIVEN OUT BY THE ENGLISH.

TO OUR COMRADES residing in that place there had come as a reinforcement, on the 15th day of May, 1613, Father Quentin and Brother Gilbert du Thet, provided with a royal commission, by which they were empowered to establish a new settlement in a suitable location.60 They found the French intent upon founding a city, and unaware of the danger which threatened. The English, a few years before, had occupied Virginia. This eastern coast-region of North America, situated between Florida and New France, is comprised between the thirty-sixth and thirty-eighth parallels. While the English were sailing thither in the summer months of the year 1613, and, having lost their bearings and strayed from their course, on account of the fogs, which usually are very heavy upon this sea in the summer, they were gradually borne to the shore where the French had settled,61 not far from the port of St. Sauveur. When they learned that a French ship was stationed there, they made ready their weapons and entered the harbor. Meanwhile the French, uncertain whether they should consider as friends or foes those whom the wind was bearing directly towards their position, tremblingly awaited the outcome. Who they were was soon apparent. The English attacked the French ship,62 wherein few were drawn up in defense—for the others had departed to work on the buildings—and with no trouble captured her.

TO OUR COMRADES living in that area, on May 15, 1613, Father Quentin and Brother Gilbert du Thet arrived as reinforcements, armed with a royal commission that authorized them to establish a new settlement in a suitable spot.60 They discovered that the French were intent on founding a city and were unaware of the looming danger. A few years earlier, the English had settled in Virginia. This region on the eastern coast of North America, located between Florida and New France, spans the thirty-sixth to thirty-eighth parallels. While the English were sailing there in the summer of 1613, they lost their way and strayed off course due to the heavy fogs that often blanket this sea during the summer. They gradually drifted to the shore where the French had established themselves,61 not far from the port of St. Sauveur. Upon discovering that a French ship was anchored there, they prepared their weapons and entered the harbor. Meanwhile, the French, unsure whether to see the approaching ships as friends or enemies, anxiously awaited the outcome. Their identities became clear quickly. The English launched an attack on the French ship,62 which had few defenders because most were away working on the buildings, and easily captured her.

228

UNUS È SOCIETATE INTERFICITUR; ALII CANADA EJICIUNTUR.

PRIMO in conflictu Gilbertus Thetus, domesticæ rei adiutor è Societate, confossus lethali plaga, postridie religiosa morte occubuit. Ceteri Patres qui stabant in littore, in potestatem Argalli, prætoris Angli, venerunt. Ille, dum Gallicæ navis prædam & supellectilem recenset, subduxit clam è Saussæii, navis Gallicæ gubernatoris, qui huic expeditioni præerat, scrinio regium diploma, cujus fide tota novæ coloniæ ratio nitebatur. Mox ipsum Saussæium è littore subeuntem adortus, quærit ex eo quo jure, cujus auctoritate, novas tam prope Virginiam sedes moliatur. Laudavit Saussæius regium diploma, quod se in capsis rite conscriptum habere dixit. Ad eas ubi ventum est, vidit integras, & obseratas, suisque omnia digesta locis agnovit, diploma nullum apparuit. Tum Argallus, vultu & voce ad severitatem compositis, fugitivos & prædones conclamat, ac necem commeruisse pronunciat, simulque navim suis diripiendam tradit. Illum interea Patres obsecrant ut victis benignè consulat, quibus objici nihil noxæ possit aliud, quàm quod in pacato solo fuerint nimium securi: auctoritatem Regis Galliæ non dubiam ac voluntatem testantur. Prætor probè sibi conscius vera narrari, comiter eos audivit, & omnibus potestatem 230 in Galliam redeundi fecit. Duas in naviculas infelix turba imponitur, quarum una cursum in Galliam rectà dirigeret; altera cum aliquot Anglis solveret in Virginiam, inde Franciam petitura. Hanc PP. Biardus & Quintinus, illam P. Massæus, & Saussæius conscenderunt. Utriusque sors longè dispar fuit. Quæ Saussæium & P. Massæum vehebat dum oram maritimam legit, annonâ, nautis, armamentis destituta, incidit in geminas naves reditum in Galliam adornantes. Jungit se illis læta, cumque suis vectoribus Maclovium, Britanniæ Aremoricæ oppidum, paucis diebus tenuit.

On the first day of conflict, Gilbert Thetus, a supporter of local affairs from the Society, was fatally wounded and passed away the next day. The other Fathers who were standing on the shore fell under the power of Argall, the English commander. While Argall was inspecting the loot and supplies from a French ship, he secretly took the royal charter from Saussée, the captain of the French ship who was leading the expedition, which was essential for the entire new colony's functioning. Soon after, he confronted Saussée as he approached the shore, questioning him about the authority under which he was establishing new settlements so close to Virginia. Saussée praised the royal charter, claiming to have it duly documented in his belongings. When they arrived at those places, they found everything intact and secured, and recognized that the charter was nowhere to be seen. Then Argall, with a stern expression and voice, declared the men as runaways and thieves, pronouncing them deserving of death, and ordered that the ship be handed over to his men for plundering. Meanwhile, the Fathers pleaded with him to show kindness to the defeated, as they could be blamed only for being overly secure on peaceful land: they affirmed the unquestionable authority and intent of the King of France. The commander, well aware of the truth, listened to them kindly and granted them the opportunity to return to France. A hapless group was placed on two small boats, one of which was to head directly to France; the other, with a few Englishmen, was setting sail for Virginia, aiming for France from there. The first boat was boarded by Fathers Biard and Quintin, while the second was boarded by Father Massé and Saussée. The fate of each was very different. The boat carrying Saussée and Father Massé, while navigating along the coast, lacking food, sailors, and supplies, encountered two ships preparing to return to France. They joyfully joined them and, along with their fellow travelers, reached the town of Concarneau in Brittany, where they stayed for a few days.

Interim Argallus, classis Anglicæ præfectus, Patres Biardum & Quintinum deducturus in Virginiam, ut constitutum fuerat, paululum iis præivit cum sua navi prætoria. Virginiam obtinebat Anglus ferox, nomini Gallico, ac Societati nostræ [325] perinfensus. Ubi adventare Jesuitas audivit, vociferatur perdendos homines improbissimos, busta pietatis ac religionis. Argallus contra nitebatur; seque vivo nihil molestiæ damnive Patribus inferendum affirmabat: hanc enim ipsis dederat fidem; & regium diploma, cujus auctoritate colonia Gallica in Novam Franciam deducebatur, protulit. Hoc diplomate inflammatus homo furiosus, exturbandos è Nova Francia Gallos clamat. In hanc sententiam Angli proceres iverunt. Jubetur Argallus viam remetiri; Gallos, quicumque superessent, ejicere, domicilia evertere, & æquare solo. Rediit: arces in ora Canadensi extructas incendit, omnia delevit, ac 232 naves duas in Regio Portu deprehensas, invasit.

Interim Argallus, the commander of the English fleet, set out with his flagship to bring Fathers Biard and Quinton to Virginia, as planned. He arrived a bit early, encountering a fierce Englishman, known by a French name, who was intensely hostile towards our Society. When he heard that the Jesuits were coming, he shouted about getting rid of the most despicable men, undermining piety and religion. Argallus countered, insisting that while he was alive, he would not allow any harm or suffering to fall upon the Fathers; he had given them his word. He presented the royal charter, which authorized the French colony in New France. Fueled by this document, the man raved about expelling the French from New France. The English leaders agreed with this notion. Argallus was ordered to change course; he was to expel any surviving French, destroy their homes, and level everything to the ground. He returned, burned down the fortifications built along the Canadian shore, wiped everything out, and attacked two ships caught in the Regional Harbor.

Dum hæc in Canada geruntur, naves Anglicæ, præeuntem Argallum secutæ, aliæ procul à Virginia ventorum vi abreptæ; aliæ undis haustæ sunt. Una, cui Turnellus Anglus præerat, & qua Patres Quintinus ac Biardus vehebantur, continentibus sexdecim dierum procellis vexata, in Azores, Lusitanorum ad Africæ littus insulas, celerrimè defertur. Hic vero novum exoritur periculum. Turnellus pœnam metuens, quòd Societatis sacerdotes per summam immanitatem domicilio avulsos spoliatosque secum traheret, indignisque habuisset modis, de illorum nece agitare consilia cœpit. Satius denique illi visum ad eorum clementiam & humanitatem, quam in gravissimis injuriis perspexerat, confugere. Operam tamen dedit, ne intraret portum; sed stante in ancoris navigio, necessariam annonam immissâ scaphâ pararet. Contra quàm speraverat accidit. Secundo enim vento impulsus, portum quamlibet invitus reluctansque subiit. Nostri de illo, quamvis non ita merito, ne verbum quidem ullum, quo accusaretur, interposuere: læti quod hostem ita servassent. Agnovit beneficium gubernator Anglus; ac deinceps sæpenumero cum summa Patrum laude prædicavit. Id vero multo fecit impensiùs, cùm tempestate ad Angliæ urbem Penbrochium projectus, ejus oppidi magistratibus movit suspicionem maritimi latronis, quòd & Francicâ veheretur navi, neque scriptam auctoritatem proferret, qua suam navigationem tueretur. Asseveranti se à 234 prætore suo Argallo tempestate divulsum, fides non habebatur. In tanto discrimine sacerdotes duos Societatis testes citavit, quos haberet in navi, & quorum incorrupta fides nemini venire posset in dubium. Cum Patres interrogati rem ita se habere confirmassent, periculo liberatus est. Reddidit quam debebat illorum humanitati vicem; utque ipsis non solum esset impune, sed etiam ut à magistratu honor haberetur, curavit. Certior interim factus Regis Christianissimi orator de Patrum navigatione difficili, & in Angliam adventu, egit cum Angliæ Rege de remittendis illis in Galliam. Quo annuente, Ambianum decimo, quàm fuerant capti, mense ad Socios læti sospitesque pervenerunt.

While this is happening in Canada, English ships, following the lead of Argall, were either forcefully blown off course by the winds far from Virginia or were sunk by the waves. One ship, commanded by the Englishman Turnellus, which was carrying Fathers Quintinus and Biardus, after being battered by storms for sixteen days, was swiftly carried off to the Azores, islands belonging to the Portuguese off the coast of Africa. Here, a new danger arose. Fearing punishment for having forcibly uprooted and robbed the Society's priests, Turnellus, feeling ashamed, began to plot their murder. Ultimately, he decided it was better to seek refuge in their mercy and humanity than to follow through with the grave injustices he had envisioned. However, he took care not to enter the port; instead, he prepared the necessary supplies while his ship remained anchored. Unfortunately, contrary to his hopes, he was pushed into the harbor against his will by a second wind. Our men did not say a single word to accuse him, even though it wasn't entirely deserved; they were just happy to have spared their enemy. The English captain recognized the favor and often praised the fathers highly afterward. He did this even more vigorously when, blown off course during a storm towards the town of Pembroke in England, he aroused suspicion among the town's authorities, suggesting he might be a maritime pirate since he was traveling on a French ship and did not present any written authority to defend his voyage. When he claimed he had been blown off course by his superior Argall's orders, no one believed him. In such a critical situation, he summoned two priests from the Society as witnesses who were aboard the ship, and whose unwavering integrity could not be doubted by anyone. When the Fathers were questioned and confirmed that the matter was as he had stated, he was freed from danger. He repaid their humanity with the respect they deserved, ensuring that not only would they go unpunished, but that they would also be honored by the authorities. Meanwhile, the envoy of the Most Christian King, informed of the Fathers' difficult voyage and arrival in England, negotiated with the King of England about sending them back to France. With his approval, on the tenth of the month, they joyfully and safely reached their companions in Amiens, just as they had been captured.

229

ONE OF THE MEMBERS OF THE SOCIETY IS KILLED; THE OTHERS ARE EXPELLED FROM CANADA.

IN THE FIRST onset, Gilbert du Thet, a household assistant of the Society, was stricken with a mortal wound, and on the following day piously departed this life. The rest of the Fathers, who were standing on the shore, were captured by Argall, the English commander.63 This man, while he was taking an inventory of the plunder and equipment of the French ship, surreptitiously removed from the trunk of Saussaye, the captain of the French vessel, and commander of the expedition, the royal commission upon whose authority all the proceedings of the new colony were based. Soon meeting Saussaye himself, returning from the shore, Argall asked him by what right, by whose authority, he was founding a new colony so near Virginia. Saussaye cited the royal commission, which he asserted that he had, duly drawn up, in one of his trunks. When they came to these, he saw them untouched and locked, and all things disposed in their proper places; but no commission appeared. Thereupon Argall, changing his countenance and voice to severity, pronounced them runaways and pirates, and declared that they deserved death; while at the same time he delivered over the ship to his men to be plundered. Meanwhile the Fathers besought him to adopt mild measures toward the vanquished, against whom no other fault could be charged than that, in a peaceful situation, they had been too careless; they testified that the authority and favor of the 231 King of France had certainly been given to the colony. The captain, who was thoroughly conscious of the truth of their statements, listened to them kindly, and gave to all the opportunity of returning to France. The unhappy crowd was placed upon two small ships, one of which directed its course straight towards France; the other, with some of the English, sailed for Virginia, thence to depart for France. Fathers Biard and Quentin embarked upon the latter; Father Massé and Saussaye upon the former. The fortunes of these ships were widely diverse. While that which carried Saussaye and Father Massé was coasting along the shore, destitute of provisions, of seamen, and of equipment, she fell upon two ships preparing to return to France. She gladly joined herself to these, and, with her passengers, arrived in a few days at St. Malo, a town of Brittany.

IN THE FIRST attack, Gilbert du Thet, a household assistant of the Society, was struck with a fatal wound and passed away piously the next day. The remaining Fathers, who were standing on the shore, were captured by Argall, the English commander.63 While Argall was taking inventory of the plunder and equipment from the French ship, he secretly removed from Saussaye's trunk, the captain of the French vessel and leader of the expedition, the royal commission that authorized all the actions of the new colony. Meeting Saussaye himself as he returned from the shore, Argall questioned him about the legitimacy and authority of founding a new colony so close to Virginia. Saussaye referenced the royal commission, which he claimed to have properly stored in one of his trunks. When they examined the trunks, they found them locked and undisturbed, but the commission was missing. Argall then, changing his demeanor and tone to one of severity, labeled them as runaways and pirates who deserved death, while simultaneously ordering his men to plunder the ship. Meanwhile, the Fathers pleaded with him to show leniency towards the defeated, asserting that their only fault was being too careless in a peaceful situation; they insisted that the authority and support of the King of France had indeed been given to the colony. The captain, fully aware of the truth in their words, listened to them kindly and allowed everyone the chance to return to France. The unfortunate group was placed on two small ships, one of which headed directly for France, while the other, carrying some English, sailed to Virginia before departing for France. Fathers Biard and Quentin boarded the latter ship, while Father Massé and Saussaye took the former. The fates of these ships were very different. The ship carrying Saussaye and Father Massé, running low on provisions, crew, and supplies, encountered two ships preparing to return to France. They eagerly joined these vessels and, along with the passengers, reached St. Malo, a town in Brittany, in just a few days.

Meanwhile Argall, the commander of the English fleet, in order that he might conduct Fathers Biard and Quentin to Virginia, as had been resolved upon, preceded them a little with his flag-ship. Virginia was then ruled by a ferocious Englishman,64 who was extremely hostile to the French name and to our Society. [325] When he heard that Jesuits had arrived, he exclaimed that such extremely wicked men, the sepulchers of piety and religion, ought to be destroyed. Argall strove against him, and declared that, while he lived, no annoyance or injury should be offered to the Fathers, for he had given them this assurance; and he produced the royal commission, by authority of which the French colony was brought to New France. Incensed by this commission, the man declared in a rage that the French must be driven from New France. In this decision 233 the English councilors agreed. Argall was ordered to retrace his path; to expel those of the French who remained; to destroy their buildings, and level them with the ground. He returned, burned the forts built upon the Canadian coast, destroyed everything, and seized two ships which he found at Port Royal.65

Meanwhile, Argall, the commander of the English fleet, set out to take Fathers Biard and Quentin to Virginia as planned. He led the way briefly on his flagship. At that time, Virginia was ruled by a fierce Englishman,64 who had a strong dislike for the French and our Society. When he found out that Jesuits had arrived, he shouted that such evil men, the graves of piety and religion, should be destroyed. Argall opposed him, insisting that while he was alive, no harm would come to the Fathers, as he had promised them that protection. He showed the royal commission that authorized the French colony's establishment in New France. Furious about this commission, the man angrily declared that the French must be driven from New France. The English councilors supported this decision. Argall was ordered to turn back, expel any remaining French, destroy their buildings, and level them to the ground. He returned, burned the forts on the Canadian coast, destroyed everything, and seized two ships he found at Port Royal.65

While these things were taking place in Canada, of the English ships which were following the lead of Argall some were driven far from Virginia by the violence of the wind; others were swamped by the waves. One, which the Englishman Turnell 66 commanded, and in which Fathers Quentin and Biard were being conveyed, after being driven continuously for sixteen days by tempests, was quickly borne to the Azores, islands on the coast of Africa belonging to the Portuguese. But here a new danger arose. Turnell, fearing punishment because he was carrying with him and was holding under unjust conditions priests of the Society, who had been torn from their homes and robbed with the greatest brutality, began to consider plans for making way with them. Finally it seemed better to him to take refuge in their clemency and mildness, which he had observed amid the most grievous injuries. Nevertheless, he took measures that they should not enter the port, thinking that while the ship stood at anchor he might procure the necessary provisions by sending in a small boat. The contrary to what he had expected happened. For, impelled by an inshore breeze, he entered the harbor, although unwillingly and reluctantly. Our friends, contrary to his deserts, interposed not even a word by which he might be accused, rejoicing because they had, in this manner, saved an enemy. The English captain recognized 235 their kindness, and afterwards often spoke with great praise of the Fathers. But this he did much more unreservedly when, borne by a storm to Pembroke, a city of England, he was suspected by the officials of that town of piracy on the high seas, because he was sailing in a French ship and produced no written authority by which he might justify his voyage. When he asserted that he had been separated by a storm from his commander, Argall, no credence was given to him. In this crisis he mentioned as witnesses the two priests of the Society whom he had in the ship, and whose uncorrupted integrity could be doubted by no one. When the Fathers, on being questioned, had given assurance that the affair was thus, he was released from danger. He made the requital which was due to their kindness, and took care that they should not only suffer no harm, but even that they should be shown honor by the officials. Meantime the ambassador of the Most Christian King, upon being informed of the toilsome voyage of the Fathers, carried on negotiations with the King of England concerning their restoration to France. With his consent, they arrived, in the tenth month after their capture, joyfully and safely among their Brethren at Amiens.

While all this was happening in Canada, some of the English ships following Argall’s lead were driven far from Virginia by fierce winds, while others were swamped by the waves. One ship, commanded by an Englishman named Turnell, which was carrying Fathers Quentin and Biard, was tossed around for sixteen days by storms and eventually ended up in the Azores, islands off the coast of Africa that belong to the Portuguese. But a new danger arose there. Turnell, fearing punishment for carrying the priests of the Society, who had been forcibly taken from their homes and treated horribly, began to think about getting rid of them. Ultimately, he figured it would be better to rely on their kindness and gentleness, which he had noticed despite the serious injuries he had caused. Still, he took precautions to ensure they didn’t enter the port, thinking that while the ship was anchored, he could send a small boat in to get the supplies he needed. What happened was the opposite of what he expected. Driven by an inshore breeze, he reluctantly entered the harbor. Our friends, contrary to what he deserved, didn’t say a word to accuse him, happy that they had saved an enemy this way. The English captain recognized their kindness and later often praised the Fathers. He did so even more openly when, driven by a storm to Pembroke, a city in England, officials suspected him of piracy because he was sailing a French ship and didn’t have any written permission to justify his voyage. When he claimed he had been separated from his commander, Argall, they didn’t believe him. In that moment, he mentioned the two priests on board as witnesses, whose honesty no one could doubt. When the Fathers confirmed his story, he was freed from danger. He repaid their kindness by ensuring they not only faced no harm but were even respected by the officials. Meanwhile, the ambassador of the Most Christian King, having learned about the Fathers' difficult journey, negotiated with the King of England for their return to France. With his agreement, they finally arrived joyfully and safely among their Brethren in Amiens ten months after their capture.

236

APPENDIX.

Missiones Societatis Iesv in America Septentrionali Anno M.DCC.X. [961]

Missiones Societatis Iesv in North America Year 1710. [961]

APUD Abnaquæos missiones. Aux Abnaquis.
S. Angeli Custodis missio. De l'Ange Gardien.
Baiogulana miss. Baiogula.
Chigutiminiana miss. Chigoutimini.
S. Francisci Salesii miss. De S. François de Sales.
S. Francisci Xaverii miss. De S. François Xavier.
Huronica res. Aux Hurons.
S. Ignatii miss. De S. Ignace.
Immaculatæ Conceptionis miss. De l'Immaculée Conception.
Ad septem Insulas miss. Aux Sept Isles.
S. Josephi miss. De S. Joseph.
Apud Ilinæos missiones. Aux Ilinois.
Apud Iroquæos missiones. Aux Iroquois.
Lauretana missio. De Lorette.
Ad ripas, & ostium fluvii Mississipi missiones. Aux bords, & a l'embouchure du Mississipi.
[962] Montis regalis res. Mon[t]-real.
Nipisikouitana missio. Nipisikovit.
Apud Outakouacos missiones Aux Outakovacs.
Saguenæa missio. Du Saguenai.
Saltensis missio. Du Sault de Sainte Marie.
In silvis missiones. Dans les forests.
Tadussacensis miss. De Tadoussak.
Trifluviana miss. Aux trois Rivieres.

Numerantur Socii 42.
Counting Allies 42.

237

APPENDIX.

Missions of the Society of Jesus in North America in the Year 1710. [961]

Missions of the Society of Jesus in North America in 1710. [961]

MISSIONS among the Abenakis.
Mission of the Holy Guardian Angel.
Baiogula mission.
Chigoutimini mission.
Mission of St. Francis de Sales.
Mission of St. Francis Xavier.
Huron residence.
Mission of St. Ignatius.
Mission of the Immaculate Conception.
Mission at the seven Islands.
Mission of St. Joseph.
Missions among the Ilinois.
Missions among the Iroquois.
Mission of Lorette.
Missions on the banks and at the mouth of the Mississippi river.
[962] Residence of Montreal.
Nipisikouit mission.
Missions among the Outakouacs.
Saguenay mission.
Mission of Sault de Sainte Marie.
Forest missions.
Tadoussac mission.
Mission at Three Rivers.

Number of brethren 42
Number of members 42

VIII

JOUVENCY'S

De Regione ac Moribus Canadensium

On the Culture and Customs of Canadians

Rome: GIORGIO PLACKO, 1710

Source: We follow the general style of O'Callaghan's Reprint No. 5. The Title-page, Tabula Rerum, and Rerum Insigniorum Indiculus, are the work of that Editor. The Text, he reprinted from Jouvency's Historia Societatis Jesu (Rome, 1710), part v., pp. 344-347; we have read the proof thereof, from a copy of that work found in the library of the College of St. Francis Xavier, New York. The bracketed pagination is that of Jouvency; except in the Tabula Rerum and Rerum Insigniorum Indiculus, which is that of O'Callaghan.
Source: We follow the general style of O'Callaghan's Reprint No. 5. The title page, Table of Contents, and Index of Notable Events were created by that editor. The text was reprinted from Jouvency's Historia Societatis Jesu (Rome, 1710), part v., pp. 344-347; we checked the proof against a copy of that work located in the library of the College of St. Francis Xavier, New York. The numbers in brackets are from Jouvency, except for those in the Table of Contents and Index of Notable Events, which are from O'Callaghan.

REGIONE ET MORIBUS

Region and Customs

CANADENSIUM

SEU BARBARORUM

YOUR BARBARIANS

NOVÆ FRANCIÆ

New France

Auctore Josepho Juvencio, Societatis Jesu, Sacerdote.

By Joseph Juvencio, Society of Jesus, Priest.

Ex Historiæ Soc. Jesu. Lib. xv. Parte v, impressa

ROMÆ:

Rome:

Ex Typographia Georgii Plachi

From the Press of Georgii Plachi

M. D. CC. X.

M.D. CC. X.

CONCERNING THE

ABOUT THE

COUNTRY AND MANNERS

Cultural Etiquette

OF THE CANADIANS,

CANADIANS

OR THE SAVAGES OF

NEW FRANCE

New France

By Joseph Jouvency, a Priest of the Society of Jesus.

By Joseph Jouvency, a priest of the Society of Jesus.

Printed from the History of the Society of Jesus, Book xv., Part v.

ROME:

Printing House of Giorgio Placko

Giorgio Placko Printing House

1710.

242

[3] Tabula Rerum

	Pag.
I FLUMINA Novæ Franciæ; soli natura; feræ, pisces, aves, &c.	5
II Canadensium domus & res familiaris; morbi; ægrorum cura & mortuorum	16
III Belli gerendi ratio; arma; crudelitas in captivos	27
IV Indoles animi: corporis cultus; cibi, convivia; supellex; religio, & superstitiones	33

243

[3] Table of Contents.

[The page numbers refer to O'Callaghan's Reprint.]

	Page.
I RIVERS of New France; nature of the soil; wild beasts, fish, birds, etc.	5
II Homes and household economy of the Canadians; diseases; treatment of the sick and of the dead	16
III Mode of warfare; weapons; cruelty to prisoners	27
IV Mental characteristics; care of the body; food: feasts; household utensils; religion and superstitions	33

244

[344 §. x.] De regione ac moribus Canadensium, seu barbarorum Novæ Franciæ.

FLUMINA NOVÆ FRANCIÆ; SOLI NATURA; FERÆ, PISCES, AVES, & C.

DUO sunt in Nova Francia majores fluvii. Unus ab indigenis Canada nominatus, & à quo tota regio nomen traxit, nunc fluvius Sancti Laurentii dicitur, & ab occasu in ortum amplissimo fluit alveo. Alter, cui nomen Missisipus, per vasta, & ignota magnam adhuc partem, terrarum spatia fertur à Septentrione in Meridiem. Habent hoc singulare hujus regionis fluvii, quòd certis in locis ex editiore solo præcipitant in humiliorem planitiem ingenti cum strepitu. Ea loca saltus vocant Franci. Catadupa recte dixeris, qualia in Nilo celebrantur. Aqua tota fluminis, in morem arcuati fornicis, ita sæpe cadit, ut infra suspensum altè amnem sicco vestigio transire liceat. Barbari, cum huc ventum est, suas naviculas, è levi compactas cortice, imponunt humeris, & in placidam fluminis, alveo depressiore fluentis, partem eas deportant, cum sarcinulis. Urbs novæ Franciæ primaria Kebecum nuncupatur, S. Laurentii fluvio imposita. Cœlo salubri tota regio utitur; at hyeme frigida, & diuturna vexatur. Hanc efficit partim fluminum & lacuum crebritas; partim opacitas & amplitudo 246 nemorum, quæ vim solis calidam infringunt; denique nivium copia, quibus terra tres quatuorve menses, in iis locis quæ ab Boream propius accedunt, & eidem ac vetus Gallia parallelo subjacent, continenter inhorrescit. Humus omnium arborum plantarumque feracissima, præsertim ubi excisæ silvæ locum culturæ majorem præbuerunt. Quadrupedes eædem, quæ in Europa: nonnullæ regionis propriæ sunt, ut alces. Magnam belluam indigenæ appellant. Id nominis invenit à mole corporis: bovem enim æquat magnitudine. Mulum capite refert; cervum cornibus, pedibus, & cauda. Eam canibus immissis barbari agitant; defatigatam conficiunt jaculis & missilibus. Si desunt venatici canes, ipsi vicem illorum obeunt. Per medias quippe nives incredibili celeritate gradiuntur, ac ne corporis pondus vestigia pedum altius in nivem deprimat, substernunt plantis, inseruntque pedibus, lata reticula, illis simillima, quibus pilam lusores vulgò pulsant. Hæc reticula, spatium nivis ac soli satis magnum amplexa, currentes facile sustinent. Alces vero crura exilia defigens alte in nivem, ægrè se expedit. Illius carnibus vescuntur, teguntur pelle, ungula posterioris sinistri pedis sanantur. Huic ungulæ mira quædam & multiplex virtus inest, medicorum celeberrimorum testimonio commendata. Valet in primis adversus morbum comitialem, sive admoveatur pectori, qua parte cor micat; sive indatur palæ annuli, quem digitus lævæ minimo proximus gestet; sive demum teneatur 248 in ejusdem sinistræ vola, in pugnum contracta. Nec minorem vim habet ad sanandam pleuritidem, capitis vertigines, & sexcentos alios, si credimus expertis, morbos.

There are two major rivers in New France. One, named by the Native people of Canada and from which the entire region got its name, is now called the St. Lawrence River and flows from west to east through a wide channel. The other, known as the Mississippi, carries through vast and largely unknown areas of land from North to South. These rivers have a unique feature in this region; at certain points, they drop from higher ground into lower plains with a tremendous roar. The French call these places waterfalls. They could rightly be referred to as cataracts, similar to those celebrated on the Nile. The whole river flows down like an arched vault, often falling in such a way that one can walk across the dry riverbed below without getting wet. When the inhabitants arrive here, they carry their small boats, stitched together from light bark, on their shoulders and transport them to a calmer section of the river, which runs at a lower level, along with their supplies. The primary city of New France is called Quebec, located on the banks of the St. Lawrence River. The entire region enjoys a healthy climate; however, it suffers from a cold and prolonged winter. This is partly due to the abundance of rivers and lakes, and partly because of the density and size of the forests that block the warm sunlight. Additionally, a large amount of snowfall causes the ground to be covered for three to four months in areas closer to the North and those that lie parallel to old Gaul. The soil is very fertile for all kinds of trees and plants, especially where cleared forests have created larger areas for cultivation. The same animals found in Europe are also present here, with some unique to the region, like the moose. The locals call it a great beast. The name comes from its large size, as it is equal in weight to a cow. It has a mule-like head, deer-like antlers, legs, and tail. The natives drive it with hunting dogs; they exhaust it and finish it off with spears and projectiles. If they lack hunting dogs, they replace them. They move with incredible speed through the deep snow and to ensure their body weight doesn't sink their feet too deep, they wear wide nets on their feet, very similar to those used by players when kicking a ball. These nets, large enough to cover a substantial area of snow and ground, easily support them while running. The moose, on the other hand, struggles to pull its long legs free from the deep snow. They feed on its meat, make clothing from its hide, and use the hoof from its left hind foot for medicinal purposes. This hoof has a remarkable and varied power, as confirmed by renowned medical experts. It is particularly effective against epilepsy, whether applied to the chest where the heart beats; or worn as a ring on the little finger of the left hand; or even held in the left palm, clenched in a fist. It also has significant power to treat pleurisy, headaches, dizziness, and over six hundred other ailments, if we are to believe those experienced in these matters.

Alterum animantis genus illic notissimum & frequentissimum est fiber, cujus pelle, cum Europæis mercibus mutanda, commercii Canadensis ratio fere tota constat. Color castaneæ colorem imitatur; modus cor[po]ris idem, qui exigui vervecis: curti pedes & ad natandum compositi, nam in aquis perinde ac in terra degit; cauda glabra, crassa & plana, quæ natanti pro gubernaculo sit: dentes duo, majores ceteris, ex ore utrimque prominent: iis tanquam gladio & serra utuntur fibri ad arbores exscindendas, cum domos extruunt; in iis enim fabricandis mira pollent industria. Eas ponunt ad lacuum fluviorumve ripas: muros è stipitibus componunt, interjecto cespite uliginoso ac tenaci, calcis instar; vix ut multa vi effringi opus & convelli possit. Tota casæ fabrica variis contignationibus distinguitur: infima è transversis lignis crassioribus constat, instratis desuper ramis, ac relicto foramine & ostiolo, per quod in fluvium subire, cum videtur, possint: Hæc modice supra fluminis aquam exstat, aliæ assurgunt altius, in easque, si fluvius intumescens imum tabulatum vicerit, se receptant. In una è superioribus contignationibus cubant; præbet molle stratum alga siccior, & arborum muscus, quo se tutantur a frigore; in altera penum habent, & provisa in hyemem cibaria. Ædificium fornicato 250 tecto clauditur. Sic hyemem exigunt: nam æstate, opacum in ripis frigus captant, aut undis immersi calores æstivos fugiunt. In una sæpe domo ingens, & multorum capitum familia stabulatur. Quod si loci premuntur angustiis, discedunt juniores ultro, & sua sibi domicilia moliuntur. In eam curam incumbunt sub prima autumni frigora, & mutuas sibi invicem operas commodant, tum ad secanda ligna, tum ad comportanda, ita ut plures uni eidemque succedant oneri, & ingentia ramalia, nemorisque stragem, devehant. Si quem fluvium nanciscuntur ad suos accommodatum usus, non tamen satis alto gurgite, struunt aggerem coercendis aquis, donec ad idoneam altitudinem assurgant. Ac primo quidem arbores grandiores arrodendo dejiciunt: deinde transversas ab una ripa ducunt ad alteram. Duplicem versum & ordinem arborum faciunt; relicto inter illas obliquè sic positas spatio sex fere pedum, quod referciunt cæmentis, argilla, ramis, tam solerter, nihil ut perfectius à summo architecto expectes. Operis longitudo major minorve est, pro fluvii, quem coercere volunt, modo. Ducenûm aliquando passuum ejusmodi aggeres reperti. At, si amnis plus justo intumescit, diffringunt aliquam molis partem, ac tantum emittunt aquæ, quantum satis videtur.

One of the most well-known and common animals there is the beaver, whose fur is traded for European goods, which is essentially the entire economy of Canada. Its color resembles that of chestnut; its body shape is similar to that of a small sheep: short legs adapted for swimming, as it lives both in water and on land; its tail is smooth, thick, and flat, serving as a rudder while swimming: it has two larger teeth that protrude from its mouth on either side: these teeth act like a knife and saw for cutting down trees when building their homes; they are impressively skillful at constructing them. They place them along the banks of lakes and rivers: they build walls from tree trunks, using layers of muddy, sticky grass like mortar; it’s nearly impossible to break through and dismantle them with much force. The entire structure of the lodge is distinguished by various levels: the bottom is made of thicker cross beams, topped with branches, leaving a hole and a small door through which they can dive into the water when needed: it stands just above the water level, while others rise higher, allowing them to retreat inside if the river swells and floods the lower level. In one of the upper levels, they sleep; it offers a soft layer of drier algae and moss from trees, keeping them warm; in another level, they store food, with provisions set aside for winter. The building is capped with an arched roof. This is how they survive the winter: in summer, they find shade on the banks or escape the heat by immersing themselves in the water. Often, a large family of many beavers can be found in one lodge. If the space becomes cramped, younger ones leave to create homes of their own. They focus on this task as the first chills of autumn arrive, helping each other out, cutting wood, and transporting it, so that several can share the workload and carry large branches and tree debris. If they find a river suitable for their needs, but not deep enough, they build a dam to control the water until it rises to a suitable level. Initially, they gnaw down larger trees to clear the way: then they lay logs across from one bank to the other. They create a double row and pattern of trees, leaving about six feet of space in between them which they fill with stones, clay, and branches, crafted so expertly you would expect nothing less from a master builder. The length of the work varies depending on the river they wish to manage. Such dams can measure hundreds of paces. However, if the river rises too much, they break a section of the dam to release just enough water to keep everything balanced.

Ut feris silvæ, sic piscibus abundant flumina. Unus est in Iroquæorum lacu, de quo nihil à priscis legitur proditum scriptoribus. Causarus ab indigenis vocatur: octo pedes longus, aliquando decem. Crassitudo, 252 humani femoris; color leucophæus, candido tamen propior; squamis totus horret tam duris, tamque validè consertis, ut aciem pugionis, & hastilium, excludant. Caput amplum, & cranio præduro, tanquam casside, munitum. Hinc piscis armati nomen illi à Gallis inditum. Et vero perpetua cum aliis piscibus bella gerit, quorum exitio pascitur. Pro telo rostrum immane gerit, humani brachii longitudine, gemino dentium ordine instructum. Hoc venabulo non solum reliquos mactat pisces, verum etiam avibus, cum mutare dapes cupit, insidiatur & illudit. Eam ob rem occultat se inter carecta: rostrum exertat aquis, ac paulisper diducit. Sic perstat immotus donec accedant volucres, & incautæ rostro insideant, arundinem aut virgultum ratæ: continuo perfidus insidiator, misellarum pedes contracto rostro stringit, & in gurgitem demersas vorat.

The rivers are as full of fish as the forests are of wild animals. There's one in the Iroquois Lake, about which nothing has been recorded by ancient writers. It's called the Causarus by the locals: it can be eight feet long, sometimes even ten. Its thickness is about the same as a human thigh; its color is whitish, but closer to white. Its scales are so tough and tightly packed that they can deflect daggers and spear points. It has a large head, and its skull is so hard that it acts like a helmet. That's why the French named it the "armed fish." In fact, it constantly fights with other fish, which it hunts for food. It has a massive beak, about the length of a human arm, lined with two rows of teeth. With this weapon, it not only kills other fish but also preys on birds when it wants to change its diet. For this reason, it hides among the reeds, with its beak sticking out of the water, slightly open. It stays motionless until birds approach and land carelessly on the reeds or twigs. Suddenly, the treacherous predator snaps its beak shut, catching the unsuspecting birds, and devours them whole.

Non minor volucrum est copia, quàm piscium. Certis mensibus palumbes è silvis prorumpunt in agros tanto numero, ut arborum ramos prægravent; quibus postquam infederunt noctu, facile capiuntur, & barbaras mensas regali ferculo cumulant. Præterea in vastissimo sinu, in quem evolvit se flumen sancti Laurentii, cernitur exigua insula, seu potius biceps scopulus: insulam volucrum dicunt. Tot enim eò convolant è finitimo pelago, ut inire numerum nequeas. Indigenæ fustibus prædam non difficilem comminuunt, aut pedibus conculcant; cymbasque lautis dapibus, & inemptis [345] plenas referunt. Ludunt 254 in aquis passim anseres, anates, ardeæ, grues, olores, fulicæ; & aves aliæ, victum ex undis petere solitæ. Peculiare quiddam habet una, gallinæ similis, si molem spectes; pennis in tergo nigricantibus, sub alvo candidis. Pedum alter unguibus aduncis armatur; alter digitos levi & continua pelle junctos habet, qualis est anatum; hoc natat; illo pisces trahit & eviscerat.

Not a small number of birds exist, more than fish. During certain months, doves burst out of the woods into the fields in such large numbers that they weigh down the branches of the trees; after they settle at night, they are easily caught and fill the rich tables with royal delicacies. Additionally, in the vast bay where the St. Lawrence River flows, there is a small island, or rather a twin rock: they call it the island of birds. So many flock there from the nearby sea that you can't count them. The locals easily catch their prey with sticks or trample them underfoot; they bring back boats full of delicious dishes and untapped catches. Ducks, geese, herons, cranes, swans, and other birds wander in the waters, looking for food in the waves. One particular bird stands out; it resembles a chicken if you look at its size, with black feathers on its back and white under its belly. One foot is equipped with curved claws; the other has toes connected by thin skin, like a duck; this one swims, while that one catches and guts fish.

245

[344 § x.] Concerning the country and manners of the Savages of New France.

RIVERS OF NEW FRANCE; NATURE OF THE SOIL; WILD BEASTS, FISH, BIRDS, ETC.

THERE are two great rivers in New France. One, called by the natives Canada, a name thence extended to the whole country, is now called the river St. Lawrence, and flows in a very broad channel from west to east. The other, named Mississippi, flows from North to South, through vast regions, for the most part still unknown. The rivers of this land are remarkable because in certain places they are precipitated with a great uproar from the higher to the lower levels. The French call those places water-falls. You might justly call them cataracts, such as are famous in the case of the Nile. The water of an entire river often falls in the form of an arch, in such fashion that it is possible to walk dry-shod beneath the stream which rushes overhead. The savages, when they come to such a spot, shoulder their boats, which are constructed of light bark, and carry them, together with the baggage, to the calm portion of the river flowing below. The chief city of new France is called Kebec, and is situated on the St. Lawrence river. The whole country possesses a healthful climate, but is harassed by a cold and long winter. This is caused partly by the frequency of the rivers and lakes; partly by the thickness and great extent of the forests, which diminish the force of the sun's heat; finally, by the abundance of snow 247 with which the land, in its most Northern regions, which lie upon the same parallel as old France, is continually desolated for three or four months. The soil is extremely productive of all sorts of trees and plants, especially where the clearing of the forest has furnished additional space for cultivation. The same quadrupeds are found as in Europe; some, as the moose, are peculiar to the country. The natives call it the "great beast." This name it receives because of the huge size of its body, for it is as large as an ox. Its head resembles that of a mule; its horns, hoofs, and tail, those of a stag. The savages hunt this animal with the aid of dogs; when it is worn out they dispatch it with spears and missiles. If hunting-dogs are lacking, they themselves go in place of them. Indeed, they proceed through the midst of the snow with incredible swiftness; and, in order that the weight of the body may not sink their feet too deeply into the snow, they place beneath their soles, and fasten to their feet, broad pieces of net-work, very similar to those with which players commonly strike the ball. These pieces of net-work, which cover a sufficiently large portion of the surface of the snow, readily support them while running. But the moose, planting their slender legs deeply into the snow, with difficulty extricate themselves. The savages eat its flesh, are clothed with its skin, and are cured by the hoof of its left hind leg. In this hoof there is a certain marvelous and manifold virtue, as is affirmed by the testimony of the most famous physicians. It avails especially against the epilepsy, whether it be applied to the breast, where the heart is throbbing, or whether it be placed in the bezel of a ring, which is worn upon the finger next to the little finger of the left hand; or, finally, if it be also held 249 in the hollow of the left hand, clenched in the fist. Nor does it have less power in the cure of pleurisy, dizziness, and, if we may believe those familiar with it, six hundred other diseases.

THERE are two major rivers in New France. One, known by the natives as Canada, which later became the name for the entire country, is now called the St. Lawrence River and flows in a wide channel from west to east. The other, named the Mississippi, flows from north to south through vast regions, many of which are still largely unexplored. The rivers here are notable because in some areas they drop dramatically from higher to lower levels, creating a loud rush of water. The French refer to these spots as waterfalls. You could rightly call them cataracts, similar to those famous along the Nile. The water of an entire river often falls in an arch shape, allowing people to walk underneath the stream while staying dry. When the natives reach such a place, they lift their canoes, made of lightweight bark, and carry them, along with their supplies, to the calmer section of the river below. The main city in New France is called Quebec, located on the St. Lawrence River. The entire region has a healthy climate but suffers from a long, harsh winter. This is partly due to the numerous rivers and lakes, partly because the thick, vast forests block some of the sun's warmth, and finally, because the northern areas, which are on the same latitude as old France, are covered in snow for three to four months of the year. The soil is very fertile for various trees and plants, especially where forests have been cleared for farming. The same animals found in Europe exist here, but some, like the moose, are unique to this land. The natives refer to it as the "great beast" due to its enormous size, comparable to that of an ox. Its head looks like a mule's, with horns, hooves, and a tail resembling those of a stag. The natives hunt this animal with the help of dogs; when it becomes exhausted, they kill it using spears and other weapons. If they don’t have hunting dogs, they will hunt it themselves. They move incredibly quickly through the snow, using broad pieces of netting, similar to what players use to hit a ball, under their feet to prevent them from sinking too deeply into the snow. These netting pieces support them while running. However, the moose, with its long legs sinking into the snow, struggles to escape. The natives eat its meat, use its hide for clothing, and heal with the hoof of its left hind leg. There’s a remarkable and diverse power in this hoof, according to the most renowned physicians. It is particularly effective against epilepsy, whether applied to the chest near the heart, set in a ring worn on the finger next to the little finger of the left hand, or held tightly in the left hand. It is also just as effective for treating pleurisy, dizziness, and, if those familiar with it are to be believed, six hundred other ailments.

Another well-known and common sort of animal there, is the beaver; its skins, which are exchanged for European merchandise, being the basis of almost the entire system of Canadian commerce. Its color resembles that of the chestnut; the shape of its body is like that of a small wether; its legs are short and formed for swimming; its tail, which it uses as a rudder while swimming, is smooth, thick and flat; two teeth, larger than the others, project from its mouth on each side; these, the beavers use like a sword and a saw in cutting down trees when they build their houses, for in the construction of these they exhibit wonderful industry. They locate them on the banks of lakes or rivers; they build walls of logs, placing between them wet and sticky sods in the place of mortar, so that the work can, even with great violence, scarcely be torn apart and destroyed. The entire house is divided into several stories; the lowest is composed of thicker cross-beams, with branches strewn upon them, and provided with a hole or small door through which they can pass into the river whenever they wish; this story extends somewhat above the water of the river, while the others rise higher, into which they retire if the swelling stream submerges the lowest floor. They sleep in one of the upper stories; a soft bed is furnished by dry seaweed and tree moss, with which they protect themselves from the cold; on another floor they have their store-room, and food provided for winter. The building is covered with a dome-shaped roof. Thus they pass the winter, for in summer 251 they enjoy the shady coolness upon the shores, or escape the summer heat by plunging into the water. Often a great colony of many members is lodged in one house. But, if they be incommoded by the narrowness of the place, the younger ones depart of their own accord and construct homes for themselves. Upon the advent of cool weather in autumn, they devote themselves to this task, and lend mutual services in turn, both in cutting and carrying logs, so that many assist at one and the same burden, and thus carry down great branches and logs of forest trees. If they find any river suitable for their purposes, except in having sufficient depth, they build a dam to keep back the water until it rises to the required height. And first, by gnawing them, they fell trees of large size; then they lay them across, from one shore to the other. They construct a double barrier and rampart of logs, obliquely placed, leaving between them a space of about six feet, which they so ingeniously fill in with stones, clay, and branches that one would expect nothing better from the most skillful architect. The length of the structure is greater or less, according to the size of the stream which they wish to restrain. Dams of this kind a fifth of a mile long are sometimes found. But, if the river swell more than is safe, they break open some part of the structure, and let through as much water as seems sufficient.

Another well-known and common type of animal there is the beaver. Its fur, which is traded for European goods, is the foundation of almost the entire Canadian economy. Its color is similar to that of chestnut, and its body shape resembles that of a small ram. Its legs are short and designed for swimming, and its tail, which it uses as a rudder while swimming, is smooth, thick, and flat. Two larger teeth protrude from each side of its mouth; the beavers use these like a sword and a saw to cut down trees when they build their homes, showing remarkable industriousness in the process. They build their homes on the banks of lakes or rivers, constructing walls of logs and filling the spaces between them with wet, sticky sod instead of mortar, making the structure incredibly strong against destruction. The entire house is divided into several levels; the lowest level has thicker cross-beams with branches laid on them and a hole or small door that leads to the river for easy access. This level is slightly above the water, while the other levels rise higher, providing a safe retreat if the rising water floods the lowest floor. They sleep in one of the upper levels, where a soft bed made of dry seaweed and tree moss keeps them warm. On another level, they store food for winter. The building is topped with a dome-shaped roof. In winter, they stay indoors, while in summer, they enjoy the cool shade along the shores or escape the heat by diving into the water. Often, a large colony of many beavers resides in one house. If they feel cramped, the younger ones leave and build homes for themselves. As the cool weather of autumn arrives, they focus on this task, helping each other by cutting and transporting logs, so many beavers can work together to carry large branches and logs. When they find a river suitable for their needs, they construct a dam to hold back the water until it reaches the desired level. First, they gnaw down large trees and lay them across the river, creating a double barrier and rampart of logs placed at an angle, leaving a space of about six feet between them. They ingeniously fill this space with stones, clay, and branches, creating a structure that would impress even the most skilled architect. The length of the dam varies based on the size of the stream they want to control, and dams of up to a fifth of a mile long can sometimes be found. If the river rises too much, they will break part of the dam to allow enough water to flow through safely.

As the forests abound in wild beasts, so the rivers teem with fish. There is one in the lake of the Iroquois,67 which is not mentioned by early authors. It is called by the natives "Causar," and is eight feet long, sometimes ten. It is as thick as the human thigh; it is dun-colored, approaching white; it bristles all over with scales, so hard and so firmly set 253 together that they turn the edge of a knife or the point of a spear. The head is large, and protected by an exceedingly hard skull, like a helmet. Hence, the name of "armored fish" has been given it by the French. It carries on perpetual war with, and feeds upon, other fishes. For a weapon it carries an immense beak, of the length of a man's arm and furnished with a double row of teeth. With this hunting-spear it not only devours other fishes, but also, whenever it wishes to vary its diet, deceives and ensnares birds. For this latter purpose it hides itself among the sedge; it projects its beak from the water and opens it slightly. It thus remains motionless until the birds approach and thoughtlessly perch upon the beak, deeming it a reed or a bush; then the treacherous ensnarer seizes the feet of the unfortunate birds by closing its beak, and, dragging them into the water, devours them.68

As the forests are full of wild animals, the rivers are filled with fish. There’s one in the Iroquois lake,67 that early writers don’t mention. The locals call it "Causar," and it can grow to eight feet long, sometimes even ten. It’s as thick as a human thigh; it’s a brownish color, almost white; and it’s covered in hard scales that are so well attached that they can dull a knife’s edge or the tip of a spear. The head is large, protected by a very hard skull, like a helmet. That's why the French refer to it as the "armored fish." It is constantly hunting and feeds on other fish. Its weapon is a huge beak, about the length of a person's arm, lined with two rows of teeth. With this hunting tool, it not only eats other fish but also, when it wants something different, it tricks and catches birds. For this, it hides among the grass; it sticks its beak out of the water and opens it slightly. It stays perfectly still until birds come close and land on its beak, mistaking it for a reed or bush; then the deceitful predator snaps its beak shut and drags the unfortunate birds underwater to eat them.68

The birds are fully as abundant as the fishes. During certain months of the year the pigeons sally forth from the woods into the open country in such great numbers that they overload the branches of the trees. When they have settled upon the trees at night they are easily captured, and the savages heap their tables with royal abundance. Besides this, in the huge gulf into which the river saint Lawrence flows may be seen a small island, or rather a double rock; they call it the isle of birds.69 For so many congregate there from the neighboring ocean that it is impossible to count their numbers. The natives make an easy prey of them with clubs, or by trampling them under foot, and bring back their canoes filled with sumptuous food acquired without price. [345] Everywhere may be seen, sporting in the water, geese, ducks, herons, cranes, swans, coots and other 255 birds whose habit it is to seek their living from the waves. A certain peculiarity attaches to one, which is about the size of a cock; its wings are black on the outside and white beneath. One of its feet is armed with hooked claws, the other has webbed toes, like those of a duck; with the latter it swims, with the former it seizes and disembowels fishes.

The birds are just as plentiful as the fish. During certain months of the year, the pigeons leave the woods and flood into the open countryside in such large numbers that they weigh down the branches of the trees. When they settle on the trees at night, they're easy to catch, and the locals fill their tables with a feast. Besides this, in the large gulf where the Saint Lawrence River flows, there's a small island, or rather a pair of rocky outcrops; they call it the Isle of Birds. So many gather there from the neighboring ocean that it's impossible to count them all. The natives easily catch them with clubs or simply by trampling them, bringing back canoes loaded with gourmet food that's essentially free. Everywhere, you can see geese, ducks, herons, cranes, swans, coots, and other birds enjoying the water, seeking their food from the waves. One bird stands out; it's about the size of a rooster, with black wings on the outside and white underneath. One foot has sharp claws, while the other has webbed toes like a duck—using the webbed foot to swim and the clawed foot to catch and disembowel fish.

256

CANADENSIUM DOMUS & RES FAMILIARIS; MORBI; ÆGRORUM CURA & MORTUORUM.

JAM, si mores & indolem gentis requiras, partim vagi degunt, in silvis per hyemem, quò venationis uberioris vocat spes; æstate, ad amnium ripas, ubi præbet facilem annonam piscatus: aliqui pagos incolunt. Casas fabricantur infixis humi perticis: latera corticibus intexunt; pellibus, musco, ramis operiunt fastigia. In media casa focus: in summo tecto foramen, emissarium fumi. Is ægre eluctatus totam, ut plurimum, casam sic opplet, ut coactis habitare in hoc fumo advenis sæpe oculorum acies obtundatur, & hebescat: barbari, durum genus & his assuetum incommodis, rident. Domesticæ rei cura, & quidquid in familia laboris est, imponitur feminis. Illæ domos figunt, ac refigunt; aquam, & ligna devehunt, cibos apparant: vicem & locum mancipiorum, opificum, & jumentorum, implent. Venationis & belli cura, virorum est. Hinc gentis solitudo, & paucitas. Mulieres enim, ceteroquin haud infecundæ, his districtæ laboribus, neque maturos edere queunt fetus, neque alere jam editos: itaque aut abortum patiuntur, aut partus recentes destituunt, aquationi, lignationi, ceterisque operibus intentæ; vix ut trigesimus quisque infans adolescat. Accedit rei medicæ inscitia, cujus ignoratio facit ut è morbis paulo gravioribus raro emergant.

JAM, if you want to know about the customs and character of the people, part of them live wandering in the woods during the winter, drawn by the promise of better hunting; in summer, they go to the riverbanks where fishing provides easy food. Some settle in villages. They build homes with stakes driven into the ground: they cover the sides with bark; they use animal skins, moss, and branches for the roofs. In the middle of the house, there’s a fireplace; at the top of the roof, there’s a hole for smoke to escape. With the smoke filling the house, visitors often struggle to see clearly, and their vision gets impaired: the barbarians, a tough breed accustomed to these hardships, laugh. The management of household matters and all tasks within the family fall to the women. They establish and maintain the homes; they fetch water and firewood, prepare food: they take the place of slaves, artisans, and draft animals. The care for hunting and warfare belongs to the men. Thus, the tribe is isolated and small. Women, who are otherwise not infertile, are so burdened with work that they can neither give birth to healthy babies nor care for those already born: as a result, they either suffer miscarriages or neglect recent births, being focused on fetching water, gathering wood, and other tasks; hardly one in thirty children grows up. Additionally, their ignorance of medicine means that they seldom recover from more serious illnesses.

258 Duos maximè fontes morborum statuunt: unum ex ipsa ægrotantis mente ortum, quæ desideret quidpiam, ac tandiu corpus ægrum vexet, dum re desiderata potiatur. Putant enim inesse in hominum unoquoque innata quædam desideria, sæpe ipsis ignota, quibus singulorum felicitas contineatur. Ad ejusmodi desideria & innatas appetitiones cognoscendas adhibent hariolos, quibus hanc divinitus concessam facultatem arbitrantur, ut animorum intimos recessus pervideant. Illi, quodcumque primum occurrit, aut ex quo fieri quæstum aliquem posse suspicantur, ab ægro desiderari pronunciant. Nec dubitant parentes, amici, & consanguinei ægrotantis, quidquid illud sit, quantivis pretii, comparare ac largiri ægro, nunquam postea reposcendum. Ille dono fruitur, & lucri partem hariolis aspergit; ac sæpe postridie vita cedit. Vulgo tamen relevantur ægroti, quippe levibus tentati morbis: nam in gravioribus timidiores sunt isti præstigiatores, negantque inveniri posse quid ægrotus desideret: tunc eum depositum conclamant, auctoresque sunt consanguineis ut hominem tollant è medio. Ita longiore morbo vexatos necant, aut senio fessos; eamque caritatem summam interpretantur, quia mors ærumnis languentium finem ponit. Eandem benevolentiam adhibent erga pueros parentibus orbatos, quos nullos esse malunt, quam miseros. Alterum fontem morborum esse censent veneficorum occultas artes, & præstigias, quas ridiculis cærimoniis conantur averruncare. Sæpe noxios humores ejiciunt 260 sudando. Certum casæ locum corticibus includunt, ac tegunt pellibus, ne qua possit aer aspirare. Intro congerunt lapides deustos & igne multo saturos. Subeunt nudi & brachia cantitantes jactant. Sed, quod mireris, ab his thermis egressi & sudore diffluentes, hyeme perfrigida, in lacum aut amnem se conjiciunt, de pleuritide securi.

258 Two main sources determine illnesses: one arises from the mind of the sick person, which craves something and torments the ill body until it gets what it longs for. It is believed that each person has certain innate desires, often unknown to them, that contribute to their happiness. To understand such desires and natural cravings, they consult fortune-tellers, who are thought to have a divine gift that allows them to see into the deepest corners of the soul. These fortune-tellers declare whatever comes to mind first or whatever they suspect might lead to some profit is being desired by the sick person. Parents, friends, and relatives of the ill do not hesitate to obtain and give whatever that may be, regardless of its cost, without ever asking for it back later. The sick person enjoys the gift and gives a part of the gain to the fortune-tellers; often, they pass away soon after. However, typically, mildly ill patients find relief, as they are tempted by lighter ailments: in more serious cases, these tricksters are more cautious, claiming they cannot figure out what the sick person desires. At that point, they suggest to the relatives to take the person away. Thus, they eliminate those suffering from prolonged illnesses or those worn out by old age; they interpret this as the highest form of kindness since death brings an end to the suffering of the weak. They extend the same goodwill towards orphaned children, preferring there to be no children at all rather than seeing them suffer. They consider the other source of illnesses to be the hidden arts and tricks of sorcerers, which they attempt to ward off with ridiculous rituals. They often expel harmful humors through sweating. They ensure a certain part of the house is enclosed with bark and covered with skins to prevent any air from entering. Inside, they pile up stones that have been burned and saturated with a lot of fire. They go in naked and chant with their arms raised. But, remarkably, after emerging from these baths, dripping with sweat, they jump into a lake or stream in the frigid winter, feeling secure against pleurisy. 260

Mortuorum cadavera nunquam efferunt per casæ januam, sed per eam partem, in quam conversus eger exspiravit. Animam putant evolare per camini spiraculum; ac ne moras trahat, casæ pristinæ desiderio, neu puerulorum aliquem discedens afflet, hoc afflatu videlicet moriturum, ut putant; crebro fuste tundunt parietes tugurii, ut eam citius exire compellant. Immortalem esse arbitrantur. Ne porro emoriatur fame, magnam vim ciborum infodiunt cum corpore; vestes, item, ollas, variamque supellectilem, magno sumptu, & multorum annorum labore conquisitam, ut iis utatur, inquiunt, ac decentius versetur in regno mortuorum. Sepulcra nobilium exstant paulum ab humo: iis perticas in morem pyramidis compactas imponunt: arcum addunt, sagittas, clypeum, & alia militiæ decora: feminarum vero tumulis, torques & monilia. Infantium corpora sepeliunt propter viam, ut eorum anima, quam ab ipsorum corporibus abire longius non putant, illabatur in prætereuntis alicujus feminæ sinum, & adhuc informem animare fetum possit. In luctu vultum inficiunt fuligine. Moniti de funere affines, vicini, & amici concurrunt in funestum tugurium. 262 Unus aliquis, si mortui conditio ferat, verba facit, neque rationem ullam ex iis prætermittit, quæ ad leniendam ægritudinem à dicendi magistris afferri solent. Excurrit in demortui laudes: hominem eum natum fuisse admonet, atque adeo morti obnoxium: qui casus emendari nequeant, fieri patientia leviores; alia id genus in eandem sententiam edisserit. Tertio die funus ducitur. Epulum funebre apponitur toti pago, singulis suam symbolam, nec malignè, conferentibus. Hujus epuli causas afferunt maximè tres: primam, ut communem mærorem leniant: alteram, ut qui amici peregrè ad funus veniunt, accipiantur honestius: tertiam, ut gratificentur extincti Manibus, quem ea liberalitate delectari existimant, & appositis etiam dapibus pasci. Peracto convivio præfectus funeris, quem in singulis familiis clarioribus, certum atque insignem habent, adesse tempus exequiarum proclamat. Omnes continuo lamentari, & ululare. Effertur cadaver propinquorum humeris, intectum fibrinis pellibus, & in feretro, è corticibus juncisve confecto compositum, collectis in glomum artubus, ut eo modo terræ mandetur, inquiunt, quo in alvo materna olim jacuit. Deponitur feretrum in constituto loco, munera quæ quisque offert mortuo, præfiguntur perticis: & appellantur illorum auctores à funeris præfecto: instauratur planctus; denique juvenes ludicro certamine inter se dimicant.

Dead bodies are never taken out through the house's door, but through the part where the person breathed their last. They believe the soul flies out through the chimney; and to avoid delays from longing for the old home, or to prevent any departing children from being blown away—since they think this could lead to their death—they often strike the walls of the hut with a stick, hoping to help the soul exit faster. They think the soul is immortal. To ensure it doesn’t perish from hunger, they bury a large amount of food with the body; clothes, pots, and various household items, gathered with great expense and over many years of labor, are added so that it can use them and be better equipped in the realm of the dead. The tombs of the nobility rise slightly above the ground: they place poles on them in the shape of a pyramid: they add a bow, arrows, shields, and other military decorations; for women’s graves, they include necklaces and jewelry. They bury infants along the road, so that their souls, which they believe won't stray far from their bodies, might slip into the embrace of a passing woman and still have a chance to animate an unborn child. In mourning, they blacken their faces with soot. Relatives, neighbors, and friends, alerted about the death, gather at the mournful hut. One person, if the deceased's condition allows, speaks, not omitting any reasoning traditionally used by orators to ease grief. They extol the dead, reminding everyone that he was born human and, therefore, subject to death; events which cannot be changed should be faced with patience, and he shares similar sentiments. On the third day, the funeral takes place. A feast is laid out for the entire village, with each person contributing their share without ill will. There are mainly three reasons for this feast: first, to ease shared sorrow; second, to honor friends who come from afar for the funeral; third, to express gratitude to the deceased's Manes, as they believe they take pleasure in such generosity and sharing of food. Once the feast is over, the funeral leader, who is a notable and significant figure in each prominent family, announces that it's time for the funeral rites. Everyone immediately begins to lament and wail. The body of the deceased is carried out by relatives, covered with shaggy furs, on a coffin made from bark or rushes, arranged in a ball-like manner, so that it can be returned to the earth like it once rested in the womb. The coffin is set down in the designated spot, and offerings from everyone to the dead are attached to the poles: their givers are named by the funeral leader; lamentations are renewed; finally, young men engage in playful contests against each other.

Majori sepeliuntur apparatu & luctu, qui aquis 264 obruti perierunt. Nam eorum cadavera laniantur: carnium pars cum visceribus in ignem projicitur. Id sacrificii quoddam genus est, quo placare cœlum contendunt. Iratum enim esse genti non dubitant, cum in undis quispiam extinguitur: ac si quid rite atque ordine peractum in istis funeribus non fuerit, huic piaculo calamitates omnes, quibus postea conflictantur, acceptas ferunt. Indulgent luctui per annum integrum. Primis diebus decem jacent humi, diu noctuque in ventrem proni: nefas tunc vocem ullam, nisi quæ dolorem significet, mittere; aut accedere ad ignem, aut conviviis interesse. Anno reliquo luctus continuatur; at levius. Omittuntur omnia urbanitatis officia, colloquia cum vicinis, congressus amicorum; ac si conjugem amiserint; cœlibes, donec annus fluxerit, perstant. Post octavum aut decimum quemque annum Hurones, quæ natio latè patet, omnia cadavera certum in locum ex omnibus pagis deportant, & in foveam prægrandem conjiciunt. Eum diem Mortuorum vocant. Is ubi de procerum sententia constitutus est, eruunt corpora sepulcris; alia jam consumpta, & ossibus vix hærentia; alia putri carne leviter amicta: alia scatentia fœdis vermibus, & graviter olentia. Ossa, dissoluta in saccos abdunt: cadavera nondum dissuta componunt in sarcophagis, & supplicantium ritu deferunt in destinatum locum, alto silentio, & composito gradu procedentes, non sine suspiriis, & lamentabili eiulatu. Ne vero memoria nobilium, & arte præsertim bellica insignium, 266 qui prole carent, intercidat, eligunt aliquem ætate ac robore florentem, cui demortui nomen imponunt. Ille militum statim delectum habet, ac bellum capessit, ut præclaro quopiam edito facinore, probet se non tantum nominis, sed etiam virtutis ejus, cui substituitur, heredem esse. Inferioris notæ nomina æterno silentio damnant. Itaque simul ac in pago quispiam è vita cessit, ejus nomen alta voce pronunciatur per omnes casas, ne quis illud temere usurpet. Quod si mortuum tamen appellare necesse fuerit, utuntur verborum circuitione, & præfantur quidpiam, quo mortis ominosa [346] memoria leniatur. Idque si omittatur, accipiunt in gravem contumeliam: neque atrociori maledicto vulnerari filium aut parentem posse putant, quam si huic filius, illi parens, mortuus exprobretur.

Majority are buried in mourning attire and sadness, as they are overwhelmed by the waters 264 and perish. Their bodies are torn apart: parts of flesh along with entrails are thrown into the fire. This is a kind of sacrifice, through which they strive to appease the heavens. They do not doubt that the tribe is angered when someone is extinguished in the waves; and if anything is done improperly or out of order during these funerals, they attribute all the calamities they suffer afterward to this offense. They indulge in mourning for an entire year. For the first ten days, they lie on the ground, face down, day and night: during this time, they may not make any sound other than that which expresses sorrow; nor may they approach the fire or partake in feasts. The mourning continues for the rest of the year, but in a milder way. All urbanities are set aside, conversations with neighbors and gatherings with friends; as if they have lost a spouse; the unmarried continue this for a full year. After the eighth or tenth year, the Hurons, a nation that is widely spread, transport all the bodies from every village to a designated location and throw them into a huge pit. They call this day the Day of the Dead. Once this is agreed upon by the leaders, they dig up the bodies from the graves; some already consumed, barely clinging to bones; others lightly covered with rotten flesh; others swarming with foul worms and emitting a terrible stench. They hide the bones in bags; the bodies not yet disintegrated are placed in coffins and are carried to the appointed location in the manner of supplicants, moving forward in deep silence and measured steps, not without sighs and lamentations. In order to ensure that the memory of the nobility, especially those distinguished by martial skill, 266 does not fade away, they choose someone who is strong and flourishing in age, to whom they give the deceased's name. He then immediately selects soldiers and takes up arms, so that by carrying out a glorious deed, he proves himself to be not only the heir of the name but also of the virtue of the one he represents. They condemn the names of inferior status to eternal silence. Thus, as soon as someone passes away in a village, their name is pronounced loudly throughout all the houses, so that no one may use it casually. Should it be necessary to refer to the deceased, they employ circumlocution and preface something in order to soften the ominous memory of death. If this is forgotten, it is taken as a serious insult: nor do they think there is a more terrible curse than for someone to refer to a father as dead to his son, or vice versa.

257

HOMES AND HOUSEHOLD ECONOMY OF THE CANADIANS; DISEASES; TREATMENT OF THE SICK AND OF THE DEAD.

NOW, if you inquire concerning the customs and character of this people, I will reply that a part of them are nomads, wandering during the winter in the woods, whither the hope of better hunting calls them—in the summer, on the shores of the rivers, where they easily obtain their food by fishing; while others inhabit villages. They construct their huts by fixing poles in the ground; they cover the sides with bark, the roofs with hides, moss and branches. In the middle of the hut is the hearth, from which the smoke escapes through an opening at the peak of the roof. As the smoke passes out with difficulty, it usually fills the whole hut, so that strangers compelled to live in these cabins suffer injury and weakening of the eyes; the savages, a coarse race, and accustomed to these discomforts, ridicule this. The care of household affairs, and whatever work there may be in the family, are placed upon the women. They build and repair the wigwams, carry water and wood, and prepare the food; their duties and position are those of slaves, laborers and beasts of burden. The pursuits of hunting and war belong to the men. Thence arise the isolation and numerical weakness of the race. For the women, although naturally prolific, cannot, on account of their occupation in these labors, either bring forth fully-developed offspring, or properly nourish them after they have been brought forth; therefore they either suffer 259 abortion, or forsake their new-born children, while engaged in carrying water, procuring wood and other tasks, so that scarcely one infant in thirty survives until youth. To this there is added their ignorance of medicine, because of which they seldom recover from illnesses which are at all severe.

NOW, if you ask about the customs and character of this people, I will say that some of them are nomads, wandering in the woods during the winter, drawn by the hope of better hunting. In the summer, they stay by the shores of rivers where they can easily find food by fishing, while others live in villages. They build their huts by setting up poles in the ground and covering the sides with bark, while the roofs are made of hides, moss, and branches. In the center of the hut is the hearth, with smoke escaping through an opening at the top of the roof. Since the smoke has a hard time leaving, it often fills the entire hut, so that strangers forced to stay in these cabins suffer from irritation and weakening of the eyes; the locals, who are a rough crowd and used to these discomforts, make fun of it. The responsibility for household tasks and any work in the family falls on the women. They build and repair the huts, carry water and wood, and prepare the food; their roles and status are akin to those of slaves, laborers, and pack animals. The activities of hunting and war are reserved for the men. This leads to the isolation and small population of the group. Although the women are naturally prolific, they cannot give birth to healthy offspring or properly care for them after they are born due to their heavy workload; as a result, they either have abortions or abandon their newborns while fetching water, gathering wood, and handling other chores, meaning that hardly one in thirty infants survives to childhood. On top of this, their lack of knowledge about medicine means that they rarely recover from serious illnesses.

They believe that there are two main sources of disease: one of these is in the mind of the patient himself, which desires something, and will vex the body of the sick man until it possesses the thing required. For they think that there are in every man certain inborn desires, often unknown to themselves, upon which the happiness of individuals depends. For the purpose of ascertaining desires and innate appetites of this character, they summon soothsayers, who, as they think, have a divinely-imparted power to look into the inmost recesses of the mind. These men declare that whatever first occurs to them, or something from which they suspect some gain can be derived, is desired by the sick person. Thereupon the parents, friends, and relatives of the patient do not hesitate to procure and lavish upon him whatever it may be, however expensive, a return of which is never thereafter to be sought. The patient enjoys the gift, divides a portion of it among the soothsayers, and often on the next day departs from life. Commonly, however, the sick recover, plainly because their illnesses are slight; for, in the case of more severe complaints, these soothsayers are more cautious, and deny the possibility of ascertaining what the patient desires; then they bewail him whom they have given up, and cause the relatives to put him out of the way. Thus they kill those afflicted with protracted illness, or exhausted by old age, and consider this the greatest kindness, because death 261 puts an end to the sufferings of the sick. They display the same benevolence towards children deprived of their parents, whom they prefer to see dead rather than to see them miserable. They believe that another source of disease is the hidden arts and the charms of sorcerers, which they seek to avert by means of absurd ceremonies. Often they expel noxious humors by sweating. They inclose a certain portion of the hut with pieces of bark and cover it with hides, in order that no air may enter. Within they pile stones heated to a high temperature. They enter naked and toss their arms while singing. But, strange to say, they will leave this heat, dripping with perspiration, and in the very coldest part of winter cast themselves into a lake or river, careless of pleurisy.

They believe there are two main causes of illness: one within the mind of the patient, which craves something and will torment the sick person's body until it gets what it wants. They think everyone has certain innate desires, often unknown to them, that affect their happiness. To discover these desires and natural urges, they call upon soothsayers, who they believe have a divine gift to see into the deepest parts of the mind. These soothsayers claim that whatever first comes to mind, or anything they think could bring them some profit, is what the sick person desires. Then, the patient's parents, friends, and relatives don't hesitate to obtain and shower him with whatever it is, regardless of the cost, with no expectation of repayment. The patient enjoys the gift, shares some of it with the soothsayers, and often, the very next day, passes away. Typically, though, the sick recover, mainly because their illnesses are mild; in cases of more serious ailments, the soothsayers are more cautious and claim they can't figure out what the patient desires. They then lament for the person they have given up on and encourage the relatives to let him go. This way, they end the lives of those suffering from prolonged illness or those weakened by old age, believing it to be a great kindness since death ends the suffering of the sick. They show the same compassion toward children who have lost their parents, preferring to see them dead than miserable. They also think another cause of illness comes from hidden arts and sorcery, which they try to ward off with ridiculous rituals. Often, they expel harmful humors by inducing sweat. They enclose a part of the hut with pieces of bark and cover it with hides to block out the air. Inside, they heat stones to a high temperature. They enter naked and wave their arms while singing. Strangely, they will leave this heat, dripping with sweat, and in the coldest part of winter, jump into a lake or river, unconcerned about getting pleurisy.

They never bear out the corpses of the dead through the door of the lodge, but through that part toward which the sick person turned when he expired. They think that the soul flies out through the smoke-hole; and, in order that it may not linger through longing for its old home, nor while departing breathe upon any of the children, who by such an act would be, as they think, doomed to death, they beat the walls of the wigwam with frequent blows of a club, in order that they may compel the soul to depart more quickly. They believe it to be immortal. That it may not thereafter perish with hunger, they bury with the body a large quantity of provisions; also, garments, pots, and various utensils of great expense, and acquired by many years' labor, in order, they say, that he may use them and pass his time more suitably in the kingdom of the dead. The tombs of the chiefs are raised a little from the ground; upon them they place poles joined in the 263 form of a pyramid; they add a bow, arrows, shield and other insignia of war; but upon the tombs of the women they place necklaces and collars. They bury the bodies of infants beside paths, in order that their souls, which they think do not depart very far from the body, may slip into the bosoms of women passing by, and animate the yet undeveloped fetus. In mourning, they stain the face with soot. When informed of a death, the relatives, neighbors, and friends assemble at the lodge where the corpse lies. If the condition of the dead permit, one of them makes a speech, in which he employs all those arguments that the most eloquent speakers are wont to use for the solace of grief. He rehearses the praises of the dead; he reminds them that the latter was born a man, and therefore liable to death; that those misfortunes which cannot be repaired are made lighter by patience; he sets forth other things of that sort to the same effect. On the third day the funeral is held. A funeral feast is provided for the whole village, each individual liberally furnishing his share. For this feast they advance three main reasons: first, that they may assuage the general grief; secondly, that those friends who come from a distance to the funeral may be more fittingly entertained; thirdly, that they may please the spirit of the dead, which, they believe, is delighted by this exhibition of liberality, and also partakes of the repast placed for him. When the feast is completed the master of the funeral, who, in each distinguished family, permanently holds this office and is greatly honored, proclaims that the time for the burial has come. All give utterance to continuous lamentations and wailings. The corpse, wrapped in beaver skins, and placed upon a bier made of bark and rushes, with his 265 limbs bent and pressed tightly against his body in order that, as they say, he may be committed to the earth in the same position in which he once lay in his mother's womb, is borne out on the shoulders of the relatives. The bier is set down at the appointed place, the gifts which each one offers to the dead are fastened to poles, and the donors are named by the master of the funeral. The mourning is renewed; finally, boys vie with each other in a mock contest.

They never carry the bodies of the dead out through the door of the lodge, but instead through the part where the sick person turned when they died. They believe the soul escapes through the smoke hole; to ensure it doesn’t linger out of longing for its old home, nor breathe on any children—who would be thought to be doomed to death—they hit the walls of the wigwam repeatedly with a club to help the soul leave faster. They believe the soul is immortal. To prevent it from starving, they bury a large quantity of food with the body, as well as clothes, pots, and various expensive items that took many years to acquire, so that the deceased can use them and adapt comfortably in the afterlife. The tombs of chiefs are slightly elevated; on them, they place poles arranged in a pyramid shape; they add bows, arrows, shields, and other symbols of war, while on the tombs of women, they place necklaces and collars. They bury infants beside paths so that their souls, which they think don't stray too far from the body, can enter the arms of passing women and energize the unborn fetus. In mourning, they paint their faces with soot. When someone dies, relatives, neighbors, and friends gather at the lodge where the body is kept. If the condition of the deceased allows, one of them will give a speech using all the comforting phrases that eloquent speakers typically use to ease grief. They praise the deceased, remind everyone that they were human and therefore susceptible to death, and express that sorrows that cannot be fixed are made lighter with patience, along with other similar sentiments. On the third day, the funeral takes place. A feast is arranged for the entire village, with everyone generously contributing their share. They have three main reasons for this feast: first, to ease the collective grief; second, to better host those friends who traveled from afar for the funeral; and third, to please the spirit of the dead, which they believe delights in this display of generosity and shares in the meal offered to them. Once the feast is over, the master of the funeral, who is permanently appointed in each prominent family and holds great respect, announces that it’s time for the burial. Everyone begins to express ongoing lamentations and wailing. The body, wrapped in beaver skins and placed on a bier made of bark and rushes, with its limbs bent tightly against its body so that, as they say, it’s laid to rest in the same position it occupied in its mother’s womb, is carried out on the shoulders of relatives. The bier is set down at the designated spot, and gifts from each person for the dead are tied to poles, with the master of the funeral naming the donors. The mourning continues; finally, boys compete in a mock contest.

Those who have been drowned are buried with greater ceremony and lamentation. For their bodies are cut open, and a portion of the flesh, together with the viscera, thrown into the fire. This is a sort of sacrifice, by means of which they seek to appease heaven. For they are sure that heaven is enraged against the race whenever any one loses his life by drowning. If any part of these funeral rites has not been duly and regularly performed, they believe that all the calamities from which they afterwards may suffer are a punishment for this neglect. They indulge their grief throughout an entire year. For the first ten days they lie upon the ground day and night, flat upon their bellies; it is impious then to utter any sound unless significant of grief, or to approach the fire, or to take part in feasts. During the remainder of the year the mourning continues, but less vigorously. All the duties of politeness, conversation with neighbors, and association with friends, are neglected; and, if a man has lost a wife he remains unmarried until the year has expired. Every eight or ten years the Hurons, which nation is widely extended, convey all their corpses from all the villages to a designated place and cast them into an immense pit. They call it the day of the Dead. When this has been decreed by resolution of the 267 elders, they drag out the corpses from their graves, some already decomposed, with flesh scarcely clinging to the bones, others thinly covered with putrid flesh, others teeming with vile worms and smelling fearfully. The loose bones they place in sacks, the bodies not yet disintegrated they place in coffins, and bear them, in the manner of suppliants, to the appointed place, proceeding amid deep silence and with regular step, uttering sighs and mournful cries. But, in order that the memory of chiefs and of those especially famous in the art of war, who lack offspring, may not fail, they choose some person in the flower of his age and strength, to whom they give the name of the dead man. The namesake immediately makes a levy of warriors and starts for battle, in order that by the achievement of some glorious deed he may prove himself the heir not only of the name but also of the valor of him whose place he has taken. Names of lesser note are condemned to everlasting silence. Therefore, as soon as any one in the village has departed this life his name is proclaimed in a loud voice throughout all the lodges, in order that no one may rashly use it. But if, nevertheless, it be necessary to name the dead man, they use a circumlocution and preface something by which the unpleasant [346] recollection of his death may be softened. If that be omitted they consider it a deadly insult: nor do they think that son or parent can be wounded by more savage abuse than when their dead relatives are defamed before them.

Those who drown are given a more elaborate burial with greater mourning. Their bodies are cut open, and some flesh and organs are burned in a fire as a sacrifice to appease the heavens. They believe that heaven is angry whenever someone dies by drowning. If any part of these funeral rites isn’t performed correctly, they think that any misfortunes they later experience are a punishment for that oversight. They express their grief for a whole year. For the first ten days, they lie flat on the ground day and night, refusing to make any noise except for expressions of sorrow, and they avoid the fire and any gatherings. In the following months, mourning continues but is less intense. They neglect social niceties, conversations with neighbors, and friendships. If a man loses his wife, he stays single for the entire year. Every eight to ten years, the Hurons, a widespread nation, gather all their dead from various villages to a designated place and throw them into a large pit. They call it the Day of the Dead. When this is decided by the elders, they dig up the corpses from their graves, some already decomposed with barely any flesh left, others covered in decaying flesh, and some crawling with worms and giving off a horrible smell. They gather loose bones in sacks, place less decayed bodies in coffins, and carry them solemnly to the chosen spot, moving quietly and steadily while sighing and crying mournfully. To ensure that the memory of chiefs and those famous for their bravery lives on, they choose a young and strong person to bear the name of the deceased. The namesake then recruits warriors and goes to battle, hoping to achieve something glorious to prove himself worthy of the name and bravery of the person he represents. Names of lesser importance are condemned to be forgotten. Therefore, when someone in the village dies, their name is loudly proclaimed in every lodge so no one uses it carelessly. If it becomes necessary to mention the deceased, they use a roundabout way of speaking to soften the harsh reminder of his death. Failing to do so is viewed as a serious offense, and they believe no insult is worse than defaming someone’s dead relatives in their presence.

268

BELLI GERENDI RATIO; ARMA; CRUDELITAS IN CAPTIVOS.

BELLA temere ac ferociter suscipiunt, nulla sæpe, aut perlevi de causa. Duces communi suffragio legunt, eosque vel familiarum præcipuarum natu maximos, vel quorum virtus bellica, aut etiam eloquentia perspecta sit. Civili bello nunquam inter se concurrunt; arma in finitimos tantum movent; neque imperii ac ditionis proferendæ causa, sed ferè ut illatam sibi, vel fœderatis, injuriam ulciscantur. Gladios, & gravidas nitrato pulvere fistulas, à Batavis & Anglis accepere, quibus armis freti, certiùs & audacius in hostium, atque adeò Europæorum perniciem conspirant. Interdum bella singulari certamine finiunt. Agmina duo, hinc Montanorum, quos vocant, inde Iroquæorum constiterant ante aliquot annos, velut in procinctu. Duces antegressi jam designabant locum ad aciem explicandam, cum unus alterum sic allocutus fertur: Parcamus nostrorum sanguini, imo nostro: manibus nudis rem agamus. Uter alterum dejecerit, is vincat. Placuit conditio. Manus ambo conferunt. Montanus Iroquæum ita delassavit, dolum artemque virtuti miscens, ut humi denique prostratum ligaverit, impositumque humeris ad suum agmen victor detulerit. Clypeos conficiunt è ligno dolato, plerumque cedrino; paulum ad oras incurvos: 270 leves, prælongos & peramplos, ita ut totum corpus protegant. Jam, ne jaculis, aut securibus perrumpantur omnino ac dissiliant, eos intus consuunt restibus ex animalium corio contextis, quæ totam clypei molem continent connectuntque. Non gestant è brachio suspensos, sed funem ex quo pendent, rejiciunt in humerum dextrum: adeo ut latus corporis sinistrum clypeo protegatur; mox ubi jaculum emiserunt, aut ferream disploserunt fistulam, paulum retrahunt dextrum latus, ac sinistrum clypeo tectum obvertunt hosti.

BELLA are received with fear and ferocity, often for no significant reason. The leaders are elected by a common vote, choosing those either from the noblest families or those whose military skill or eloquence is well-known. They never engage in conflict amongst themselves during a civil war; they only weaponize against neighboring tribes; not for the sake of expanding their power or territory, but mainly to avenge any wrong done to them or their allies. They received swords and guns loaded with gunpowder from the Dutch and the English, and relying on these weapons, they conspire with greater certainty and boldness for the destruction of their enemies, including Europeans. Sometimes they end their wars with a singular duel. Two groups, one from the so-called Montanans and the other from the Iroquois, had stood ready a few years back, almost in formation. The leaders were already deciding on a spot to set up for battle when one addressed the other saying: Let's spare our blood, even our own; let’s settle this with bare hands. Whoever throws the other down will win. The condition was agreed upon. Both sides clasped hands. The Montanan tired out the Iroquois using a mix of trickery and skill, ultimately pinning him to the ground, and then carried him on his shoulders back to his own group as a victor. They make shields from carved wood, mostly cedar; slightly curved at the edges: 270 light, lengthy, and very large, so they can cover their entire bodies. To ensure they are not pierced by arrows or axes and break apart, they sew a thread made from animal skin on the inside, which holds the entire bulk of the shield together. They don’t carry them suspended from the arm, but rather throw a cord from which they hang over onto their right shoulder; so that their left side is protected by the shield; then when they throw their spear or fire a gun, they slightly pull back their right side and turn their left shielded side toward the enemy.

In prælio id maximè student, vivos ut hostes capiant. Captis & in suos abductis pagos primum vestes detrahunt; deinde ungues crudis dentibus singillatim avellunt: tum palo alligatos verberant ad satietatem. Mox vinculis solutos cogunt ire, ac redire, geminum inter ordinem armatorum spinis, fustibus & ferramentis. Denique, accenso circum foco, lentis ignibus miseros torrent. Interim torosas carnes fodicant candentibus laminis, & verubus, aut recisas ac semiustulatas, sanie fluentes & sanguine, vorant. Nunc tædis ardentibus totum corpus, ac præsertim hiatus vulnerum, pertentant: nunc detracta capitis cute inspergunt nudæ calvæ favillam, & fervidos cineres: nunc brachiorum nervos ac pedum vellunt, lancinant, aut hebeti secant lente ferro, derepta parumper cute, in pedis malleolo, & manus carpo. Sæpe cogunt captivum infelicem ingredi per subjectos ignes: aut frusta suæ carnis mandere, ac vivo sepulcro condere. Hujusmodi carnificinam non pauci è Patribus Societatis 272 pertulere. Hanc porro extrahunt in multos dies; utque novis cruciatibus tristis victima suppetat, intermittunt eosdem aliquandiu, donec ad extremum fatiscant corpora, & concidant. Tunc è pectore cor avellunt, torrent subjectis prunis; & cruore condîtum juvenibus avidè comedendum objiciunt, si captivus suppliciorum acerbitatem generosè fuerit perpessus: ut viri fortis, inquiunt, masculum robur juventus bellatrix combibat. Laudatur qui rogum, cultros, vulnera, irretorto vultu aspexerit, & exceperit: qui non ingemuerit, qui risu cantuque tortoribus illuserit: nam canere tot inter mortes, amplum ac magnificum esse putant. Itaque cantilenas ipsi multo ante componunt, quas capti, si sors ferat, recitent. Reliqua multitudo cadaver absumit in ferali convivio. Dux reservat sibi verticis pellem cum coma, monumentum victoriæ, trophæum crudelitatis.

In battle, they mainly aim to capture living enemies. Once captured and taken to their villages, they first strip off their clothes; then, they tear off their nails one by one with raw teeth. Next, they beat them to the point of satisfaction, tied to a stake. Soon, they force them to walk and return, caught between two lines of armed men wielding thorns, clubs, and weapons. Finally, after lighting a fire around them, they torment the miserable souls with slow flames. Meanwhile, they poke at their tough meats with glowing plates, and whether chunked or partially taken off, dripping with fat and blood, they devour it. Now they pierce the entire body, especially the gaps in the wounds, with burning torches: now they sprinkle the naked bald head with ashes and hot coals; now they pull and tear the tendons of their arms and legs, ripping them apart, or they slowly cut them with dull iron, peeling off a bit of skin from the ankle or wrist. They often force the unfortunate captive to walk through the flames underneath: or to chew on his own flesh and bury himself alive. Many from the Society of Jesus have endured such tortures. They prolong this for many days; and as the sad victim suffers new tortures, they intermittently pause until the body finally collapses and falls apart. Then they tear out the heart from the chest, cook it over the coals, and eagerly offer it up to the young men, to be devoured, if the captive has bravely endured the harshness of his punishments: for they say that the strong man’s valor is bolstered by the fierce youth. He is praised who can stare at the pyre, the knives, the wounds, with a twisted face, and endure: who does not groan, who mocks the torturers with laughter and song: for they consider it grand and magnificent to sing amid so much death. Therefore, they compose songs long before, which the captives may recite if fate allows. The rest of the crowd consumes the corpse in a grim feast. The leader keeps the skin from the scalp with the hair as a trophy of victory, a monument of cruelty.

269

METHODS OF WARFARE; WEAPONS; CRUELTY TO PRISONERS.

THEY engage in war rashly and savagely, often with no cause, or upon a very slight pretext. They choose as leaders, by general vote, either the eldest members of illustrious families or those whose warlike valor, or even eloquence, has been approved. In civil war they never engage; they carry arms only against their neighbors, and not for the sake of extending their dominion and sway, but usually, in order that they may avenge an injury inflicted upon themselves or their allies. They have obtained swords and guns from the Dutch and English, and, relying upon these weapons, they plan with greater determination and boldness the destruction of their enemies, and even of the Europeans. Sometimes they decide their wars by single combat. Two bands, one of the so-called Montagnais,70 the other of Iroquois, had met a few years ago in readiness for battle. The leaders had advanced and were already designating the positions for the formation of the lines of attack, when it is said that one thus addressed the other: "Let us spare the blood of our followers; nay, rather let us spare our own. Let us settle the matter with our bare hands, and he who overcomes the other shall be the victor." The proposition was accepted, and the two joined battle. The Montagnais, by means of a combination of strategy and skill with courage, so wearied the Iroquois that he finally hurled the latter to the ground, bound him, and triumphantly carried him off upon his 271 shoulders to his own band. They make their shields of hewn wood, principally cedar, with slightly-curving edges, light, very long and very large, so that they cover the entire body. Next, in order that they may not be penetrated and split by spears or tomahawks, they overlace them on the inner side with thongs made from the skins of animals, which hold together and connect the whole mass of the shield. They do not carry the shield suspended from the arm, but cast by a cord over the right shoulder, so that it protects the left side of the body; when they have cast their spears or fired their guns they slightly retire the right side and turn toward the enemy the left side, which is protected by the shield.

THEY go into battle recklessly and brutally, often without any real reason, or just based on a trivial excuse. They select their leaders through a general vote, typically choosing the oldest members of prominent families or those whose bravery or even speaking skills have earned respect. They never engage in civil wars; they only fight against their neighbors, not to expand their power but usually to seek revenge for wrongs done to themselves or their allies. They have acquired swords and guns from the Dutch and English, and, relying on these weapons, they plan with more determination and courage to defeat their enemies, including Europeans. Sometimes they resolve their conflicts through one-on-one combat. A few years ago, two groups, one called the Montagnais and the other the Iroquois, prepared for battle. The leaders advanced and were already setting up their attack formations when one of them said to the other: "Let's save our followers' blood; let’s save our own. Let’s settle this with our bare hands, and whoever wins will be the victor." The suggestion was agreed upon, and the two fought. The Montagnais, using a mix of strategy and skill along with bravery, exhausted the Iroquois until he finally knocked him to the ground, tied him up, and triumphantly carried him back to his own group. They make their shields from hewn wood, primarily cedar, with slightly curved edges, lightweight, very long, and large enough to cover their entire bodies. To prevent them from being pierced or split by spears or tomahawks, they reinforce the inner side with thongs made from animal skins, which bind the entire shield together. They don’t wear the shield on their arm; instead, they sling it over their right shoulder, so it protects the left side of their body. After throwing their spears or firing their guns, they slightly pull back their right side and turn toward the enemy with their left side, which is protected by the shield.

In battle they strive especially to capture their enemies alive. Those who have been captured and led off to their villages are first stripped of their clothing; then they savagely tear off their nails one by one with their teeth; then they bind them to stakes and beat them as long as they please. Next they release them from their bonds, and compel them to pass back and forth between a double row of men armed with thorns, clubs and instruments of iron. Finally, they kindle a fire about them, and roast the miserable creatures with slow heat. Sometimes they pierce the flesh of the muscles with red-hot plates and with spits, or cut it off and devour it, half-burned and dripping with gore and blood. Next, they plant blazing torches all over the body, and especially in the gaping wounds; then, after scalping him they scatter ashes and live coals upon his naked head; then they tear the tendons of the arms and legs, lacerate them, or, after removing a little of the skin, leisurely cut them with a knife at the ankle and wrist. Often they compel the unhappy prisoner 273 to walk through fire, or to eat, and thus entomb in a living sepulchre, pieces of his own flesh. Torture of this sort has been borne by not a few of the Fathers of the Society. Moreover, they prolong this torment throughout many days, and, in order that the poor victim may undergo fresh trials, intermit it for some time, until his vitality is entirely exhausted and he perishes. Then they tear the heart from the breast, roast it upon the coals, and, if the prisoner has bravely borne the bitterness of the torture, give it, seasoned with blood, to the boys, to be greedily eaten, in order, as they say, that the warlike youth may imbibe the heroic strength of the valiant man. The prisoner who has beheld and endured stake, knives and wounds with an unchanging countenance, who has not groaned, who with laughter and song has ridiculed his tormentors, is praised; for they think that to sing amid so many deaths is great and noble. So they themselves compose songs long beforehand, in order that they may repeat them if they should by chance be captured. The rest of the crowd consume the corpse in a brutal feast. The chief reserves for himself the scalp as a sign of victory, a trophy of cruelty.

In battle, they particularly aim to capture their enemies alive. Those who get captured and taken to their villages are first stripped of their clothes; then they viciously tear off their nails one by one with their teeth; after that, they tie them to stakes and beat them for as long as they want. Next, they release them from their bindings and force them to walk back and forth between two rows of men holding thorns, clubs, and iron tools. Finally, they light a fire around them and slowly roast the miserable victims. Sometimes, they stab the flesh of the muscles with red-hot plates and spits or cut pieces off and eat them, half-cooked and dripping with blood. Then, they stick flaming torches all over the body, especially in the open wounds; after scalping him, they scatter ashes and hot coals on his bare head; then they rip the tendons of the arms and legs, tear them up, or after removing a bit of skin, casually cut them with a knife at the ankle and wrist. Often, they force the unfortunate prisoner to walk through fire or to eat pieces of his own flesh, entombing him in a living grave. Many of the Fathers of the Society have endured this kind of torture. They prolong this torment for many days, and to ensure the poor victim faces new trials, they take breaks until his strength is completely worn out and he dies. Then they rip the heart from his chest, roast it over the coals, and if the prisoner bravely withstands the pain, they season it with blood and give it to the boys to eat eagerly, claiming it helps the young warriors absorb the heroic strength of the brave man. The prisoner who has faced the stake, knives, and wounds with an unflinching expression, who hasn’t groaned, and who has ridiculed his tormentors with laughter and song is praised; they believe that singing amid so much death is great and noble. So, they write songs in advance, ready to sing them if they get captured. The rest of the crowd brutally devours the corpse in a feast. The chief keeps the scalp as a sign of victory, a trophy of cruelty.

274

INDOLES ANIMI: CORPORIS CULTUS: CIBI, CONVIVIA; SUPELLEX: RELIGIO, & SUPERSTITIONES.

SIC hostes accipiunt: at domi colunt pacem, rixasque diligenter cavent, nisi quas ebrietatis impotentia excitavit. Fortunati, si nunquam illis hanc pestem Europa importasset! Irasci ne norunt quidem, ac vehementer initio mirabantur, cum inveherentur Patres in vitia pro concione, eosque furere existimabant, qui pacatos inter auditores, & amicos, tanta contentione se jactarent. Liberalitatis & munificentiæ famam aucupantur: sua largiuntur ultro; ablata vix repetunt: nec fures aliter, quam risu & sannis ulciscuntur. Si quem, oborta simultate nefarie aliquid moliri suspicantur, non minis deterrent hominem, sed donis. Ex eodem concordiæ studio fit ut assentiantur ultro, quidquid doceas; nihilo tamen secius tenent mordicus insitam opinionem aut superstitionem: eoque difficilius erudiuntur. Quid enim agas cum annuentibus verbo & concedentibus omnia; re nihil præstantibus? Miserorum egestatem benignè sublevant; viduarum ac senum sustentant orbitatem, nisi cum senio ætas vieta marcet, vel morbus gravior incidit: tunc enim abrumpere infelicem vitam satius arbitrantur, quàm alere ac producere. Quæcumque calamitas ingruat, nunquam se dimoveri de animi tranquillitate patiuntur, qua felicitatem potissimum 276 definiunt. Inediam multorum dierum, morbos, & ærumnas lenissime & constantissimè perferunt. Ipsos partus dolores, licet acerbissimos, ita dissimulant feminæ vel superant, ut ne ingemiscant quidem: ac si cui lacryma vel gemitus excideret, æterna flagraret ignominia, neque virum, à quo duceretur, præterea inveniret, Nihil unquam amicus cum amico, uxor cum viro, cum uxore vir, queritur & expostulat. Liberos mira caritate complectuntur: sed modum non tenent; in eos enim neque animadvertunt ipsi, neque ab aliis animadverti sinunt. Hinc petulantia puerorum & ferocitas, quæ, postquàm se corroboravit ætate, in omne scelus erumpit. Quam autem erga liberos & familiares comitatem præ se ferunt, eandem cum ceteris civibus suis, ac popularibus, usurpant. Si quis amariore joco quempiam momordit, (nam dicaces vulgo sunt, & in jocos effusi) belle dissimulant, aut vicem reponunt, & absentes remordent; nam præsentes cavillari, aut coram dictis incessere, religio est. Non aliud libentiùs convicium regerunt lacessiti, quàm si hominem ingenio carere dicant. Scilicet ingenii laudem vindicant sibi; nec temere. Nemo inter illos hebes, ac tardus; quod nativa illorum in deliberando prudentia, & in dicendo facundia, declarat. Auditi quidem sæpe sunt tam appositè ad persuadendum perorare, idque ex tempore, ut admirationem exercitatissimis in dicendi palæstra moverent.

SIC hosts welcome all: at home, they cultivate peace and carefully avoid quarrels, unless provoked by the uncontrollable force of drunkenness. They would be fortunate if Europe had never brought them this plague! They don't even know how to get angry, and they were initially astonished when the Elders would lecture about their vices in public, thinking that those who flaunted themselves with such intensity among calm listeners and friends must be out of their minds. They seek the reputation for generosity and lavishness: they give freely; once something is taken, they barely ask for it back; and they punish thieves with laughter and mockery rather than anger. If they suspect someone of plotting something wicked due to a sudden feud, they don't deter the person with threats but with gifts. This same desire for harmony leads them to agree with you on whatever you teach; yet, they still stubbornly cling to their ingrained opinions or superstitions, making them all the harder to educate. What can you do with those who agree with your words and concede everything, yet contribute nothing? They kindly support the misery of the unfortunate; they provide for the widows and elderly, unless old age weakens them or a more serious illness strikes. Then, they consider it better to end a miserable life than to sustain and prolong it. Whatever calamity strikes, they never allow themselves to be shaken from their mental tranquility, which they define primarily as happiness. They endure hunger for many days, illnesses, and hardships with remarkable steadiness and patience. Women conceal or overcome the pains of childbirth, even the most extreme, so skillfully that they don't even groan: and if a tear or a sigh escapes someone, they would face eternal disgrace, and the man from whom she is taken would never find her again. Friends never complain or plead with each other, nor does a wife with her husband, or a husband with his wife. They embrace their children with amazing love but lack moderation in their affection; they neither notice their actions themselves nor allow others to point them out. Hence, the playful behavior of children and their ferocity, which, once they mature, bursts forth into every kind of wickedness. The kindness they show towards their children and family is the same that they extend to their fellow citizens and neighbors. If someone bites back with a bitter jest (for they are generally witty and freely joke), they elegantly hide it or retaliate and sting the absent; for it is considered a taboo to mock or criticize someone openly. They prefer to retaliate with insults rather than anything else, as long as they can say someone is lacking in wit. Clearly, they defend their reputation for cleverness, and rightfully so. No one among them is dull or slow, as their natural prudence in deliberating and eloquence in speaking demonstrate. They have often been heard to speak so aptly and persuasively, even spontaneously, that they astonish those who are most skilled in the art of rhetoric.

Respondet ingenio corpus, aptum membris, proceritate 278 formosum, robore validum. Idem, qui Gallis, color; tametsi corrumpunt illum unguine, & oleo putri, quo se perungunt; necnon pigmentis variis, quibus sibi pulcri, nobis ridiculi, videntur. Alios cernas naso cæruleo, genis vero & superciliis atratis: alii frontem, nasum, & genas, lineis versicoloribus discriminant: totidem larvas intueri te putes. Ejusmodi coloribus credunt se hostibus esse terribiles; suum pariter in acie metum, quasi velo, tegi: demum pellem ipsam corporis indurari, ad vim hiberni frigoris facilius tolerandam. Præter istos colores induci pro cujusque libidine ac deleri solitos, non pauci stabiles ac perpetuas avium aut animalium, putà serpentis, aquilæ, bufonis, imagines imprimunt cuti, hunc in modum. Subulis, cuspidibus, aut spinis collum, pectus, genasve ita pungunt, ut rudia rerum istarum lineamenta effingant: mox in punctam & cruentam cutem immittunt atrum è carbone comminuto pulverem, qui cum sanguine concretus impressas effigies ita inurit vivæ carni, ut eas nulla temporis diuturnitas expungat. Totæ quædam nationes, ea præsertim quæ a Tabaco nomen habet, itemque alia quæ Neutra dicitur, id constanti more ac lege usurpat, nec sine periculo interdum; maxime si est tempestas frigidior, aut debilior [347] corporis constitutio. Tunc enim dolore victi, licet eum ne gemitu quidem significent, linquuntur animo, & exanimes aliquando concidunt. Laudant oculos exiles, labra repanda & prominentia: 280 pars radunt comam, pars alunt: his nudum sinciput, illis occiput: aliis coma tota surrigitur in vertice, aliis parcè ad tempora utrimque propendet. Barbam, instar monstri, execrantur; ac si quis in mento succrescat pilus, statim vellunt. Viri æque ac feminæ imas auriculas pertundunt: & iis inaures è vitro, testisve piscium, inferunt. Quo foramen amplius est, eo censent formosius. Nunquam ungues resecant. Europæos rident, qui defluentem è naribus humorem candidis sudariis excipiant, &, Quo, inquiunt, rem adeo sordidam reservant isti? Saltantes curvant arcuatim corpus prono capite, & brachia sic agitant, ut qui farinam manibus subigunt, raucùm identidem grunnientes. Alvum infimam succingunt lato cortice, vel animantis pelle, aut versicolore panno, cetera nudi. Feminæ pelles ex humeris & collo promittunt ad genua. Zonas atque armillas, è concha veneria, quam vulgo porcellanam appellamus, aut seta hystricis non inscite contextas, gestant: torques hunc in modum confectos magno habent in pretio. Storeas è marisco (junci marini genus est) satis eleganter elaborant: iis pavimentum sternunt, in iisdem carpunt somnos, aut in vitulorom marinorum, fibrorumve mollibus exuviis. Dormiunt circa focum in mapali medio semper ardentem, si frigus est: sub dio, si æstas.

Responding to their nature, they have bodies suited to their limbs, tall, beautiful, and strong. The same applies to the Gauls, their color; even though they spoil it with foul-smelling oils and ointments they apply to themselves; also with various pigments, which seem attractive to them but ridiculous to us. Some have blue noses, dark cheeks, and eyebrows: others decorate their foreheads, noses, and cheeks with colorful lines: you might think you are looking at a bunch of masks. With these colors, they believe they appear fearsome to their enemies; they cover their own fear in battle like a veil: finally, their skin hardens to better withstand the harsh winter cold. Besides these colors, which are applied according to one's desire and customarily washed away, many leave stable and permanent images of birds or animals, like serpents, eagles, or toads, on their skin in this way. They pierce their neck, chest, or cheeks with needles, spikes, or thorns so that the crude outlines of those things are created: soon after, they prick the skin and apply black powder from crushed charcoal mixed with blood, which burns the imprints into living flesh so that no amount of time can erase them. Entire nations, especially one named after Tobacco and another called Neutral, practice this habit and tradition consistently, sometimes with danger; especially if it is colder weather or if their body is weaker. For then, overcome by pain, even if they don't express it with a groan, they become dispirited and sometimes collapse lifeless. They admire slender eyes, full and protruding lips: some shave their hair, while others let it grow: some leave their heads bare, others grow it at the back: some raise their hair fully on top, while others fashion it sparingly to the temples on both sides. They detest beards, like a monster, and if any hair grows on the chin, they pluck it out immediately. Both men and women pierce their lower earlobes; and they wear earrings made of glass or fish bones. The larger the hole, the more attractive they believe it is. They never trim their nails. They laugh at Europeans who catch the clear fluid dripping from their noses with white cloths, asking, “Why do they keep such a dirty thing?” They jump, bending their bodies with their heads down, and wave their arms like those kneading flour, continuously making a hoarse sound. They bind their lower parts with wide bark, the skin of animals, or colorful cloth, leaving the rest naked. Women let their skin hang from their shoulders and neck down to their knees. They wear belts and bracelets made from shell or silk from porcupines, which are cleverly crafted: they value these types of necklaces highly. They make mats from marsh grasses (a type of sea rush) quite elegantly: with them, they pave their floors, sleep on them, or in soft animal skins. They sleep around the fire in the middle of it, which is always burning if it is cold; under the open sky if it is summer.

Mensam, aut cathedram, in casa tota videas nullam; in clunes subsidunt, simiarum instar: is vescentium, 282 is deliberantium, & confabulantium habitus est. Adeuntes amicos salutant inepto risu; sæpius ho, hho, hhho, conclamantes. Cum vescuntur, potum dapibus non intermiscent, neque identidem bibunt; sed semel tantùm, sumpto cibo. Qui amicos convivio accipit, cum iis neque accumbit, nec ciborum partem ullam attingit, sed epulantibus dividit: aut, si quem adhibet structorem, sedet seorsum jejunus, & spectat. Inter edendum silent: salem aversantur, & condimenta: ossa canibus projicere piaculum arbitrantur: igni cremant, vel terræ infodiunt. Si enim, inquiunt, ursi, fibri, & aliæ, quas venando captamus, feræ, ossa sua permitti canibus, & comminui, rescirent; non tam facile capi se paterentur. Adipem è pinguibus collectum cibis, abstergunt coma; genis interdum brachiisve allinunt, elegantiæ, ut aiunt, causa, & valetudinis: nam adipe non solum nitere cutem, sed corroborari membra existimant. Non alio cibo vescuntur libentius quàm Sagamita. Pulmentum est è farina, præsertim Indici tritici, confectum: admisto, quod illis condimentum præcipuè sapit, oleo. Itaque in conviviis pars dapum prima oleum, aut adeps, in quem concretum & spissum ita dentes infigunt, ut nos in panem aut pomum. Antequam illis lebetes, cortinæ, aliaque id genus vasa ærea deferrentur è Gallia, utebantur cacabis è cortice compactis; verùm quia imponi flammis non poterant impunè, hanc ad coquendas carnes artem excogitaverant. Silices plurimos 284 conjiciebant in focum, donec penitus ignem combibissent. Candentes in ollam frigida plenam & carnibus alios atque alios subinde immittebant. Ad hunc modum aqua calefacta carnes citius opinione faciliusque percoquit. Ad tergendas manus utuntur piloso canum tergo, cui illas affricant; item scobe ligni putris. Hæc matribus vice panniculorum est, ad purgandas infantium sordes; hæc instar culcitæ languidis corporibus substernitur. Vasa coquinaria, non extergunt. Quo sunt crasso pingui magis oblita, eo melius, illorum judicio, nitent. Turpe ducunt & superbum inambulare inter colloquendum. Odorem mosci graviter ferunt, & meram esse mephitim putant, præ carnis rancidæ, aut adipis mucidi frusto.

You won't see a table or chair in the whole house; they just sink down like monkeys. This is how they eat, deliberate, and chat. Friends greet each other with silly laughter; often it’s ho, hho, hhho, shouting. When they eat, they don’t interrupt their meal with drinks; they only drink once after taking food. If someone hosts friends, they neither recline with them nor touch any part of the food but serve it to those who are feasting. Or, if they invite a cook, they sit apart, fasting, and just watch. They are silent while eating; they avoid salt and spices; they think it’s a sin to throw bones to dogs: they burn them or bury them in the ground. For they say, if bears, fish, and other wild animals we catch were allowed to keep their bones and chew them, they wouldn’t be so easily caught. They wipe their hair with fat from rich foods; sometimes they smear their cheeks or arms, as they say, for elegance and health; for they believe that fat not only makes the skin shine but also strengthens the limbs. They prefer no food over Sagamita. It’s a dish made from flour, especially Indian wheat, mixed with their favorite spice, oil. So in feasts, the first part of the meal is oil or fat, into which they sink their teeth as we do with bread or fruit. Before they had metal pots, curtains, and other such vessels brought from France, they used pots made from bark; but since they couldn’t safely place those over flames, they invented this way of cooking meat. They throw many flint stones into the fire until they thoroughly absorb the heat. They keep adding more cold meat into the pot. In this way, the water heats up and cooks the meat faster and easier than expected. To wipe their hands, they use the shaggy back of a dog, which they rub against; they also use rotten wood shavings. This serves mothers instead of rags to clean their babies' messes; it’s put under weary bodies like a cushion. They don’t clean their cooking vessels. The more they are smeared with thick fat, the better they shine, in their opinion. They consider it disgraceful and arrogant to stroll around while talking. They can’t stand the smell of musk and think it’s just as bad as the stench of rancid meat or soggy fat.

Sexcenta sunt ejus generis, in quibus longissimè recedunt ab Europæorum institutis: sed ab illorum vitiis propius absunt, eaque vel æquant, vel superant. Gulæ irritamenta, & inimicas bonæ ac sanæ menti potiones, ab Europæis mercatoribus acceperunt, quibus lucri bonus est odor, etiam ex flagitio, & scelerata nundinatione. Tandiu esse pergunt, dum adest quod edant: nihil in crastinum, aut hyemem, reponunt: nec famem valde reformidant, quia se ferre diuturnam posse confidunt. Conviviis ea lex posita consensu moribusque gentis est, ut omnia fercula consumantur. Si quis edit parciùs, & excusat valetudinem, plectitur, aut ejicitur, ut insulsus, quasi qui vivendi artem nesciat. Primaria supellectilis domesticæ 286 pars, olla est, sive ahenum, in quo carnes coquuntur. Opes lebetum numero metiuntur: nec regem Galliæ aliam ob causam initio magni æstimabant; quàm quòd plures habere ollas dicebatur. Quanta sit apud exleges, & omni freno solutos, intemperantiæ impunitas & licentia, præsertim in adolescentibus, promptum est intelligere: nam grandiores natu libidinem certis finibus circumscribunt, cùm æstus cupiditatum deferbuit: nec impune est peccanti feminæ.

There are sixty types of these people, who stray furthest from European customs: yet they are also closer to their vices, which they either equal or surpass. They have adopted the temptations of gluttony and the toxic drinks that harm a good and healthy mind from European traders, who find profit even in disgrace and wicked trade. They continue indulging until they have food to eat: they save nothing for tomorrow or for winter, and they don't fear hunger too much, as they believe they can endure it for a long time. At feasts, there's a rule agreed upon by the customs of the people that all dishes must be consumed. If someone eats less and says it's for health reasons, they're punished or kicked out, seen as foolish, like someone who doesn't know how to live. The main item of domestic equipment is a pot, whether it’s a simple one or a cauldron, in which meats are cooked. Wealth is measured by the number of pots: the King of France was initially valued highly for this reason, as it was said he had many pots. It’s easy to understand the impunity and freedom of excess among the outlaws, especially in young people: for the older ones limit their desires within certain bounds when the heat of cravings subsides; nor is there any punishment for the sinful woman.

Religionis apud illos neque lex ulla, neque cura. Nullo stato & certo cultu Numen prosequuntur. Esse tamen aliquod, velut in sublustri nocte, vident. Quod quisque puer aspicit in somnis, cum lucescere ratio incipit, hoc illi deinceps numen est, canis, ursus, avis. Vivendi normam & agendi plerumque ducunt è somniis; ut si quem interficiendum, exempli causa, somniaverint, non conquiescant donec hominem insidiis exceptum necaverint. Piget fabulas referre, quas de mundi opificio comminiscuntur. His implent otiosas & avidas plebis aures harioli, & circulatores nequissimi, impietate quæstuosa. Malorum auctorem genium nescio quem vocant Manitoù, ac vehementissime perhorrescunt. Hostem procul dubio generis humani, qui à nonnullis divinos honores & sacrificia quædam extorquet. Circa naturam animarum non levius delirant. Simulacra fingunt corporea, cibi & potionis egentia. Destinatum animabus versus occidentem solem, pagum credunt, in quem obita morte 288 se recipiant: & ubi epulis, venationi, & choreis indulgeant. Hæc enim apud illos summa.

Religion for them is neither a law nor a concern. They pursue divinity without any set or stable worship. They do perceive that there is something, like a dim light in the night. What each boy sees in dreams, when reason begins to awaken, is their subsequent divine being—whether it be a dog, a bear, or a bird. They often draw their standards for living and acting from dreams; for example, if they dream that someone should be killed, they won’t rest until they have ambushed and murdered that person. I’m reluctant to recount the stories they fabricate about the creation of the world. These tales fill the idle and greedy ears of the masses, as well as those of the most unscrupulous fortune-tellers and charlatans. They call the author of evils some spirit they refer to as Manitou, and they fear him intensely. They undoubtedly consider him an enemy of the human race, who extorts divine honors and certain sacrifices from some. They also err just as much when it comes to the nature of souls. They create bodily images that crave food and drink. They believe that souls destined to the west encounter a village in which they find refuge after death, where they indulge in feasts, hunting, and dances. For them, this is the highest good.

Cum primum de sempiternis ignibus, & incendiis sceleri destinatis audierunt, immane quantum obstupuere: fidem tamen pertinaciter abrogabant, quòd dicerent ibi esse ignem non posse, ubi nihil ligni sit: tum, quænam silvæ alere tot ignes, tam diuturnos, possent? Hæc ratio ineptissima tantam vim apud barbaras mentes habebat, ut iis persuaderi veritas evangelica non posset. Quippe in homine carnali, ut ait è SS. PP. nonnemo, tota ratio intelligendi est consuetudo cernendi. Expugnavit nihilominus pertinaciam sacerdos acer & ingeniosus. Fidenter affirmavit inferorum terram vices obire ligni, & ipsam ardere per sese. Risu barbaræ multitudinis exceptus est. Imo, inquit, hujus Avernalis terræ frustum proferam vobis, ut, quoniam verbis divinis non creditis, vestris ipsi oculis credatis. Accendit curiositatem promissi novitas & fiducia. Convenerunt è tota regione ad diem constitutum, & in ingenti planitie, collibus instar amphitheatri cincta, consederunt. Primores gentis duodecim lecti fuere, viri graves & cordati, qui sacerdotem observarent, numquid fraudis ac præstigiarum lateret. Ille sulphuris glebam depromit, dat istis arbitris & cognitoribus tractandam: hanc oculis, naso, manu scrutati, haud dubie terram esse confessi sunt. Aderat olla cum prunis candentibus. Tunc sacerdos populo procul spectante; inhiantibus, demisso in prunas 290 naso, judicibus, excussit in carbones è sulphurea gleba particulas aliquot, quæ subito conceperunt ignem & odore fetido nares curiosas impleverunt. Hoc iterum, ac tertiò cum esset factum, assurrexit multitudo attonita, manum planam imponens ori, quo gestu summam admirationem testantur; & inferos esse dicenti Deo credidit.

As soon as they heard about the eternal fires and the torments destined for the wicked, they were utterly astonished. However, they stubbornly denied it, arguing that there couldn't be fire where there was no wood. Then, which forests could sustain so many long-lasting fires? This reasoning held such sway over their barbaric minds that they couldn’t be convinced of the truth of the Gospel. Indeed, as some holy scholars say, in a carnal person, the whole understanding is based on habitual perception. Nevertheless, a sharp and clever priest broke through their obstinacy. He confidently asserted that the land of the dead was full of wood and burned on its own. He was met with laughter from the barbarian crowd. In fact, he said, I will show you a piece of this Avernus land, so that since you don’t believe divine words, you may trust your own eyes. The novelty of the promise and his boldness sparked their curiosity. People gathered from the entire region for the appointed day, and they settled in a vast plain, surrounded by hills like an amphitheater. Twelve distinguished leaders were chosen, serious and wise men, to observe the priest and see if any trickery or deception was concealed. He produced a lump of sulfur, handed it to the judges and witnesses to examine: after scrutinizing it with their eyes, noses, and hands, they agreed it was indeed earth. There was a pot with glowing coals. Then the priest, while the crowd looked on and watched intently, lowered the sulfur lump into the coals. As he knocked some pieces off the sulfurous earth into the coals, they suddenly caught fire, filling the curious noses with a foul smell. After this was done again and again, the astonished crowd rose up, placing their flat hands over their mouths, a gesture revealing their utmost amazement; and they believed in the God who said there were hells.

275

MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS; CARE OF THE BODY; FOOD; FEASTS; HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS; RELIGION AND SUPERSTITIONS.

THUS they treat their enemies; but at home they cultivate peace and carefully avoid quarrels, except those which the fury of drunkenness has aroused. Fortunate would they be if Europe had never introduced this scourge among them! They know nothing of anger, and at first were greatly surprised when the Fathers censured their faults before the assembly; they thought that the Fathers were madmen, because among peaceful hearers and friends they displayed such vehemence. These people seek a reputation for liberality and generosity; they give away their property freely and very seldom ask any return; nor do they punish thieves otherwise than with ridicule and derision. If they suspect that any one seeks to accomplish an evil deed by means of false pretences, they do not restrain him with threats, but with gifts. From the same desire for harmony comes their ready assent to whatever one teaches them; nevertheless they hold tenaciously to their native belief or superstition, and on that account are the more difficult to instruct. For what can one do with those who in word give agreement and assent to everything, but in reality give none? They kindly relieve the poverty of the unfortunate; they provide sustenance for widows and old men in their bereavement, except when, with old age, vitality is withering away, or some grievous disease arises; for then they think it better to cut short an unhappy existence than to support and prolong it. Whatever 277 misfortune may befall them, they never allow themselves to lose their calm composure of mind, in which they think that happiness especially consists. They endure many days' fasting, also diseases and trials, with the greatest cheerfulness and patience. Even the pangs of childbirth, although most bitter, are so concealed or conquered by the women that they do not even groan; and if a tear or a groan should escape any one of them, she would be stigmatized by everlasting disgrace, nor could she find a man thereafter who would marry her. Friends never indulge in complaint or expostulation to friends, wives to their husbands, or husbands to their wives. They treat their children with wonderful affection, but they preserve no discipline, for they neither themselves correct them nor allow others to do so. Hence the impudence and savageness of the boys, which, after they have reached a vigorous age, breaks forth in all sorts of wickedness. Moreover, they exercise the same mildness which they exhibit toward their children and relatives, toward the remainder of their tribe and their countrymen. If any person has injured another by means of a rude jest (for they are commonly very talkative, and are ready jesters), the latter carefully conceals it, or lays it up, and in retaliation injures his detractor behind his back; for to jest in the victim's presence, or to make a verbal attack, face to face, is characteristic of religion. There is nothing which they are more prone to use as a counter-allegation, when provoked, than to charge a man with a lack of intelligence. For they claim praise because of their intelligence, and not without good reason. No one among them is stupid or sluggish, a fact which is evident in their inborn foresight in deliberation and their fluency in speaking. 279 Indeed, they have often been heard to make a peroration so well calculated for persuasion, and that off-hand, that they would excite the admiration of the most experienced in the arena of eloquence.

THAT'S how they treat their enemies; but at home they promote peace and carefully avoid conflicts, except those that drunkenness ignites. They would be better off if Europe had never introduced this curse to them! They are unaware of anger and were initially shocked when the Fathers pointed out their faults in front of everyone; they thought the Fathers were crazy because they displayed such intensity in front of peaceful listeners and friends. These people want to be known for their generosity and kindness; they freely give away their belongings and rarely expect anything in return; they also don't punish thieves beyond ridicule and laughter. If they suspect someone is trying to commit a wrongdoing through deceit, they don’t threaten them but respond with gifts instead. Their desire for harmony leads them to quickly agree with whatever they are taught; however, they hold tightly to their traditional beliefs or superstitions, making them harder to educate. After all, what can you do with those who verbally agree to everything but don’t truly mean it? They compassionately help those in need; they provide food for widows and elderly people in their grief, except when old age brings decline or serious illness; then they believe it's better to end a miserable life than to sustain it. No matter what misfortune strikes them, they never lose their calm composure, which they think is essential for happiness. They endure long periods of fasting, illnesses, and challenges with great cheerfulness and patience. Even the pain of childbirth, although extremely intense, is so well-hidden or managed by the women that they don’t even moan; if a tear or a groan escapes anyone, she would face lasting shame and likely find it hard to marry afterward. Friends never complain or argue with each other, wives with their husbands, or husbands with their wives. They treat their children with great affection, but they impose no discipline, as they neither correct them nor allow others to do so. This leads to the impudence and wildness of the boys, which, as they grow strong, results in all sorts of wrongdoing. Furthermore, they display the same gentleness toward their children and relatives as they do toward the rest of their tribe and countrymen. If someone offends another with a harsh joke (since they tend to be very talkative and enjoy joking), the offended person either hides it or stores it up and gets back at the offender behind their back; to joke in front of the victim or to confront someone face-to-face is deemed disrespectful. Nothing provokes them more than accusing someone of being unintelligent. They take pride in their intelligence, which is not without justification. No one among them is foolish or lethargic, a fact evident in their innate foresight during discussions and their eloquence in speaking. In fact, they have often been heard giving a persuasive speech so well-crafted and impromptu that it impresses even the most seasoned speakers.

Their bodies, well proportioned, handsome because of their height, vigorous in strength, correspond to their minds. They have the same complexion as the French, although they disfigure it with fat and rancid oil, with which they grease themselves; nor do they neglect paints of various colors, by means of which they appear beautiful to themselves, but to us ridiculous. Some may be seen with blue noses, but with cheeks and eyebrows black; others mark forehead, nose and cheeks with lines of various colors; one would think he beheld so many hobgoblins. They believe that in colors of this description they are dreadful to their enemies, and that likewise their own fear in line of battle will be concealed as by a veil; finally, that it hardens the skin of the body, so that the cold of winter is more easily borne. Besides these colors, which are usually applied or removed according to the pleasure of each person, many impress upon the skin fixed and permanent representations of birds or animals, such as a snake, an eagle, or a toad, in the following manner: With awls, spear-points, or thorns they so puncture the neck, breast or cheeks as to trace rude outlines of those objects; next, they insert into the pierced and bleeding skin a black powder made from pulverized charcoal, which unites with the blood and so fixes upon the living flesh the pictures which have been drawn that no length of time can efface them. Some entire tribes—that especially which is called the Tobacco nation, and also another, which is called the Neutral nation—practice it as a continuous custom and 281 usage; sometimes it is not without danger, especially if the season be somewhat cold or the physical constitution rather weak. [347] For then, overcome by suffering, although they do not betray it by even a groan, they swoon away and sometimes drop dead. They praise small eyes and turned-up and projecting lips. Some shave their hair, others cultivate it; some have half the head bare, others the back of the head; the hair of some is raised upon their heads, that of others hangs down scantily upon each temple. They detest a beard as a monstrosity, and straightway pull out whatever hair grows upon their chins. The men as well as the women pierce the lobes of their ears, and place in them earrings made of glass or shells. The larger the hole, the more beautiful they consider it. They never cut their nails. They ridicule the Europeans, because the latter wipe off the mucus flowing from the nose with white handkerchiefs, and say: "For what purpose do they preserve such a vile thing?" In dancing, they bend the body, with the head lowered, in the form of a bow, and move their arms like those who knead dough, at the same time emitting hoarse grunts. They gird the lower portion of the belly with a broad piece of bark or hide or a parti-colored cloth, and leave the rest of the body naked. The women wear skins hanging from the shoulders and neck to the knees. They wear belts and bracelets ingeniously manufactured from Venus shells,71 which we commonly call porcelain, or from porcupine quills; and necklaces made in this fashion they value highly. They make very neat mats from marisco (a variety of marine rush); with these they cover their floors, and also take their rest upon them, or upon the soft furs of the seal or the beaver. In winter they sleep 283 about a fire constantly burning in the middle of the lodge, in summer under the open sky.

Their bodies are well-proportioned and handsome because of their height, and they are strong, reflecting their minds. They have a similar complexion to the French, but they mar it with fat and rancid oil that they use to grease themselves; they also use various colored paints that they think make them look beautiful, but we find it silly. Some might have blue noses but black cheeks and eyebrows; others mark their foreheads, noses, and cheeks with lines of different colors; it looks like seeing a bunch of goblins. They believe these colors make them look scary to their enemies and help hide their own fear in battle, plus they think it toughens their skin so they can handle the cold of winter better. Besides these colors, which they usually apply or remove as they like, many tattoo permanent designs of birds or animals on their skin, like a snake, an eagle, or a toad. They do this by puncturing their necks, chests, or cheeks with awls, spear points, or thorns to create rough outlines of those objects; then they put a black powder made from crushed charcoal into the pierced and bleeding skin, which mixes with the blood and permanently maps the designs onto their living flesh that time cannot erase. Some tribes, especially those known as the Tobacco Nation and the Neutral Nation, practice this as a customary tradition; sometimes it can be dangerous, especially if the weather is cold or if someone is weak. In those cases, they might faint or even die from the pain, although they don’t show any sign of it, not even a groan. They admire small eyes and prominent, turned-up lips. Some shave their heads, while others grow their hair; some leave half their heads bare, while others keep the back of their heads bare; the hair of some rises off their heads, while that of others hangs down thinly on their temples. They hate beards as an eyesore and quickly pull out any hair that grows on their chins. Both men and women pierce their earlobes and wear earrings made of glass or shells. They consider larger holes more attractive. They never cut their nails. They laugh at Europeans because they wipe the mucus from their noses with white handkerchiefs, saying, "Why do they keep such a disgusting thing?" When dancing, they bend their bodies, lowering their heads like a bow, and move their arms as if kneading dough, while making hoarse grunting sounds. They wrap the lower part of their bellies with a wide piece of bark, hide, or colorful cloth, leaving the rest of their bodies exposed. Women wear skins that hang from their shoulders and necks to their knees. They have belts and bracelets cleverly made from Venus shells, which we commonly call porcelain, or porcupine quills; they highly value necklaces made in this way. They make very neat mats from a type of marine rush called marisco; they use these to cover their floors and also rest on them or on the soft furs of seals or beavers. In winter, they sleep around a fire that constantly burns in the middle of their lodge, and in summer, they sleep under the open sky.

Neither table nor chair can be seen in the hut. They squat upon their haunches like monkeys; this is their custom while eating, deliberating or conversing. They greet approaching friends with silly laughter, more often exclaiming, ho, hho, hhho. When they eat they do not take beverages with their food, nor do they drink often, but only once after eating. Whoever entertains his friends at a feast neither sits with them nor touches any part of the food, but divides it among the feasters; or, if he has some one act as carver, sits apart fasting and looks on. While eating they keep silence; they reject salt and condiments; they consider it a sin to throw the bones to the dogs; they either burn them in the fire or bury them in the ground. For, they say, if the bears, beaver, and other wild animals which we capture in hunting should know that their bones were given to dogs and broken to pieces, they would not suffer themselves to be taken so easily. They wipe off upon their hair the grease which is collected from fatty foods; sometimes they smear their cheeks or arms for the sake, as they say, of elegance and health; for they think that not only is the skin made resplendent with grease, but that the limbs are thus strengthened. For no other food do they have such fondness as for Sagamita. It is a relish made from flour, especially that of Indian corn, mixed with oil, which as a flavor is held in especial esteem among them. Therefore, in feasts the first course consists of oil or fat, in hard and compact lumps, into which they bite as we do into a piece of bread or an apple. Before pots, kettles and other vessels of the sort were brought to them from France, they used receptacles 285 of closely joined bark; but, because they could not place them with safety over the flames, they devised the following way of cooking meat: They cast a large number of flint stones into the fire until they had become red-hot. Then they would drop these hot stones one after another into a vessel full of cold water and meat. In this manner the water was heated and the meat cooked more quickly and more easily than one would suppose. For wiping their hands they use the shaggy back of a dog, also powder of rotten wood. The last-named is used by mothers, in the place of wash-cloths, to clean the dirt from their infants; it is also used as a mattress to support the weary body. They do not cleanse their cooking utensils. The more they are covered with thick grease, so much the better are they, in their judgment. They consider it disgraceful and arrogant to walk while conversing. They dislike the odor of musk, and consider it a downright pest in comparison with a piece of rancid meat or moldy fat.

There are no tables or chairs in the hut. They squat on their haunches like monkeys; this is how they eat, think, or chat. They greet friends with silly laughter, often shouting "ho, hho, hhho." When they eat, they don’t drink with their food, nor do they drink much at all, only once after eating. Whoever is hosting a feast doesn’t sit with the guests or touch any of the food but instead divides it among them; or, if someone is carving, the host sits apart, fasting and watching. While eating, they remain silent; they avoid salt and spices and view it as a sin to throw bones to the dogs. Instead, they either burn them in the fire or bury them. They believe that if bears, beavers, and other animals they hunt knew their bones were given to dogs and broken, they wouldn’t let themselves be caught so easily. They wipe the grease from fatty foods off on their hair; sometimes, they smear it on their cheeks or arms, claiming it’s for elegance and health because they think the grease not only makes their skin shine but also strengthens their limbs. Their favorite food is Sagamita, a dish made from flour, especially cornmeal, mixed with oil, which they particularly enjoy. Therefore, the first course at feasts consists of oil or fat in hard, compact lumps that they bite into like a piece of bread or an apple. Before they got pots and kettles from France, they used containers made of tightly joined bark; but because they couldn’t safely put them over the flames, they came up with this cooking method: they heated a large number of flint stones in the fire until they were red-hot, then dropped these stones one by one into a vessel filled with cold water and meat. This way, the water heated up and the meat cooked more quickly and easily than you’d expect. To wipe their hands, they use the shaggy back of a dog and also powder from rotten wood. Mothers use the latter instead of washcloths to clean their infants and as a mattress for their tired bodies. They don’t wash their cooking utensils. The more covered in thick grease they are, the better, in their opinion. They think it’s shameful and arrogant to walk while talking. They dislike the smell of musk and consider it downright annoying compared to rancid meat or moldy fat.

There, are six hundred matters of this sort in which their customs differ very widely from those of Europeans; but they are less removed from the faults of the latter, and either equal or excel them. They have received stimulants of the appetite, and drinks hostile to a good and sound mind, from European traders, who think much of profit, even when tainted with the disgrace of a wicked traffic. They continue to exist so long as they have anything to eat; they store up nothing for to-morrow, or for the winter; nor do they greatly dread famine, because they are confident of their ability to bear it for a long time. In feasts it is the rule, by general consent and custom of the race, that all the food shall be consumed. 287 If any one eats sparingly and urges his poor health as an excuse, he is beaten or ejected as ill-bred, just as if he were ignorant of the art of living. The principal article of their household utensils is the pot or kettle in which the meat is cooked. They measure property by the number of kettles, and in the beginning conceived a high opinion of the king of France, for no other reason than because he was said to possess a good many kettles. How great is the impunity and wantonness of licentiousness among men uncivilized and free from all restraint, especially among the youth, maybe readily observed; for the elder men confine their lust within fixed limits, after the violence of their passions has subsided, and an erring woman does not go unpunished.

There are six hundred aspects where their customs differ greatly from those of Europeans; however, they are not entirely free from the flaws of Europeans and might even match or surpass them. They have been given appetite stimulants and harmful drinks from European traders, who prioritize profit, even if it comes from a disgraceful trade. They manage to survive as long as they have food; they don’t store anything for tomorrow or for winter; nor do they fear starvation much, as they are confident in their ability to endure it for a long time. During feasts, it’s a general rule and custom that all food must be eaten. 287 If someone eats only a little and claims poor health as an excuse, they are beaten or kicked out as rude, as if they are ignorant of how to live. The main household item they have is the pot or kettle used for cooking meat. They measure wealth by the number of kettles, and at first, they held the king of France in high regard simply because he was said to own many kettles. The level of impunity and reckless behavior among uncivilized men, especially the youth, is quite evident; older men keep their desires within certain limits once their passions have cooled down, and a woman who goes astray does face consequences.

There is among them no system of religion, or care for it. They honor a Deity who has no definite character or regular code of worship. They perceive, however, through the twilight, as it were, that some deity does exist. What each boy sees in his dreams, when his reason begins to develop, is to him thereafter a deity, whether it be a dog, a bear, or a bird. They often derive their principles of life and action from dreams; as, for example, if they dream that any person ought to be killed, they do not rest until they have caught the man by stealth and slain him. It is wearisome to recount the tales which they invent concerning the creation of the world. Soothsayers and worthless quacks fill with these the idle and greedy ears of the people in order that they may acquire an impious gain. They call some divinity, who is the author of evil, "Manitou," and fear him exceedingly. Beyond doubt it is the enemy of the human race, who extorts from some people divine honors and sacrifices. Concerning the nature of 289 spirits, they go none the less astray. They make them corporeal images which require food and drink. They believe that the appointed place, for souls, to which after death they are to retire, is in the direction of the setting sun, and there they are to enjoy feasting, hunting, and dancing; for these pleasures are held in the highest repute among them.

They don’t have any organized religion or concern for it among them. They believe in a God who doesn’t have a clear identity or set way of worship. They sense, in a dim way, that some kind of God exists. What each boy imagines in his dreams, as his understanding starts to grow, becomes a God to him, whether that’s a dog, a bear, or a bird. They often base their values and actions on their dreams; for instance, if they dream that someone should be killed, they won’t rest until they can secretly catch and kill that person. It’s tiring to go over the stories they make up about how the world was created. Soothsayers and frauds fill the minds of the eager and idle people with these tales so they can make a dishonest profit. They refer to a certain deity, the source of evil, as "Manitou," and they fear him greatly. It’s clear that this being is an enemy of humanity, demanding divine honors and offerings from some people. Regarding the nature of 289 spirits, they also get confused. They create physical forms for them that need food and drink. They believe that after death, souls go to a place in the direction of the setting sun where they can feast, hunt, and dance, as those are the things they value the most.

When they first heard of the eternal fire and the burning decreed as a punishment for sin, they were marvelously impressed; still, they obstinately withheld their belief because, as they said, there could be no fire where there was no wood; then, what forests could sustain so many fires through such a long space of time? This absurd reasoning had so much influence over the minds of the savages, that they could not be persuaded of the truth of the gospel. For, plainly, in the physical man, as some one from Sts. Peter and Paul says, the entire system of knowledge is based on vision. Nevertheless, a clever and ingenious priest overcame their obstinacy. He confidently declared that the lower world possessed no wood, and that it burned by itself. He was greeted by the laughter of the crowd of savages. "But," said he, "I will exhibit to you a piece of this land of Avernus, in order that, since you do not believe the words of God, you may trust the evidence of your own eyes." The novelty and boldness of the promise aroused their curiosity. Upon the appointed day they assembled from the whole neighborhood, and sat down together in an immense plain, surrounded by hills like an amphitheater. Twelve leading men of the tribe, persons of dignity and sagacity, were chosen to watch the priest, in order that neither fraud nor sorcery might be concealed. He produced a lump of sulphur and gave it to the judges 291 and inspectors to be handled; after examining it with eyes, nose, and hand, they admitted that it was certainly earth. There stood near by a kettle containing live coals. Then the priest, under the eyes of the people at a distance, while the judges were gaping with their noses thrust down toward the coals, shook some grains from the lump of sulphur upon the coals, which suddenly took fire and filled the curious noses with a stifling odor. When this had been done a second and a third time, the crowd arose in astonishment, placing their hands flat over their mouths, by which gesture they signify great surprise; and believed in the word of God that there is a lower world.

When they first heard about the eternal fire and the burning punishment for sin, they were really impressed; however, they stubbornly refused to believe it because, as they claimed, there couldn’t be fire without wood. So, what forests could support so many fires for such a long time? This ridiculous reasoning had such a strong hold on the minds of the natives that they couldn’t be convinced of the truth of the gospel. Clearly, as someone from Sts. Peter and Paul said, all human knowledge is based on what we can see. Nevertheless, a smart and resourceful priest managed to break through their stubbornness. He confidently stated that the underworld had no wood and that it burned on its own. This earned him laughter from the crowd of natives. "But," he said, "I will show you a piece of this land of Avernus, so that, since you do not believe the words of God, you can trust what you see with your own eyes." The novelty and boldness of his promise intrigued them. On the appointed day, they gathered from the entire area and sat together in a huge plain, surrounded by hills like an amphitheater. Twelve prominent men from the tribe, respected for their wisdom and dignity, were chosen to watch the priest to ensure that no trickery or magic occurred. He took out a piece of sulfur and handed it to the judges and inspectors to examine; after looking at it with their eyes, smelling it, and touching it, they agreed it was definitely earth. Nearby, there was a kettle filled with live coals. Then the priest, in front of the watching crowd while the judges leaned over the coals, sprinkled some sulfur onto the coals, which instantly ignited and filled the curious crowd with a suffocating smell. After doing this a second and then a third time, the crowd stood up in shock, covering their mouths with their hands to show their amazement; they believed in the word of God that there is an underworld.

292

[51] Rerum Insigniorum Indiculus.

ALCES consideratio,	7
virtus mira ungulæ ejus,	8
Angli barbaris gladios et gravidas nitrato pulvere fistulas suppeditant,	27
Animarum de natura delirant Canadenses,	20,46
Aves Novæ Franciæ,	14
Avis prædatrix,	15
Batavi barbaris arma vendunt,	27
Canada fluvius,	5
Canadensium domus,	16
mulierum labores,	17
morbi et ægrorum cura,	18
funera,	20
bella,	27
arma,	28
crudelitas in captivos,	29
indoles,	33
corporis cultus,	37
cibi,	42
convivia,	44
[52] Canadensium supellex,	44
religio et superstitiones,	45
Captivorum crudelis sors,	29
Casæ Canadensium,	16
cadavera perjanuam nunquam esseruntur,	20
Casæ fibrorum,	10
Causarus seu Piscis armatus,	12
Clypei barbarorum,	28
294 Coquendi ratio in cacabis è cortice confectis,	42
Ebrietas ab Europæis discitur,	44
Exequiarum ritus,	20
Feminis imponitur quidquid laboris est,	17
Fibri consideratio,	9
Fluvii quid habent singulare,	6
Franciæ Novæ descriptio, flumina,	5
cœlum,	6
soli natura,	7
feræ,	7
Galliæ rex cur magni æstimabatur,	45
Hurones diem Mortuorum celebrant,	25
Infantium mira mortalitas,	17
cur corpora propter viam sepeliunt,	21
Infernales ignes esse probat sacerdos,	48
[53] Iroquæi bellum cum Montanis singulari certamine finiunt,	28
Iroquæorum lacus,	12
Kebecum, urbs primaria Novæ Franciæ,	6
Magna Bellua, quid,	7
Manitoù, genius malorum,	46
Missisipus fluvius,	6
Montani bellum singulari certamine finiunt,	28
Morborum fontes duo,	18
Mortuorum festa celebritas apud Hurones,	25
Mos Canadensis mortuos suscitandi,	25
Naviculæ barbarorum,	6
Neutra Natio,	38
Numen nullo certo cultu prosequuntur,	44
Palumbes absque numero,	14
Pisces armatus,	13
Patres non pauci Societatis Jesu dire torquentur,	31
Religio Canadensium,	45
Reticula pedibus substrata ut super nives de ambulent,	8
296 S. Laurentii fluvius,	5, 6
Sagamita quid,	42
[54] Saltus seu catadupæ in fluviis,	6
Sinus Sancti Laurentii,	14
Somniorum vanitas,	46
Sudando noxios humores ejiciunt,	19
Tabacum, natio ejus nominis,	38
Trophæus,	32
Volucrum insula,	14

293

[51] Index of Prominent Topics.

[The page numbers refer to O'Callaghan's Reprint.]

ELK: description,	7
wonderful efficacy of its hoof,	8
The English supply swords, guns and ammunition to the savages,	27
Absurd ideas of Canadians concerning the soul,	20,46
Birds of New France,	14
A bird of prey,	15
The Dutch sell arms to the savages,	27
The river Canada,	5
Homes of the Canadians,	16
tasks of the women,	17
diseases and treatment of the sick,	18
funerals,	20
wars,	27
weapons,	28
cruelty to prisoners,	29
character,	33
care of the body,	37
food,	42
feasts,	44
[52] Implements of the Canadians,	44
religion and superstitions,	45
Cruel fate of prisoners,	29
Houses of the Canadians,	16
corpses are never carried out through the door,	20
Houses of the beavers,	10
The Causar or armored Fish,	12
Shields of the savages,	28
295 Manner of cooking in vessels made from bark,	42
Drunkenness is learned from the Europeans,	44
Rites of sepulture,	20
Whatever work there is, is placed upon the women,	17
Description of the beaver,	9
Peculiarities of the rivers,	6
Description of New France, rivers,	5
climate,	6
nature of the soil,	7
wild animals,	7
Why the king of France was greatly respected,	45
The Hurons celebrate the day of the Dead,	25
Remarkable mortality among infants,	17
why they bury the bodies near the road,	21
A priest proves that there is hell fire,	48
[53] The Iroquois conclude a war with the Montagnais by single combat,	28
Lake of the Iroquois,	12
Kebec, the chief city of New France,	6
The Great Beast, what it is,	7
Manitou, the spirit of evil,	46
Mississippi river,	6
The Montaignais conclude a war by single combat,	28
Two sources of disease,	18
Festival of the Dead among the Hurons,	25
Canadian manner of honoring the dead,	25
Boats of the savages,	6
The Neutral Nation,	38
They revere a deity with no fixed form of worship,	44
Innumerable pigeons,	14
The armored fish,	13
Fathers of the Society of Jesus are cruelly tortured,	31
Religion of the Canadians,	45
Network bound under the feet, to walk over the snow,	8
297 St. Lawrence river,	5, 6
Sagamita, what it is,	42
[54] Water-falls, or cataracts, in the rivers,	6
Gulf of St. Lawrence,	14
Ignorant belief in dreams,	46
They expel noxious humors by sweating,	19
Tobacco, the nation of that name,	38
The trophy,	32
Isle of Birds,	14

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. I

I

Our text of Lescarbot's La Conversion follows, to the close of p. 44 (original pagination), the copy at Lenox Library: pp. 45, 46, the "Regitre de Bapteme," follow the copy at John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. I., as the Lenox copy does not have these two pages.

Our version of Lescarbot's La Conversion continues up to the end of p. 44 (original pagination) from the copy at Lenox Library. Pages 45 and 46, the "Registre de Baptême," are from the copy at the John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. I., since the Lenox copy doesn't include these two pages.

It is a rare book; the two copies above cited are the only ones known to us, in America. Leclerc, in Bibliotheca Americana (Paris, 1867), p. 206, says: "Cette pièce est plus rare que l'Histoire de la Nouvelle France," referring to Lescarbot's better-known work. Sabin speaks of it (vol. x., no. 40167), as "probably the rarest of Lescarbot's works."

It is a rare book; the two copies mentioned above are the only ones we know of in America. Leclerc, in Bibliotheca Americana (Paris, 1867), p. 206, states: "This piece is rarer than the History of New France," referring to Lescarbot's more famous work. Sabin describes it (vol. x., no. 40167) as "probably the rarest of Lescarbot's works."

See further references in the John Carter Brown Catalogue (Bartlett's Bibliotheca Americana, Providence, 1882), vol. ii., no. 99: Graesse's Trésor de Livres Rares et Précieux (Dresden, 1863), vol. iv., p. 175; Harrisse's Notes sur la Nouvelle France (Paris, 1872), no. 21; Ternaux's Bibliothèque Américaine (Paris, 1837), no. 330; Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. iv., p. 299; and Lenox Catalogue of Jesuit Relations (N. Y., 1879), p. 3.[XVII.]

300 Title-page. This is given in photographic facsimile, in this reissue. The Lenox and Brown copies are alike, in this. It will be noticed that there is no date of publication, this being established from the Privilege.

300 Title-page. This is presented as a photographic facsimile in this reissue. The Lenox and Brown copies are the same in this regard. It's important to note that there is no publication date, which has been confirmed through the Privilege.

Collation. Title, 1 p.; blank at back of title, 1 p.; dedication "A la Royne," 3 pp., signed "Marc Lescarbot;" privilege, 1 p., dated "Paris, 9 Sep., 1610," and signed "Brigard;" text, pp. 7-44. Page 7 is misnumbered 1. (The Brown Catalogue says: Page 1 is misnumbered 7." This is a misprint in the Catalogue.) "Fin," at end of p. 24; then pp. 23 and 24 are reprinted, all except the last sentence on p. 24: "Dieu vueille par sa | grace conduire le tout en sorte que la chose | reüssisse à sa gloire & à l'édification de ce peu-| ple, pour lequel tous Chrétiens doivent faire | continuelles prieres à sa divine bonté, à ce qu'il | lui plaise confirmer & avancer l'œuvre qu'il | lui a pleu susciter en ce temps pour l'exaltation | de son nom, & le salut de ses creatures. | Fin."

Collation. Title, 1 p.; blank at back of title, 1 p.; dedication "To the Queen," 3 pp., signed "Marc Lescarbot;" privilege, 1 p., dated "Paris, 9 Sep., 1610," and signed "Brigard;" text, pp. 7-44. Page 7 is misnumbered 1. (The Brown Catalogue says: Page 1 is misnumbered 7." This is a misprint in the Catalogue.) "End," at end of p. 24; then pp. 23 and 24 are reprinted, all except the last sentence on p. 24: "May God, by His grace, lead all of this in a way that brings glory to Him and builds up this small people, for whom all Christians should offer continuous prayers to His divine goodness, that it may please Him to confirm and advance the work that He has pleased to raise up in this time for the exaltation of His name and the salvation of His creatures. | End."

It is evident that the intention was to have the first leaf (pp. 23, 24) cut out. This duplication of pp. 23, 24 is in both the Brown and Lenox copies.

It’s clear that the goal was to have the first leaf (pp. 23, 24) removed. This repetition of pp. 23, 24 appears in both the Brown and Lenox copies.

The "Extrait du Regitre de Bapteme" in the Brown copy (it is not in the Lenox Copy) forms 2 pages at the end of text. The first page of this "Regitre" is not numbered; the second is numbered "" (intended for 46), and this ends the 301book. The same "Regitre" appears in somewhat different order in Lescarbot's Nouvelle France, (1612 ed.), pp. 638-640, chap. 5, book v.; also, according to Harrisse's Notes, in chap. 3, book v., of the 1611 ed.

The "Extrait du Registre de Baptême" in the Brown copy (it isn't in the Lenox Copy) consists of 2 pages at the end of the text. The first page of this "Registre" is unnumbered; the second is numbered "" (meant to be 46), and this concludes the 301book. The same "Registre" appears in a slightly different order in Lescarbot's Nouvelle France, (1612 ed.), pp. 638-640, chap. 5, book v.; also, according to Harrisse's Notes, in chap. 3, book v., of the 1611 ed.

II

In Bertrand's Lettre Missive, we follow the original Paris edition, in Lenox. It is a rare publication, the Lenox copy being apparently the only one in the United States; Brown has a manuscript copy, made from that at Lenox. Sabin (vol. x., no. 40682), says: "It is a piece of unusual rarity." Sabin has a previous reference in vol. ii., no. 5025, under caption "Bertrand," wherein a misprint makes him cite the date of the letter as "28 June, 1618" (eight years later than the actual date); a further misprint causes Sabin to record the pamphlet as having "48 pages or less," the actual number being 8. In his Notes, Harrisse omits a line-ending after the second "nouuelle" in his description of the title-page. See, for further references: Ternaux, no. 329; Winsor, p. 299; Lenox Catalogue, p. 3; Brown Catalogue, vol. ii., no. 103.

In Bertrand's Lettre Missive, we follow the original Paris edition located in Lenox. It's a rare publication, with the Lenox copy seemingly being the only one in the United States; Brown has a manuscript copy made from the one at Lenox. Sabin (vol. x., no. 40682) states: "It is a piece of unusual rarity." Sabin has another mention in vol. ii., no. 5025, under the heading "Bertrand," where a misprint makes him list the date of the letter as "28 June, 1618" (which is eight years later than the actual date); another error leads Sabin to record the pamphlet as having "48 pages or less," while the real number is 8. In his Notes, Harrisse leaves out a line-ending after the second "nouvelle" in his description of the title page. For further references, see: Ternaux, no. 329; Winsor, p. 299; Lenox Catalogue, p. 3; Brown Catalogue, vol. ii., no. 103.

Title-page. Given in photographic facsimile, in present volume.

Title page. Provided in photographic facsimile, in this volume.

Collation. Title, 1 p.; blank at back of title, 1 p.; text, pp. 3-6; dated on p. 6, "Port Royal xxviij. Iuin, 1610," and signed "Bertrand." Blank leaf at end, completing 4 leaves = 8 pp.

Collation. Title page, 1 page; blank on the back of the title page, 1 page; text, pages 3-6; dated on page 6, "Port Royal 28th June, 1610," and signed "Bertrand." Blank leaf at the end, making a total of 4 leaves = 8 pages.

III-VI

In these four letters, by Biard and Massé, we follow Carayon's Première Mission des Jésuites au Canada (Paris, 1864). It is a scarce book, and brought $8 at 302the Barlow Sale, in New York, 1890. See references in Harrisse, p. 285; Sabin, no. 10792; Winsor, pp. 151, 292, 300; and Lenox Catalogue, p. 15. The origin of the letters in the volume is found at the top of the first page of each letter; and these data, with accompanying notes by Carayon, are reproduced in the present series, which will, in strict chronological order, contain all of the papers given by that editor; although in many cases we shall follow the original issues of the letters, whenever found. Documents III., V., and VI. were written in Latin; and Document IV. in French.

In these four letters by Biard and Massé, we explore Carayon's Première Mission des Jésuites au Canada (Paris, 1864). It's a rare book, which sold for $8 at the 302 Barlow Sale in New York in 1890. See references in Harrisse, p. 285; Sabin, no. 10792; Winsor, pp. 151, 292, 300; and Lenox Catalogue, p. 15. The source of the letters in the volume is listed at the top of the first page of each letter, and this information, along with notes from Carayon, is included in the current series. This series will contain all the papers provided by that editor in strict chronological order, although we will often reference the original issues of the letters whenever available. Documents III, V, and VI were written in Latin, while Document IV was written in French.

Collation. Blank, 2 pp.; bastard title, 1 p.; blank, 1 p.; title proper, 1 p.; blank, 1 p. Preface begins on p. vii. (not numbered), and ends on p. xvi. Preface acknowledges indebtedness to F. Felix Martin, S. J., for copying and translating into French (from the Latin) most of the letters in the volume. Text, pp. 1-302; Table at end, 2 pp.; the last of these is numbered 304.

Collation. Blank, 2 pages; bastard title, 1 page; blank, 1 page; title page, 1 page; blank, 1 page. The preface starts on page vii (not numbered) and ends on page xvi. The preface gives thanks to F. Felix Martin, S. J., for copying and translating into French (from the Latin) most of the letters in the volume. Text, pages 1-302; Table at the end, 2 pages; the last one is numbered 304.

VII

We follow the style and make-up of Dr. E. B. O'Callaghan's Reprint (Albany, N. Y., 1871) of the Canadicæ Missionis, in Jouvency's Hist. Soc. Jesu, part v., commencing p. 321. In the Lenox Catalogue, it is designated "O'Callaghan's Reprint, No. 4." This numbering of O'Callaghan's reprints, is merely a device peculiar to the Lenox Catalogue, for sake of easy reference, and has been followed by Winsor; the reprints themselves bear no numbers.

We follow the style and layout of Dr. E. B. O'Callaghan's reprint (Albany, N. Y., 1871) of the Canadicæ Missionis, in Jouvency's Hist. Soc. Jesu, part v., starting on p. 321. In the Lenox Catalogue, it is labeled "O'Callaghan's Reprint, No. 4." This numbering system for O'Callaghan's reprints is a unique method used in the Lenox Catalogue for easy reference, and has been adopted by Winsor; the reprints themselves do not have any numbers.

The text of this document, however, we have compared with the original folio edition of Jouvency's work, in the library of St. Francis Xavier College, New York, and the pagination thereof is indicated 303instead of that of the O'Callaghan Reprint. The list, "Missiones Societatis Jesu in America Septentrionali Anno M. DCC. X.," which O'Callaghan reprints as if a part of the original Canadicæ Missionis, is on pp. 961, 962 of the same volume of Jouvency in which the latter appears (part v.).

The text of this document, however, has been compared to the original folio edition of Jouvency's work, located in the library of St. Francis Xavier College, New York, and its pagination is indicated 303 instead of that of the O'Callaghan Reprint. The list, "Missiones Societatis Jesu in America Septentrionali Anno M. DCC. X.," which O'Callaghan reprints as if it were part of the original Canadicæ Missionis, appears on pages 961 and 962 of the same volume of Jouvency where the latter is found (part v.).

Title-page. The O'Callaghan Reprint is closely imitated.

Title-page. The O'Callaghan Reprint is closely replicated.

Collation of O'Callaghan Reprint. Title, 1 p.; reverse of title, with inscription: "Editio viginti quinque exemplaria. O'C.," 1 p.; Biardi Eulogium ac Vita, pp. i-v.; blank, 1 p.; Tabula, 1 p.; blank, 1 p.; text, pp. 5-33; colophon: "Albaniae Excvdebat Joel Munsellius | Mense Aprilis Anno | CIↃ. IↃCCC. LXXI.," 1 p.; half-title, "Appendix," 1 p.; blank, 1 p.; "Missiones Societatis Iesu | in America Septentrionali |Anno M.DCC.X.," 2 pp., the last of which is numbered 38.

Collation of O'Callaghan Reprint. Title, 1 p.; back of title, with note: "Edition of twenty-five copies. O'C.," 1 p.; Biardi Eulogium and Life, pp. i-v.; blank, 1 p.; Table, 1 p.; blank, 1 p.; text, pp. 5-33; colophon: "Printed in Albania by Joel Munsell | In the month of April in the year | 1871," 1 p.; half-title, "Appendix," 1 p.; blank, 1 p.; "Jesuit Missions | in North America | Year 1710," 2 pp., the last of which is numbered 38.

VIII

We follow the style and make-up of O'Callaghan's Reprint (Albany, 1871), which is numbered 5 in the Lenox Catalogue. The text and pagination follow the original, in Jouvency's Hist. Soc. Jesu, part v., commencing p. 344.

We follow the style and format of O'Callaghan's Reprint (Albany, 1871), which is listed as number 5 in the Lenox Catalogue. The text and page numbers align with the original, in Jouvency's Hist. Soc. Jesu, part v., starting on page 344.

Title-page. The O'Callaghan Reprint is closely imitated.

Title-page. The O'Callaghan Reprint is closely copied.

Collation of O'Callaghan Reprint. Title, 1 p.; reverse of title, with inscription: "Editio viginti quinque exemplaria. O'C.," 1 p.; Tabula Rerum, 1 p.; blank, 1 p.; text, pp. 5-49; blank, 1 p.; Rerum Insigniorum Indiculus, 4 pp.; colophon: "Albaniae Excvdebat Joel Munsellius | Mense Qvintilis Anno | CIↃ. IↃCCC. LXXI.," 1 p.

Collation of O'Callaghan Reprint. Title, 1 page; back of title, with inscription: "Edition of twenty-five copies. O'C.," 1 page; Table of Contents, 1 page; blank, 1 page; text, pages 5-49; blank, 1 page; Index of Notable Matters, 4 pages; colophon: "Printed in Albany by Joel Munsell | In the month of July, Year | 1871," 1 page.

FOOTNOTES:

[XVII.] In order to save needless repetition of long titles, bibliographical works, when once cited in full, will thereafter be referred to by the usual cut-shorts: e.g., the John Carter Brown Catalogue will be hereafter known in our Bibliographical Data as "Brown Catalogue;" the list of Jesuitica in Winsor's Narrative and Critical History vol. iv., as "Winsor;" the Lenox Catalogue of Jesuit Relations, as "Lenox Catalogue;" Harrisse's Notes sur la Nouvelle France, as "Harrisse's Notes," or simply as "Harrisse;" etc., etc. The student who is familiar, in a general way, with these bibliographical sources,—and it is presumed that those are, for whom this series of reprints is designed,—will not be confused by the customary method of brief citation.

[XVII.] To avoid unnecessary repetition of long titles, bibliographical works, once cited in full, will be referred to using common abbreviations: for example, the John Carter Brown Catalogue will be known in our Bibliographical Data as "Brown Catalogue;" the list of Jesuitica in Winsor's Narrative and Critical History, vol. iv., will be referred to as "Winsor;" the Lenox Catalogue of Jesuit Relations will be called "Lenox Catalogue;" Harrisse's Notes sur la Nouvelle France will be cited as "Harrisse's Notes," or simply "Harrisse;" and so on. Students who are generally familiar with these bibliographical sources—it's assumed that this series of reprints is aimed at those readers—will not be confused by the standard brief citation method.

NOTES TO VOL. I

(Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of English text.)

(Figures in parentheses, following the note number, refer to pages of the English text.)

1. (p. 55)—Marie de Médicis, queen regent, widow of Henry of Navarre; appointed regent by the king, the day before his assassination, May 14, 1610. She was accused of having been privy to his murder.

1. (p. 55)—Marie de Médicis, queen regent and widow of Henry of Navarre, was named regent by the king the day before his assassination on May 14, 1610. She was accused of being involved in his murder.

2. (p. 55)—The reports of Champlain, and the maps and charts with which, upon returning from his voyage of 1603, he entertained Henry IV., so interested the latter that he vowed to encourage the colonization of New France. To carry on this work he commissioned, as his lieutenant-general in Acadia, Pierre du Gua, Sieur de Monts, governor of Pons, a Huguenot resident at court, and, according to Champlain, "a gentleman of great respectability, zeal, and honesty." De Monts' commission is given at length in Baird's Huguenot Emigration to America, vol. i., p. 341; his charter of "La Cadie" embraced the country between the 40th and 46th degrees of latitude, and he held therein a monopoly of the fur trade. J. G. Bourinot, in Canadian Monthly, vol. vii., pp. 291, 292, says the name Acadia (also written Acadie, and La Cadie) "comes from àkăde, which is an affix used by the Souriquois or Mic Macs ... to signify a place where there is an abundance of some particular thing."—See, also, Laverdière's Œuvres de Champlain (Quebec, 1870), p. 115. In 1604, De Monts sailed from France with a colony composed of Catholics and Huguenots, served by "a priest and a minister." Champlain and Poutrincourt were with the expedition, and Pontgravé commanded one of the two ships. The cancelling of his monopoly (1607), deprived De Monts of the means to carry on his colonization schemes. The title to Port Royal he had already ceded to Poutrincourt. The king renewed De Monts' monopoly for one year, upon his undertaking to found a colony in the interior. Thereupon De Monts sent Champlain to the St. Lawrence (1608), as his lieutenant. Upon the death of Henry IV. (1610), De Monts, now financially ruined, surrendered his commission, selling his proprietary rights to the Jesuits.

2. (p. 55)—The reports from Champlain, along with the maps and charts he presented to Henry IV. after returning from his 1603 voyage, caught the king's interest so much that he promised to support the colonization of New France. To pursue this effort, he appointed Pierre du Gua, Sieur de Monts, as his lieutenant-general in Acadia. De Monts, who was the governor of Pons and a Huguenot at court, was described by Champlain as "a gentleman of great respectability, zeal, and honesty." You can find De Monts' full commission in Baird's Huguenot Emigration to America, vol. i., p. 341; his charter for "La Cadie" covered the territory between the 40th and 46th degrees of latitude and included a monopoly on the fur trade. J. G. Bourinot, in Canadian Monthly, vol. vii., pp. 291, 292, explains that the name Acadia (also spelled Acadie and La Cadie) "comes from àkăde, which is an affix used by the Souriquois or Mic Macs ... to signify a place where there is an abundance of some particular thing."—See, also, Laverdière's Œuvres de Champlain (Quebec, 1870), p. 115. In 1604, De Monts set sail from France with a colony made up of both Catholics and Huguenots, accompanied by "a priest and a minister." Champlain and Poutrincourt were part of the expedition, and Pontgravé captained one of the two ships. The cancellation of De Monts' monopoly in 1607 cut off his resources for continuing his colonization plans. He had already given the title to Port Royal to Poutrincourt. The king renewed De Monts' monopoly for one year, with the condition that he establish a colony in the interior. Following this, De Monts sent Champlain to the St. Lawrence in 1608 as his lieutenant. After the death of Henry IV. in 1610, De Monts, now financially broke, gave up his commission and sold his proprietary rights to the Jesuits.

"Jean de Biencourt, Baron de Poutrincourt, a gentleman of Picardy, a brave chevalier, had carried arms against Henry IV. in the 306ranks of the Catholics, during the wars of the League. Lescarbot tells how 'The king, holding him besieged in his castle of Beaumont, wished to give him the dukedom of this place in order to attach him to his service.' Poutrincourt refused. But, when the king had abjured his faith, he served this prince loyally and followed him to battle, where he accumulated more honor than fortune. In 1603, he lived in retirement with his wife, Jeanne de Salazar, and his children, in his barony of Saint-Just, in Champagne, struggling painfully against the difficulties of an embarrassed situation, and striving to improve the tillage and crops of his little domain. It was here that De Monts, his former companion in arms, found him. He knew his courage, his intelligence, and his activity, and did not doubt that a voyage to Canada and an agricultural colony in these distant lands, so fertile and primeval, would appeal to his ardent soul. Poutrincourt, in fact, received with enthusiasm the plan of his old friend; however, before binding himself definitely, he wished to find out, on his own account, something about the state of the country, and for this purpose to make a trial voyage."—Rochemonteix's Les Jésuites et la Nouvelle France (Paris, 1896), vol. i., p. 11.

"Jean de Biencourt, Baron de Poutrincourt, a gentleman from Picardy and a brave knight, had fought against Henry IV. in the ranks of the Catholics during the wars of the League. Lescarbot mentions that 'The king, besieging him in his castle of Beaumont, wanted to offer him the dukedom of this place to win him over to his service.' Poutrincourt turned it down. However, once the king had renounced his faith, he served him loyally and accompanied him into battle, gaining more honor than wealth. In 1603, he was living in retirement with his wife, Jeanne de Salazar, and their children in his barony of Saint-Just in Champagne, struggling to manage the challenges of a difficult situation while trying to improve the farming and crops of his small estate. It was here that De Monts, his former comrade in arms, found him. He recognized Poutrincourt’s bravery, intelligence, and energy, and believed that a voyage to Canada and establishing an agricultural colony in those fertile, untouched lands would excite his passionate spirit. Poutrincourt, indeed, enthusiastically embraced his old friend’s plan; however, before committing himself fully, he wanted to learn more about the condition of the country and intended to make a trial voyage."—Rochemonteix's Les Jésuites et la Nouvelle France (Paris, 1896), vol. i., p. 11.

Pleased with Annapolis harbor, Poutrincourt decided to settle there with his family, and De Monts gave him a grant of the place. In 1606, Poutrincourt made a second voyage to Port Royal, exploring the coast with Champlain and Lescarbot. After the abandonment of the colony (1607), he went to France, returning to Acadia in 1610, inspired with zeal to convert the savages, but without the aid of the Jesuits. See Parkman's Pioneers of France in the New World (ed. 1885, which will hereafter be cited, unless otherwise noted), pp. 244-322; also Shea's ed. of Charlevoix's History of New France, vol. i., p. 260. By the destruction of Port Royal in 1613, he was the heaviest loser—the total loss to the French, according to Charlevoix, being a hundred thousand crowns. In 1614, Poutrincourt visited the ruins of Port Royal for the last time, thence returning to France to engage in the service of the king. He was fatally wounded by a treacherous shot after the taking of Méry (1615). Baird (Hug. Emig., vol. i., p. 94), says: "This nobleman, if nominally a Roman Catholic, appears to have been in full sympathy with his Huguenot associates, De Monts and Lescarbot. His hatred of the Jesuits was undisguised." Lescarbot's account of Poutrincourt's dispute with them differs essentially from that given by Biard, post.

Happy with Annapolis harbor, Poutrincourt decided to settle there with his family, and De Monts granted him the area. In 1606, Poutrincourt made a second trip to Port Royal, exploring the coast with Champlain and Lescarbot. After the colony was abandoned in 1607, he went to France and returned to Acadia in 1610, eager to convert the natives, but without the help of the Jesuits. See Parkman's Pioneers of France in the New World (ed. 1885, which will hereafter be cited, unless otherwise noted), pp. 244-322; also Shea's ed. of Charlevoix's History of New France, vol. i., p. 260. The destruction of Port Royal in 1613 was a huge loss for him—the total loss to the French, according to Charlevoix, being a hundred thousand crowns. In 1614, Poutrincourt visited the ruins of Port Royal for the last time, then went back to France to serve the king. He was fatally wounded by a treacherous shot after the capture of Méry in 1615. Baird (Hug. Emig., vol. i., p. 94), says: "This nobleman, if nominally a Roman Catholic, appears to have been in full sympathy with his Huguenot associates, De Monts and Lescarbot. His hatred of the Jesuits was obvious." Lescarbot's account of Poutrincourt's conflict with them is quite different from that given by Biard, post.

3. (p. 55)—Marc Lescarbot (or L'Escarbot), parliamentary advocate, was born at Vervins, France, between 1570 and 1580. He was more given to literature than to law, and appears to have been a man of judgment, tact, and intelligence. He spent the winter of 3071606-07 at Port Royal, which Slafter (Prince Soc. ed. of Voyages of Samuel Champlain, vol. ii., p. 22, note 56) locates "on the north side of the bay [Annapolis Basin] in the present town of Lower Granville; not, as often alleged, at Annapolis." See Bourinot's "Some Old Forts by the Sea," in Trans. Royal Society of Canada, sec. ii, pp. 72-74, for description of Port Royal, which he places on the site of the present Annapolis. In the spring of 1607, Lescarbot explored the coast between the harbor of St. John, N. B., and the River St. Croix. On the abandonment of De Monts' colony, the same year, he returned to France, where he wrote much on Acadia and in praise of Poutrincourt. Larousse gives the date of his death as 1630. Parkman's Pioneers, pp. 258 et seq., gives a lively account of Lescarbot's winter at the colony. Abbé Faillon, in Histoire de la Colonie Française en Canada (Montreal, 1865), vol. i, p. 91, says he has given us the best accounts extant (in the present document, his Histoire de la Nouvelle France, 1609, and his Les Muses de la Nouvelle France, 1618) of the enterprises of De Monts and Poutrincourt; and that while a Catholic in name, he was a Huguenot at heart.

3. (p. 55)—Marc Lescarbot (or L'Escarbot), a parliamentary advocate, was born in Vervins, France, between 1570 and 1580. He was more interested in literature than law and seemed to be a person of good judgment, tact, and intelligence. He spent the winter of 3071606-07 at Port Royal, which Slafter (Prince Soc. ed. of Voyages of Samuel Champlain, vol. ii., p. 22, note 56) places "on the north side of the bay [Annapolis Basin] in what is now Lower Granville; not, as often claimed, at Annapolis." For a description of Port Royal, which he situates on the site of current Annapolis, see Bourinot's "Some Old Forts by the Sea" in Trans. Royal Society of Canada, sec. ii, pp. 72-74. In the spring of 1607, Lescarbot explored the coast from the harbor of St. John, N.B., to the River St. Croix. After De Monts' colony was abandoned that same year, he returned to France, where he wrote extensively about Acadia and praised Poutrincourt. Larousse states his death occurred in 1630. Parkman's Pioneers, pp. 258 et seq., provides a vivid account of Lescarbot's winter in the colony. Abbé Faillon, in Histoire de la Colonie Française en Canada (Montreal, 1865), vol. i, p. 91, claims he has given us the best existing accounts (in this document, his Histoire de la Nouvelle France, 1609, and his Les Muses de la Nouvelle France, 1618) of De Monts and Poutrincourt's ventures; and that although he was a Catholic by name, he was a Huguenot at heart.

4. (p. 57)—Clameur de Haro, Chartre Normand, an expression used in all the privileges or licenses granted by the king to booksellers. The latter phrase refers to a deed containing numerous privileges or concessions, accorded to the inhabitants of Normandy by Louis X., Mar. 19, 1313, and repeatedly confirmed afterward. Haro is supposed to be derived from, Ha Rou! or Ha Rollo! Hence an appeal to Rollo, the first Duke of Normandy.

4. (p. 57)—Clameur de Haro, Chartre Normand, is a term used in all the rights or licenses issued by the king to booksellers. This phrase refers to a document that includes many privileges or grants given to the people of Normandy by Louis X. on March 19, 1313, which were confirmed many times afterward. Haro is thought to come from Ha Rou! or Ha Rollo!, making it a call to Rollo, the first Duke of Normandy.

5. (p. 59)—The first attempt of the Huguenots to establish a colony in America was at Rio Janeiro, under Villegagnon (1555). A reinforcement was sent thither in 1557, and among its Calvinist preachers was Jean de Léri, the historian of the disastrous undertaking. See his Historia Navigationis in Brasiliam (1586), quoted in Parkman's Pioneers, p. 28.

5. (p. 59)—The Huguenots' first attempt to create a colony in America was in Rio de Janeiro, led by Villegagnon in 1555. A reinforcements was sent there in 1557, and among the Calvinist preachers was Jean de Léri, who documented the unfortunate venture. See his Historia Navigationis in Brasiliam (1586), cited in Parkman's Pioneers, p. 28.

6. (p. 61)—The St. Lawrence; so named by Cartier (1535), but frequently called "The Great River," "The River of the Great Bay," etc., by early annalists. In the account of his second voyage, Cartier styles it le grand fleuve de Hochelaga. See Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. iv., p. 163; also his Cartier to Frontenac, p. 28.

6. (p. 61)—The St. Lawrence; named by Cartier (1535), but often referred to as "The Great River," "The River of the Great Bay," etc., by early historians. In the account of his second voyage, Cartier refers to it as le grand fleuve de Hochelaga. See Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. iv., p. 163; also his Cartier to Frontenac, p. 28.

7. (p. 61)—Concerning early European acquaintance with American Indians:

7. (p. 61)—About early European familiarity with American Indians:

"In the yeere 1153 ... it is written, that there came to Lubec, a citie of Germanie, one Canoa with certaine Indians, like vnto a long barge: which seemed to haue come from the coast of Baccalaos, which standeth in the same latitude that Germanie doth." (Antoine 308Galvano, in Goldsmid's ed. of Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. xvi., p. 293.)

"In the year 1153... it's recorded that a canoe arrived in Lübeck, a city in Germany, carrying some Native Americans, resembling a long boat. It seemed to have come from the coast of Newfoundland, which is located at the same latitude as Germany." (Antoine 308Galvano, in Goldsmid's ed. of Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. xvi., p. 293.)

Harrisse (Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, no. 71) cites the Chronicon of Eusebius (Paris, 1512) as having, "under the date 1509, a notice saying that there had been brought to Rouen seven Savages from North America."

Harrisse (Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, no. 71) cites the Chronicon of Eusebius (Paris, 1512) as stating, "under the date 1509, there is a note saying that seven Indigenous people from North America were brought to Rouen."

The Indians of Newfoundland, when first discovered by the French, called codfish bacalos, which Lescarbot and other early French writers say is identical with the Basque word for codfish. Many evidences led Cartier, upon his first voyage (1534), to believe that the natives had had previous intercourse with Europeans.

The Indigenous people of Newfoundland, when first encountered by the French, referred to codfish as bacalos, which Lescarbot and other early French authors claim is the same as the Basque word for codfish. Various clues led Cartier, on his first voyage (1534), to think that the natives had previously interacted with Europeans.

8. (p. 61)—Probably André Thevet. A translation of his description of the Isles of Demons (now known as Belle Isle and Quirpon), is given in Parkman's Pioneers, p. 191. Thevet's Cosmographie Universelle (Paris, 1558), and Singularitez de la France antarctique (Paris, 1558), must have been familiar to Lescarbot. De Costa gives a translation of so much of the Cosmographie as relates to New England, in Magazine of American History, vol. viii., p. 130: "The production of the mendacious monk, André Thevet." It seems clear that Thevet never saw the American coast, that his imagination amplified the accounts of navigators who had visited the region, particularly those of Cartier. Priceless as are first editions of Thevet, he has a poor reputation for veracity.

8. (p. 61)—Probably André Thevet. A translated version of his description of the Isles of Demons (now known as Belle Isle and Quirpon) can be found in Parkman's Pioneers, p. 191. Thevet's Cosmographie Universelle (Paris, 1558), and Singularitez de la France antarctique (Paris, 1558), were likely well-known to Lescarbot. De Costa provides a translation of parts of the Cosmographie that pertain to New England in the Magazine of American History, vol. viii., p. 130: "The work of the dishonest monk, André Thevet." It seems evident that Thevet never actually saw the American coast; his imagination exaggerated the accounts of navigators who had been to the area, especially those of Cartier. While first editions of Thevet are valuable, his reputation for truthfulness is quite poor.

9. (p. 61)—The Armouchiquois (or Almouchiquois of Champlain) were, according to Parkman (Jesuits of N. America, p. xxi.), the Algonkin tribes of New England,—Mohicans, Pequots, Massachusetts, Narragansetts, and others,—"in a chronic state of war with the tribes of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia." Williamson, in History of the State of Maine (Hallowell, 1832, vol. i., p. 477), says they were an Etchemin tribe, the Marechites of the St. John River; but Champlain, who had, like Biard, visited the Armouchiquois country, says that it lies beyond Choüacoet (Saco), and that the language is different from those of the Souriquois and Etchemins. Laverdière affirms that "the French called Almouchiquois several peoples or tribes that the English included under the term Massachusetts;" and he conjectures that these two names are etymologically allied.—See his Champlain, pp. 200, 205, 206.

9. (p. 61)—The Armouchiquois (or Almouchiquois as Champlain referred to them) were, according to Parkman (Jesuits of N. America, p. xxi.), the Algonquin tribes of New England, including the Mohicans, Pequots, Massachusetts, Narragansetts, and others, who were "in a constant state of conflict with the tribes of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia." Williamson, in History of the State of Maine (Hallowell, 1832, vol. i., p. 477), notes they were an Etchemin tribe, the Marechites of the St. John River; however, Champlain, who, like Biard, visited the Armouchiquois territory, states that it is located beyond Choüacoet (Saco) and that the language spoken there differs from that of the Souriquois and Etchemins. Laverdière argues that "the French referred to Almouchiquois as several peoples or tribes that the English categorized under the term Massachusetts," and he suggests that these two names are etymologically related.—See his Champlain, pp. 200, 205, 206.

10. (p. 61)—Lescarbot here refers to his Histoire de la Nouvelle France. The first edition (Paris, 1609) is a rare prize to collectors,—a London catalogue of 1878 pricing it at £45. The edition of 1612 is followed in the Tross reprint (Paris, 1866); that of 1618 contains Lescarbot's assault upon the Jesuits. The fourth and sixth books, only, were "translated out of the French into English" by P. Erondelle, 1609. A German version of a brief summary of the work appeared in 1613.

10. (p. 61)—Lescarbot is referring to his Histoire de la Nouvelle France. The first edition (Paris, 1609) is a rare find for collectors—a London catalog from 1878 valued it at £45. The 1612 edition is included in the Tross reprint (Paris, 1866); the 1618 edition features Lescarbot's critique of the Jesuits. Only the fourth and sixth books were "translated out of the French into English" by P. Erondelle, 1609. A German version offering a brief summary of the work was published in 1613.

309 11. (p. 67)—The term Norembega, variously spelled, was applied indifferently to the entire range of Acadian and New England coast; but apparently the Penobscot is here meant. See Winsor's N. and C. Hist., vol. iv., index; Documentary History of State of Maine, vol. ii., pp. lii., liii.; Prince Society's ed. of Champlain, memoir and index. The claim is made for Bangor, Me., that it is on the site of an ancient town called Norumbega. Much information on this point is given in Maine Hist. Soc. Colls., vols. ii., iv., v., vii., viii., and ix. Sewall claims that the true form of Norumbegua is Arâmbec, and that it was the name of a city of the savages, situated near the head-waters of the Damariscotta, above Pemaquid.—Ancient Dominions of Maine, pp. 30-46. Horsford, in Discovery of the Ancient City of Norembega and Defences of Norembega (Boston, 1890 and 1891), claims, on slender evidence, that Watertown, Mass., occupies the site of an old town of that name founded by Norse vikings in 1000 A. D.

309 11. (p. 67)—The term Norembega, with various spellings, was used to refer to the whole stretch of the Acadian and New England coast, though it seems to specifically refer to the Penobscot here. See Winsor's N. and C. Hist., vol. iv., index; Documentary History of State of Maine, vol. ii., pp. lii., liii.; Prince Society's edition of Champlain, memoir and index. Bangor, Maine claims it sits on the site of an ancient town called Norumbega. A lot of information about this topic can be found in Maine Hist. Soc. Colls., vols. ii., iv., v., vii., viii., and ix. Sewall asserts that the correct form of Norumbegua is Arâmbec, referring to a city of Indigenous people located near the headwaters of the Damariscotta River, above Pemaquid.—Ancient Dominions of Maine, pp. 30-46. Horsford, in Discovery of the Ancient City of Norembega and Defences of Norembega (Boston, 1890 and 1891), argues, with limited evidence, that Watertown, Massachusetts is built on the site of an old town of the same name established by Norse Vikings in 1000 A.D.

12. (p. 67)—Bay of Fundy; first shown on map of Diego Homem (1558); named by De Monts Grande Baye Française (shown on Lescarbot's chart of Port Royal); appears as Argal's Bay, on Alexander's map (1624); Golfo di S. Luize, on Dudley's (1647); Fundi Bay, on Moll's (1712); and Bay of Fundy, or Argal, on that of the English and French Commissioners (1755). Bourinot (Canad. Mo., vol. vii., p. 292) says that Fundy is a corruption of Fond de la Baie, as the lower part of the bay was called; he follows here Ferland's suggestion, in Cours d'Histoire du Canada (Quebec, 1861), vol. i., p. 65.

12. (p. 67)—Bay of Fundy; first shown on Diego Homem's map (1558); named by De Monts as Grande Baye Française (shown on Lescarbot's chart of Port Royal); appears as Argal's Bay on Alexander's map (1624); Golfo di S. Luize on Dudley's (1647); Fundi Bay on Moll's (1712); and Bay of Fundy, or Argal, on the map of the English and French Commissioners (1755). Bourinot (Canad. Mo., vol. vii., p. 292) states that Fundy is a variation of Fond de la Baie, as the lower part of the bay was known; he follows Ferland's suggestion in Cours d'Histoire du Canada (Quebec, 1861), vol. i., p. 65.

13. (p. 67)—The son of Pontgravé, who, according to Parkman (Pioneers, p. 290) had exasperated the Indians by an outrage on one of their women, and had fled to the woods.

13. (p. 67)—The son of Pontgravé, who, according to Parkman (Pioneers, p. 290), angered the Indigenous people by committing a crime against one of their women and had escaped into the woods.

14. (p. 69)—Palourdes is Breton for a kind of shellfish.

14. (p. 69)—Palourdes is the Breton word for a type of shellfish.

15. (p. 73)—The Souriquois, or Micmacs, of Nova Scotia. Champlain's map of 1632 places them east of Port Royal.

15. (p. 73)—The Souriquois, also known as the Micmacs, from Nova Scotia. Champlain's map from 1632 shows them to the east of Port Royal.

16. (p. 73)—Raphael Maffei, Maffeus Volaterranus, or Raffaello Volterrano, savant and historian; born in Volterra 1451, died 1521 or 1522. Harrisse (Bib. Amer. Vet., p. 88) gives a catalogue of his works, and says, "The Commentary of Maffei has a peculiar interest from the fact that it preceded the publication of Peter Martyr's Decades" (1511-46).

16. (p. 73)—Raphael Maffei, Maffeus Volaterranus, or Raffaello Volterrano, scholar and historian; born in Volterra in 1451, died in 1521 or 1522. Harrisse (Bib. Amer. Vet., p. 88) provides a list of his works and notes, "Maffei's Commentary is particularly interesting because it came out before Peter Martyr's Decades" (1511-46).

Laverdière (Champlain, p. 70, note) says that sagamo is a Montagnais word; and he cites Laflèche as deriving it from tchi and okimau, meaning "great chief."

Laverdière (Champlain, p. 70, note) says that sagamo is a Montagnais word; and he cites Laflèche as tracing it back to tchi and okimau, which means "great chief."

17. (p. 73)—Berosus (325-255 B. C., circa), a Chaldean priest, astrologer, and historian. His best known work is the Babylonica, a history of Babylonia; its remaining fragments have been reproduced 310by several European writers, especially in Richter's Berosi Chald. Historiæ quae supersunt (Leipsic, 1825).

17. (p. 73)—Berosus (325-255 B.C., circa), a Chaldean priest, astrologer, and historian. His most famous work is the Babylonica, a history of Babylonia; the remaining fragments have been published by several European authors, particularly in Richter's Berosi Chald. Historiæ quae supersunt (Leipsic, 1825).

18. (p. 75)—The Tolosains were a tribe of the Volcæ of Gaul. Another tribe of the Volcæ were the Tectosages—so called from their sagum (frock or cloak).

18. (p. 75)—The Tolosains were a tribe of the Volcæ in Gaul. Another tribe of the Volcæ were the Tectosages, named after their sagum (frock or cloak).

19. (p. 75)—Membertou was chief of all the Micmac groups from Gaspé to Cape Sable. Champlain writes, that he was "a friendly savage, although he had the name of being the worst and most traitorous man of his tribe." Lescarbot called him "the chef d'œuvre of Christian piety," and Biard had strong faith in him. He claimed to remember the first visit of Cartier (1534).

19. (p. 75)—Membertou was the leader of all the Micmac groups from Gaspé to Cape Sable. Champlain said he was "a friendly native, even though he was known as the worst and most treacherous man of his tribe." Lescarbot referred to him as "the chef d'œuvre of Christian piety," and Biard had a strong belief in him. He claimed to remember Cartier's first visit in 1534.

20. (p. 77)—Biard, six years later, complains bitterly of this overhaste in baptizing, declaring that these savages, when he went among them in 1611, did not know the first principles of the Faith, and had even forgotten their Christian names.

20. (p. 77)—Biard, six years later, expresses strong dissatisfaction with the rush to baptize, stating that these indigenous people, when he visited them in 1611, didn't understand the basics of the Faith and had even forgotten their Christian names.

21. (p. 81)—In the original edition, pp. 25 and 26, apparently through an error in make-up, are verbal repetitions of the two preceding pages. This duplication has been omitted in the present edition.

21. (p. 81)—In the original edition, pages 25 and 26 contain verbal repetitions of the two pages before them due to a mistake in formatting. This duplication has been removed in the current edition.

22. (p. 105)—Marked changes occurred in the population of the St. Lawrence valley, between the visits of Cartier (1535) and Champlain (1603). Morgan, in League of the Iroquois (Rochester, 1851), p. 5, maintains the correctness of a tradition that the aborigines whom Cartier found at Hochelaga were Iroquois, and that they then were subject to the Algonkins, whom Champlain found in possession of the valley. Cf. Parkman's Pioneers, p. 208, and Schoolcraft's Hist. of Indian Tribes of the U. S., vol. vi., pp. 33, 188. For further treatment of the migrations of the Iroquois, see Introduction to Hale's Iroquois Book of Rites (Phila., 1883), and Faillon's Col. Fr., vol. i., pp. 524, et seq.

22. (p. 105)—Significant changes occurred in the population of the St. Lawrence valley between Cartier's visit in 1535 and Champlain's in 1603. Morgan, in League of the Iroquois (Rochester, 1851), p. 5, supports the idea that the indigenous people Cartier encountered at Hochelaga were Iroquois and that they were then dominated by the Algonkins, who Champlain found occupying the valley. See Parkman's Pioneers, p. 208, and Schoolcraft's Hist. of Indian Tribes of the U. S., vol. vi., pp. 33, 188. For more details on the migrations of the Iroquois, refer to the Introduction to Hale's Iroquois Book of Rites (Phila., 1883), and Faillon's Col. Fr., vol. i., pp. 524, et seq.

23. (p. 107)—Tabagie. A feast described fully in one of the later Relations.

23. (p. 107)—Tabagie. A celebration fully detailed in one of the later reports.

24. (p. 107)—This easy victory of the French and Algonkins over the Iroquois (July 29, 1609), on the western shores of Lake Champlain, cost New France dearly, as it secured for the struggling colony the deadly enmity of the most warlike savages on the continent, for nearly a century and a half. It was impossible for New France to make permanent headway when sapped by such an enemy. Slafter's exhaustive notes to Champlain's Voyages (Prince Soc.), vol. i., p. 91, and vol. ii., p. 223, make it clear that the site of this momentous skirmish was Ticonderoga.

24. (p. 107)—This easy victory of the French and Algonquin over the Iroquois (July 29, 1609), on the western shores of Lake Champlain, cost New France dearly, as it secured for the struggling colony the deadly enmity of the most aggressive tribes on the continent for nearly a century and a half. It was impossible for New France to make lasting progress when weakened by such an enemy. Slafter's thorough notes to Champlain's Voyages (Prince Soc.), vol. i., p. 91, and vol. ii., p. 223, make it clear that the location of this significant skirmish was Ticonderoga.

25. (p. 109)—Jessé Fléché, a secular priest from the diocese of Langres, was invited by Poutrincourt to accompany the first colony to Acadia. The papal nuncio gave him authority to absolve in all 311cases, except those reserved to the pope.—Faillon's Col. Fr., vol. i., p. 99. Poutrincourt evidently meant to Christianize Acadia without the aid of the Jesuits. The wholesale baptism of savages by Fléché, before the arrival of Biard and Massé, was, according to Faillon (Ibid., vol. i., p. 100), condemned as a profanation by good Catholics, "tous les théologiens, and notamment la Sorbonne."—Cf. also note 19, ante, and Sagard's Histoire du Canada, p. 97. He had been at Port Royal nearly a year before the arrival of the Jesuits. The name is variously spelled: Fleche, Fléche, Flèche, Fléché, Flesche, Fleuchy, and Fleuche; see Sulte's Poutrincourt en Acadie, p. 38. See Bourinot's picturesque description of the baptismal scene, in Can. Royal Soc. Trans., sec. ii, p. 73. Fléché was much esteemed by the Micmacs; his nickname, "Le Patriarch," is still current among them corrupted into "Patliasse," as the name for a priest.—See Ferland's Cours d'Histoire (Quebec, 1861), vol. i, p. 80.

25. (p. 109)—Jessé Fléché, a secular priest from the diocese of Langres, was invited by Poutrincourt to join the first colony in Acadia. The papal nuncio granted him the authority to absolve in all 311 cases, except those reserved for the pope.—Faillon's Col. Fr., vol. i., p. 99. Poutrincourt clearly intended to Christianize Acadia without the help of the Jesuits. The widespread baptism of natives by Fléché, before the arrival of Biard and Massé, was, according to Faillon (Ibid., vol. i., p. 100), condemned as a profanation by good Catholics, "tous les théologiens, and notably la Sorbonne."—Cf. also note 19, ante, and Sagard's Histoire du Canada, p. 97. He had been at Port Royal for nearly a year before the Jesuits arrived. The name is spelled in various ways: Fleche, Fléche, Flèche, Fléché, Flesche, Fleuchy, and Fleuche; see Sulte's Poutrincourt en Acadie, p. 38. See Bourinot's colorful description of the baptismal scene in Can. Royal Soc. Trans., sec. ii, p. 73. Fléché was highly regarded by the Micmacs; his nickname, "Le Patriarch," is still commonly used among them, altered to "Patliasse," as the term for a priest.—See Ferland's Cours d'Histoire (Quebec, 1861), vol. i, p. 80.

26. (p. 127)—The four letters here given (Biard, Jan. 21, June 10, and June 11, 1611; and Massé, June 11, 1611) are from Carayon's Première Mission des Jésuites au Canada: Lettres et Documents Inédits (Paris, 1864). All of the documents in Carayon's collection will be published in this series, in chronological order, with that Editor's valuable footnotes.

26. (p. 127)—The four letters provided here (Biard, Jan. 21, June 10, and June 11, 1611; and Massé, June 11, 1611) come from Carayon's Première Mission des Jésuites au Canada: Lettres et Documents Inédits (Paris, 1864). All of the documents in Carayon's collection will be published in this series, in chronological order, along with the Editor's valuable footnotes.

Auguste Carayon, S. J., a leading authority upon the history of his order in New France, was born in Saumur, France, 1813, and died in Poitiers, 1874. His principal works were: Bibliographie historique de la Compagnie de Jésus; Catalogue des ouvrages relatifs à l'histoire des Jésuites depuis leur origine jusqu'à nos jours (Paris, 1864); Documents inédits concernant la Compagnie de Jésus (Poitiers, 1863-1875, 18 vols.); Première Mission des Jésuites au Canada (Paris, 1864); Bannissement des Jésuites de la Louisiane (Paris, 1865); Établissement de la Compagnie de Jésus à Brest, par Louis XIV. (1865); Prisons du Marquis de Pombal, ministre du Portugal, journal de 1759 à 1777 (1865); Notes historiques sur les parlements et les Jésuites au dix-huitième siécle (1867). Carayon also edited numerous important historical works, between 1864 and 1871.

Auguste Carayon, S. J., a key expert on the history of his order in New France, was born in Saumur, France, in 1813 and passed away in Poitiers in 1874. His major works included: Bibliographie historique de la Compagnie de Jésus; Catalogue des ouvrages relatifs à l'histoire des Jésuites depuis leur origine jusqu'à nos jours (Paris, 1864); Documents inédits concernant la Compagnie de Jésus (Poitiers, 1863-1875, 18 vols.); Première Mission des Jésuites au Canada (Paris, 1864); Bannissement des Jésuites de la Louisiane (Paris, 1865); Établissement de la Compagnie de Jésus à Brest, par Louis XIV. (1865); Prisons du Marquis de Pombal, ministre du Portugal, journal de 1759 à 1777 (1865); Notes historiques sur les parlements et les Jésuites au dix-huitième siécle (1867). Carayon also edited numerous significant historical works from 1864 to 1871.

27. (p. 127)—Pierre Biard, S. J., writer of several of the early Acadian Relations, was born at Grenoble, France, 1567, and died at Avignon, November 17, 1622. In 1608, he was called from a chair of scholastic theology and Hebrew, in Lyons, by Father Coton, the King's confessor and preacher, to take charge of the Jesuit mission in Acadia. His several accounts of the colony, with the part taken by himself in notable episodes, do not always agree with the version of Lescarbot. See Parkman's Pioneers, part ii., 312chaps, v.-viii.; also, R. P. Felix Martin's Life of R. P. Pierre Biard, S. J. (Montreal, 1890).

27. (p. 127)—Pierre Biard, S. J., author of several of the early Acadian Relations, was born in Grenoble, France, 1567, and passed away in Avignon on November 17, 1622. In 1608, he was invited by Father Coton, the King's confessor and preacher, to leave his position teaching scholastic theology and Hebrew in Lyons to lead the Jesuit mission in Acadia. His various accounts of the colony and his involvement in notable events do not always align with Lescarbot's version. See Parkman's Pioneers, part ii., 312chaps, v.-viii.; also, R. P. Felix Martin's Life of R. P. Pierre Biard, S. J. (Montreal, 1890).

28. (p. 127)—Claude Aquaviva, S. J., born 1544; elected general of the Society of Jesus, 1581; died, 1615; a Neapolitan nobleman; chamberlain of the Court of Rome; fifth general of the order, and ranked by some historians as its ablest legislator and second founder. See Nicolini's History of the Jesuits, pp. 210, 257.

28. (p. 127)—Claude Aquaviva, S. J., born in 1544; became the general of the Society of Jesus in 1581; passed away in 1615; a nobleman from Naples; chamberlain at the Court of Rome; fifth general of the order, and regarded by some historians as its most skilled legislator and second founder. See Nicolini's History of the Jesuits, pp. 210, 257.

29. (p. 127)—Fathers Biard and Massé sailed January 26.

29. (p. 127)—Fathers Biard and Massé set sail on January 26.

30. (p. 129)—Brother-coadjutor. The six classes of the order of Jesuits were: (1) novices, (2) lay-brothers, (3) scholars, (4) coadjutors, (5) Jesuits of the Third Order, and (6) Jesuits of the Fourth Order. See Thomas D'Arcy McGee's Lecture on the Jesuits.

30. (p. 129)—Brother-coadjutor. The six categories in the Jesuit order were: (1) novices, (2) lay-brothers, (3) scholars, (4) coadjutors, (5) Jesuits of the Third Order, and (6) Jesuits of the Fourth Order. See Thomas D'Arcy McGee's Lecture on the Jesuits.

31. (p. 133)—Biencourt and Robin de Coulogne, not having means to equip and provision the vessel which was to convey Biard and Massé to Port Royal, made an arrangement with Dujardin and Duquesne, two merchants of Dieppe, by which the latter undertook to furnish the equipment and supplies in consideration of being admitted as partners in Poutrincourt's fur-trading and cod-fishing enterprise. Concerning this Contract d'Association des Jésuites au Trafique du Canada, made January 20, 1611, see Parkman's Pioneers, p. 288, note. Cf. also, Rochemonteix's Jésuites, vol. i., p. 32. These partners, being Huguenots, objected to the shipment of the Jesuits, but finally sold their interests for 2,800 livres to Madame de Guercheville, whose part in this expedition is related in note 33, post. See Biard's succeeding letter, for fuller details of this adventure.

31. (p. 133)—Biencourt and Robin de Coulogne, lacking the resources to equip and provision the ship that was supposed to take Biard and Massé to Port Royal, made an agreement with Dujardin and Duquesne, two merchants from Dieppe, where the latter agreed to provide the equipment and supplies in exchange for being accepted as partners in Poutrincourt's fur-trading and cod-fishing business. About this Contract d'Association des Jésuites au Trafique du Canada, made January 20, 1611, see Parkman's Pioneers, p. 288, note. Cf. also, Rochemonteix's Jésuites, vol. i., p. 32. These partners, who were Huguenots, opposed the shipment of the Jesuits but ultimately sold their shares for 2,800 livres to Madame de Guercheville, whose involvement in this expedition is discussed in note 33, post. Refer to Biard's following letter for more details on this adventure.

32. (p. 133)—Formal order of the Queen. October 7, 1610, the young King, Louis XIII., wrote from Monceaux to Baron de Poutrincourt: "Monsieur de Poutrincourt, as Father Pierre Biard and Father Ennemond Massé, religious of the Society of Jesus, are being sent over to New France to celebrate the divine services of the church and to preach the Gospel to the people of that country, I wish to hereby recommend them to you, that you may, upon all occasions, assist and protect them in the exercise of their noble and holy calling, assuring you that I shall consider it a great service."

32. (p. 133)—Formal order of the Queen. On October 7, 1610, the young King, Louis XIII, wrote from Monceaux to Baron de Poutrincourt: "Monsieur de Poutrincourt, since Father Pierre Biard and Father Ennemond Massé, members of the Society of Jesus, are being sent to New France to conduct church services and spread the Gospel among the people there, I want to recommend them to you. Please assist and protect them in their important and sacred work, and know that I will view this as a significant service."

The Queen Mother also wrote: "Monsieur de Poutrincourt, now that the good Jesuit Fathers are about to try, under the authority of the King, my son, to establish our faith over there, I hereby request you to give them, for the success of this good work, all the courtesy and assistance in your power, as a service very near our heart, and very acceptable to us, praying God, Monsieur de Poutrincourt, to keep you under his holy and watchful care."—David Asseline's Antiquities and Chronicles of the City of Dieppe 313(Dieppe, 1874; 2 vols.) The letters are reproduced in Faillon's Col. Fr., vol. i., p. 102.

The Queen Mother also wrote: "Mr. de Poutrincourt, now that the good Jesuit Fathers are about to try, with the King's authority, my son, to spread our faith over there, I ask you to give them, for the success of this important work, all the courtesy and assistance you can, as a service that is very close to our hearts and very appreciated by us. I pray to God, Mr. de Poutrincourt, to keep you in His holy and watchful care."—David Asseline's Antiquities and Chronicles of the City of Dieppe 313(Dieppe, 1874; 2 vols.) The letters are reproduced in Faillon's Col. Fr., vol. i., p. 102.

33. (p. 135)—Antoinette de Pons, Marquise de Guercheville, patroness of Jesuit missions in New France, was lady of honor to Marie de Médicis, and accounted one of the most beautiful and zealously religions women of her time. Taking up the defence of the Jesuits against Poutrincourt, she not only bought the ship in which to transport them to America, but the cargo and the royal patent of De Monts, thus succeeding the latter as proprietor of all Acadia, excepting Port Royal, which still remained in Poutrincourt's possession. Concerning her rupture with De Monts, see Shea's Charlevoix, vol. i., p. 274. She resolved to plant a strictly Catholic colony at Pentagoet (site of Bangor, Me.), and sent out, under La Saussaye, some fifty settlers and three Jesuit missionaries (1613). Upon reaching Port Royal, they were joined by Biard and Massé, and thence proceeded to the eastern side of Mount Desert Island. For the location of their mission, St. Sauveur, see Parkman's Pioneers, p. 304, note. The descent of the English under Argall (1613), was the end of Madame de Guercheville's mission. See N. Y. Colonial Documents, vol. iii., pp. 1, 2, concerning reparation allowed her by the government of Great Britain for the loss of her vessel. Cf. Faillon's Col. Fr., vol. i., pp. 110-117; and Baird's Hug. Emig., vol. i., p. 103. Upon the queen regent's high regard for the Jesuits, see Col. Fr., vol. i., pp. 101, 102.

33. (p. 135)—Antoinette de Pons, Marquise de Guercheville, supporter of Jesuit missions in New France, was a lady-in-waiting to Marie de Médicis and was considered one of the most beautiful and devout women of her time. She defended the Jesuits against Poutrincourt, purchasing not only the ship to transport them to America but also the cargo and the royal patent from De Monts, thereby becoming the new proprietor of all Acadia, except for Port Royal, which remained under Poutrincourt's control. For details about her fallout with De Monts, see Shea's Charlevoix, vol. i., p. 274. She aimed to establish a strictly Catholic colony at Pentagoet (now Bangor, ME) and sent out about fifty settlers and three Jesuit missionaries under La Saussaye in 1613. Upon arriving at Port Royal, they were joined by Biard and Massé, and then they moved to the eastern side of Mount Desert Island. For the location of their mission, St. Sauveur, see Parkman's Pioneers, p. 304, note. The English incursion led by Argall in 1613 marked the end of Madame de Guercheville's mission. See N. Y. Colonial Documents, vol. iii., pp. 1, 2, regarding the compensation she received from the British government for her lost ship. Refer to Faillon's Col. Fr., vol. i., pp. 110-117; and Baird's Hug. Emig., vol. i., p. 103. For information on the queen regent's high regard for the Jesuits, see Col. Fr., vol. i., pp. 101, 102.

34. (p. 141)—Several of the old French coins were called écus. They date from the period of Charles VII.,—écus à la couronne, or crowns of gold, from the crown which formed the type of the reverse.—Prime's Coins, Medals, and Seals, p. 150. The écu of Louis XIV. is first given in Dye's Coin Encyclopedia, p. 621; value in United States currency, $1.10S. The early écu was equal to three francs; later, to about five.

34. (p. 141)—Several old French coins were called écus. They date back to the time of Charles VII.—écus à la couronne, or crowns of gold, from the crown that was featured on the reverse side.—Prime's Coins, Medals, and Seals, p. 150. The écu of Louis XIV. is first mentioned in Dye's Coin Encyclopedia, p. 621; its value in U.S. currency is $1.10. The early écu was worth three francs; later, it was about five.

35. (p. 141)—Viaticum. In Père de Ravignan's On the Existence and Institutions of the Jesuits (Paris, 1862), p. 190, note ii., mention is made of a custom in connection with the viaticum of missionaries, which was frequently observed at this time. The founders or benefactors of missions, in order to obtain with greater certainty and abundance the money which they intended for missionary work in distant lands, charged the merchants, who acted as agents, to sell the merchandise which they consigned to them, and to remit the price of it to the missionaries for their support. Thus Madame de Guercheville furnished considerable money to Biencourt to invest in the fish and fur trade, which he was about to undertake, with the sole condition that, for her share, he should support 314the missionaries. See Rochemonteix's Jésuites, vol. i., pp. 35-36, note.

35. (p. 141)—Viaticum. In Père de Ravignan's On the Existence and Institutions of the Jesuits (Paris, 1862), p. 190, note ii., there's a reference to a practice related to the viaticum for missionaries that was commonly followed at this time. The founders or supporters of missions, aiming to ensure a more reliable and plentiful supply of funds for missionary activities in far-off lands, instructed merchants who acted as their agents to sell the goods they provided and send the proceeds to the missionaries to support them. For example, Madame de Guercheville provided significant funds to Biencourt for his upcoming fish and fur trade venture, with the only condition being that he would use part of her investment to support the missionaries. See Rochemonteix's Jésuites, vol. i., pp. 35-36, note.

36. (p. 141)—The Marchioness de Verneuil furnished their chapel, Madame de Sourdis their vestments and linen, and Madame de Guercheville provided other necessaries.—Annuæ Litteræ S. J., an. 1612, p. 570.

36. (p. 141)—The Marchioness de Verneuil supplied their chapel, Madame de Sourdis provided their garments and linens, and Madame de Guercheville contributed other essentials.—Annuæ Litteræ S. J., an. 1612, p. 570.

Madame de Verneuil founded a convent of Annunciades, and gave her declining years to religion. She died at Paris, 1633, aged 54.

Madame de Verneuil established a convent of Annunciades and dedicated her later years to her faith. She passed away in Paris in 1633 at the age of 54.

37. (p. 143)—In his Relation of 1616, chap, xi., Biard says: "Thomas Robin de Coulogne enjoyed a modest fortune; he had often heard about New France from the Dieppe merchants, and had wished to mingle in this colonization movement. What Baron de Poutrincourt told him about the attempts made at Port Royal pleased him greatly, and he promised to assist him."

37. (p. 143)—In his Relation from 1616, chap, xi., Biard says: "Thomas Robin de Coulogne had a modest fortune; he had often heard about New France from the Dieppe merchants and wanted to get involved in this colonization effort. What Baron de Poutrincourt shared with him about the attempts at Port Royal excited him a lot, and he agreed to help."

The names of Monsieur de Coullogne (Coulogne) and of Madame de Sigogne (Sicoine) appear in Fléché's list of baptisms, ante. Other contemporary spellings of Coulogne are: Cologne, Coloigne, and Coloine.

The names of Monsieur de Coullogne (Coulogne) and Madame de Sigogne (Sicoine) are found in Fléché's list of baptisms, ante. Other contemporary spellings of Coulogne include: Cologne, Coloigne, and Coloïne.

38. (p. 147)—This is an interesting, and we believe a unique statement of Biard, that the islands off the Gulf of St. Lawrence were once called the "Azores of the Great Bank." The maps of many early cartographers and navigators represent Newfoundland as a group of islands, or a large island with a circlet of smaller ones, or "almost a single island."—See Winsor's N. and C. Hist., vol. i., pp. 74, 77, 79, 93, 379. As Newfoundland was the first land sighted by voyagers in New France, and as their last sight of land had been the Azores, the naming of the islands on the Great Bank the Azores is in keeping with their custom in this regard.

38. (p. 147)—This is an intriguing, and we believe a distinctive statement from Biard, that the islands off the Gulf of St. Lawrence were once referred to as the "Azores of the Great Bank." The maps created by many early cartographers and explorers depict Newfoundland as a cluster of islands, or a large island surrounded by smaller ones, or "almost a single island."—See Winsor's N. and C. Hist., vol. i., pp. 74, 77, 79, 93, 379. Since Newfoundland was the first land that voyagers in New France spotted, and their last sight of land had been the Azores, naming the islands on the Great Bank the Azores aligns with their naming customs.

39. (p. 149)—Ennemond Massé, S. J., born at Lyons, 1574; died at Sillery, Canada, 1646; admitted to the Society of Jesus at the age of twenty, and assigned to a chair of theology in Lyons; in 1608, chosen by Father Coton to accompany Biard to Acadia. He was again sent to Canada in 1625, with Charles Lalemant, Jean de Brébeuf, and two lay brothers. During the English occupation of Canada (1629-32), he was in France, but returned with Brébeuf in 1633. Rochemonteix (Jésuites, vol. i., p. 24). says of him: "Of an impetuous and violent nature, he had all he could do to restrain it. But, by vigilance and perseverance, he conquered it so well that he no longer seemed to have any strong impulses or passions. Industrious, unwearying, of robust health, he was prepared for the hardships of a distant mission by a life of penitence and denial, frequently fasting, sleeping upon hard boards, accustoming his taste to everything, and his body to extreme cold and heat. Although innocent as a child, he led the life of a penitential anchorite; in 3151608, they made him an Associate to Father Coton, then confessor and preacher to the king. But this austere apostle preferred a life of privation and sacrifice to that of the court. He chose Canada." Bressani's Relatione, to be given post, describes the death of Massé, who was one of the most notable of the missionaries of New France. A monument to his memory has been erected at Sillery. There is a difference of usage in the matter of accenting his name: Charlevoix, Winsor, and Parkman do not use the accent; but Champlain, Biard, and Cretineau-Joly do, and Faillon (Col. Fr., vol. i., p. 101) gives authorities for this usage, which we have preferred to adopt.

39. (p. 149)—Ennemond Massé, S.J., born in Lyon in 1574; died in Sillery, Canada, in 1646; joined the Society of Jesus at the age of twenty and was assigned to teach theology in Lyon; in 1608, he was chosen by Father Coton to accompany Biard to Acadia. He was sent back to Canada in 1625, along with Charles Lalemant, Jean de Brébeuf, and two lay brothers. During the English occupation of Canada (1629-32), he stayed in France but returned with Brébeuf in 1633. Rochemonteix (Jésuites, vol. i., p. 24) says about him: "With an impulsive and intense nature, he worked hard to control it. However, through vigilance and perseverance, he managed to conquer it to the point where he no longer seemed driven by strong impulses or passions. Hardworking and tireless, blessed with strong health, he prepared for the difficulties of a distant mission by living a life of penance and self-denial, often fasting, sleeping on hard boards, training his taste to accept everything, and his body to endure extreme cold and heat. Although innocent like a child, he lived like a penitent hermit; in 3151608, he was made an Associate to Father Coton, who was then the confessor and preacher to the king. But this strict apostle preferred a life of hardship and sacrifice over that of the court. He chose Canada." Bressani's Relatione, to be provided post, discusses the death of Massé, who was one of the most significant missionaries of New France. A monument in his honor has been set up at Sillery. There is a difference in how his name is accented: Charlevoix, Winsor, and Parkman do not use the accent; however, Champlain, Biard, and Cretineau-Joly do, and Faillon (Col. Fr., vol. i., p. 101) offers references for this usage, which we have chosen to adopt.

40. (p. 151)—Bourinot (Canad. Mo., vol. vii., p. 292) says Canso is a Souriquois word meaning "facing the frowning cliff;" also, that "the strait was long called after the Sieur de Fronsac, one of the early gentlemen adventurers who held large estates in Acadia." It is shown as detroit de Fronsac on Chabert's map (1750); it is Camceau on Champlain's map of 1632; it sometimes appears as Campceau on old French documents; and is spelled both Canceaux and Canso in the official correspondence between France and England in the eighteenth century. In 1779, the fisheries of Canso were worth £50,000 a year to England. See Murdoch's History of Nova Scotia (Halifax, 1865-67), vol. ii, p. 597.

40. (p. 151)—Bourinot (Canad. Mo., vol. vii., p. 292) states that Canso is a Souriquois word meaning "facing the frowning cliff;" he also mentions that "the strait was long known after the Sieur de Fronsac, one of the early gentlemen adventurers who owned large estates in Acadia." It is labeled as detroit de Fronsac on Chabert's map (1750); it is shown as Camceau on Champlain's map of 1632; it sometimes appears as Campceau in old French documents; and is spelled both Canceaux and Canso in the official correspondence between France and England in the eighteenth century. In 1779, the fisheries of Canso were valued at £50,000 a year to England. See Murdoch's History of Nova Scotia (Halifax, 1865-67), vol. ii, p. 597.

41. (p. 151)—Lescarbot states that they arrived at night, three hours after sunset.—Relation dernière (Bans, 1612), to be given post.

41. (p. 151)—Lescarbot mentions that they arrived at night, three hours after sunset.—Final Report (Bans, 1612), to be sent after.

42. (p. 153)—Cap de la Hève, now known as Cape La Have, is the southern point of La Have Island, off New Dublin Bay, one of many indentations of the coast of the township of New Dublin, Lunenburg County, Nova Scotia. The cape is a picturesque cliff or bluff rising 107 feet above tide level, and visible a long distance out to sea. When De Monts and Champlain left Havre de Grâce, France, in March, 1604, Cap de la Hève, in the suburb of St. Adresse, must have been the last land seen by them; as this cliff off New Dublin was probably the first sighted by them in La Cadie, it was natural that they should name it after the famous French landmark. There are evidences on La Have Island of an early French settlement, of which there appear to be no records; although it is known that Saussaye planted a cross there, May 16, 1613. De Laet, in describing Cadie (1633) says: "Near Cap de la Hève lies a port of the same name, 44° 5' north latitude, with safe anchorage."—See Des Brisay's Hist. of Co. of Lunenburg, N. S. (2d ed., Toronto, 1895), pp. 166 et seq. The Editor is also indebted to F. Blake Crofton, secretary of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, for information under this head.

42. (p. 153)—Cape La Have, the southern point of La Have Island off New Dublin Bay, is one of the many indentations along the coast of New Dublin in Lunenburg County, Nova Scotia. This cape is a scenic cliff that rises 107 feet above sea level and can be seen from far out at sea. When De Monts and Champlain left Havre de Grâce, France, in March 1604, Cap de la Hève in the suburb of St. Adresse was likely the last land they spotted; since this cliff off New Dublin was probably the first they saw in La Cadie, it made sense for them to name it after the well-known French landmark. There are signs of an early French settlement on La Have Island, though there don't seem to be any records; it is known that Saussaye planted a cross there on May 16, 1613. De Laet, in his description of Cadie (1633), states: "Near Cap de la Hève lies a port of the same name, 44° 5' north latitude, with safe anchorage."—See Des Brisay's Hist. of Co. of Lunenburg, N. S. (2d ed., Toronto, 1895), pp. 166 et seq. The Editor also thanks F. Blake Crofton, secretary of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, for information on this topic.

316 43. (p. 163)—People from St. Malo, France. Spelled also by Biard, post, Malouines.

316 43. (p. 163)—Residents of St. Malo, France. Also spelled by Biard as post, Malouines.

44. (p. 169)—Robert, the son of Pontgravé, who had escaped from custody, and had been in hiding in the forest. See Parkman's Pioneers, pp. 265, 290; also, Lescarbot's reference to him, ante.

44. (p. 169)—Robert, the son of Pontgravé, who had broken out of custody and had been hiding in the forest. See Parkman's Pioneers, pp. 265, 290; also, Lescarbot's reference to him, ante.

45. (p. 181)—Referring to Queen Blanche of Castile (1187-1252), regent after the death of her husband, Louis VIII., during the absence of her son, Louis IX. (Saint Louis), in the Holy Land.

45. (p. 181)—This refers to Queen Blanche of Castile (1187-1252), who was the regent after her husband, Louis VIII., died, while her son, Louis IX. (Saint Louis), was away in the Holy Land.

46. (p. 197)—Joseph Jouvency (also written Juvency, Jouvenci, and Jouvancy), Jesuit historian, an eminent litterateur of his time. Born in Paris, September 14, 1643; died at Rome, May 29, 1719. In 1659, he was admitted to the Society of Jesus, for many years filling the position of professor of rhetoric at La Flèche, and devoting much time to historical and classical research. After taking his vows in 1677, he was sent to Rome, as one of the staff of writers upon Historia Societatis Jesu.

46. (p. 197)—Joseph Jouvency (also spelled Juvency, Jouvenci, and Jouvancy), a Jesuit historian and a prominent writer of his time. He was born in Paris on September 14, 1643, and died in Rome on May 29, 1719. In 1659, he joined the Society of Jesus and served for many years as a rhetoric professor at La Flèche, dedicating a lot of time to historical and classical studies. After he took his vows in 1677, he was sent to Rome to be part of the writing team for Historia Societatis Jesu.

47. (p. 197)—Count Ernest von Mansfeld, soldier of fortune, conspicuous in the Thirty Years War. Born, 1585; died, 1626, soon after his defeat by Wallenstein at the bridge of Dessau. His great army of mercenaries was, according to Motley (John of Barneveld, vol. ii., p. 32), "the earliest type, perhaps, of the horrible military vermin destined to feed so many years on the unfortunate dismembered carcass of Germany." Cf. Kohlrausch's History of Germany (Haas trans.), pp. 320, 326. Concerning the campaign of Louis XIII., against the Huguenots (1622), and Count von Mansfeld's part therein, see Kitchin's History of France, pp. 497, 498.

47. (p. 197)—Count Ernest von Mansfeld, a mercenary during the Thirty Years War. Born in 1585; died in 1626, shortly after being defeated by Wallenstein at the bridge of Dessau. His large army of mercenaries was, as Motley notes in John of Barneveld, vol. ii., p. 32, "possibly the first example of the dreadful military parasites that would prey on the unfortunate remnants of Germany for so many years." See also Kohlrausch's History of Germany (Haas trans.), pp. 320, 326. For information about Louis XIII.'s campaign against the Huguenots in 1622, and Count von Mansfeld's involvement, refer to Kitchin's History of France, pp. 497, 498.

48. (p. 199)—Philip Alegambe, a Jesuit scholar (Flemish). Died in 1652, while superior of the house of his order at Rome. He was the leading writer upon Bibliotheca Scriptorum Societatis Jesu (1643).

48. (p. 199)—Philip Alegambe, a Jesuit scholar from Flanders. He died in 1652 while serving as the head of his order's house in Rome. He was the main author of Bibliotheca Scriptorum Societatis Jesu (1643).

49. (p. 219)—Seven Islands. A group at the mouth of the St. Lawrence River, near the northerly shore of the gulf.

49. (p. 219)—Seven Islands. A collection of islands located at the mouth of the St. Lawrence River, close to the northern shore of the gulf.

50. (p. 219)—Chicoutimi River, rising in numerous small lakes near Lake St. John, pursues a picturesque course, frequently interrupted by rapids, eastward and northeastward into the Saguenay. At the junction, seventy-five miles above the mouth of the latter, is now the important lumber-shipping port of Chicoutimi, at whose wharves ocean-going vessels are laden. The old missionary district of that name included the rugged country lying south and southwest of Lake St. John.

50. (p. 219)—The Chicoutimi River, which starts in several small lakes near Lake St. John, flows along a scenic route, often interrupted by rapids, heading east and northeast into the Saguenay. At the confluence, seventy-five miles upstream from the mouth of the Saguenay, is the significant lumber-shipping port of Chicoutimi, where ocean-going vessels are loaded at its docks. The old missionary district of the same name encompassed the rugged terrain located south and southwest of Lake St. John.

51. (p. 221)—The French Jesuits definitely abandoned the Iroquois field in 1687, owing to the rising power of the English. In 1701, Bruyas was again on the ground, being joined the year following by De Lamberville, Garnier, and Le Valliant, and later by 317D'Hue and De Marieul. The entire party was driven out in 1708, and many of their Iroquois converts retired with them to the mission of Caughnawaga, near Montreal.

51. (p. 221)—The French Jesuits completely left the Iroquois region in 1687 because of the growing strength of the English. In 1701, Bruyas returned to the area, and the following year, he was joined by De Lamberville, Garnier, and Le Valliant, followed later by 317D'Hue and De Marieul. The entire group was forced out in 1708, and many of their Iroquois converts left with them to the mission at Caughnawaga, near Montreal.

52. (p. 221)—The Iroquois Mission of St. Francis Xavier was founded in 1669 by Iroquois Christians,—emigrants from the "castles" of the Five Nations. The mission was finally removed to Sault St. Louis, on the St. Lawrence, and called Caughnawaga, from the Indian village of that name on the Mohawk, where had also been a Jesuit mission.

52. (p. 221)—The Iroquois Mission of St. Francis Xavier was established in 1669 by Iroquois Christians who had moved from the "castles" of the Five Nations. Eventually, the mission was relocated to Sault St. Louis, on the St. Lawrence River, and was named Caughnawaga, after the Indian village of the same name on the Mohawk, which previously also had a Jesuit mission.

53. (p. 221)—Lake Michigan. Called Lac des Puants on Champlain's map of 1632, in reference to the Winnebago tribe (Puants) on Green Bay; in several of the Relations, and on Marquette's map (1674), it is styled Lac des Illinois, from the Illinois Indians upon its southern coast; Allouez calls it (1675) Lac St. Joseph, because of Fort and River St. Josephs on the southeast coast; Coronelli's map (1688) honors the Dauphin by calling the lake after him; Hennepin comes the nearest to modern usage, in his name, Michigonong.

53. (p. 221)—Lake Michigan. It was called Lac des Puants on Champlain's map from 1632, referring to the Winnebago tribe (Puants) near Green Bay; in several of the Relations, and on Marquette's map (1674), it's referred to as Lac des Illinois, named after the Illinois Indians along its southern shore; Allouez refers to it (1675) as Lac St. Joseph, due to Fort and River St. Josephs on the southeast coast; Coronelli's map (1688) honors the Dauphin by naming the lake after him; Hennepin comes closest to today's terminology with his name, Michigonong.

54. (p. 221)—Lake Huron, which has figured under many titles, in the old maps and chronicles. This name has reference to the Indian family upon its eastern shores. Champlain first named it La Mer Douce, ("The Fresh Sea"), and later Lac des Attigouantan, after the chief tribe of the Hurons; Sanson's map (1657) names it Karegnondi; Coronelli's map (1688) christens it Lac d'Orleans; Colden in one place gives it as Quatoghe, and in another as Caniatare. Lac des Hurons first appears in the map accompanying the Relation for 1670-71.

54. (p. 221)—Lake Huron has been known by many names throughout old maps and histories. This name refers to the Native American community along its eastern shores. Champlain initially called it La Mer Douce, which means "The Fresh Sea," and later referred to it as Lac des Attigouantan, named after the main tribe of the Hurons. Sanson's map from 1657 labels it Karegnondi; Coronelli's map from 1688 names it Lac d'Orleans; Colden refers to it as Quatoghe in one instance and Caniatare in another. Lac des Hurons first appears on the map that accompanied the Relation for 1670-71.

55. (p. 221)—The mission of St. Ignace was founded by Marquette, in 1670, on Point St. Ignace, on the mainland north of and opposite the Island of Michillimackinac (now shortened to Mackinaw or Mackinac, as fancy dictates). The term Michillimackinac, variously spelled, was applied by the earliest French not only to the island and straits of that name, but in general to the great peninsula lying north of the straits.

55. (p. 221)—The St. Ignace mission was established by Marquette in 1670 on Point St. Ignace, on the mainland north of and directly across from Michillimackinac Island (now often referred to as Mackinaw or Mackinac, depending on preference). The name Michillimackinac, which was spelled in various ways, was originally used by early French settlers to refer not only to the island and the straits but also more broadly to the large peninsula located north of the straits.

56. (p. 221)—The mission of Sault Ste. Marie, at the outlet of Lake Superior, was founded by Raimbault and Jogues in 1640. The place was always an important rallying-point for the natives, and naturally became the center of a wide-spreading fur trade, which lasted, under French, English, and American dominations in turn, until about 1840.

56. (p. 221)—The mission of Sault Ste. Marie, at the mouth of Lake Superior, was established by Raimbault and Jogues in 1640. This location has always been a key gathering spot for the native tribes and eventually became the hub of a large fur trade, which continued, under French, English, and American control in succession, until around 1840.

57. (p. 221)—The Western mission of St. Francis Xavier was founded by Allouez in 1669, at the first rapids in the Fox River (of Green Bay), on the east side of the river, in what is now the city of Depere, Wis. An important Indian village had from the earliest historic times been located there.

57. (p. 221)—The Western mission of St. Francis Xavier was started by Allouez in 1669, at the first rapids in the Fox River (near Green Bay), on the east side of the river, in what is now the city of De Pere, Wisconsin. A significant Native American village has been situated there since early historical times.

318 58. (p. 223)—Outaouaki = Ottawas; Puteatamis = Pottawattomies; Kikarous = Kickapoos; Outagamies = Foxes; Oumiamis = Miamis.

59. (p. 223)—Bayagoulas, one of the Louisiana missions, of which Father Paul du Ru, S. J., was in charge in 1700. Shea's Catholic Missions, p. 443.

59. (p. 223)—Bayagoulas, one of the Louisiana missions, was overseen by Father Paul du Ru, S. J., in 1700. See Shea's Catholic Missions, p. 443.

60. (p. 227)—An anonymous writer in The Catholic World, (vol. xii., p. 629) makes the statement that Quentin and Du Thet were sent out to replace Biard and Massé "if they had perished; otherwise to return to France." Contemporary writers, however, speak of their coming as a reinforcement.

60 (p. 227)—An anonymous author in The Catholic World, (vol. xii., p. 629) asserts that Quentin and Du Thet were dispatched to replace Biard and Massé "if they had died; otherwise to return to France." Modern writers, however, describe their arrival as a reinforcement.

61. (p. 227)—On what came to be known as Frenchman's Bay, on the east side of the island of Mount Desert. Parkman says (Pioneers, ed. 1865, p. 276, note): "Probably all of Frenchman's Bay was included under the name of the Harbor of St. Sauveur. The landing-place so called seems to have been near the entrance of the bay, certainly south of Bar Harbor. The Indian name of the Island of Mount Desert was Penetic. Its present name was given by Champlain."

61. (p. 227)—On what is now known as Frenchman's Bay, located on the east side of Mount Desert Island. Parkman states (Pioneers, ed. 1865, p. 276, note): "It’s likely that all of Frenchman's Bay was referred to as the Harbor of St. Sauveur. The landing spot by that name seems to have been near the entrance of the bay, definitely south of Bar Harbor. The island's original name was Penetic. The name we use today was given by Champlain."

62. (p. 227)—The "Jonas," conspicuous in the annals of Acadia from the time in which Poutrincourt and Lescarbot sailed in her for Port Royal, in 1606, to her capture by Argall in 1613. Parkman aptly calls her "the 'Mayflower' of the Jesuits."

62. (p. 227)—The "Jonas" stands out in the history of Acadia from when Poutrincourt and Lescarbot sailed her to Port Royal in 1606 until her capture by Argall in 1613. Parkman fittingly refers to her as "the 'Mayflower' of the Jesuits."

63. (p. 229)—Samuel Argall, born in Bristol, England, 1572; died, 1639. See Cooke's Virginia (Amer. Commonwealths ser.), pp. 111-113, for a fair estimate of this tempestuous character. Folsom's "Expedition of Captain Samuel Argal," to N. Y. Hist. Colls. (new ser.); vol. i., pp. 333-342, goes over that ground quite completely.

63. (p. 229)—Samuel Argall, born in Bristol, England, in 1572; died in 1639. For a fair assessment of this turbulent figure, see Cooke's Virginia (Amer. Commonwealths series), pp. 111-113. Folsom's "Expedition of Captain Samuel Argal," in N. Y. Hist. Colls. (new series); vol. i., pp. 333-342, covers this topic quite thoroughly.

64. (p. 231)—Sir Thomas Dale, the predecessor of Argall as governor of Virginia; he was in the service of the Low Countries, 1588-95, and 1606-10; in 1611, he entered the service of the Virginia Company, where he remained five years as governor of the colony; and in 1619 he died at Masulipatam, while in command of an expedition to the East Indies.

64. (p. 231)—Sir Thomas Dale, who served as governor of Virginia before Argall; he was in the service of the Low Countries from 1588 to 1595 and again from 1606 to 1610. In 1611, he joined the Virginia Company, where he served as governor of the colony for five years. He passed away in 1619 at Masulipatam while leading an expedition to the East Indies.

65. (p. 233)—The charge was freely made at the time, that Biard and Massé, incensed at Biencourt, who had been unkind to them, piloted Argall to Port Royal. Poutrincourt and Lescarbot, disliking the Jesuits, naturally believed it, and the former addressed the French admiralty court on the subject, under the date of July 18, 1614.—See Lescarbot's Nouv. France, book v., chap. 14. Champlain discredited the charge, saying that Argall compelled an Indian to serve as pilot. Cf. Parkman's Pioneers, pp. 313 et seq., and Biard's own statements, post (Letter to T.-R. Général, May 6, 1614; and Relation of 1616).

65. (p. 233)—At the time, it was openly claimed that Biard and Massé, angry with Biencourt for his unkindness towards them, guided Argall to Port Royal. Poutrincourt and Lescarbot, who weren't fans of the Jesuits, naturally believed this, and Poutrincourt brought the matter before the French admiralty court on July 18, 1614.—See Lescarbot's Nouv. France, book v., chap. 14. Champlain dismissed the accusation, stating that Argall forced an Indian to act as pilot. Cf. Parkman's Pioneers, pp. 313 et seq., and Biard's own statements, post (Letter to T.-R. Général, May 6, 1614; and Relation of 1616).

319 66. (p. 233)—Argall's lieutenant, in command of the captured "Jonas." According to Parkman (Pioneers, p. 318), he was "an officer of merit, a scholar, and linguist," treating his prisoners with kindness.

319 66. (p. 233)—Argall's lieutenant, who was in charge of the captured "Jonas." According to Parkman (Pioneers, p. 318), he was "a commendable officer, a scholar, and a linguist," treating his prisoners with kindness.

67. (p. 251)—Reference is here made to Lake Champlain, the Mer des Iroquois and Lacus Irocoisiensis of the early French cartographers. Richelieu River was at first styled Rivière des Iroquois. In a letter of John Winthrop to Lord Arlington, dated Boston, Oct. 25, 1666, Lake Champlain is referred to as Lake Hiracoies.—N. Y. Colon. Docs., iii., p. 138. See also, Palmer's History of Lake Champlain (Albany, 1866), pp. 12, 13; and Blaeu's maps of 1662 and 1685, in Winsor's N. and C. Hist., vol. iv., p. 391.

67. (p. 251)—This refers to Lake Champlain, the Mer des Iroquois, and Lacus Irocoisiensis as noted by early French mapmakers. The Richelieu River was initially called Rivière des Iroquois. In a letter from John Winthrop to Lord Arlington, dated Boston, Oct. 25, 1666, Lake Champlain is mentioned as Lake Hiracoies.—N. Y. Colon. Docs., iii., p. 138. See also Palmer's History of Lake Champlain (Albany, 1866), pp. 12, 13; and Blaeu's maps from 1662 and 1685 in Winsor's N. and C. Hist., vol. iv., p. 391.

68. (p. 253)—The gar-pike (Lepidosteus osseus). A picture of this "armored fish" is given in Creuxius's Historia Canadensis (Paris, 1664), p. 50.

68. (p. 253)—The gar-pike (Lepidosteus osseus). A photo of this "armored fish" is found in Creuxius's Historia Canadensis (Paris, 1664), p. 50.

69. (p. 253)—Jouvency plainly refers to what is still known as Bird Island, of Bird Rocks, in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, N. W. of Cabot Strait. Authorities disagree in locating the Bird Island of Cartier's first voyage. See Hakluyt's Voyages (Goldsmid ed.), vol. xiii., pt. i, p. 78; Shea's Charlevoix, vol. i., p. 112, note; both indicating that what is now called Funk Island, off the eastern coast of Newfoundland, was the Bird Island of Cartier. Kingsford, in History of Canada (Toronto, 1887), vol. i., p. 3, identifies it, however, with the present Bird Island of the Gulf. Champlain's map of 1613 has a Bird Island near the mouth of the Bay of Fundy. Anspach, in History of Newfoundland (London, 1819), p. 317, says: "Fogo Island [N. W. of Cape Freels] is described in the old maps by the name of Aves, or Birds' Island."

69. (p. 253)—Jouvency clearly mentions what is still called Bird Island, or Bird Rocks, located in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, northwest of Cabot Strait. Experts disagree on the location of the Bird Island from Cartier's first voyage. See Hakluyt's Voyages (Goldsmid ed.), vol. xiii., pt. i, p. 78; Shea's Charlevoix, vol. i., p. 112, note; both suggest that Funk Island, off the eastern coast of Newfoundland, is the Bird Island referred to by Cartier. However, Kingsford in History of Canada (Toronto, 1887), vol. i., p. 3, identifies it with the current Bird Island in the Gulf. Champlain's map from 1613 shows a Bird Island near the mouth of the Bay of Fundy. Anspach in History of Newfoundland (London, 1819), p. 317, notes: "Fogo Island [northwest of Cape Freels] is identified in the old maps as Aves, or Birds' Island."

70. (p. 269)—The Montagnais, a wretched tribe of nomads, were, at this time, chiefly centered upon the banks of the Saguenay River.

70. (p. 269)—The Montagnais, a struggling group of nomads, were primarily located along the banks of the Saguenay River at this time.

71. (p. 281)—Venus mercenaria, the round clam, or quahaug.

320

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Transcriber's Note.

Variable spelling and hyphenation have been retained. Minor punctuation inconsistencies have been silently repaired.

Variable spelling and hyphenation have been kept as they are. Minor punctuation inconsistencies have been quietly fixed.

Corrections.

The first line indicates the original, the second the correction.

The first line shows the original, the second shows the correction.

p. 49:

p. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__:

except the last sentence on p. 24; p. 49 numbered ""
except the last sentence on p. 24; p. 46 numbered ""

p. 110:

p. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__:

8. La 5. fille dudit Louïs a eu nom Iehanne ainsi nõmée par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt au nõ d'une de ses filles. []
8. La 5. fille dudit Louïs a eu nom Iehanne ainsi nõmée par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt au nõ d'une de ses filles. [46]

p. 153:

p. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__:

soon arrived at Port Royal, while Monsieur de Potrincour
soon arrived at Port Royal, while Monsieur de Potrincourt

p. 196:

p. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__:

charitas, an patient.
charitas, an patientia.

p. 198:

p. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__:

Deumque nesciens Hærisis
Deumque nesciens Hæresis

p. 200:

p. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__:

cùm Auenionem diverted
cùm Auenionem diuertisset

p. 224:

p. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__:

nisi anno seculi superioris quinto & vigemo
nisi anno seculi superioris quinto & vigesimo

p. 276:

p. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__:

præterea in veniret
præterea inveniret

p. 288:

p. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__:

Hæc ratio ineptissimat antam vim apud barbaras mentes habebat
Hæc ratio ineptitude so great vim apud barbaras mentes habebat

p. 311:

p. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__:

Pierre Biard, S. J., writer of several of the early Acadian Relations, was born at Grenoble, France, 1657
Pierre Biard, S. J., writer of several of the early Acadian Relations, was born at Grenoble, France, 1567

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Transcriber's Note.

THE JESUIT RELATIONS AND ALLIED DOCUMENTS Vol. 1.

EDITORIAL STAFF

GENERAL PREFACE

CONTENTS OF VOL. I

ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. I

INTRODUCTION

The Native Americans.

I. The Abenaki Mission.

II. The Montagnais Mission.

III. The Quebec and Montreal Missions.

IV. The Huron Mission.

V. The Iroquois Project.

VI. The Ottawa Mission.

VII. The Louisiana Project.

The Relationships.

PREFACE TO VOL. I

Lescarbot's The Conversion of Savages

[iii] A la Royne.

[iii] To the Queen. 1

[vi] Extraict du Priuilege du Roy.

[vi] Extract from the Royal License.

[7] La Conversion des Sauvages qui ont esté baptisez en la Nouuelle-France, cette annee 1610.

[7] The Conversion of the Savages who have been baptized in New France during this year, 1610.

[45] Extrait dv Regitre de Bapteme de l'Eglise dv Port Royal en la Nouvelle France. Le iovr Sainct Iehan Baptiste 24. de Iuin.

[45] Extract from the Register of Baptism in the Church of Port Royal, New France. The day of Saint John the Baptist, June 24.

Bertrand's Letter

[3] Lettre Missive, Tovchant la Conversion et 120 Baptesme du Grand Sagamos de la nouuelle France, qui en estoit auparauant l'arriuée des François chef & souuerain.

[3] A Letter Missive in regard to the Conversion121 and Baptism of the Grand Sagamore of new France, who was, before the arrival of the French, its chief and sovereign.

[1] PREMIÈRE MISSION DES JÉSUITES AU CANADA.[I.]

NOTES:

[1] FIRST MISSION OF THE JESUITS IN CANADA.[II.] 26

FOOTNOTES:

[9] Lettre du P. Biard, au R. P. Christophe Baltazar, Provincial de France a Paris.

NOTES:

[9] Letter from Father Biard to Reverend Father Christopher Baltazar, Provincial of France, at Paris.

FOOTNOTES:

[39] Lettre du Père Ennemond Masse au R. P. Claude Aquaviva, Général de la Compagnie de Jésus.

[39] Letter from Father Ennemond Masse to Reverend Father Claude Aquaviva, General of the Society of Jesus.

[41] Lettre du P. Pierre Biard, au T.-R. P. Claude Aquaviva, Général de la Compagnie de Jésus.

[41] Letter from Father Pierre Biard, to the Very Reverend Father Claude Aquaviva, General of the Society of Jesus.

Jouvency's Report on Canadian Missions

[i] P. Petri Biardi Eulogium ac Vita.

[i] Eulogy and Life of Father Peter Biard.

[vii] Tabvla Rervm.

[vii] Table of Contents.

Missionis Canadicæ Relatio.

An Account of the Canadian Mission.

INITIUM CANADICÆ MISSIONIS, & PRIMI FRUCTUS.

BEGINNING AND FIRST FRUITS OF THE CANADIAN MISSION.

DOMICILIA SOCIETATIS & MISSIONES IN NOVA FRANCIA.

SETTLEMENTS AND MISSIONS OF THE SOCIETY IN NEW FRANCE.

MISSIO CANADENSIS AB ANGLIS PROTURBATA.

THE CANADIAN MISSION DRIVEN OUT BY THE ENGLISH.

UNUS È SOCIETATE INTERFICITUR; ALII CANADA EJICIUNTUR.

ONE OF THE MEMBERS OF THE SOCIETY IS KILLED; THE OTHERS ARE EXPELLED FROM CANADA.

APPENDIX.

APPENDIX.

JOUVENCY'S

[3] Tabula Rerum

[3] Table of Contents.

[344 §. x.] De regione ac moribus Canadensium, seu barbarorum Novæ Franciæ.

FLUMINA NOVÆ FRANCIÆ; SOLI NATURA; FERÆ, PISCES, AVES, & C.

[344 § x.] Concerning the country and manners of the Savages of New France.

RIVERS OF NEW FRANCE; NATURE OF THE SOIL; WILD BEASTS, FISH, BIRDS, ETC.

CANADENSIUM DOMUS & RES FAMILIARIS; MORBI; ÆGRORUM CURA & MORTUORUM.

HOMES AND HOUSEHOLD ECONOMY OF THE CANADIANS; DISEASES; TREATMENT OF THE SICK AND OF THE DEAD.

BELLI GERENDI RATIO; ARMA; CRUDELITAS IN CAPTIVOS.

METHODS OF WARFARE; WEAPONS; CRUELTY TO PRISONERS.

INDOLES ANIMI: CORPORIS CULTUS: CIBI, CONVIVIA; SUPELLEX: RELIGIO, & SUPERSTITIONES.

MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS; CARE OF THE BODY; FOOD; FEASTS; HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS; RELIGION AND SUPERSTITIONS.

[51] Rerum Insigniorum Indiculus.

[51] Index of Prominent Topics.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. I

I

II

III-VI

VII

VIII

FOOTNOTES:

THE JESUIT RELATIONS
AND
ALLIED DOCUMENTS
Vol. 1.